shaping the lotus sutra: buddhist visual culture in medieval chinaby eugene y. wang

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Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval China by Eugene Y. Wang Review by: Claudia Wenzel The Art Bulletin, Vol. 90, No. 3 (Sep., 2008), pp. 487-489 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20619623 . Accessed: 15/06/2014 11:30 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . College Art Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Art Bulletin. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 185.44.77.82 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 11:30:25 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

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Page 1: Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval Chinaby Eugene Y. Wang

Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval China by Eugene Y. WangReview by: Claudia WenzelThe Art Bulletin, Vol. 90, No. 3 (Sep., 2008), pp. 487-489Published by: College Art AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20619623 .

Accessed: 15/06/2014 11:30

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

College Art Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The ArtBulletin.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 185.44.77.82 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 11:30:25 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Page 2: Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval Chinaby Eugene Y. Wang

Reviews

EUGENE Y. WANG

Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval China Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005. 501 pp.; 21 color ills., 119 b/w.

$60.00

Eugene Wang's book on the world of the

Lotus S?tra in medieval China is a new and

challenging contribution to the field of art

history of east Asia, an ambitious undertak

ing that explores the visual culture of the

most important and popular Buddhist scrip ture in China. While Wang's main focus is

on the popular genre of painting called

transformation tableaux (jingbian) found

among murals in the cave temples at Dun

huang, he has no hesitation in turning to a

wide range of visual and textual materials to

outline the proper spatial, temporal, and

cognitive contexts of Lotus S?tra imagery.

Shaping the Lotus Sutra is also a book about

the complicated relation between text and

image, including the "gap between textual

and pictorial representation" (p. xiv) that

Wang bridges in an unconservative method

ological manner. Instead of treating Chi

nese Lotus S?tra depictions in a systematic

chronological order, Wang takes the Lotus

S?tra as a linchpin for observations about

Buddhist pictorial art and culture of mainly the seventh and eighth centuries and carries

these observations beyond traditional art

historical categories and considerations of

iconography. One of Wang's major claims is that "a cer

tain mental topography or imaginary world"

(p. xiv) shaped Lotus S?tra representations and determined what was depicted and how

it was depicted, as well as what was not de

picted at all. This position causes Wang to

overemphasize the role of the individual

painter (see especially chapters 2 and 5), almost to the neglect of the influence of

wealthy donors, workshops, and clergy mem

bers who advised painters and craftsmen in

religious matters.1 In the course of his book

Wang elucidates "a collective 'protopicture,' or mental picture?the sort of stuff that

dreams are made of, so to speak" (p. 75). The main strength of the book lies in

Wang's ability to analyze and describe visual

objects according to their inherent composi tional principles, an ability that distin

guishes an excellent art historian from the common observer of art. In this respect,

chapter 5, titled "Mirroring and Transfor

mation," is truly outstanding in detecting

the guiding principles of "the visual culture

of world making" (p. xiii). He knows how to

surprise his readers with unexpected, and

eye-opening, juxtapositions of Buddhist and

non-Buddhist pictorial schemes and illumi

nating diagrams. In addition, the book of

fers numerous side-by-side illustrations of a

certain sculpture or a painting in photo

graphs and in drawings, sometimes even in

rubbings. These are helpful devices for the

reader to survey quickly the visual materials.

For all this, the book is characterized by less

than thorough research, and this reader was

often puzzled by conclusions that did not

appear to match the visual evidence.

In the first chapter, Wang deals with the

motif of the "Many Treasures Stupa" from

chapter 11 of the Lotus S?tra. His aim is to

show how this very popular image of the

twin Buddhas S?kyamuni and Prabh?taratna

sitting side by side can be connected to pre Buddhist models in China, since it was un

known in India and central Asia. Further, the Many Treasures Stupa motif "consti

tute [s] a locus around which a topography of visionary experience could be built"

(p. xxiii) for the further development of the

imagery of the Lotus S?tra. Wang then dis

cusses several versions of the Many Trea

sures Stupa motif and their accompanying votive inscriptions, from the first extant wall

painting in Cave 169 at Binglingsi (420 CE) to sculpted images in the cave temples of

Yungang, the earliest one dated to 489 CE

in the imperially donated Cave 5.

In Yungang Cave 38, which was founded

by a certain Wu family in the early sixth

century, Wang finds a good example of a

cave whose "temporal-spatial scheme ... is

remarkably consistent," which he describes

as a "chronotope" (p. 55). While the main

wall is dominated by an image of the Many Treasures Stupa, the side walls are occupied

by depictions of the Six Buddhas of the

Past, Buddha S?kyamuni, and Maitreya. The

author identifies Buddha S?kyamuni in a

pointed arch niche and his predestined suc

cessor, the bodhisattva Maitreya, above in a

trabeated niche on the east wall. He points out that the Buddha figure seated with pen dant legs on the west wall also represents

Maitreya, as the trabeated niche in which he

sits indicates. In this cave he identifies "two

distinct spatial and temporal realms" (p. 57) in alluding to the two aspects of the Mai

treya cult, well known since Jan Nattier's

study of 1988,2 namely, the ascent to Tusita

Heaven, where the bodhisattva Maitreya can

be met here and now, and the descent to

Maitreya's paradise in Ketumati, where the

Buddhist believers might join his "Three assemblies under the Dragon Flower Tree

there and in the future" (Wang's italics).

Wang prefers to identify the west wall Bud

dha as "Maitreya Buddha presiding over the

Tusita Heaven and greeting the newly ar

rived deceased soul" (p. 57). However, he

gives no explanation why Maitreya should

be depicted twice in Tusita Heaven, first as

a bodhisattva and second as a Buddha. This

does not make sense because Maitreya will

achieve Buddhahood in our world and not

in Tusita Heaven, albeit in a distant future.

It turns out that Wang needs the "Maitreya Buddha in Tusita Heaven interpretation" because of the motif of flying apsaras, or

heavenly musicians, that is more prominent on the north and west walls than it is on the

east wall (but not, as he states on p. 65, to

tally absent). The flying apsaras serve him as

a station on the way that the soul of the Wu

family's deceased son is supposed to take

from the Many Treasures Stupa upward to

the ceiling, where more apsaras ride fantas

tic animals, and then further on to the so

called Buddha Maitreya in Tusita Heaven, where two newborn figures on lotuses are

shown on the trapezoidal arch above the

Buddha niche. Again, since this widely used

motif of newborn figures is also found on

the arch of the opposite wall, where the

bodhisattva Maitreya sits, it cannot be ex

ploited for this interpretation.

Wang's treatment of Yungang Cave 38

exemplifies some of the methodological flaws in Shaping the Lotus Sutra that might be

characterized as a combination of negli

gence and interpretation toward a predeter mined end. This is also evident in Wang's new and provocative look at the Wei Wen

lang stela dated to 424 CE, so far the earli

est known stela of a distinct Buddhist-Daoist

flavor (figs. 1.22-23). Since Wang considers

the Wei Wenlang stela to be an important link between Han funerary carvings and the

Many Treasures Stupa motif from the Lotus

S?tra, he identifies the two figures inside

the big niche on the obverse as S?kyamuni and Prabh?taratna. The fact that the figure to the left does not look Buddhist at all but

wears a Daoist gown is explained as not un

usual for the early fifth century, when Bud

dhism still borrowed many concepts, as well

as terms, from the indigenous Daoist reli

gion. While Wang has a point in arguing that the wording fodao xiang of the votive

inscription might well be understood as "an

image of the Buddhist Way" instead of "a

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Page 3: Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval Chinaby Eugene Y. Wang

488 ART BULLETIN SEPTEMBER 2008 VOLUME XC NUMBER 3

Buddhist and Daoist image," his further

conclusions about the overall composition of the stela are less convincing. As in the

case of Yungang Cave 38, he reconstructs "a

symbolic topography traversed by the spirits of Wei's deceased parents" (p. 45) along the four sides of the stela. In fact, this as

sumed movement around the stela explains neither the change of hand gestures in the

two Daoist-clad figures on the left-hand side

of the stela that are still called "Buddhas"

nor the identity of the figure on the reverse,

which resembles a pensive bodhisattva but

one wearing a secular, or Daoist, robe.

Wang sees in this figure a meditative Mai

treya image that marks the end of the jour

ney of the deceased souls. This identifica

tion is problematic. As Junghee Lee has

demonstrated, not one single pensive bodhi

sattva figure in early Chinese Buddhist art

can be identified as an image of Maitreya.3 Rather, these figures represent Prince Sid

dh?rtha.4 Interpretations of the Wei Wen

lang stela as a Buddhist-Daoist stela5 or, as

Wang puts it, "a monstrous hybrid yoking

heterogeneous universes together" (p. 41), seem more reasonable, particularly in light of numerous Buddhist-Daoist stelae in the

museums of Yaoxian and Lintong in China

and in the Chicago Field Museum. These

stelae date from the sixth century on and

clearly illustrate how a particular Daoist ico

nography was formed, first by borrowing from Buddhist iconography, then by estab

lishing its own iconographic formulas.6

To justify the "journey of the soul" inter

pretation, Wang proposes that the composi tional scheme of a carriage procession

placed immediately beneath a niche with

two figures sitting side by side, as found on

the Wei Wenlang stela, was derived from

Han tomb carvings and bricks and repre sents "a boundary-crossing situation"

(p. 41). This might be true for the two

smaller figures sitting in an open building to the lower left of the main niche of the

Wei Wenlang stela that are identified as the

donor's parents in an inscription. But to

extend this argument to the twin figures of

the main niche stretches it too far.

In laying out chapters 2 and 3 in the in

troduction, Wang promises a new icono

graphic identification of the early-eighth

century Lotus S?tra tableau in Cave 217 at

Dunhuang, which he places in the tradition

of an "imaginary topography" (p. xxiv). In

an attempt to identify the scenes narrated

clockwise, starting from the lower right cor

ner of the composition, he looks through all the chapters of the Lotus S?tra for textual

cues, and he finds them not only in the

well-known parable of the "Burning House"

from chapter 3 but also in the four "peace ful acts" of bodhisattvas in chapter 14, the

story of the Medicine King from chapter 23,

and, last but not least, in the "Former Af

fairs of King Wonderful Adornment" from

chapter 27, which justifies the host of royal

persons whom Wang identifies on the left

side of the tableau (fig. 2.10). At times

Wang turns to sources outside the Lotus

S?tra for identification, for example, when

he explains the two figures next to a skele

ton, one kneeling and one standing (fig. 2.11 and p. 92), as two princes practicing the Lotus Sam?dhi, which had been de

scribed by the founder of the Tiantai

school, Zhiyi (538-597) in his Mohe zhiguan as "partly walking and partly sitting" (ban

xing banzuo). This association seems far

fetched; it does not correspond to what is

depicted, since the second figure is not

walking at all but standing next to the body,

slightly bending forward, with his arms

reaching out for the deceased in a gesture of mourning and despair. The new icono

graphic identification Wang introduces also

includes his recognition of the celestial

spheres on top of the painting as the Sum

mit of Being {Akanistha Heaven), inhabited

by ancestral spirits, which nicely fits into his

otherworld scenario of Chinese medieval

Buddhism.

To cut a long story short, the jingbian

painting on the south wall of Cave 217 has

recently, and more convincingly, been iden

tified as an illustration of the S?tra of the

Dh?rani of the fubilant Corona (Taish? no.

967.19.349-53). This identification has been

accepted and commented on by Wang Huimin from the Dunhuang Research Insti

tute.7 According to the new interpretation, the right side of the panel in Cave 217 tells the story of Buddhap?lita, traditionally re

garded as the translator of the Dh?rani of the

fubilant Corona, who traveled from Khotan

to China and met an old man on Mount

Wutai. This old man advised Buddhap?lita to return to his home country immediately to fetch the fubilant Corona. When the old

man suddenly disappeared, Buddhap?lita

recognized him as a divine manifestation

and traveled to central Asia. Buddhap?lita

finally brought the s?tra to China and pre sented it to the emperor, who gave orders

for its translation. The scene in Cave 217 of

Buddhap?lita's encounter with the old man

compares nicely to the large mural Manifes tations on Mount Wutai on the west wall of

Cave 61 at Dunhuang, where it is provided with an explanatory text in a cartouche.

Now we understand that the city with a

four-gated stupa inside, identified by Wang as the Phantom City of the Lotus S?tra, rep resents the place in central Asia where Bud

dhap?lita found the fubilant Corona. The

large palace compound underneath is by no

means an illustration of the parable of the

prodigal son; it actually shows the palace of

the Chinese emperor, to whom the scrip ture is presented. The scenes at the bottom

and left side of the painting depict ritual

uses of the fubilant Corona and the benefits

that are to be achieved by reciting or teach

ing it, including recovery from sickness and

safeguarding the passage of the souls of the

deceased to the heavens. Wang's "host of

royal persons" who listen to the teaching Buddha turn out to be Sakra Dev?n?m-In

dra and his entourage, who have just de

scended for this purpose from his heaven

on top of Mount Sumeru, which is shown

above, inhabited by more celestial beings. In light of this interpretation of the paint

ing in Cave 217, which neatly explains the

narrative sequence of all the scenes on the

right side of the painting and the majority of the remaining scenes, Wang's new inter

pretation comes across as rather unusual.

Certainly, Wang had remarked earlier that

"the celebration of the power and reward of

venerating the Lotus S?tra is the dominant

theme that dictates the assemblage of

scenes of both the bottom and left side of

the tableau" (p. 95), but he does not seem

to have considered that it might not be the

Lotus S?tra illustrated here but another

scripture more concerned with ritual. Wang observes that on the right side the "Phan

tom City centers on an exotic, foreign-look

ing stupa of Western Region style" (p. 116), but he did not recognize it as an illustration

of historical events in an uninterrupted nar

rative, representing the homeland of Bud

dhap?lita. In chapter 3, Wang takes the royal sce

nario of King Wonderful Adornment,

"which is certainly unusually prominent

compared with other narrative situations"

(p. 124), in Cave 217 as the point of depar ture to elaborate on the connection of the

donating Yin family with the imperial court

in Chang'an, and to assert the direct impact of court policy on the formation of the jing bian. He goes so far as to say that Empress

Wu Zetian's renewed interest in Daoism

about 700 CE left its traces on the tableau

in its depiction of several types of flights to

immortality that were current in Daoist

scriptures at that time. But since the trans

formation tableau in Cave 217 does not de

pict scenes from the Lotus S?tra, or the story about King Wonderful Adornment, there is

nothing left to sustain this claim.

In chapters 4 and 5, Wang traces two

modes of visual representation exemplified

by the tableau in Cave 217 to earlier exam

ples in Chinese art. The sequence of narra

tive scenes in a landscape setting at the bot

tom left- and right-hand sides of the panel is classified as a "topographic map," while

the central panel of the Buddha preaching to an assembly, constructed in a perspectival

mode, is compared in its visual function to

that of a mirror. Concerning the first visual

mode, Wang lines up Han dynasty vessels

with early topographic representations, bird

script decorations, a map from the tomb at

Mawangdui, and Daoist charts, in this case

on a mirror from the eighth century, to as

sert that they belong to a type of talismanic

picture that is continued in the Dunhuang wall paintings. As one example, he quotes the so-called Treasure Rain S?tra in Cave 321

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Page 4: Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval Chinaby Eugene Y. Wang

REVIEWS: D'SOUZA ON CHU 4?Q

(elsewhere alternatively identified as an il

lustration of the S?tra of the Ten Wheels, and

thereby closely connected to the cult of

bodhisattva Ksitigarbha) ,8 which Wang con

siders to be characterized by an overwhelm

ing iconography of demonology. In this

sense, the topographic mode "both maps out the existential anxiety of the living world and assures its viewer of survival by

way of its tortuous form evocative of the tal

ismanic graphs and maps" (p. 237). In con

trast, spatial or architectural illusionism is

supposed to present the ordered world of a

Buddha's Pure Land or paradise. While this

explanation works well with the relief on a

stela from Wanfosi, which pictures a geo

metrically arranged Pure Land at the top and illustrates below in topographic mode

all the calamities encountered in this world

from the Guanyin chapter of the Lotus

S?tra, it cannot be generalized. There are

instances of Maitreya paradises that also use

the topographic mode of representation

(Dunhuang Cave 445 and Yulin Cave 25), albeit only describing the disaster-free,

peaceful, and auspicious state of the human

world after the next Buddha has achieved

enlightenment.

Chapter 5 opens with a striking charac

terization of the preaching Buddha in the

recessed central panel of the tableau in

Cave 217 as a "mirror image of its implied viewer?that is, us" (p. 242). The plane between the frontally depicted Buddha

image and the observer is tantamount to a

mirror surface, or even a gate to another

world. Wang takes this as his starting point for investigations into the "perceptual ex

change between mirror and painting [that] reached its apex in the early eighth cen

tury" (p. 249). He tracks the mirror trope down to traditional Chinese sources, such as

The Master Embracing Simplicity (Baopuzi), and to Buddhist sources like depictions of

the so-called karma mirror, the famous mir

ror installation by the scholar-monk Fazang

(643-712 CE), the third patriarch of the

Huayan school, and other cases of textual

evidence for mirror halls. He concludes that

Cave 31 in Dunhuang constitutes such a

mirror hall. Even though the east ceiling

slope of Cave 31 can no longer be consid

ered a Lotus S?tra tableau (but is, like Cave

217, an illustration of the Dh?rani of the fubi lant Corona), Wang is to be honored here

for being the first scholar to identify the

objects in front of the meditating figures or

on top of the architectural structures as

rectangular mirrors. Wang might also have

remarked that rectangular mirrors seem to

have been used specifically to detect and

ward off evil spirits, and are thus more in

accord with protective rituals like those

propagated in the Dh?rani of the fubilant Co

rona. In Zhiyi's Great Calming and Contempla tion, the following procedure is explained: "Hermits and ascetics all keep rectangular

mirrors and hang them behind their seats.

Ghosts cannot change their appearances in

a mirror. When they look in the mirror and

recognize themselves, they can banish them

selves. In this way, the inner and outer

[spheres] are regulated."9 A similar explana tion is found in Zhiyi's commentary on the

Vimalakirti-nirdesa-siitra: "For example, when

a person who practices meditation does not

discriminate bad ghosts, he should install a

rectangular mirror. Even though a ghost is

able to delude the human eye, it cannot

change its original shape in a mirror."10

Chapter 6 is dedicated to the four trans

formation tableaux reliefs of the Longhuta

(Dragon and Tiger Pagoda) of Shentong

monastery in Shandong Province. Wang identifies the four reliefs iconographically and then explains their underlying spatial and temporal schemes. He observes that the

reliefs on the opposite sides relate to each

other in a "spatialized time scheme" that he

calls "past and future" for the symbolic north-south axis and "here and there" for

the symbolic east-west axis. To buttress his

case, Wang introduces the iconographic

program of the relic pagoda at Benyuan

monastery in Luquan, Hebei Province, which is explained in a surviving votive in

scription. However, Wang overlooks the fact

that the iconographic program of this relic

pagoda (fig. 6.35) perfectly matches that of

the Longhuta (fig. 6.21). The relief oppo site the Maitreya in Tusita Heaven on the

symbolic north side of the Longhuta should

be identified as Maitreya residing in Ketu

mati instead of "S?kyamuni in his Pure

Land of Vulture Peak." Moreover, the Bud

dha statue seated below the Subjugation of

Demons relief of the symbolic east side, op

posite Amit?bha and his Pure Land, which

Wang does not identify, is more likely S?k

yamuni. Again, Wang did not carefully in

vestigate the materials he presents and thus

misses an important point by single-mind

edly following his line of interpretation.

Shaping the Lotus Sutra is a beautifully il

lustrated book that connects a dazzling ar

ray of visual objects under the intellectual

auspices of notions of Chinese medieval

world making, specifically through Dun

huang transformation tableaux. The book is

more successful in uncovering similar prin

ciples of composition in different media

from Han to Tang times than it is in inter

preting these objects by marshaling a broad

variety of textual sources, from votive in

scriptions, historical sources, and Buddhist

canonical scriptures to Daoist scriptures. All

the same, it offers a fresh and at times pro vocative perspective on unsolved problems of Chinese Buddhist art. Vividly written, this

book guides the nonspecialist through the

complexities of medieval Buddhist visual

culture. Wang knows how to engage his au

dience with materials that the non-Chinese

reader might otherwise never have known.

Albeit Wang's enthusiasm for his materials

is appreciated, more consistency in matters

of methodology in Buddhist studies would

have proven useful in harvesting the fruits

of an inquiry about the relation between

images and texts in Chinese Buddhist cul

ture. Altogether, in the fields of art histori

cal and textual studies it is certain to foster

more lively discussion and debate. And that

is no small achievement.

claudia wenzel is research fellow in the

project "Buddhist Stone Scriptures in China"

at the Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and

Humanities [Heidelberger Akademie der Wissen

schaften, "Buddhistische Steinschriften in China," Seminarstrasse 4, 69117 Heidelberg, Germany].

Notes

1. Sarah E. Fr?ser, Performing the Visual: The Prac tice of Buddhist Wall Painting in China and Cen tral Asia, 618-960 (Stanford: Stanford Univer

sity Press, 2004).

2. Dan Nattier, "The Meanings of the Maitreya Myth: A Typological Analysis," in Maitreya, the Future Buddha, ed. Alan Sponberg and Helen Hardacre (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 23-47.

3. Junghee Lee, "The Origins and Development of the Pensive Bodhisattva Images of Asia," Artibus Asiae 53, nos. 3-4 (1993): 311-57.

4. A fact observed in the review of Wang's book

by Miao Zhe, "Yishushi zhong de wenxian yu 'jiafa'" [Textual sources and "domestic disci

pline" in the history of arts], Dushu (May 2006): 112-22.

5. Dorothy C. Wong, Chinese Steles: Pre-Buddhist and Buddhist Use of a Symbolic Form (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2004), 109-14, who offers a more cautious analysis of icons, donors, and votive inscription on this stela.

6. Ibid.; and Jean M.James, "Some Iconographic Problems in Early Daoist-Buddhist Sculptures in China," Archives of Asian Art 42 (1989): 71 76.

7. Wang Huimin, "Cheng Tang shiji Dunhuang Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing kaoshi [Inves

tigations in the S?tra of the Dh?rani of the Jubi lant Corona at Dunhuang from High Tang dynasty]" (paper presented at the Joint Semi nar on Buddhist Art, Yale University and Dun

huang Academy, July 11, 2006).

8. Wang Huimin, "Dunhuang 321 ku, 74 ku Shi lun jingbian kaoshi [Investigations in the transformation tableaux of the S?tra of the Ten

Wheels in Caves 321 and 74 at Dunhuang]," Yishushi yanjiu 6 (December 2004).

9. Zhiyi, Great Calming and Contemplation, T. 46, no. 1911, p. 116, a21-24, trans. Chinese Elec tronic Tripitaka Collection, Feb. 2007: Taisho

Tripitaka Vol. 1-55 & 85; Shinsan Zokuzokyo (Xuzangjing), Vol. 1-88, CD-ROM, CBETA

(Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association).

10. Ibid., T. 38, no. 1778, p. 644, c8-9.

PETRA TEN-DOESSCHATE CHU

The Most Arrogant Man in France: Gustave Courbet and the Nineteenth

Century Media Culture Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007. 246 pp.; 49 color ills., 88 b/w.

$45.00

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