This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films

the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and

dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of

computer printer.

The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the

copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations

and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper

alignment can adversely affect reproduction.

In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript

and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized

copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.

Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing

from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps.

Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced

xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white

photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing

in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order.

ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 USA

800-52 1 -0600

Shamanism and Music: A Comparative-Historical Study of

Shamanic Rites Using Music in the

Cordilleras, Philippines and

Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

Ching Blas-Muego, RN MTA

Bachelor of Music Therapy, Open Learning AgencyfCapilano College, 1992 Bachelor of Science in Nursing, University of the Philippines, 1970

Thesis submitted in partial hlfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF MUSIC THERAPY

in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences

c Ching Blas-Muego 1998

OPEN UNIVERSITY

January 1998

All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy

or other means, without written permission of the author.

National Library Bibliothbque nationale du Canada

Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 WeUington Slreet 395, rue Wellington OttawaON K1AON4 OttawaON KlAON4 Canada Canada

The author has granted a non- exclusive licence allowing the National Library of Canada to reproduce, loan, distribute or sell copies of this thesis in microform, paper or electronic formats.

The author retains ownership of the copyright in this thesis. Neither the thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it may be printed or othenvise reproduced without the author's permission.

L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive pennettant a la Bibliotheque nationale du Canada de reproduire, preter, distribuer ou vendre des copies de cette these sous la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format electronique .

L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'autcur qui protege cette these. Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent &re imprimes ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation.

SELAMANTSM AND MUSIC A Compuratrave-Historical Stu@ of Shamanic Practices

in the Cordillera Region, Phili'ppimes uand

Vancouver Island, British Columbi~~, Cnnada

iii

SEIAMANISM AND MUSIC: A Comparative-Historical Study of Shamanic Practices in the Cordillera Region, Philippines and

Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

Abstract

Shamanism is practiced by indigenous peoples the world over and is a very important component in their life and culture. Shamanic rites using music for healing have been shown to be akin to music therapy. Music therapy is a culture-oriented form of therapy. It is imperative for a music therapist to examine the value and impact of these rites on the indigenous client to help him rediscover his identity which is deeply rooted in his culture. To be a more effective multicultural therapist, it is important for the music therapist to understand hisher own roots. As a music therapist with a Filipino ancestry, I find it important to understand my own origins in order to be an effective therapist with the indigenous people around me. My research revealed many similarities and some differences in the use of music in shamanic rituals between the Coastal First Nations of BC and the indigenous peoples of the Philippine Cordilleras. The study is a comparative-historical approach to inquiry making use of data available in existing literature and from personal communications with natives from the Philippines and Vancouver Island. It is hoped that this research will stimulate future ethnographic studies to further examine the significance of the use of music in shamanic healing rituals.

To my late parents T 4 2 !%hand E l k Z % d d 2 ? f k ,

I dedicate this paper.

I would like to thank several people who made the writing of this thesis possible.

Dr. Flor Hernandez, College Secretary, and Dr. Nela Florendo both of the University of

the Philipines in Baguio City for helping with my initial contacts in the Cordilleras. Ms.

Rhoda Abubo, a researcher, for arranging my meeting with Vice-Governor Wasing Sacla

and helping me with my literature search in Baguio City. Special thanks to Vice Governor

Wasing Sacla for extending the hospitality of his office and sharing his views and

answering my questions about his book. I also thank Mr. J. Galasgas for valuable insights

on his people's healing practices.

The support of fiends and colleagues at my alma mater, the University of the

Philippines in Diliian, Quezon City, cannot be overlooked. Heartfelt thanks to Prof.

Pedro Abraham, Jr. whose work on ethnic music inspired the beginnings of this study. I

am also gratefd for his organizing a vast network of resource people for my research. To

Prof Felipe de Leon, Jr. I thank for his support by loaning me some of his materials on

ethnic music. Both Prof Abraham and Dr. de Leon, Jr. are resident professors at the

College of Arts and Letters, University of the Philipines in Diliman, Quezon City.

To Dr. Carolyn Kenny, words are never enough to express my gratitude for her

dedication to my endeavor- who persevered to see me through the process fiom

beginning to end.

To a dear fiiend Randy Fred, Dr. Ken Burridge, Dr. David Duke and Eileen

Garcia, whom I thank for their contribution to its completion.

A very special thank you to my husband. V. Aurel Muego, for sharing his

profound knowledge of Philippine history and his rich experience with our indigenous

people. I thank him for his untiring love, support and assistance in the completion of this

study. To my friend, Kevin LWiseman, I am grateful for his support and encouragement.

My children, Cheryl and Joseph, continue to be my inspiration. To all the other members

of the DweNing Race "family" for their tolerance as I worked on the completion of this

paper.

vii

Table of Contents

Chapter 1 Introduction Why the Study of Shamanism and Music

My First Encounter Philippine Visits A Personal Quest

Focus of Study Definitions Statement of this Study Chosen Culture of Inquiry The Methodology Limitations of the Study

Chapter 2 Literature Review On Shamanism Shamanism and Other Disciplines:

Shamanism and Music Therapy Shamanism and Religion Shamanisma and Medicine Shamanism and Mythology Shamanism and Psychotherapy Shamanism and the Arts

The Sham= The Shaman's Recruitment The Shaman's Initiation

Studies on Shamanism Using Music

Chapter 3 Shamanism in the Philippines Introduction

Geography Other Early Influences The Filipino Today Characteristic Traits Culture Music and Dance

The Non-European Music Shamanism in the Philippines

Page

1

viii

The Philippine Cordilleras The People of the Cordilleras Rituals of the Cordilleras Some Musical Instruments in the Cordilleras Songs and Singing Dance and Rituals Shamanism Among the Peoples of the Cordilleras Personal Communication Among the Natives

of the Cordillera

Chapter 4 Shamanism in Coustd British Columbia Introduction The Kwakiutl Nation

Shamanism among the Kwakiutl Life, Culture and Shamanism

The Nuu-chah-nuulth Nation Shamanism among the Nuu-chah-nulth A Persond Communication with M. M.

The Salish Nation Shamanism among the Salish A Personal Communication with E. W.

Chapter 5 Discussion and Recommendations My Research Journey Discussion

The Differences The Similarities

Music Therapy and Shamanism Recommendations A Last Note

Appendix A Appendix B Appendix C Appendix D Appendix E Appendix F

introduction

The word shamanism evokes a feeling of mysticism. Webster (Neufeldt, 1996)

initially defines it as "the religion of certain peoples of NE Asia or of some American

Indians and Eskimos based on a belief in good and evil spirits who can be influenced only

by the shamans"( ~1232). He expands the definition to include the shaman as the priest

or the medicine man of shamanism. To some people it connotes superstition, a belief that

is feared. It serves as a guiding force in how people live in the indigenous areas of the

world.

Shamanic healing is practised in various parts of the world. It is practised by the

shamans in their respective communities. It is practised by a recognised shaman who has

undergone spiritual or soul searching, exercises of self-discipline and extensive "training"

or apprenticeship with another recognised shaman of the community. A shaman is one to

whom is attributed with talents and skills and is endowed with a special power to heal

illnesses which otherwise are not cured by the medical profession.

Wby the Study of Shamanism and Music

I am speeificdy intrigued with the practice of shamanism in one of the smallest

nations, the Philippines and one of the largest and most developed in the world, Canada.

Although the Philippines is made up of more than 7,000 islands the practice of shamanism

fiom one province to another is similar. On Vancouver Island there are different tribal

Chapter I Introduction

groups of First Nations with varying sharnanic practices. While some differences and

similarities in the practices are due to geographical conditions, other factors will be

discussed in the following chapters.

In the practice of shamanism, rituals come to mind. It is through these rituals that a

shaman is able to perform certain procedures to enable him to heal the afflicted. Whether it

is the use of herbs, prayers, chants, use of instruments, use of sacrificial animals, burning

of incense and the like, the shaman uses the rituals to cany out the task. There are quite a

few similarities between a shamanistic rite and a music therapy session. They actually

complement each other.

So why the study of shamanism in the Philippines and Coastal British Columbia

using music? As a professional music therapist it is important that I know how shamanism

relates to me as a Canadian of Philippine origin. It is my desire to be able to work with the

native communities in Nanaimo where I presently live. Being aware that I didn't know

much about their culture, I realised this venue would help me prepare for the task of

incorporating music therapy into their way of healing. While I found some limited

literature relating to shamanism using music in other cultures like those written by 1.

Moreno, C. Kemy and Rohrbacher, there is not much on shamanism and music in the

Philippines or coastal British Columbia.

This study is a beginning as well as an inspiration for me to do more studies in the

future, perhaps an ethnographic one. Music therapy is such a culture oriented field of

therapy that one needs to speciatise in order to be an effective multicultural counseilor. It

is my hope that this study will spark an interest among other music therapists to look into

their own indigenous culture and the culture of those they have to work with. It will help

our work be more community-oriented and make it truly relevant to the core of who we

are as helpers of the helpee.

Chapter I Introduction

My Personal Encounters

My first encounter with shamans was as a child. As one of nine children in the

family I learned that my second eldest sister was diagnosed by the medical profession as

suffering from schizophrenia. She was taken to the hospital many times, underwent

chemical treatment (pharmaceutical drugs), had electro-convulsive therapy several times

all to no avail. These did not alleviate her symptoms. Although living in the big metropolis

of Manila, my mother was a deep down believer of the healing powers of the arbolaryo.*

My father was considered level-headed, with a law degree and an MA in economics from

Yale, and did not want to admit he believed in the practices of healing where he and my

mother came from -- the Ilocos Region of the island of Luzon. My mother decided that

the reason my sister was not responding to the treatment was because she was actually

possessed by some evil spirit which "explained" why she manifested some "weird"

behaviour that can not be treated.

One morning, my mother finally decided to bring in a faith healer. Which part of

the Philippines she came tiom and what she looked like, I did not know. What I remember

(at least 1 was told because as kids we were not allowed to be in the area where she

performed her rites -- in the living room) was that she brought with her a long tail fkom an

animal and some herbs. This was supposedly to whip the spirits and drive them away from

my sister's body. One of my limited recollection of the rite was that my sister was

screaming which certainly did not sound like her. When I asked my mother after the

healer had gone, she explained that the screaming was that of the spirit who had inhabited

my sister's body.

* This is a term used for healers who practice healing with the use of herbs, prayers and certain rituals. It came &om the Spanish word, arbos, meaning herbs.

Chqter I Introduction

There were many other stories that I have heard even among the people in the city

who presumably did not believe in superstition as much as my mother did. A more recent

event happened during my visit with my husband's relatives on my way down fkom Bagiuo

City. My husband's cousins live in a barrio in the province of La Union. These cousins are

well educated and have chosen to live in the province instead of the bigger cities for

practical and sentimental reasons. One of the cousin's (she is a certified accountant) sons,

about five years of age, was having nightmares for about two weeks. Her sister who is a

medical internist could not offer anything to fix the boy's predicament. In desperation, his

mother decided to take him to the neighbour who happened to be a healer. There were no

details on how the healer cured him but what was amazing is that the boy's nightmares

stopped.

Although I grew up in the busy and heavily populated Metropolitan Manila area, I

was surrounded with all sorts of indigenous practices that have come to colour the

modernity of this culture. I chose to be unaffected as I grew up in a western way of

education and chose a paramedical profession that discounted any forms of superstition

and healing beyond the confines of science and pharmacology. It was only after I settled in

Nanaimo that I have become more aware of the crisis of indigenous peoples here in

Canada as I developed professional and personal relationships with some of them. Having

been raised and educated in Metropolitan Manila, I took this "indigenous thing" for

granted. I never really understood what it was about other than that the so-called

indigenous people were different fiom me -- I thought. But as I learned more about the

indigenous peoples, the more it became apparent that it was definitely much more

complex. Before attempting to learn about the native people in Canada, I had to go back

to my own roots and understand who I am as a native Filipino.

Chapter I Introduction

Philippine Visits

My two earlier visits to the Philippines since I left in 1972 were for pleasure and to

take care of some urgent family affairs. Both were confined to enjoying the company of

my friends, the social time, the food, and the pleasure of bringing back some presents to

my family and friends in Canada. The last two visits became very different as I became

more conscious about my feelings and surroundings as I began the quest for answers to

some of my burning questions. This new attitude gave me a better perspective of who I

am. As C. Kemy (1996) puts it, the researcher must consider hisher own developmental

process and how it influences her work. I ask myself the question: which came first, was it

the awareness of my developmental process or was it the process of doing the research?

Not being very conscious of the methods of my inquiry, I actually stumbled upon certain

realities. I am a Filipino by birth and spent the first 2 1 years of my life in the Philippines.

Having been away for more than 20 years, I will need time to reintegrate to the culture

which has changed by leaps and bounds since I left in1972, relearn to speak the spirit of

the language and feel the sentiments of the peopte i f 1 will choose to belong to it at some

h r e time. For now I live on Vancouver Island, British Columbia but have not yet

completely acculturated to the western ways. I feel privileged to be among a people whose

culture seems to have a great deal of kinship with mine and relish the opportunity to serve

the community as a multicultural music therapist.

A Personal Quest

Understanding who I am and my personal heritage is important for me in gaining

a multicultural perspective as a counsellor. For this reason, I sought out what my Filipino

forefathers did with shamanism and how they used music in its practice. I anticipated this

to be a rewarding task with the expectation that this information would guide me as a

Chapter I Introduction

modem healer using music. It is my hope that this new body of information will help

where I am practising music therapy and make this available to my adoptive community.

The study has helped me focus more interest in helping the indigenous peoples

where I live perhaps because of the commonality my culture as a Filipino shares with

them, or perhaps because both peoples were victims of oppressive regimes which all but

decimated their pride and culture. There is much to be said about how deeply I feel

aililiated with the culture.

My other career as a registered nurse (since 1970) certainly did not prepare me for

this task but I began to understand how the knowledge of scientific medicine could derail

many of the beliefs about illnesses that cannot be explained by western methods of

healing.

I feel challenged that this will be an ongoing process for me. The completion of

this thesis is not as important as how I will go forth into my new found focus in music

therapy. Having Lived with some of the problems resulting from centuries of oppression, I

can empathise with the local natives and feel an affinity with the problems they are

encountering as a result of the abuse by the colonial power. I hope to work with the First

Nations in Nanaimo and learn fiom their culture so that I can effectively contribute to the

use of music for healing. There seems to be a great need to rehabilitate for some of the

natives of the island and neighbouring tribes who suffered fiom earlier misguided

government policies.* This apparently caused many complex consequences that led not

only to mental anguish but also to physical, sexual and cultural abuse. This generation's

children now suffer fiom alcohol and drug abuse, depression and low self-esteem and

other social problems. Up to this time the churches which participated in this systematic

* An example of these policies was the Indian Act of 1876 forcing all native children away fkom their homes and families into residential schools.

Chapter I Introduction

cultural slaughter and the government have not taken full responsibility in the

rehabilitation of these people.

Focus of Study

This paper will attempt to examine the similarities and d~flerences of how music is

used for healing in different indigenous groups in the Philippines and in Coustai British

Columbia?

In this study I have focused on the use of music (or musics) as part of these rituals,

where "music" is loosely used to mean either the rhythms or the sounds only. Many

cultures from around the world use music for therapy. The use of such rhythm and sound

dates back prior to when music was even conceived as a form -- when sounds of objects

as planks, stones, shells, skin covered hollowed out wood were naturally used to

communicate with the spirits who were considered an integral part of living. The use of

music by the shaman as one of his paraphernalia for healing seemed apparent.

Definition

Music here is used to mean anything that has the elements of rhythm, melody and

harmony but not necessarily in that order. Rhythm is some organisational

form of regular or irregular pulsation produced by sound. Melody could be in form of a

song of prayers and poetry set to chant producing movement of pitches or the movement

of fiequencies of sound by certain melodic instruments or the human voice. The relevance

of harmony in this study is limited to the use of songs or chants which may or may not be

accompanied by instruments.

Illnesses are those that are recognised as caused by other than well-established

disease etiologies such as virus, bacteria, toxic substances and other known and obvious

Chapter / Introduction

physical trauma as tiacture, dislocations, fall, etc. They are perhaps the emotional and

spiritual conditions affecting the individual's well-being and giving him a feeling of

disharmony with his own being and spirituality within his cultural context. Healing is

referred to as the restoration of an individual's well being. Shamanism are those practices

in certain indigenous cultures where the medium intercedes for the members of his

community by communicating and asking for the help of the spirits and other sacred

representations and who are beyond the profane realities. Shamanic healing then is the

restoration of the community member's well-being by the shaman with the use of certain

rituals. The shamanic healing rituals are those ceremonial sessions performed by the

medium prescribed through training and tradition whereby the spirits are summoned by

him to bring forth healing during this period. The shaman is the medium who is recruited,

initiated, trained and constantly developed for the service of practising shamanism. He is a

professional as recognised by specific cultures. His qualifications and fees vary from

culture to culture.

Statement of this Study

The primary statement of this study is "alrhough the indigenous peoples of the

Philippines and Vancouver Island Can& have unique practices for healing, the use of

music in their rituals is similar."

The answers to the following questions will help to compare and contrast the use

of music for healing in the two cultures.

What shamanic practices use music in the Philippines and Vancouver Island, Canada?

What are the musical mediums used -- voice, instruments?

How are they used?

What are the beliefs behind their practices?

Chapter I Introduction

Who is a considered a shaman?

How is shefhe chosen for the task of shamanism?

How does the shaman acquire her/his power to heal?

What is the relationship between the shaman and nature?

The Chosen Culture of Inquiry

This paper is a comparative historical study of the use of music in shamanism

between indigenous peoples of the Philippines and Coastal British Columbia. I will

examine the ritual practices of the indigenous peoples of the two countries using sound

and rhythm, dance and other art forms to help heal their community members. It is an

attempt to examine one of the roles of a shaman -- healing with the use of music.

Since these practices predate colonialization of both cultures, this is also an

attempt to understand how colonial influences played a role in the evolution of these

practices. Certain Iistorical events played major roles in altering the original philosophy,

concepts and contents of these shamanic practices which led to the evolution of

completely different structure and fonns of these practices today. Examination will also

focus on the similarities and differences between the two cultures in pre-colonial and

post-colonial shamanic practices.

A comparative-historical inquiry as outlined by C. Kenny (1995) is one where the

"inquiry attempts to understand organisations, institutions, cultures or societies by

focusing on unique features that differentiate them from historical predecessors or current

alternative structures" @6). It is a study of the histoly of these practices, of the people

who practised them, of influences that changed the structures of these practices and

perhaps a wish for the fhture applications. The study is purely descriptive and

non-analytical and is a presentation of what others have already done on the study of

Chapter 1 Introduction

shamanism and music. Some critique of other people's perception of historical events is

offered.

Methodology

Starting out as an ethnographic study, the difficulties of actually interviewing

shamans both in the Philippines and on Vancouver Island eventually turned this paper into

a comparative historical study. The physical and geographical: barriers in the Philippines

were no match to the ethical and moral constraints encountered in trying to interview

practising shamans in both countries.

The methodology for this study revolves around an extensive search of existing

materials on the subject of music and healing. Because of the paucity of materials available

in British Columbia about the Philippines, I employed the services of m anthropology

graduate student fiom the University of the Philippines to do a preliminary literature

search in the Philippines. Starting with some suggested reading materials and a

bibliography, relevant books and materials were chosen for a more detailed examination.

Although the University of the Philippines library has one of the most extensive collections

in Asia, there simply were not that many materials written on shamanism particularly the

use of music in healing rituals and practices. The most notable of the materials is a book

by Prof. Jose N. Maceda who pioneered the study of indigenotrs music in the Philippines.

Professor Maceda devoted a lifetime of work to this quest.

The search for materials for the Vancouver Island component of the study was no

different. An extensive bibliography was developed fiom various institutions starting

with the two libraries sated with the Open University, Simon Fraser University

Chtpter I Introduction

and the University of British Columbia. Materials were also used fiom Malaspina

University College in Nanaimo and the Vancouver Island Regional Library facilities. A

special resource that was utilised is the British Columbia Provincial Archives in Victoria.

As well, I used data fiom personal communications with people from the two tribes in the

province of Benguet (a Kankana-ey and an Ibaloy) and a couple of people fiom the two

tribes in Vancouver Island (fiorn the Salish and the Nuu-chah-nulth nations).

Possible materials were collated and those that promised more information were

documenting the sources of the major data and ideas.

examined more closely. Extensive readings and note taking foliowed carehlly

validation of the dat

Limitations of Study

An inherent limitation of this type of inquiry is the lack of

presented in the various sources of information. The focus of the study is also very broad

(Bruscia: 1955) I did not know what I was going to come across with and where I would

find my sources of information and who my personal contacts would be. As it turned out,

one piece of literature led to another and one personal contact led to the next. The

literature search focused on the similarities and differences and any patterns or regularities

(Aigen: 1995 p289) in the shamanic practices of the indigenous peoples of Coastal British

Columbia and the Philippine Cordilleras.

As Aigen explains quoting Test:.

One of the four foci of qualitative research is the Discovery of Regularities.. . . For those researchers interested primarily in discovering regularities, it is important to discover a structure in the data, either as a pattern or as a network of relationship among the parts3(Tesch)".

There is no attempt to generate any theories and values. This study only tries to establish

connections among the identified elements (Aigen: 1995 p 290). The elements of

Chapter I Introduction

shamanism that I could identify are the shaman, the non-musical materials used for the

rites which include the herbs, the charms, the costumes, the masks, etc.; the non-musical

but vital elements as the spirit guides, the trance and possessional state of the shaman

and/or the person being healed, and the musical parts of the rites. There seems to be an

interconnection among the elements such that the absence of one is not as effective as

when all the elements are present. I had to be realistic with what is possible to know and

what is not. Or I was simply "aiming mostly at systematic and insightful description -- discerning patterns" (Aigen: 1995 p 290 quoting Tesch).

Preview of Following Chapters

Chapter 2 attempts to collate some world views on shamanism. It is a review of

different literature concerning shamanism as it relates to other disciplines such as music

therapy, cosmology, religion, medicine, mythology, psychotherapy, and the arts. As could

be expected, there are as many dift'erences in how shamanism is defined by various authors

as reflected in many world views of shamanism in different cultures and peoples. The word

shaman itself has many connotations depending on their primary role in the community.

How the shaman, in general, gets initiated and obtains his powers is also dealt with in this

chapter. Some studies showing music as an integral part of the shamanistic rites and how

it affected their "patientsy' in various parts of the world are presented.

Chapter 3 is about shamanism in the Philippines and their use of music. As an

introduction, a brief history of the Philippines and the issues affecting the practice of

shamanism among the indigenous peoples are presented. The culture of the Filipinos

explains the prevalence of the practice of shamanism even today. The brief history also

shows how music is so intertwined with the culture and how these shamanic practices

Chapter I Introduction

were subdued or transformed during the colonialization of the Philippines. A general

overview on how music played an important role in shamanism among the different islands

in the Philippines is also presented. Examples and a closer look at the sharnanic practices

of the two tribes found in the Cordillera regions- the Ibaioys and the Kmkanaws from

the big island of Luzon are also explored.

Chapter 4 deals with the West Coast counterpart in much similar way as in

Chapter 3. A brief history of the aboriginal people on Vancouver Island and their culture.

Focus is given on the three main First Nations tribal groups- the Nuu-chh-mlth, the

Kwakrutl and the Saiish People of the island. Although the same groups are also spread

out in different parts of British Columbia, it is this paper's focus to deal primarily with the

people living on Vancouver Island. It is not uncommon that the cultures and the traditions

of the same tribal groups on the mainland have similar, if not the same highlights as those

on Vancouver Island. The shamanistic practices of these First Nations groups using music

is elaborated in this chapter. As in Chapter 3, the data are gathered through historical

literature and personal contacts with First Nations.

Chapter 5 discusses in greater detail the materials presented in Chapters 3 and 4.

Similarities and differences between the two focus groups are put side by side. Likewise,

the similarities and differences between shamanistic rites using music is compared with

that of a music therapy session. A brief summary is presented. As a result of this research,

a few recommendations are developed, the most pressing being the need to encourage the

continuity of these practices in both cultures.

Literature Review

SEAMANISM

Shamanism -- is it a relic of the past or is it a continuing practice? Heinze ( 199 1)

suggests we need shamanism today as we did yesterday. Before we get into that I would

like to clarify certain definitions of what shamanism may be. It means different things to

different people and in different cultures of the world.

Shamanism is defined by many authors in a variety of ways. Park (1975) feels more

comfortable in defining shamanism according to the function of the shaman -- whether he

is doing priestly functions or curing functions (p8). Different disciplines define shamanism

according to their perspective and / or biases. Theologists, depending on their affiliation,

may define shamanism as a religious phenomenon. Those who do not understand or rehse

to accept shamanism as a religion or felt threatened by it like some Christians dismiss

shamanism as pagan belief. Psychiatry, on the other hand, may define shamanism as a

form of neurotic, psychotic manifestation of an eccentric healer who claims to have spirit

powers and can influence another person. Grolier (Long: 1993) prefers to define the

shaman rather than shamanism: "Hdshe is a religious or ritual specialist, man or woman,

believed capable of communicating directly with spirit powers, often while in ecstatic

states".

Eliade (1964) defines it as "archaic techniques of ecstasy. It is in a strict sense a

religious phenomenon in Siberia and Central Asia" @. 4) dating back to the 17th and 18th

centuries. According to Eliade, the word shaman comes to us possibly through Russian

Chapter 11 Literature Review

fiom the Tungusic saman although this suggests an Indian influence on the Siberian

religions. It comes in many names in many other countries of the wsrld. He suggests

separating the definition of shamanism fiom that of a shaman. In those places where

indigenous peoples practice shamanism, the magic-religious life of the society centres on

the shaman. (p4). While shamanism is often not the only religion or magic, it co-existed

with the others. (p5).

Eliade (1964) was apparently the first one to cover the total phenomenon on

shamanism. Most of the authors on shamanism refer back to his findings not only on the

different definitions of shamanism but also concepts of shamans in many cultures of the

world. He dates it back to the history of religions although it has existed apart @om or side

by side with them. He carefully sorts out the definitions of shamanism from that of a

shaman (p3). He summarises the definitions as "shamanism = technique of ecstasy" (p4).

St. Pierre and Soldier (1995) suggest that shamanism is a process of

"transformation in which a spirit takes over the body of the trained and initiated holy

person or shaman." ( p 21). Through this "shamanic transformation" the shaman goes into

a trance and "leave themselves" (p.22) voluntarily to be able to communicate with the

world of spirits whom they encounter. They describe such transformations as common to

the Plains Indian people where during the trance state, the shaman takes on the behaviour

of the spirit helper, their personality momentarily fused with theirs. ( p. 22).

Pentikainen's (1996) work is a compilation of articles fiom different scholars

interested in looking into shamanism in the northern arctic. Shamanism seems to have a

particular appeal to peoples in that part of the world as an expression of their religions

@3). These territories include the Soviet Union, Greenland, and other countries in the

northern arctic. There is a move towards an interpretation of shamanism in a holistic way

(p8). It is more than just a collection of articles of antiquities associated with shamanism

Chapter N Literature Review

on display in many museum of indigenous artefacts. Rather, the important symbolism of

things associated with shamanism-- drums, and other instruments, bags, clothes, bones,

feathers, etc. that put the meaning of the process in people's lives in a better perspective.

Pentikainen (1996) developed a broader definition to include many concepts.

Shamanism could be defined on the basis of several criteria and should, for example

include the following dimensions:

1. Ecstatic technique used to find the way into other worlds or dimensions of reality.

2. The hypothesis of more than one soul: in the state of trance the free soul leaves the body to make trips to other worlds assuming various, e.g. animals and shapes.

3. The belief in a 3-level universe, with the shaman mediating between these levels.

4. The belief in the helping spirits of the shaman. 5. The difference in ritual paraphernalia of shamanism in various cultures:

drum, dress, bag, mask, etc." (p10)

SHAMANISM AND OTEER DISCIPLINES

Shamanism and Music Therapy

C. B. Kemy and J. Moreno and M. Rohrbacher are among the very few who have

examined how shamanism relates to music therapy. In MY'S (1985) Mythic Artery she

closely linked a music therapy session as a ritual that manifests all the elements of creative

healing. As enumerated in the last chapter, she mentions many areas where a shaman is so

similar to a music therapist. She emphasised the role and the value of rituals in a music

therapy session in encompassing a holistic approach in therapy.

Chapter iZ Literature Review

Moreno (1995), on the other hand, examined certain rituals in many different

indigenous cultures of the world including Peru, Africa, Brazil and others, using the

creative arts for healing through shamanism. ( Rohrbacher's work is on page 28).

Shamanism and Cosmology

According to Eliade (1964) the universe is generally conceived as having three

levels- the sky, the earth and the underworld which are connected by a central axis. The

interconnection between these levels is quite complex and the symbolisms used to express

them are not without contradictions. The axis, according to him passes through a hole or

opening through which the gods descend to earth and the dead go into the underworld. It

is through this hole that the shaman experiencing ecstasy can fly up and down and

communicate with the inhabitants of each level -- the deities, people and the dead. Thus

shamanic technique is a passage fiom one cosmic region to another. (p259)

Shamanism and Religion

Shamanism is perhaps the oldest form of religion. There is a world view that

considers it a religion. Eliade (1964) himself puts shamanism within the history of

religions. Prior to an organised form of religion, ancient peoples relied on the shaman as

an intermediary between the supernatural powers and themselves. The shaman was

considered a very special person who was able to be in contact with divinity. When things

were not going well with their health or in the event of a natural calamity or disaster,

people turned for help to the shamans. The shamans performed rites to please and appease

the gods or deities and intercede for the cause of the people.

In the Judeo-Christian tradition, such practices were considered pagan. In this

tradition, there were prophets, priests and frequently the kings who were deemed to have

Chapter 11 Literature Review

supernatural powers. When Abraham was chosen by God to lead his people, they

considered themselves superior over all the other tribes. The prophets spoke for God and

told the people what to do. This was the same role the shamans previously held. Even

with the advent of Christianity certain teachings permeated the life of many peoples. The

natural law lives in the heart of mankind. The same law is enforced by the church leaders

as much as the shamans did.

It is not uncommon in many countries where the aborigines were Christianised that

the Christian religious rituals intermixed with shamanism. An example is that of the Salish

Shakers of Vancouver Island. While they gather to celebrate a supposedly Christian

service, elements of indigenous shamanism are quite apparent as they substitute guardian

spirits with God's spirit as they walk through the church doors. The usual elements of

shamanism such as the use of bells, candles and prayers to induce trance to help out the

laity and those emotionally troubled are incorporated in the service.

Compared to the Christian priest, the shaman is considered the greater specialist in

the human soul as he understands its meaning, form and destiny. In spite of this, he is not

indispensable as religious life continues to take place without him ( Eliade: 1964 p8). Like

the priest his recruitment is a spontaneous vocation or call (p13).

Shamanism in the strict sense is pre-eminently a religious phenomenon of Siberia

and Central Asia. The religious life of these countries centres around the shaman. It is

through the experience of ecstasy in shamanism that people equate it with religious

experience (Eliade: 1964 p 4). In North America, Indonesia, Oceania shamanism coexists

with other forms of religion @5). While it is not the religion per se of most people in

Central and North Asia, shamanism dominates the religious life of the people @7). The

Ainu religion of the Northern Japan according to Wada (1996) has some shamanic

Chapter II Literature Review

features. There are many words in the Ainu religion and mythology that indicated this. For

example, the word lusu meant shamanizing, and the term for divination is ewmanki which

comes fiom the word sama, a shaman. The sama's role ranges from healing to divination.

He goes through an imu, a psychogenic reaction where his behaviour is typical of a

shaman in ecstasy during a rite- "violent, uncontrolled, psychomotor reaction.. .

catalepsy.. . echolalia and echopraxia.. .coplolalia and coplopraxia.. ." (pp307-308).

Shamanism and Medicine

The shaman was considered the medicine man of the indigenous tribe. They cure

like all doctors (Eliade: 1964 p 4). It is believed that they are recruited as a result of being

cured of a serious illness thus being more aware of the theory of illness and can

presumably help to cure others better (p3 I). As medicine men, they diagnose the illness,

know the aetiology of the disease and prescribe and administer whatever is necessary for

cure. The practice of shamanism includes the performance of rites and the use of herbs,

playing of musical instruments and singing of song or songs as they put their cure into

effect. The sweat houses among the First Nations of British Columbia use methods of

bringing about catharsis through profhe sweating.

It was in the mid-19th century that shamanism became a psychiatric diagnosis -- a

mental disorder (Pentikainen: 1996 p 6). This notion although negated by Eliade as early

as 1960's @. 7)' has remained a problem among the medical profession, especially the

white psychiatrists of British Columbia up to the early 90's. Thus, the crusade of Jilek

* Catalepsy is akin to being catatonic; echolalia is the constant repetition of a word and echopraxia is a "compulsive mimicking reaction to the action of other people or seen moving objects"; coplolalia is "compulsive uttering of obscene words" and coplopraxia is a b%ompulsive action such as attempting to grasp the testes of an nearby person, or exhibiting one's own private parts".

Chapter I1 Literature Review

(1992) is paying off He called for the recognition of shamanism among the indigenous

peoples of British Columbia as a cure for spirit illness he called anomic depression.

Shamanism and Mythdogy

Myths are defined as "stories that narrate in an imaginative and symbolic manner,

the total and basic structures upon which a culture rests" (Grolier: 1993). The shaman is a

specialist in customs and folklore. He uses stories and legends in the rites he performs to

heal others. He uses stories to teach the people about the beliefs surrounding their whole

lives -- where they come from and their destiny. It is in these myths where he illustrates

the core values of the customs and practices of the people. In the indigenous societies

where information and traditions are handed down orally, the myths play an important role

in their cultures. Although the sagas and legends contain fictional and imaginative

elements, the impact of such stories is so great in people's memories that these are

remembered, recalled often and embellished (Grolier: 1993).

The shaman uses these myths to warn the people of certain perils and to promote

their well-being. These stories and myths are passed on horn an older shaman to the

initiate as the latter learns and trains to become an accomplished healer. The myths that

are important for the shaman to know are often incorporated in their prayers. It is a

requirement in many societies that the initiate becomes an expert in these stories before

being accepted by his mentor as a shaman.

Shamanism and pSUchothempy

In the Eastern Indian society, it is important to explain psychic distress and find

techniques to alleviate it. The soul is believed to be what is principally affected. Kakar

(1982) links shamanism with psychotherapy as one of the major remedies for psychic

Chapter II Literature Review

distress. Unlike the psychotherapist, the shaman is concerned with helping the individual in

the context of the broader social order -- the patient, the living members of the family, the

community, ancestral spirits and other spirits that populate the Indian cosmos (p4). Like

psychotherapy, it also incorporates and concerns itself with many of the values and

demands of the patient's immediate environment (p6). But unlike psychotherapy where the

patient is encouraged to express and talk about his insights, the shaman is the talker as he

makes the patient understand what his condition is and summons the spirit helpers to aid

in the cure.

Dourley (1996) contends that Carl G. Jung himself was a shaman especially at the

time when he was breaking off from Freud. During that time he had undergone shamanic

experiences and appreciated the process of divination in shamanism. He quotes the

analysis of Adler that for Jung "the spirits are complexes of the collective unconscious."

(p5 1) In certain passages of lung's Collective Works, Dourley stated that Jung "attributes

to the shaman an immediate access to the deepest dimension of the human psyche fiom

which the gods, goddesses and the spirits of all times address the world of

unconsciousness seeking incarnation or their self-completion in it" (p5 1-52)

Metner (1987) is hopefbl that in psychotherapy "the transpersonal psychology

movement explicitly has attempted to integrate the spiritual dimensions into a

comprehensive understanding of the human psyche (p 235)". He differentiates

psychotherapy fiom that of shamanism where the former focuses on the therapist

influencing change of another person while the latter "on self transformation, seEheating

and self-understanding" (p23 5).

Chapter 11 Literature Review

Shamanism and the Arts

The shamans of the ancient times had artistic expressions of the highest level

(Furst: 1974 p45). They painted on rocks and other medium their images of the spirit

world using varied forms. Some of the petroglyphs found in Nanaimo on Vancouver

Island, BC. are a few of the remnants of artwork done by early shamans. A technique

popularly known as "x-ray" is used to depict animals and other beings (Lommel: 1967

p127). Shamans also did very intricate carvings and crafts used for healing among which

are rattles, drums, figurines, costumes, masks and head-dresses. Different kinds of media

fiom stones, bones, horns, tree bark, beads, wood, and ceramic are used. The expressions

of art shows the shaman's world view of the cosmos, religion, the soul, medicine and its

relationship to his rites. He has varied talents and it can be said that the early artist is a

shaman ( Furst: 1974 p45). He is also a poet, an orator, a storyteller ( p 4 9 , a theatrical

performer (Hitchcock: 1974) and a musician. (See Appendix 'A' for a few examples.)

THE SHAMAN

The word shaman, according to Heinze (199 1) is rather hard to trace as it was only

handed down through oral traditions. The closest one she came up with is fiom Laufer's

research which traces the word researched by a Hultikrantz, sa in Tunguso-Manchurian

language which meant "a social fbnctionary who, with the help of guardian spirits, attains

ecstasy in order to create a rapport with the supernatural world on behalf of his group

members" (Heinze: 1 99 1 p. 7-8).

Heinze summarises the characteristic of a shaman as one "who can access alternate

state of consciousness at will, filfils the needs of his community which are not met the

conventional way, and mediates between the sacred and the secular" @ 13). Most

researchers on shamanism note the shaman's oneness with nature.

Chapter II Literature Review

The shaman being the go-between "the sacred and the profane" (p 1) is a common

denominator among many tribes and cultures the world over. Because of their connection

with the supernatural, the shaman "mediates between the sacred and the secular" (1991 p

6). Sacred (Kakar: 1982) could mean the mystics, the gods of the rituals or the spirits of

the people's ancestors, the spirits of the forests, the hills, the mountains, the springs, the

rocks, and even those "spectres that haunt cremation grounds and the demons who wait at

the next crossing" (p5). The secular are the earthly beings and the paraphernalia which the

shaman works with.

The shaman in any culture is one who heals the individual's physical, mental and

social being (Kakar: 1982). The social self of a person in many indigenous cultures includes

his immediate family and all the members of the community including the spirits of the

ancestors who have gone before them and other spirit beings. Kakar compares the

shaman with the traditional "psychotherapist" who is constantly aided by the sacred to

heal mental (or spirit) illness. He is usually a non-western professional who helps to

alleviate distress and anxiety of any member of his society but is labelled by the modem

psychiatrist "a priest, a witch doctor, a voodoo sorcerer, a native healer, a trickster, a

neurotic-epileptoid type, veritable idiot and other derogatory names" (p.89). He is even

labelled at times as insane or mentally ill, a psychotic who hallucinates as he goes into a

trance (Jiiek: 1992). It is only in recent years that the shaman is given a better and more

positive image as his practice is reconsidered and redefined. The shaman continues to be

resynthesized according to what suits Western philosophy . (Kakar: 1 982).

The shaman specialises in spirit illness and is capable of going in and out of trance,

which often is voluntary and controlled, as he tries to make his diagnosis or during the

healing process @ 89). To Achterberg (1987), "the shaman is a master healer in the

imaginary realm @. 103). He is a master of what he calls transpersonal healing where "the

Chapter 11 Literature Review

information can be transmitted fiorn the consciousness of one person (the shaman) to the

physical substrate of others (the patient)" (p 104).

The shaman as a "great master of ecstasy" ( Eliade: 1964 p4) "specialises in a

trance during which his soul is believed to leave his body and ascend to the sky or descend

to the underworld" (p5). While he has contact with the spirits and able to communicate

with them, he controls them rather than being used as their instrument (p6). These spirits

come fiom all levels of the universe- the sky, the earth and the underworld. According to

Eliade, these levels of the universe have a central axis which has a hole or an opening

where the shaman is able to "fly up and down" and wander through each as he

communicates with these spirits. He accesses the region of the sacred inaccessible to the

other members oft he community.

Because of this special "elected" position, the shaman holds a great place of

esteem in his society (p7). Because of his special powers, he can gain considerable

political influence in his community. One example are the shamans among the Colorado

people of Ecuador (Long: 1993).

Often, Eliade (1 964) continues, the shaman was compared to the Christian

mystic, monk or the saint but often the latter was not able to display the same technique of

ecstasy that help those who subscribe to shamanism. This kind of help may be in the form

of cure through trance, sending off the spirit of their dead, serving as a "mediator between

the people and their gods, celestial or infernal, greater or lesser"..( p8). "He is considered

the specialist in the human soul ; he alone 'sees' (Eliade: 1964) it, for he knows its 'form'

(Eliade: 1964) and its destiny" 618). Eliade refers to the celestial as those spirits and gods

belonging to the sky (as in the heavens) and the infernal or those who come from the

underworld.

Chapter II Literature Review

Mediating the relations between these spirits and his community, the shaman

ensures the members' well-being. He also concerns himself with such matters as locating

and attracting game or fish for human consumption, controlling the weather, detecting

broken taboos that bring misfortune, and driving away harmful and evil spirits. This

includes curing the sick caused by displeased spirits of dead ancestors (Long: 1993). With

or without the shaman, however, Eliade (1964) says shamanism and the religious life of

the people exist and continues to take place (p 8). He is not indispensable.

The Shaman 's Recruitment

Although the recruitment of the shaman varies fiom culture to culture, common

elements exist. The shaman is introduced by either or both of the following: heredity,

where the power is transmitted by a parent to a child or to a nephew or niece; and a

particular call or vocation. The latter usually happens to a prospective shaman after a crisis

or serious illness where the ordinary person goes through a transformation process leading

to personal isolation, starvation and to trance where hallucinatory signs were evident.

Eliade confirms this in his study among Central and Northeast Asian countries (p 13).

In most of the countries that were surveyed, a shaman is considered a shaman after

undergoing rigid training. Eliade considers this as having been given "two kinds of

teachings: 1) is ecstatic and 2) traditional" (p13). The ecstatic teachings are obtained

through his dreams and visions. It is through these two teachings that the shaman goes

through the initiation.

The Shaman's Initiation

Eliade presents two ways of getting initiated. One which he terms "celestial" is

when this is initiated by the deity through dreams and vision. This usually comes after an

Chapfer 11 Literature Review

"infernal" initiation where the candidate goes through a lot of suffering like serious illness,

near death experience and consequent resurrection from the impending death (p34).

A story of a fiend who was in solitary confinement waiting to be shot by the

German Nazis in the early 40's is a classical example of how the above can occur. This

man was sentenced to be shot for something he was not guilty of -- treason. While in

solitary confinement, he went through the process of a near death experience- given the

last rites, made his final will, the last meal, the last cigarette, etc. During this confinement

his only consolation was his vocation to be a priest. He was a seminarian then who was

going to be ordained in a year or two. He prayed and meditated intensely during a 93-day

solitary confinement. His introspection was so intense that he started quietly to predict

certain things that were going to happen -- i.e. that Austria would become independent of

Germany and that along with the others he would be freed on Sept 24. As he wept

awaiting his impending death, a "German soldier" in an unusual uniform, with a soft gentle

voice came into the cell and asked why he was crying. Face down in bed as he wept, he

told the soldier of his plight. Being too upset to establish eye contact with his cell

"visitor". He only glanced at the visitor's feet and noticed he was wearing a pair of

slippers instead of military boots like all the other officers.. The visitor comforted him. He

stated that he was not going to be shot and that his life would be spared. Then the visitor

walked away. Not paying attention to what he said, he continued to mourn for himself. A

prison officer came later to let him know he was pardoned by the Fuhrer. Until then he

couldn't fathom who the earlier visitor was and why he was unusually different fiom a

typical German soldier.

This story illustrates how a period of prolonged isolation, physical starvation,

emotional trauma, deep feelings of persecution, and near death experience or serious

personal crisis can bring forth conditions of ecstasy that when pursued and developed,

Chapter II Literature Review

make way for a shamanic state. Such experiences contain some of the elements and

themes that bring on shamanic initiation: "dismemberment of the body, followed by a

renewal of the internal organs and viscera; ascent to the sky and dialogue with the gods

and spirits; descent to the underworld and conversations with spirits and the souls of dead

shamans; various revelations, both religious and shamanic" (p 34).

Some claim that even as early as the teens, the prospective shaman exhibits bizarre

behaviours that cause a great deal of concern among parents who are not shamans. They

bring the teenager to a shaman who determines that this is actually an early manifestation

of the spirits trying to communicate with the candidate. The development progresses when

this link is encouraged and the teen taken into apprenticeship with the experienced

shaman. In the third and fourth chapters more initiation processes are elaborated among

the indigenous peoples in the Philippines and Vancouver Island.

Studies on Shamanism and Music

Ruud (1995), a Norwegian music therapist, cited anthropologists Arnold Van

Gemep and Victor Turner who expounded on the rites of passage. He explains how jazz

improvisation becomes a "part ofa larger rite of passage" (p95). The music as therapy

through improvisation takes the musician into an experience of a state of lirnina1ity4 (p96)

where change for growth becomes possible. It is a state where one can access

non-ordinary reality. Although Ruud did not have direct references to shamanism, I relate

this to the extraordinary reality that a shaman puts himself through in order to perform the

* Liminal states or processes are "characterised by ambiguity and the dissolution of conventional meanings and fixed points in one's Life' It is precisely this state or processes that one discovers his own creativity and is able to untangle oneself from fixations that confronts everyday situations (p96).

Chapter II Literature Review

task at hand. I also relate to what Ruud calls the initiation of a young jazz musician to the

rites of passage in the initiation of a prospective shaman.

There are a few studies already made about shamanism with the use of music in

other parts of the world. J. Moreno (1995) explored a few from Kenya, Brazil Peru, Fiji,

Pakistan, and with Native Americans in the U.S. In his study of the Candomble ', an

Afko-Brazilian ritual, he expounded on the intrinsic role of music as a main vehicle of

religious fulfilment. C. K e ~ y ' s (1982) contribution in discovering the very close link

between music therapy and shamanism can not be overlooked. This study is elaborated in

chapter 5.

M. J. Rohrbacher (199?) did a study on the ethnomusicology of music therapy. He

explored art therapy and its use in Bali, Indonesia, emphasising the client's sense of self

within his culture. To overcome the effects of outside influences and help restore the

client's identity, art therapies are carried out in the client's historical and cultural

traditions.

A more detailed study of the healing effects of Temiar music as medicine among

the people in the settlement in the Malaysian forest was done by M. Roseman (1991). The

study dealt with the issues of balance of the new technology with the old traditions of the

aboriginals in maintaining a "combined economic, cosmological, philosophical and

aesthetic system" in Malaysia ( p 176). Through their community ceremonies, rites were

performed either for the recovery of lost souls or the healing of illnesses. With songs and

chants they call upon dierent spirit guides as they attune themselves to their heartbeats

through the bamboo instruments. The healer embodies his spirit so he may interact with

the offending illness agent and determines the treatment. Here is an account, recorded by

Deren in 1953, of an American who participated in a Haitian drum ceremony where the

effect of the drum rhythm is sumrnarised:

Chapter II Literature Review

"My skull is a drum ; each beat drives that leg, like the point of a stake, into the ground. The singing is at my very ear, inside my head. This sound will drown me!. ... . . . . ." (Neher: 2 962 p. 1 57).

The above illustrates how the initial stages of trance and possession cause

depersonalisation of the participant prior to the desired outcome of healing.

Neher (1 962) again quotes from Herskovits (1 937) who described a Haitian

dancer whose lack of control of a response to such a ceremony sent him "rolling on his

back, lying prostrate with legs and arms outstretched and twitching" (p 158).

Similar accounts of the effects of the music from Haitian ceremonies were given by

Wittkower ( 1970) .

Wittkower also reported possession states during his visits to the Prophet Healers

in Monrovia, Liberia. He observed members who went into trance, fell down on the floor,

rolling about in clinic convulsions after sustained dancing to the beating of the drums. This

was supposedly to drive the evil spirits and be possessed by the Holy Ghost (pp 153- 154).

Wittkower ( p 155) also confirms the same observation about the Cundomble'

cult in Brazil by J. Moreno (1995). There is monotonous dancing in a circle to a

non-melody rhythm but with occasional chanting by the women dancers. This signals the

participation of a man who throws himself into the circle with his eyes shut, his

movements violent and goes into spasm and trance as the dancers follow the violent

sounds of the drumming (Wittkower: 1970 p. 155). He notes the psychological as well as

the cultural benefits of the healing religious practices to the community members (p 159).

In the Amazon, the performance of the sage 're invocation serves to heal a sick

relative, assist a woman in childbirth, cure a bleeding wound and a toothache. It is both

curative as well as preventative in the health of the community members. Seeger (1987)

refers to certain songs as 'curing chants'. They consider these songs more important than

Chapter I ' Literature Review

the herbs the shamans use for healing. These invocations work through a system of

metaphors for the people. Their supposed efficacy is the introduction of an attribute of a

certain animal, plant or other natural object into a person by blowing and singing these on

the body of the patient. This is in order to bestow the attribute, qualities and properties of

the animal or object to the part of the patient so that he may resist the illness it caused.

Part of the process then is identifying the animal or plant and its attributes so that the right

one may be chosen (pp32-36).

Mahlberg (1992), a psychologist, reports a study done by S.J. Frazer in 1975

among many tribes in Australia and New Guinea where a boy is initiated into manhood by

the use of a loud humming sound that is associated with a spirit which was supposed to

take the boy and revive him as a man (Mahlberg: 1992 p.225). D. Wright (1992) talked

about the effects of Peruvian whistling vessels, some pre-Columbian instruments that

supposedly altered consciousness through its sound.

Below is a recount by J. Hitchcock (1974) of the use of music by a shaman in

Nepal (pp76-78):

To bring his tutelary spirit and other spirits to him and get them to possess him, he begins drumming and singing another spell. During the long spell, spirits begin to appear. Sakrante (the shaman) says they come upside down, with their feet toward the roof. Eventually they swarm onto his body and then enter it, some through his mouth, ears leg and arm joints-- but mostly through his nose, where they give off an odour that he says is slightly excremental. Possession occurs when one of them enters his heart. He sees a flash of fire and feels drunk. The audience knows what is happening because Sakrante begins to drum more rapidly. Then his drumming gets slower and slower, as if he could only move his hand with a tremendous effort. The drumming stops and now instead of singing he forces air loudly through his lips, shouts unintelligible syllables, and groans. As the possession deepens, he snaps something from out at arm's length and one hears the jangle of the ring fastenings on the handles and the tinkle of a little bell that is fastened inside. Suddenly Sakrante falls over on the ground, jerking his arms, head and legs spasmodically . ..

Chapter I1 Literature Review

Among the people of Oraon, a Dravidian tribe of about a million people in the

Chota Nagpur plateau of Eastern India, Kakar (1982 p92 ) describes some of the healing

methods of the Oraon shaman called bhagat. The shaman deals with spirits called shairan.

Where a spirit is of low order, he can be driven away by the shamans incantation of mantra

songs. With his suggestion backed by personal and cultural authority, it is usually enough

to cure the kind of illness caused by it. This procedure is called jhar-phook. In the case of

a more stubborn higher-order spirit and where the mantra power is not sufficient, the

shaman performs the puja. The shaman puts himself and the patient in trance and

possession for the duration of the healing rite. He accomplishes the goal of putting the

patient into this state by many different means. Among these are the rhythmic beating of a

brass tray used for this purpose. As both are possessed they engage into a violent

conversation with the spirit and at the conclusion of the rite both become extremely

exhausted ( pp 104- 105).

A similar study done by Metzner (1987) shows the effect of mantras "having

definite effects on consciousness through their sound quality alone in addition to the

meaning content". Mantras are said to "activate or energise certain chakras". Among the

Tibetan Buddhist according to Metzner the practice of overtone chanting has a "definite

consciousness-heightening effects on both the listener and the performer" (pZ4 1).

The shaman acts as a mediator between illness and health with help of songs in a

study done by R. Mastromattei ( in 1968) in Norther Afghanistan as quoted by Hoppal

(1987). The former talked about a therapeutic seance performed by a shaman called basis

and is aided by a gobuz or horsehair fiddle and singing . Mastromattei made a detailed

analysis of the texts of the songs . "Its phonetics and semantics were just as important in

Chapter N Literature Review

the active alert hypnosis". As well "the glossolalia is the phonetic expression of the

neuropsychological trance process" (p.9 1).

The above literature shows how the use of sound through drumming and singing is

used as a trigger or catalyst for heightened states of consciousness (Metzner: 1987)

necessary for therapeutic effects in shamanism. This seems to be a common denominator

among all indigenous cultures in the world subscribing to shamanism.

A Soviet scholar who conducted a study of shamans among the Voguls and

Ostyaks between 1967 and 1972 summarked the characteristics of the Vogul shaman as

those who are working with a drum and those calling the spirits by musical instruments

(Hoppal: 1987 p.80). Other shamans like the Utes and Shoshones of North America

employ singers for their shamanistic dances called Sun Dance. The songs when performed

well call out the gods and enhance the power of the shaman (Jorgensen: 1972 p 266).

The use of sound and specific rhythm patterns delivering certain cycles per second

triggers and heightens the induction of trance. This had been shown by the studies of

Nether (1 962) and Wittkower (1970). Jilek(1982) studied the theta driving capacity of the

drumming during the Winter Ceremonies of the Salish on Vancouver Island and

corroborated Nether and Wittkower's observation that the production of specific

frequency sounds alters brain function putting the participants in an altered state of

consciousness. The ethnographic study proved more effective than that in Nihau' s

laboratory because the Winter Ceremony in Jilek's study involved many drums

(Achterberg: 1987 p120). While the effect of drums has been emphasised in the above

studies, similar effects were also obtained with the use of gongs, rattles, whistles and

sticks. Trance is brought about by sound and rhythm which seem to be the obvious key

elements.

Chapter I1 Literature Review

Trance brings about shamanic states of consciousness or SSC (Achterberg:

1987). It is during this altered states of consciousness that shamans of most cultures are

able to journey into the spirit world in order to communicate with the world beyond to

intercede for their patients. Illnesses in these cultures are only defined in terms of spiritual

origins and must be dealt with spiritually. Healing in these cultures is a spiritual process.

The so-called external factors which are naturally part of the environment such as virus,

bacteria and other microbes only make man susceptible when his protective mechanisms

are weakened. The role of the shaman therefore is to enhance the preverbal imagery in his

patient by creating images which make him susceptible to self-healing. (p105) He does so

through the rituals.

Rouget ( 1985) felt compelled to differentiate between what Eliade refers to as

"ecstasy" fiom what he refers to as "trance". To Rouget, the following words describe

ecstasy: immobility, silence, solitude, no crisis, sensory deprivation, recollection,

hallucinations. He differentiates this fiom "trance" which he describes as having

"movement, noise, in company, crisis, sensory over stimulation, amnesia, no

hallucinations".(p 1 1) There are many psychophysiologic symptoms that accompany the

latter: "trembling, shuddering, horripilation, swooning, falling in the ground, yawning,

lethargy, convulsions, foaming at the mouth, protruding eyes, large extrusion of the

tongue, paralysis of a limb, thermal disturbances, insensitivity to pain, tics, noisy breathing,

fixed stare, and so on'' (p 13). It is common that one or two or several of these symptoms

may be present during the shamanic trance. The shaman has no recollection of the trance.

Only observers do.

Shamanism in the Philippines

Geography

The Republic of the Philippines is an archipelago in Southeast Asia. (See

Appendix 'By) The country is made up of more than 7000 islands many of which are still

uninhabited. There are three distinct major island groups. The first is the island of Luzon

which is in the northern part of the country. Luzon is where Manila is located, the political

and cultural capital of the Philippines. The middle part of the country is made up of

smaller island groups collectively known as the Visayan Islands. Among these island

provinces is the island of Cebu. Cebu was the site of the landing of Magellan in 152 1.

Today the city of Cebu in Cebu province continues to be the political, economic and

cultural centre of the region. Mindanao is the third island group and dominates the

southern Philippines. There are two major cities in the region which serve as the political,

economic and cultural centre of the Island. The city of Cagayan de Oro lies in the northern

part of Mindanao while Davao City is in the southern part of the island in the province of

Davao. Part of this region is the Sulu Archipelago which lies North East of Borneo, now

a part of Indonesia and Malaysia. It was this former part of the country where Islam had

very deep roots and where the Philippine Muslim population was initially concentrated.

Colonial Period, 1565 to 1946

The Philippines endured centuries of domination by Spain and the United States.

Magellan "discovered" the Philippines for Spain in 152 1 and became its colony in 1565.

Chapter III Shamanism in the Philippines

Spain remained as the colonial power until it was defeated in the revolution that started in

1896. Although defeated in the Philippine revolution by the Filipinos, it took a token naval

battle in Manila Bay led by US Admiral George Dewey for Spain to surrender to the

United States. As it were, this was all part of the Spanish-American war and the

subsequent Treaty of Paris in 1898 where the Philippines was formally ceded to the United

States by Spain.

The United States picked up where Spain left off and colonised the Philippines

until it was made a commonwealth in 1935. This was supposedly to prepare the

Philippines for independence. Independence from the United States was delayed by World

War 11 when Japan invaded and occupied the Philippines until its defeat by the Allies in

1945. The United States did deliver on its promise when it granted independence to the

Philippines on July 4, 1946. Although the United States left the Philippines as an

independent country, its cultural and economic influence continue to dominate the

Philippines today. In the 1960s the Phiiippines changed the country's independence day

from July 4, 1946 to June 12, 1898, the date when the Philippine revolutionaries declared

independence after defeating Spain in the revolution.

Other Early influences

The Philippines geographically ties at the cross-roads of the various countries and

cultures in Southeast Asia. Because of this unique position, the Philippines had contact

with the rest of Asia and the world that predates its first contact with the West. Early

recorded history shows that as early as 200AD, the Philippines had contact with the

Malays of Southeast Asia. Between the 5th to the 15th centuries frequent contacts with

the Middle East, India, and China brought about si@cant changes in the social,

Chqvter III Shamanism in the Philippines

economic and cultural life of the country. The 13th century saw the introduction of Islam

in the southern part of the Philippines which eventually spread up north.

The Filipino Today

The present majority of the Filipino people are of Malayan stock and are believed

to be the descendants of the early invaders. However, inter-racial marriages have

produced an interesting mix of ancestries including Chinese, Japanese, Malayan, Indian,

European and American Caucasian. The variety of influences fiom around the world make

the Filipino unique. For instance, the influence of Indo-Malayan culture is quite apparent

in the southern part of the country as evidenced by their music, religious beliefs, rituals

and customs.

Spain's 400 years of occupation inevitably produced offspring of Spanish-Filipino

ancestry called mestizos or mestizus. Despised by the brown-skinned natives, they were

also shunned by the Spanish. (Agoncillo & Alfonso: 1967 p 5 ) In spite of the mesfizo or

mesiiza class being marginalized, many of them did acquire enormous economic wealth

which eventually gave them a social status that was more desirable than the brown-skinned

Filipinos. The coming of the Americans slowly changed the perception by the Filipino of

what is "beautiful" and "desirable" as fair skinned, tall and fluent in English or Spanish

The mestizas are now looked upon as superior stock.

Characteristic Traits

Although it may be difficult to i d e n t ~ the Filipino £?om his racial origin,

Agoncillo and Alfonso (1967) agree that there are a few characteristics of the Filipino that

unmistakably identifL him. The Filipino is "hospitable, family-orient ed, respectful of his

elders, fatalistic and loyal @ 6-15). He has a tendency to be indolent, perhaps due to the

Chapter iii Shamanism in the Philippines

hot climate, seems to lack initiative due perhaps to his fatalistic attitude, jealous, curious,

and regionalistic" to a point of prejudice against those who do not belong to the same

region. (Agoncillo & Alfonso: 1967 pp 6- 1 5)

The main livelihood of the early Filipinos was agriculture, hunting, fishing and

mining. Today the Philippines is an emerging economic power of the Asia Pacific region

with a very strong industrial economy. Its vast pool of highly educated workers makes it

attractive for leading edge technology companies. Manila has become one of the major

economic centres of Southeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific economic region.

Culture

According to some scholars at the University of the Philippines Linguistics

Department, there are some one hundred languages and three hundred dialects in the

Philipines. Dialects are regional variations of the same language and are mutually

intelligible among the members of the region.

The Spanish conquest of the Philippines gave rise to a new culture completely

unrelated to the indigenous peoples who were driven to the remote areas of the country.

This culture includes the social and cultural aspects of society as well as new economic

and political structures. It was gratifying for me to find a renewed interest among scholars

and researchers to rediscover the treasures that can be found in the ethnic beIiefs and

practices of the pre-colonial Philippines.

A major difficulty encountered by researchers is the lack of physical evidence of

the rituals and practices that predates the Spanish rule. Most of these materials were

written or etched on leaves, tree bark, bamboo cuttings, and other delicate materials and

were systematically destroyed by the Spanish who considered these paganistic and works

of the devil in the context of Catholicism. Much of the knowledge and practices today

Chapter III Shamanism in the Philippines

were passed on fiom one generation to another as folklore. What little evidence is

available shows an early system of writing which resembles that of Hebrew, Greek, Latin .

and Spanish. There is also some evidence linking pre-Spanish writing to Sanskrit or

Arabic. (Agoncillo & Aknso: 1967 p61)

Music and Dance

Songs were mostly accompanied by instruments and their performance was usually

incorporated with dancing. Development of the songs and dances was simultaneous with

the development of drama. Songs and poetry were classified according to their use:

maxims, sayings, riddles, street songs, boat songs, songs of rivalry, war songs which

developed into love songs, dirge songs, lullabies, bridal songs, mournful songs, rowing

songs, household songs, couplets ( usually chanted by the blind). Pure examples of these

are not available because the songs that have been recorded already bear the imprint of the

Spanish influence. (p62)

The Catholic Church was the first institution to benefit fiom the musical heritage

that Spain left behind. They taught the people religious music that is characteristically

Spanish. Only the Latin mass was practiced during this period. Ecclesiasticd music was

mostly in Latin and occasionally in Spanish. In religious processions, however, the clerics

permitted songs in the local languages but using European forms. The success of the

missionaries is evident even in the very remote areas like Cuyo islands, where songs for

Jesus and Mary are widely used. (Prudente: 1977)

The Filipino is also known for his resilience and adaptability. During the oppressive

regime of Spain, a song form called Kundinm emerged as an expression of nationalist

fervour. The structural source of the Kundiman is the Italian Romantic Ballad best

typified by Puccini and Verdi arias usually in two to three parts and in languid triple time.

Chapter III Shamanism in the Philippines

It has its origin in the Pre-Spanish corninrang form which was transformed and disguised

as love songs during the Spanish regime. The lyrics were metaphorical and remained

typically Filipino. The country became the love object and the songs became the rallying

force for the Philippine revolution against Spain. (pl I ) It served as a subtle

encouragement to incite revolution and the melodies provided a healing effect and

catharsis for the suffering natives.

Nan-European Music

A majority of studies on Philippine music focused on its entertainment value. It

was not until 1 953 when Prof. Jose Maceda (Dioquino: 1 979 p 49-50) of the University of

the Philippines started an extensive research on ethnic music when he found out that

indigenous music was for everyday living including healing and not primarily to entertain

others. He found out that the people were very much connected to their spirituality as

reflected in the kinds of music they used during their ritual practices.

The Tmrsog of Mindanao sing with their gabbang ( a bamboo xylophone) and

biyula (violin) (Hila: 1989 p19). Also from Mindanao are the Maguindanaos who sing in

long melismatic phrases while the indigenous people of the central-westem Philippines

called Hummo Mangyan sing mostly in monotone with turns at the end of the phrases

(Hila: 1989 p 20). Hila summarked the predominant patterns of singing among the

different tribes in the Philippines. First, improvisation is common and the skill in the area

speaks of the dexterity of the singer and the quality of the song. Second, there is generally

a low and limited range of notes. Third, essential elements of the song which may be

considered decorative to westerners are the melodic ornamentation such as glissandos and

tremolos. Fmrth, everyone in the community sings giving a variety of quality in voice due

to agey sex and cultural differences. Fifry there is a variety of non-western scales. Sirrh,

Chapter I . Shamanism in the Philippines

syllabic chant-like monotone singing prevails in most groups and gets a little bit more

complex in the south. Seventh, there are no exact time elements that Limit the vocal forms.

Eighrh, in singing the chants repeats and accents on one vowel is common. F i ~ i f y , in

the leader-follower type of singing, the leader simply gives an introductory intonation and

the others follow in a canon fashion (Hila 1989 pp20-29).

Furthermore, research on Philippine music other than the pioneering work of

Maceda focused on music after the arrival of Spain in the Philippines. The "native music"

was of European influence using well-tempered western modes and scales (of minor and

major). This so-called "native music" falls into the two out of six categories developed by

Abraham of the University of the Philippines. These two categories are the traditional

music of the majority lowland Christian groups (like the ilocanos, Kapampangan,

Hiligaynon, Sugbuanon, Bikol, etc.) and the musical compositions of Filipino composers

with distinct European influences from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. A study

that also focused on the nonentertainment value of Philippine music and dance was that

done by Santiago (1957). Santiago recognised the seriousness of some of the war dances

of the Aefas, the aborigines of the Philippines. Likewise, he noted the head and fbneral

dances of the Bontoc Igorots; and the Macasia festival of the Tagbamras of Palawan

where the dances were accompanied by gongs and drums covered with shark skin heads to

frighten the evil spirits that caused illness to a Tagbarnan. @ 8) Santiago (1957) came

across as an apologist for what he described as "savage, naked, tribal . . ." stage of their

primitive civilisation ( p.20)". These are the music that fall into the two other categories as

outlined by Abraham. One is the traditional music of Southeast Asia (the animists of the

Cordilleras, Sierra Madreq e.g. Agtus; Mangyans of Mindoro, Panay Island Negritues,

Palawan Tagbmas, Buhid and Palaw-an and about two dozen Mindanaon animist and

non-Muslim non-Christian groups). h o t her is the traditional music influenced by South

Chapter III Shamanism in the Philippines

Asia (India) and West Asia (the Arabian Peninsula and other cultures of the "middle

East".)

Another study which was fbnded by the National Research Council of the

Philippines was undertaken by Dioquino. This study focused on the importance of ethnic

music in relation to the people's culture (Dioquino: 1979 p 49). Maceda's pioneering

work of the 1950s on the relationship between Filipino's music and culture seems to have

come a full circle. While his research focused away from the entertainment value of

indigenous music, the interest he has generated led to more popular movements to revive

the ethnic aspects of Philippine music and incorporate these in present Philippine music.

One such movement was founded by Prof Abraham of the College of Arts and Letters of

the University of the Philippines. Konfragapi, the resident ethnic ensemble of the College

of Arts and Letters has developed an extensive repertoire of indigenous music from the

Philippines and Southeast Asia and have recently undertaken a world tour where they

shared Philippine music with audiences in many countries of the world.

Shamanism in the Philippines

Shamanism in the Philippines is a practice that existed for hundreds of years before

Spain colonised the country in the Z 5th century. As Spain attempted to convert the native

"pagans" to Christianity, it tried to eradicate these practices labelling them as paganistic,

eviI, primitive and savage. Bearing superior arms on the one hand and a cross on the other

signifying a punitive but loving God, Spain was able to dominate the Philippines. The

lowland people readily embraced Christianity but the indigenous peoples of the Cordilleras

retreated deeper into the mountains where the Spanish government and church pursued

them less relentlessly. Spain nonetheless tried to eradicate dl traces of this "evil" by

systematically destroying evidence of such mythopoetic expressions which were

Chapter I21 Shamanism in the Philippines

etched on bamboo and other delicate material. (PfeEer: 1975 pp 8-9). What survived the

deliberate eradication of a people's culture were passed on to succeeding generations by

folklore and practices and beliefs related in stories by the elders to the community in

general.

Because of the geographic isolation of the cordilleras, the practice of Shamanism

flourished throughout the Spanish regime. These traditions and practices are carried on

today in spite of the development of modem transportation and communication systems

perhaps because of a more tolerant society. The Visayan Islands converted more easily

into Christianity but some of the shamanic rituals and practices survived regardless. Spain

did not rigorously pursue the Christianization of Mindanao as Islam was already deeply

rooted in the region on its arrival.

Maceda discovered that some evidence of pre-Spanish chants and music making in

the indigenous areas were preserved (Maceda: 1981 p10). Shamanism in the Philippines,

while not the primary method of treating an illness in the major cities, remains an

important therapy for the well being of the community members in the remote areas

especially for illnesses that could not be explained by the medical profession. It is a good

possibility that these "unexplained iflnesses" are attributed to the spirit of a relative who

recently passed away or spirits of ancestors who have come back for some kind of

message. It has become an important adjunct of therapy when everything else in medicine

fails. It is significant to note that Baguio City, the Iargest metropolis north of Manila, is

planning to build a healing centre where the shamans or local arbohyo can practice side

by side with medical doctors.

Maceda found in his research evidence that rituals and ceremonies which include

the use of music as a way of communicating to the supernatural spirits, spirits of dead

ancestors, and good and evil spirits for the cure of the sick are widely used across the

Chapter I11 Shamanism in the Philippines

country. The practice can be found in both traditional and modem villages despite the

presence of the influences of Buddhism, Muslim and Christian traditions. Some of these

rituals use instruments while others do not. However, accurate transcriptions of these

activities were not possible because the shamans prohibit the use of photography and

audiotaping as these machines tend to disrupt the communication with the spirits.

(Maceda: 198 1 p 56-57)

A sample of the notes taken by Maceda (1 98 1) describing these activities follow:

"the ceremonies involves an explanation of their purposes; spread of the practice in the

community; the preparation; the materials used; the participants; the process involved,

which includes entry and exit of good and bad spirits in the medium's body; travel of a

shaman's soul; the character of spirits he encounters; the role of the music; the texts of

prayers and chants; and an account of a medium's life, his position in the society, how he

acquired the trade. Not all this data can be easily acquired." (pS7)

In the Visayan and Mindanao regions of the Philippines, trance ceremonies are

used in specific rhythms to cure the sick. Just like the Kankana-eys and the ibaloys of the

north, the Mugindanaos use music strongly for their shamanistic rites. (See Appendix E

for detailed description of these shamanic rites using music.)

Maceda (198 1) also described the practices of the Agta in Quezon Province.

According to him, vocal music assumes an important role in trance ceremonies used for

shamanism. Unaccompanied by musical instruments, singing is used by the shaman to

allow the spirits to enter the body of the medium which does not take very long @ 60).

Maceda also mentioned the practices of the Kahgu, one of the provinces of the

Cordillera regions of Luzon. The medium called rnanuhhvak accompanies her singing

with a rhythm created by striking a Chinese plate with a bamboo stick.

Chapter III Shamanism in the Philippines

In the province of Cavite, just south of Metro-Manila, in a ceremony called

mghiyung, trance is achieved by the medium's singing in monotone "with a very fast

enumeration of words for a long time". These words are basically Tagalog ( the national

language) but are mixed with sylables that are coined together. In other words, they were

not something known to the general community. A similar method is also practised by the

Izneg of the Cordillera where constant repetition of instrumental music is used to produce

trance. These practices are similar to the practices in East Kalimantan and Java provinces

of Indonesia. (p60)

THE PBLILTPPrn CORDILLERAS

The focus of my research in the Philippines is in the Cordillera Region of the

country. (See Appendix 'B') The Cordilleras is a geographic feature of the Philippines that

is quite similar to the Cordillera mountain system of North America which extends

through British Columbia. The Cordillera region of the Philippines is punctuated by some

of the highest peaks in the country. Among these mountains are nestled narrow fertile

valleys. The terrain is very rugged. The world renowned rice terraces of the Philippines is

in Ifbgao province in the heart of the Cordilleras.

Before the 1970s, the Cordillera region was under one province -- the Mountain

Province. Subsequent political realignments created the provinces as they exist today

which are Kalinga, Apayao, &gao and Benguet. The province of Benguet is where

Baguio City is located. Baguio City is a bustling metropolis and is officially the summer

capital of the country. Because of its cool climate, various levels of government operate

from the city in the hot summer months. This includes the Supreme Court as well as the

other branches of the senior government. The University of the Philippines, Baguio City

was established there in the early 1960s.

Chapter 111 Shamanism in the Philippines

The People of the Cordilleras

The Kmha-eys come tiom the northern part of Benguet and the ibaloys are

fiom the southern part (Bagamaspad, et al 1966) The two tribes are not necessarily

confined in the geographicai sense according to provinces but rather by their proximity to

each other as bordered by certain mountain ranges. The Kankana-eys speak the dialect

called Kalkali and the ibaloys speak the dialect called Nabaloy (Sacla: 1987 pp 2-5)

The M o y s come from the mountain valleys and settlements of the general

south-eastern part in and around Benguet where the centre territory is around Baguio

City. The origin of the ibaloy can be traced to a myth called Chiva Ni Pulag (Bagamaspad

et al: 1966 p.33) It is believed that mountains and hills did not exist in this world; where

people lived in a flat land and moved tiom place to place anywhere. The people, however,

engaged in so much fighting and quarrelling that the god Kabunian caused heavy rains and

great flood. He only warned a couple who was able to prepare for the disaster by making

a boat out of a huge pine tree. The heavy rains came and flooded the whole world as they

found themselves alone. They paddled towards what looked Like land and stayed there

until the flood subsided. Much to their surprise they were amid a new world of mountains

and hills and water flowing down the rivers and creeks. They made their home there, bore

children who intermarried and multiplied. The lbaloys stayed there to rejoin their

ancestors for good (Bagamaspad et al: 1966 p33).

Rituals of the Cordilleras

Rituals serve a very important part of the people's lives. Rituals are used to

enhance harvest. Some of these rituals were performed originally as war and victory

symbols but later became a ceremony to mark the renewal of fertility of the soil as the

need for tribal wars slowly disappeared. One such example is the Bend- or Chungm.

Chapter 111 Shamanism in the Philippines

It was originally a symbolic sacrifice of blood by head hunters among the Ibaloys in the

late 18009s.* Today a symbolic offering of pigs blood to the ancestors is made for soil

fertility (Bagamaspad et al: 1966 pp 85-93).

The people's rituals are very much related to their beliefs, be it superstitious or

religious. Among the Kankana-eys, for instance, the worship of the god referred to as

Kabunian may be an equivalent to the Christian God. He is sometimes represented by

someone who is quite unfamiliar like a white foreigner. They attribute good fortune, good

harvest and good luck to the blessings of Kabunian (Bagamaspad: 1966 pp 74-78).

Vanoverberg (1972) had a remarkable recall of the beliefs of the Kanakana-eys having

lived with them for about 20 years and with another group for IS years. He recalled being

referred to as Kabunian by one of the natives as she referred to him in the third person

(1972: p 74). Rituals are also directed to spirits who come in different names depending

on the kind of sickness they have caused. There are also rituals directed to spirits who are

being asked to intercede against the other spirits to do evil to someone's enemy (p124).

Rituals are also used for merrymaking and healing such as the Caniao (Kanyaw).

This is a social gathering for the purpose of both merrymaking and healing. Different

parts of the province use it in difFerent ways. Generally, dancers are used and musical

instrument are played to accompany the dances. Instruments for music used have different

names fiom tribe to tribe but essentially have similar construction and use.

Among the Kankanaeys, Vanoverbergh dealt extensively with the use of rituals

for healing (1 18- 122). There are rituals for just about any sickness ranging fiom the

specific to the general. Thus there are rituals to cure fever, stomach trouble, swollen

abdomen, inflammation of the lymphatic ganghons, wounds, scalding or simply hurt by

--

4 The last one recorded was in 19 14 (Vanoverbergh: 1972 p 126)

Chapter !I? Shamanism in the Philippines

something, abcess, headache, toothache, sore eyes, deafhess, drunkenness, continuous

crying of a child, baby refirsing to eat and when a child is late in walking. The rituals are

always accompanied by prayers and are often accompanied with the use of simple

instruments.

There are also rituals that coincide with the life cycle -- birth, infancy and

childhood, courtship and marriage, wedding, death and burial (Aloma et al: 1987 pp

77-81). Life among the people of the Cordilleras is in itself a ritual.

The use of rituals among the Ibufoys is very similar to those of the other tribes in

the Cordilleras. The literature tends to indicate more emphasis on music making and use

of musical instruments. Alorna and de 10s Reyes (1987 pp 88-90 ) enumerate the different

musical instruments that play an important role in the social relationships of the IMoys.

Sacla (1987) also maintains that the Kankana-ay and the Ibaloys of Benguet are not too

different in their practices and beliefs. They differ only in dialect and in performance of the

rituals. The intents and purposes of the rituals remain the same (Sacla: 1987 p 4).

Some Musical Instruments in the Cordilleras

The musical instruments used by the people of the Cordilleras are made fiom

indigenous materials. Some of the instruments made from a variety of bamboos are shown

in Appendix F. Kadeng is similar to a Jew's harp and is made of a thin and narrow strip of

bamboo with a narrow vibrating "tongue" fashioned in the middle. This is played in

between the lips using the mouth as a resonator. This "tongue" is made to vibrate by

striking the end portion of the bamboo strip with a thumb or a string attached to it (Hila:

1 989 pp9- 10. Kufsheng or kmnbitong is similar to a guitar or zither and is made fiom a

single bamboo section around 3-4 inches in diameter with nodes on both ends. A few

strands of the bamboo skin fiom one section are lifted up with a wedge to serve as

Chapter IZ.. Shamanism in the Philippines

strings. Kuleseng or nose flute is made of a narrow bamboo about an inch or less in

diameter and about 30 centimetres long with finger holes on the sides. Pekkung, (or

pakkung) is a slender bamboo about 30 centimetres long struck with the palm of the hand

used as a buzzer or devil chaser. This is split horizontally in the middle on one end up to

about 3/4 leaving the rest for handle. The buzzing sound is produced by striking the end

with the split with the palm of one hand. It is used especially by women with children in

tow to drive away the evil spirits along a forest trail (Hila: 1989). Pufkong, a foot long

bamboo split horizontally in the middle similar to pekkung, is struck with a stick to

produce the sound..

Solibao and bmbal are drums made of a long carved wood which are hollowed

out for resonance and covered with animal skin on one end. Kalsa ( a main gong) and

pinsak (a secondary gong), are metal gongs made of brass and copper. These metal gongs

are prized heirlooms and are passed on from one generation to another. They are often

inherited and traded (Bagamaspad et al: 1966 p94-99). Palas or tiktik, is a pair of metal

bars and are struck together to produce sound.

These instruments are used for specific purposes and may not be interchangeable.

While the kodeng is used for entertainment, the solibao and the kaIw are considered

sacred and can not be touched by anyone who is not trained to play them. These are

played only when specified by the ritual (Aloma and de 10s Reyes: 1987 pp89-90).

The Kmkanaelys use similar ones but they name them differently. For instance,

the Jew's harp is called Piw-piw instead of kode~ag kalleleng instead of kulesheng for the

nose flute. Gmgw instead of Msa and pinsak and salibao instead of solibao.

The playing of the metal gong for no apparent reason is prohibited by the elders. It

is believed that indiscriminate playing of the gong awakens and brings forth the Anifo or

spirits and, if they come out for no apparent reason, will offend them and would cause

Chapter III Shamanism in the Philippines

sickness or misfortune (Sacla: 1987 p 152). The gong is kept safely until a ritual calls for

its use. When the gama is called for, the playing must begin fiom the elder included in the

ritual dancing and followed by the other elders. The holder of the metal gong in the

Kankana-ey tradition is called mangungsu and is the leader of the ritual band who assumes

control and responsibility over the other members. The leader distributes blankets used for

rituals and gives preference to the elder members of the band. According to Sacla, he

could be the most influential person in the ritual and could make the affair as lively as

expected by the people (Sacla: 1987 p 152- 153).

Songs and Singing

Singing is just as important as instrument playing and serves both for merriment

and serious rituals. It is an accompaniment to the prayers and serves as a baseline to the

rhymes and expresses their thoughts and emotions through choice of words to music. It is

also their way of talking through a puzzle or a story, a debate or a topic. Day-eng, a ballad

oft he Ibaloys is said to be of many forms, one for the poor and one for the rich. The

@-eng for the b a h g (rich) was only reserved for them and only for certain occasions.

They feel that the rich had more experiences to recount that sets them apart from the

ordinary people (Bagamaspad et al: 1966 pp 97-99).

While there are many songs intended for merrymaking, the following are

noteworthy as they are used for ceremonial purposes especially in a ritual they callpedit

(in Kunkana-ey or peshit in ibaloy)-- or a rich man's feasts. They are: Bayyog, Doy-os,

Daing, Ay-yeng, Aggsmey, A leley-Aya-ey, Da-eng and Salidom-may. Boyyog is sung

inside the house of the host by selected people who lead the singing. Doy-os is sung

simultaneously with the Bayyog, but outside the house while an offering of roasted meat is

made. This singing is led by the priest, mmbunong. Dahg is sung at dusk while the

Chapter 111 Shamanism in the Philippines

participants dance in a circle either with joined hands or their shoulders touching each

other. (Bagamaspad et al: 1966 p 99). The cordillera singing is characterised by short

phrases tiequently broken by rests and stops. In their rituals there is solo singing by a

leader and a chorus like response similar to the Western Gregorian tradition. Maceda

(1958 ) described this in detail in his study of the chants from the Sag&, a town of the

Kunmu-ey in the Cordilleras. He described the power and enthusiasm generated by the

massive singing of very large group of men and women. It is non-linear on a pulsating

rhythm. The melody is based on pentatonic mode similar to western Re Mi Sol La and

actually based on an incomplete tetrachord Mi Sol La and bearing a form ABA with the

text similarly on an A B A form. This was originally written by Maceda as DEGA for the

pentatonic and EGA for the latter but realised that the singers did not necessarily sing with

a standard pitch pipe and the melodic instruments were tuned to the Western frequency.

According to his research these chants had a specific purpose such as the chant about a

fiog in search of a sick person to help him get well (Maceda 1958 p 47). Not uncommon

is improvisation which is done fluently and creatively (Hila: 1989 p 19-20).

Like the Kankana-eys, the ibaloys, and the Negritos4, the Kalinga people resort

to a leader-chorus type of singing in contrast with those in the southern part of the

Philippines who prefer unaccompanied singing. Singing may be accompanied by

instruments like the Tmsog fkom Mindanao.

Dance and Rituals

Dancing could be most integal to the ritual itself. Tayaw, a dance movement,

shows off and reflects the thoughts and feelings of the participants. If a man shows

reluctance in dancing, it demonstrates he is not ready to celebrate a siddikdot or he has

nothing to offer similar to the celebration. The man who shows confidence and draws

Chapter II/ Shamanism in the Philippines

attention and applause or showing signs of welcome and animal gestures is conveying

forthcoming celebration of sictalkedot himself (Sacla: 1987 p 1 53).

The practice of adorning oneself with a headgear or turban called bedbed for

dancing reflects more than just a decoration. It is a declaration of how one has

participated in the tuyuw. A person who wears a bedbed bound several times around his

head is showing how many times he has performed sida in his lifetime ( 1987: p 154).

A very important contribution to the study of beliefs and rituals of Benguet is one

done by Wasing Sacla (1987). He clearly compares the practices of both the Kankana-eys

and the Ibaioys. The beliefs of both peoples are based on everyday happenings and

activities such as the lunar cycles, the star formations, seasons of the year, going on a

journey, planting and harvest, and the rites of passage: birth, courtship, adulthood,

marriage, and death.

Shamanism among the Peoples ofthe Cordillera

Sacla (1987) wrote about the ritual prayers, where the priest called mambumng

acts as "the medium between the celebrating family and the spirit, between the sick and the

spirits, between the spirit and another spirit, when used as an offense or defense between

persons." @ 144) Thus the priest plays a major role in the ritual healing.

Materials for healing come in many forms ( 1987: pp.137-138). To heal a sick

traveler, the priest or the mmnbunong is called to perform a ritual called petad A chicken,

a dog or a duck is offered to the offended spirit. Other materials needed are wine, tapey or

rice wine and an iron tool. Other rituals like the Amiag to cure sudden fever and chest

pains, requires the use of coins in addition to the materials for petad For k e h , a ritual

for someone inflicted by a spirit asking a favor, materials offered in addition to either

chicken, pig or carabao are blankets, silver coins, clothes and jar of tapey. Other more

Chapter 111 Shamanism in the Philippines

complicated rituals that last for days demand more kinds of materials. In the on-mito, the

celebrating family prepares four pigs, offered in four different rituals withrn the big

ceremony. On the first day, a female pig is offered with piles of blankets, clothes, coins

and a jar of t p y . The gmva is played as part of the ritual offering. The participants start

dancing with the blankets and clothes that are piled for the purpose. The following three

days will see much the same procedure but the sex of the pig does not matter.

T'ayab-ban, according to Sacla, is a healing practice for an agonizing stomach

ache caused by a spirit called tayab-ban. The onset of the pain is described to be sudden

but the relief is just as instant when the ritual is performed. A prayer is said while the

healer rubs crushed dried sweet flag on the navel.

Not too far from where the Ibaloys and the Kankana-ey live are the Kalinga

people. They too have complex rituals connected with the life cycle and man's social life

(Maceda: 198 2 p.60-63). At childbirth the medium (the shaman) called r n a n ~ ~ a k , who

is usually an old woman rubs a hen on a baby's body to appeal to the good spirit, called

anito for the baby's good growth and development and for the protection of his health.

The singing is accompanied by rhythm created by a tube or two of bamboo pounded

against the floor to produce resonance. This instrument is called tongatong. The singing

and playing of the instruments to please the anito become more interesting and

complicated depending on the favor that is being asked of the d o (Maceda: 198 1 ) .

The anito is generally looked upon as a good spirit. But he can also be the cause

of illness when h e is displeased. In a ritual called the sapoyt a person believed to be sick

because of an aniro sings a ritual song to relieve himself of a stomach ache or fever. The

healer, mamhbwak may also perform singing rituals called the aleseg in order to help

someone suffering a chronic illness. To help and praise an old sick man or woman, a group

of men and women sing the ritual song caknwhnag and a narrative ullolm to help himher

Chapter III Shamanism in the Philippines

heal. In most of these rituals of the Kalinga, the principal singer is the medium who is

usually an older woman (Maceda: 198 1). The KaIinga generalIy sing in short phrases

frequently interrupted by rests or stops in contrast to those people in the south

(Hila: 1989).

Personal Communicatr0ons With the Non'ves of the Cordillera

Two people from the Igorot group provided helpful information. They are living in

the province of Benguet, one of the provinces of the Cordillera region. The first is Vice

Governor Wasing Sacla, the author mentioned above and son of a healer fiom the

Kankana-ay who died some years ago. His father was a healer, Gabin Sacla from

Tublay. We met him in his office at the provincial capitol building in La Trinidad, the

capital of Benguet.

The first time I met this quiet, humble and unassuming man was in February, 1997

while seeking out a healer in Baguio City. I was first introduced by the College Secretary

of the University of Philippines, Baguio City to one of the professors who introduced me

to a young researcher, Rhoda Abubo. Having a native of the area proved very helphl

later. She cautioned us about proceeding on our own without introduction fiom someone

who people knew. Closely knit natives are not apt to talk to strangers or point to where

we can find so and so until they are clear of what our intentions are.

Rhoda directed us first to a few sources in Baguio City including an ethnic

resource centre for the Cordilleras. The following day she accompanied us to La Trinidad,

"to see the vice-governor" as a gesture of respect We found out when we got to his office

that he was not expected until the afternoon. Meantime someone in the capitol directed us

to a healer who lives not too far %om the capitol building. We discovered that the healer

had left to work in another province "for a few days." We met the vice-governor after

Chapter II/ Shamanism in the Philippines

lunch. In casual conversation, he mentioned about the book he wrote which I found in the

Cordillera Resource Centre in Baguio City. He wrote the book ten years ago and was

apologetic for his need to reacquaint himself with the contents of the book. He requested

that we see him the folIowing day to give him time to reread it .

When we went back to the provincial capitol the following day I was ready with

my questions and everything from audio and video recorders to a still camera. He spoke

in detail about the healing practices of the Kmkana-uy, a tribe from the same province as

though h e was the healer himself I realised months later during my second meeting with

him that he was the son of a renowned healer and had participated in many of the healing

rituals performed by his father. My questions were first directed towards explaining his

book and more. He sang and intoned some of the chanting that he wrote about especially

the prayers as part of the rituals in healing. He explained that some of the prayers were

chanted, some were recited but with musical rhythms. He illustrated the rhythms of the

drumming that went with the rites as well as the use of metal sticks.

He explained the cover of his book, Treasury of Beliefs anddHome Rituals of

Benguet. It is a picture of a bundle of pig jaw bones hanging on a stick. This is a charm to

keep sickness away fiom the household. It is a symbol of concelebrated rituals. It drives

the evil spirits away who are the cause of different illnesses. Spirits are those without

bodies and cannot be seen. There are two kinds of spirits. On the one hand is the good

spirit who rewards those who lead good lives with a bountifbl harvest. He sees to it that

the people are safe in their travels and keeps them in good health. The bad spirit, on the

other hand, comes around when the people do not lead good lives or when the spirits are

"brushed 06" The bad spirit comes out when the people show disregard for nature by

depositing garbage in the spring or discarding it in the bushes or the forests or by

urinating or defecating among rocks. The belief is that some of the bad spirits Live on

Chapter 111 Shamanism in the Philippines

rocks, in the forests and other parts of the wild. One is cautioned about walking about in

places where the evil spirits hang around without asking permission or begging to be

excused. The use of instruments such as the bamboo with a split in the middle causing a

buzzing sound is one way of driving the spirits away as one passes by these areas.

Disregard for nature especially makes the bad spirits come out and punish the people in

the form of illness. Illness is not something that is caused by a malknctioning physiology

but rather by both good or evil spirits when they are "offended.

The healer, Sacla explains, prays not to a God as in the Christian tradition but to

the spirits or ancestors. Only "special" people like the healers pray to the "creator" who

can grant the request of healing after performing certain rituals. Through the healer some

requests are granted.

The person who is referred to as a healer, according to Sacla is usually an elder

although he recalled that his father talked about being a healer in his twenties. As he

became older he wanted to pass the skills on to his son. There is no school that teaches

how one becomes a healer. A person who acquires the skills to perform rituals with

certain desired effects which the community witnesses is eventually declared as a healer.

According to him, it is a possibility in some cases that the calling to be a healer may be

passed on during a dream. There are many references to a healer. Some call him Mansiipok

and while others call him Mmbunong.

The passing of healing powers does not necessarily have to be within the family. It

could be passed on to anyone fkom the community. The healing power is either possessed

through a dream or the healer himself feels a younger person as a potential healer and

passes on the powers to him. When the younger person decides to take on the

responsibility an informal rite is performed which could be as simple as the healer holding

a bowl of water and passing it on to the initiate. The spirits recognise the powers

Chapter III Shamanism in the Philippines

transferred to the follower. The new healer commands high respect fiom the people and

takes on a great responsibility in the community. He devotes his lifetime to the service of

healiig without expecting anything in return from the people he helps. He expects no

remuneration in money or in goods although this is often volunteered by the recipient of

his healing as a token of gratitude. The healer who sets a fee for healing is considered an

impostor and the people stay away from him. When a healer makes healing a business, the

spirits are said to withdraw the healing powers from the person. There are many healers in

the Kankana-ey communities. This arrangement benefits the community as they are never

left without a healer. It is not unusual that the healer often feels "bum out" quickly as he

absorbs the negative energy fiom his patients. The healer feels possessed by a spirit and

according to Sacla, some scary things happened to him which his family witnessed.

The rites take on different forms. There are high rituals and low rituals. The high

rituals are directed to the ancestors or the creator. The low rituals are only to unspecified

spirits they be tieve they had offended therefore causing sickness. Only the acceptable

priest may do the high rituals as he is the only one who can pray to the creator and

communicate with the ancestors. Some rituals require the performance of certain dances,

the use of instruments and chanting of the prayers in addition to the use of a sacrificial

animal. The kankana-ey traditions do not spec@ the number of dancers and players. Often

the dancers are a male and a female. The participants of the rituals are not necessarily

limited to family members. Other people who accompany the healer and know the

dance, rhythm, or the songs to be sung, usually participate in the rituals. It is vital that

the sound, the performance, and the procedure be accurate and authentic in order to

communicate with the object of the ritual. Low rituals require only killing of certain

animals and the recitation of prayers. Other low rituals may involve the simple pounding

Chapter iI1 Shamanism in the Philippines

of rice, drying it and spreading it out. They read the results in a few days much like

reading Taro cards or a crystal ball. This ritual is only diagnostic.

According to Sacla, rituals over the entire Cordillera region are very similar. The

purpose of each ritual is about the same and only differs in the procedure and the

participants. Rituals among the Kanha-ey vary, and the kind of ritual will dictate the

size and kind of animals to be offered. The spirits of dead people demand bigger animals

especially in a fiesta-like festivity called caniao. There are strict procedures on how the

animal is killed for offering including the kind of tools to be used such as an ax for a big

animal like the carabao (water buffalo.) Specific parts of the animal have special

significance in the process. The bile is considered of vital importance to the healing of

certain illnesses.

Sacla cites one example of a ritual called Tomo. This is performed by a group of

people who help someone who has become "warsick". A man who came from a war and

had killed an enemy usually comes home with weird, abnormal behaviours. It can only be

explained that the spirit of the one who got killed by the warrior comes back to hound him

until he becomes afflicted with an unexplained behaviour. A dog is slaughtered and

sacrificed, and men in the community are invited to take part in a war dancing. Their heads

are adorned with chicken feathers and they perform a war dance to drive the spirit away.

Sacla accompanied us to the museum where two of the Igorot drums he made

called Solibao are displayed. He illustrated the rhythms on the solibao and g u m that he

taiked about during our conversation. He also demonstrated a few beats with the metal

rods called patik. I felt a sense of delight having met such an accommodating person, a

scholar, an author, and a politician who chose to iden* himself on his business card as a

"farmer".

Chapter 111 Shamanism in the Philippines

It was not until a few months later during my retum trip to the Philippines and to

La Trinidad that I discovered Mr. Sacla was a son of a healer and that he participated in

many rituals healing with his father. His father wanted to pass on some of his healing

powers to him but he felt compelled to refuse the offer. He explained that as a young man,

he became terrified of the thought of not being able to deal with the consequences of

having such powers. He did not feel he could keep up with the demands of a healer

especially when his father stressed the fact that he will not be able to perform other

functions in the community. He obviously found other callings in community services

eventually rising to his present position of Vice Governor of the Province of Benguet.

Regardless of his present circumstances, he exudes an aura of a humble healer. His office

is quite accessible to anybody and anyone who walks in with or without an appointment,

some on official business or mere personal problems. He treats people the same way and

makes them feel important when they walk into his office. I await his new book, a sequel

to the last where he feels the need to explain in simpler terms to the reader the practices he

previously mentioned. The new title is "From Womb to Tomb ".

The other personal communication I had was with Jaime Galasgas. He stressed

that he is not a healer but a frequent participant in several healing rituals. A school

teacher by profession, he is now a politician serving as chairman of the Committee on

Education and Culture for the province of Benguet. He is an ibaloy, another tribe from the

Cordillera region and neighbour to the Kankana-ey. He considers himself as a "mestizo", a

50-50 mix of lbaloy and Kmkana-ey tribes. He acted as a participant and dancer in the

rites led by a healer. He was quite knowledgeable about the healing practices and taught

the subject in school. Like Sacla, according to him there is very little difference between

the practices of the Kmkana-ays and the ibaloys. There is only one native priest in the

Ibaloy traditions.

Chapter 111 Shamanism in the Philippines

He also talked about the caniao as being a rite for family healing. Ancestors

communicate through sickness of any member of the family that they needed something

like food, clothing, money or even prayers. For clothing, they ask for blankets. The

offerings are all placed in a kryag or a woven bamboo tray along with two wine jars. The

blankets offered by the people of lower economic standing is one called olibao or a plain

blanket while those offered by the afnuent is called shindi, an extremely coloufil one.

The use of the blankets symboiizes the prestige of the family in the community. These

blankets are used for dancing of the tamo.

Galasgas danced with spears and bolo in a ritual to cure the mentally deranged

called tamo. This ceremony is performed outside the house while the patient is in the

house. He illustrated the rhythm on the drum made of bamboo with one end open and the

other closed. Along with the drum beating is a piece of bamboo stick called pakong. In

the prayer, the healer talks to the spirits saying something like "we have an offering for

you and we hope that you ask the other spirits to find us a cure for the person who is

affected by this illness." The dance is accompanied by vigorous chanting that ends in some

form of exultation. It is believed that one does not overly demonstrate how this jubilation

is done because it will induce the spirits to come out and cause more harm than good.*

Thus Galasgas demonstrated this to me in a very soft and mellow voice and no vigour.

The prayer is said as the dancers and participants lay their spears and bolos on the ground.

This form is done several times. There is usually one instrumentalist and two dancers.

There is another caniao for the sick but not necessarily mentally deranged. They

believe that the sickness represents the forefathers communicating to the surviving

* The demand of Western visitors and other tourists for the reenactment of these rituals is looked upon with disdain by the elders. The performance of the dances and songs is therefore done Mequently and with a great deal of anxiety.

Chqter 111 Shamanism in the Philippines

relatives that they need something. The offerings are made to answer these requests and

hopefblly cure the illness. According to Mr. Galasgas "the food and all other forms of

offering are left outside the house." Again, blankets are used as a form of displaying the

wealth of the family. The blankets offered are those used by the dancers in the ritual.

Another form of the dancing called p i t is numbered according to how many

times it is done. The number also corresponds to the number of animals slaughtered for

the event e.g. pasit #4 , a dance is done four times and four pigs are slaughtered. The

display of prestige is according to the number ofparit so when one talks about p i t # 12,

they are considered the richest family in the community. There are other kinds of caniao

that are used for healing. The kind of ritual is prescribed by the healer according to the age

and illness that affects the child or adult. Often the prayers are said in a rhythmic mode

called bakihv like a poetic rhyme.

The healer according to Galasgas is one who is gifted with being able to

communicate with the spirits. He is gifted with the power to heal for the good of the

community person. He is a person who is able to predict and read through a person's

suffering and declares what's wrong with him. With this service, he commands high

respect from members of the community.

There are, however, spirit communicators who work against the healer called

Angga who engage in witchcraft and make a person die slowly through their own rites.

Galasgas and Sacla think a healer may be chosen through a dream. One who refuses the

powers offered to him will exhibit strange behaviours. It is only when he accepts the

powers that the spirit will make him well. The healer may be a man or a woman but

according to him, there are not many of the lbaloy healers left today. The majority have

died of old age and were not able to pass their powers on to someone. Since the advent of

Chapter III Shamanism in the Philippines

Christianity this was discouraged as it was considered paganistic or the worshipping of

other gods..

Galasgas tells a story about healing and nature. In the 1960's some spirits lived

close to where he lived. About 50 meters from the house is a spring. Children went to this

spring for water using their bamboo water tubes. As they reached the spring, they came

across two big rocks where they saw a group of "people" sitting down chatting. The

children went running and screaming in panic and told their parents. The fathers of one of

the boys went back to the site and "scolded' the spirits for scaring the kids. When he came

home he found his wife debilitated, unable to move and losing hair. Not knowing what

was going on with his wife, he sought the help of a healer. The medicine man suggested

making an animal offering to the spirits. His wife recovered fiom the mysterious illness

after several offerings was made.

There are several kinds of spirits. Some called antpsi! live among the big trees

and big rocks. The people are told that ifthey do not respect their presence in the big

rocks, the ampafit send rocks down. When building roads, the people first make offerings

to appease the spirits to move away and relocate. When the spirits are satisfied, they heed

their request and allow them to pass through prohibited passageways, making sure that

the people can always get water from the spring. He suggests that when the people respect

the presence of the spirits, they reciprocate.

Summary

The healing practices using music among the Kmkana-eys and the Ibaioys are

similar to one another and also to the other tribes in the Cordillera region. The use of rites

is the most important tool of the shaman and its correct performance is critical to the

recovery of the sick person. The rituals involve the use of prayers, narration of myths,

Chapter 111 Shamanism in the Philippines

chanting of songs, dancing, and accompaniment by instruments. Musical instruments for

these rites are considered sacred and are not used for any other purpose lest they summon

the spirits for no reason causing retribution. Although not mentioned in the literature on

shamanism in the Cordilleras, the role of music in the induction of possession and trance

is the key to the proper performance of the rites to effect healing for the afflicted member

of the community in the southern Philippines. The practice of shamanism using music is

passed on to succeeding generations by oral traditions. There is quite a bit of changes in

the practice of shamanism fiom the precolonial era to the present in the Philippines

specially in the Cordillera region.

Even among the indigenous peoples in the Philippines differences and similarities

are quite apparent. Although the influences in the northern Philippines are slightly

different fiom those of the southern part of the country, it was interesting to note that the

basic elements of the rituals remain the same -- the shaman presides, he diagnoses the

illness, he uses certain paraphernalia including musical instruments. He sets up a

therapeutic milieu and with the use of music and dance, he puts himself into a trance

whereby he communicates with the spirits and intercede for the affected or the patient.

Chapter N

Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

The focus of study for the Canadian component of this paper is Vancouver Island,

Canada. The Philippines, particularly the island of Luzon shares a great degree of

commonality with Vancouver Island. Although Vancouver Island is only 3 1,283 square

kilometres compared to 104,688 square kilometres for the island of Luzon both islands

share similar geographic features. Noteworthy are the mountain ranges and the

magruficent coastlines on both islands. The mountain ranges in both places seem to have

provided a place to retreat away from the onslaught of foreign intrusion. While the people

of Vancouver Island adapted very well to the oceans and the mountains to support their

livelihood, the indigenous people of Lwon simply retreated to the mountain ranges as the

foreigners continued to intrude on the more accessible coastal settlements. Some First

Nations tribes in British Columbia are geographically spread out in clusters where water

connects them rather than separates them as in the Philippines.

I would like to a m with the history of the First Nations in Vancouver Island as

annotated by a journalist fiend, Randy Fred. He is a Nuu chah m f t h who was born in Port

Alberni and lived on Vancouver Island most of his life. According to him there are three

main groups of First Nations living on Vancouver Island - the Kwakiutl, the Wish and

the Nw-chah-mlth. Coull(1996) presented clear geographical delineations of each group

which differed slightly fiom the earlier historical categories mentioned below. (See

Appendix 'C' .)

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

THE KWAKTUTL NATION

According to G.M. Dawson (1 8 W), the temtory and boundaries of the ~wakioof

people cover one of the largest groups of the coast of British Columbia. They cover most

of "the islands by which the Strait of Georgia is closed to the north, and the northeast

coast of Vancouver Island.. . . . . . ." He enumerates 20 groups each speaking a different

dialect. While of no linguistic importance, the dialects separate them into tribes. Among

these tribes and subgroups are from Vancouver Island. These are the Klas-kaino, the

Kwa-tsi-no, the Ne-kum-ke-[is-la, the Tla-tli-si-kwila, the Nina-kish; and the Wa-lit-sum,

Wi-we-eke, Kwi-ha, Wi-we-ekurn, and A-was. (p 67-74). Although these groups speak

different dialects, according to Fred, they all seem to understand each other.

The villages are comprised usually of families whose houses are built in a single

row along a beach with their fiont facing the water. These wooden plank houses are

usually large as they accommodate two families one occupying each end of the house.

The fhilies are separated by either a wooden partition of six to eight feet high or merely a

cloth hanging in between them. Where the houses are large enough to accommodate two

families, each has their own fire surrounded by cedar planks to sit or sleep on (1 887: p78)

Woodcarving is commonly practiced and they carve posts which are used both inside and

outside the houses. The inside carved posts also serve as main beams for the house.(p75)

The most valuable possession of the Kwakiutl people is a piece of copper. The

blanket (of 2 1/2 point) however, has become the medium of exchange replacing the

dentaliurn shell. (1887: p76) The measure of one's social position and wealth in the

community is gauged by the amount of blankets given away during a potlatch sponsored

by the family.

* Dawson's spelling.

Chapter N Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

The Kwakiiutl are renowned for their winter dances and ceremonies which were

initially expressions of their deep spirituality. Later in the nineteenth century these were

used to attest and reaftirm their position in the community (MacNair: 1973-1974). These

productions which "exhibit a flamboyant stage craft unsurpassed by any other North

American Indian group" have the most filly developed theater and drama, using masks

puppets and enormous costumes (1 973- 1974: p94).

These winter ceremonies are commonly called potlatches* These are festivities

that manifest the people's reatfinnation of the bond between humans and spirits. While

Christianity was introduced to the Kwakiutl through missionaries of both Catholic and

Protestant denominations, the indigenous religion prevailed even among those who started

attending the above churches. Generally, the Kwakiuti do not believe in just one supreme

being but rather in many spirit forms. These spirits may live in many animals or simply in

the spirit world. (Rhoner and Rhoner: 1970 p 58) It is a strong belief that once a body

dies, his soul is carried into the spirit world for another lifetime and when the spirit world

body dies, the soul reincarnates into the human world through say, a grandson (Walens:

1981 pll).

Another important thing to a Kwakiutl are his songs. A man owns his song but it

can be shared in the family through mamage or inheritance. Someone who is not gifted

but has the economic status, like the chief, may ask a song maker to compose a song for

him. He acquires ownership of this song by buying it with a lot of goods. These songs are

Potlach comes fiom the Nw-chah-mith verb Pa-chirle, which means to give. The word was often heard during the get-together called TIoo-qwah-llCirh, where guests were invited from any number of tribes. According to Clutesi (1969 p 9.) the word Pa-chitie was heard often enough by the European settlers so much so that it was interpreted as "potlatch". The other word is Pa-chuck which meant articles to be given away during this event. @. 10)

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Islaad, British Columbia, Canada

kept sacred and can only be sung by the owner. It is crucial that it is performed by the

owner properly and accurately. It is fatal to make a mistake in singing one's song

(Halpern: 1967). Dr. Ida Halpern made this study on the music of the Northwest Coast

Indians but particularly concentrating on the Kwakuitl which she did for a number of

years.

Shar~nism Among the Kwakiutl

Shamanism was practiced with a lot of caution due to the scrutiny of the white

government and missionaries in the late 1800's and early 1900's (Boas: 1966). The whole

initiation and the practice of shamanism seemed to be met with cynicism by Boas who

himself was convinced the practice is mixed with "fraud" in spite of his full and detailed

account of what his "informants" told him. Songs and playing of the rattle played an

important part in the healing of the sick. The "dreamer" as the "eye of the shaman" is

able to pinpoint to the shaman where the sick man is and where his sickness may be found

(Boas: 1966 p. 125).

Perhaps Boas' attitude was due to stories of the informants who talked a lot about

what appeared to be magical "hocus-pocus" and cannot be scientifically explained. One

example is a story about a man who was initiated as a shaman by the wolves @125). He

was very sick and no one, including his wife and children knew what to do with him. They

were convinced he was going to die and upon his request they built him a co&. Then he

mysteriously disappeared and the shamans went looking for him singing their songs and

shaking their rattles, claiming that his body and soul were taken by the spirits. He came

back supposedly with supernatural powers and became capable of ecstatic performance

and acts of miracle such as turning cedar bark into a starfish. Thus after going through

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

four magical nights and four days and four songs and so on the initiate is transformed into

a full-fledged shaman. (Boas: 1966 pp 126- 127)

Among all the stories by Boas about the initiation of the shaman, it is clear that the

supernatural power bestows his powers to a candidate by making him sick and

penetrating his soul during this vulnerable time and later cures him. "He is taken to a

lonely spot near the trail of the supernatural beings. A house is built for him and he is left

alone. He hears the song of his helper before actually seeing him. The shamanistic power is

generally resident in a quartz crystal which is thrown into the body of the novice or on the

ground. His power goes first to the pit of his stomach, below the sternum, the motions of

which are interpreted as the effect of the power residing there. Afler several days (usually

four days) the old shamans look for him. Tf he has been fblly initiated, they take him

back." The initiation takes place during the Winter Ceremonies where the novice dances

and sings the songs given to him during the initiation. He also receives a name given by

the helper to be used in both sacred and secular occasions (1966: p137).

One of the most important paraphernalia of the shaman is the purification ring

made of hemlock branches or of shredded cedar bark large enough to pass a patient's

body through. He also permanently wears a neck ring with a pouch attached to it

containing small objects representing the diseases that the shaman may throw or keep.

The quartz crystal represents the supernatural power used by the shaman. Another

paraphernalia is the rattle which the shaman uses to control the movement of the sickness

in a patient's body. The rattle is most often shaped l i e a bird . (p136)

Since sicknesses, especially the serious ones are caused by the loss of soul, the

objective of the treatment is its recovery. According to some tribes the "soul is like a bird

residing in the nape of the neck .... It is caught by the shaman and put back on the right

side of the neck of the patient." @ 139)

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

The movements of the shaman in the healing ceremony for curing the sick is

always accompanied by vigorous beating of cedar planks which to my understanding are

used as percussion instruments. The beaters are usually elderly men and are positioned on

either side of a plank near the fire. The shaman asks for four virgin women and dresses

them with neck and head rings of red cedar bark and stands them in each comer of the

house. A coffin box is already prepared for the sick and the presiding shaman orders

another shaman to break and burn it along with the blankets which are supposed to be

used to wrap the dead when the sick dies. When he is ready to cure, the shaman asks for

the clothing of the patient and four dishes. Carrying them on his left hand and walking

around the fire, he sings his healing song and shaking the rattle with his right hand while

the elderly men beat time for him on the planks. As they beat in fast time, he throws the

clothing and the food into the fire. This procedure supposedly makes the souls appear and

so he catches them one after the other, releasing each one until he gets the right soul that

belongs to the sick. When he catches the right one, the beating stops. With the sou1 on his

left hand and the rattle on his right, he presses the soul onto the patient's head as the

beating of the planks resumes. Then he orders the four virgin women to dance with him in

slow time beating of the planks and a song by group of people. @p 139-140)

Diseases not caused by the loss of the soul are due to the presence of material

object(s) in the body which must be removed to effect a cure. It either entered the body by

accident or by a malicious act by another shaman into the patient's body. The practice of

shamanism may slightly differ fkom shaman to shaman but certain features are common.

These are: 1) the shaman sits in front of the patient. 2) A new dish is filled with water or

urine for wetting the shaman's mouth prior to sucking and after to wash when the disease

is caught. 3) Evety action of the shaman is accompanied by the beating of the planks by

the elderly men. These beatings on the planks are extremely loud and almost deafening.

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

4) He has generally four assistants who are not necessarily shamans. 5) The process of

removal of a sickness from the body is done through sucking. Apparently when the color

of the skin where the shaman sucked out the disease changes, there is hope for recovery

and cure. If there is no change in color, the patient dies. (Boas: 1966 pp 141 -142)

Competitions among shamans are common in the display of their prowess and

powers and to protect their chief from another chief's shaman's malicious intent. Like the

Salish, the Kwakiufl have many kinds of shamans. There are those who do not cure illness,

rather only locate them. There are those who are quasi-shamans but are capable of

foretelling the fhture. (1966: pp 146-147). When a disease can not be located and there is

general weakness and localized pains, the sweat bath* is resorted to by the shaman.

(P 376.)

Illnesses manifesting internal pains such as pains in the chest, the stomach,

muscular pains are treated by the shaman with the use of medicines and herbs which is

beyond the scope of this paper. (1966: pp 378-379)

Life, CuIture and Shamunism

Walens (1 98 1) urges us to take a look at the Kwakiufl life and culture as a system

of metaphors reflecting their values, beliefs and thoughts- thoughts about animals, man,

his soul, the world, and the universe and their place in it. He believes that 'Tor the

Kwakiutl there is a Limited set of metaphors by which they express their world view and

their ethos and that all aspects of Kwakiutl culture can best be understood when we realize

the nature of these metaphors and their utilization in Kwakiufl cognition and culture" @5).

* Much like the modem steam bath, the principle of the construction ofa sweat house is to produce excessive and profbe sweating and is cathartic.

Chapler IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

Walens (198 1) explains that it is in the understanding of how the Kwakiutl must

live their lives and be guided by moral values imbedded in the teachings of these

metaphors. These metaphors teach them the world is made up of mouths who can "betray

their greed for food (p 12) and that the living inhabitants can simply be classified as the

eaters and the eaten (p6). These also teach that all forms in the universe are capable of

hunger and that if the cannibalistic urge is not controlled this could lead to chaos and total

destruction (p15). It is both an obligation and a moral responsibility for each Kwukiutf to

tame the cannibalistic urge to be in consonance with the operation of the universe (pl 1).

This belief seems to provide the explanation for the act of sucking with the mouth

during a shamanistic rite to take away something evil fiom patient's body. It symbolizes

the power of the shaman over the evil intruder with his "cannibalistic" (or "chewing on"

motions) action over the affected part of the patient.

The relationship of the shaman with the spirits is described as one of a superior and

inferior, a superordinate and subordinate (198 1 : p25). The shaman himself does not have

power but the spirits have chosen him as their medium to help other people because he

had performed the rituals in a most skillful and perfect way (p25). He is not bothered by

the fact that the patient, along with observers like the anthropologists and ethnographers,

know that a lot of his performance is trickery as long as his movements work to summon

the spirit powers to cure the patient.

THE NUU-CHAE-NULTH NATION

On the West Coast stretched roughly about 300 kilometers along most of the

waters of Vancouver Island are the Nuu chah nuith people. Arima (1983) delineates the

West Coast territory to include "the northwest-southeast direction fiom Cape Cook to

Glacier Point with a southward spur of about SO kilometers across Juan de Fuca Strait that

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

takes on the Cape Flattery region as far south as Ozette" (1983: pl). Early explorers, such

as Capt. Cook, referred to them as 'Wootka". In 1975 a descendant of Chief Maquinntl

adopted "Nuu-chah-nah " instead. A story goes that when Capt Cook landed there he

asked the chief and his people who they were. The chief not knowing what he meant

asked, "Are you lost?'which sounded like "Nootka?" Cook presumed that it was the

name of the place. The name was changed later as it was considered derogatory.

Because of the rugged terrain of the West Coast, the people settled mostly in the

sheltered areas along the waters moving inland along the inlets as far as the Alberni and

extending about halfivay across the island. Arima (1983) quotes Dewhirst whose studies

show the existence of these people in this area for at least four thousand years. Because of

the rich natural resources of the land there was no need for agriculture. Sea animals were

abundant, natural thick foliage of different berries were harvested as well as several

species birds and fowl (pp 1-2).

Arima noted as many as five northern tribes, 12 central tribes and six southerner

groups. The five northern tribes are the Chickliset, the Ehuttesaht, the Nutchaflaht, the

Mowachahr and the Muchalat. The Central tribes were the Hesquiaht, the Mmh~usut, the

Otsosat, the Ahousohr, the Kelsemat, the Clayoquot, the Uclueiet, the Toipalht, the

Uchckksaht, the Sheshaht, the Opetchewht, and the Ohiaht. The Southerners are the

Nitinaht, the Clmwse, the Carmanah, the Pacheenahr, the M U M and the Ozetfe. The

last three have settled in the northern tip of Washington State.

Most of them speak a similar language and understand each other except for the

Nitinahts who speak a different dialect called Ditidor. They are closely afliliated with the

Port Re&ew tribe called Pacheenahr. This Nitinahts tribe moved their village to

Cowichan Lake. @2-7). According to Fred, because of the location of the Port Renfiew

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

people, they do not associate themselves with the Nuu-chah-mrlth. They are associated

with the Victoria people who are aligned with the Safish where their main link is by land.

Manhousats and the Ahousat were amalgamated in the Hot Springs area by the

government. The Makah nabon are those who have the right to kill whales. There exist

splits among the native people due to this issue. The Chickliset, the Mowachaht and the

Muchalat cover the largest temtories. Perhaps for reasons of convenience the Indian

AfEairs chose to amalgamate these tribes in Gold River.

There are many interesting theories about how the Nuu-chah-nulth have spread

themselves outside of Vancouver Island. The migration of islanders even during earlier

times had interesting consequences in other parts of the world. For instance after the

contact with the English, a few native people were put into a ship for England "for show."

Some were slaves while a few others volunteered. A few apparently jumped ship and

ended up in Japan. The physical features of those in Japan resemble the features of the

Nuu-chah-nuith in Vancouver Island. They also have similar songs and dances.

According to Fred, there were approximately 12,000 people in the Victoria area

and every habitable bay was settled by the natives. Arima (1 983) approximated the total

population at about 1 5,000 in the late 18th century shortly after contact with the

Europeans. In 1930, it was recorded to be about 2,000 increasing to about 4,000 in the

1970s and it continues to increase today. Arima attributes the drop to warfare and

communicable diseases introduced by the colonizers to which the natives had no

immunity (p2). Only about 400 were left among the Ditiht people in the Nitinaht Lake

area after an epidemic according to Fred. Now the population is growing again.

The most heavily researched population was in Gold River. Among this population

are the Mowachahr who were forced to move fiom Friendly Cove where Capt. Cook

landed. Food resources, specially fish, was plentifbl. The creeks and rivers had so much

Chapter iV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

fish that one could practically catch them by hand. Coos creek in Port Alberni remains as

one of the few remnants of this rich resource. Another tribe that survived well because of

the abundance of fish are the Datidaf. The rich fishery provided more fish than the natives

could consume leading to the development of salteries on Vancouver Island.

On Newcastle Island, a small island off Nanaimo Harbour, there were about seven

sdteries in the mid-1800s. After coal mining was established six of the salteries belonged

to the Japanese and one to the Chinese. The abundance of over a million fish allowed the

natives to trade with the interior people for oolichan and seal oil, bemes,baskets and mats.

Remnants of evidence of these economic activities can be found on the island which is

now a provincial park. In addition to the fishing, ship building, and mining of soft stone

were also carried out . Some of the stones mined fiom Newcastle Island still adorn a few

historic buildings as huge pillars in San Francisco, California.

The workmen at the salteries were native people and Chinese recruited fiom the

railway construction gangs. Because of the animosity between the white miners and the

local natives they were not hired to work on the salteries. They hired the Kwakiutl people

instead. The Bastion, a lighthouse fort that presently stands in downtown Nanaimo, was

built for the protection of the white miners, mainly Scottish, the aristocracy of Nanaimo.

The Scottish shot canons fiom the bastion to scare off the local natives. There were also

Slavs and Italians who were then considered as second class citizens. The thousands of

Chinese people were considered at the bottom of the social structure and were hired to do

all the menial work. They were treated poorly and some of those who escaped were

provided refbge by the native people in return for gardening chores.

Fred recalls that there were many Americans fiom Washington State, particularly

fiom Blaine, who came up to exploit the fisheries. One such American was Edward Curtis,

Chapter I V Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

a famous photographer, who reported that there were about seven families around

Nanaimo River. Each family was actually a tribe in itself, Curtis attempted to make a

historical accounts with pictures. His accounts were not accurate as he was not welcomed

by the natives who refused to answer his questions. It appears that his accounts as to how

many people lived there were less than accurate. However, he supposedly dressed up

some natives in their costumes and took their pictures. Ironically these photographs

became the basis of some "historical data" published later. More accurate sketches were

done by a seaman, John Jewitt, who was captured by chief Maquima. He drew accounts

of what he saw while he was held captive from 1803 - 1805 describing potlatching and

other things. He compiled his impressions in a book entitled "A Narrative of the

Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt'. Jewitt ' s records provided a more accurate

account of the activities of the people than Curtis.

According to some of Fred's recollection, when Capt. Sproat came to the Albemi

inlet, he and his men fired canon salvos over the village settlements where the elderly, the

women and their children are left while the adult men were out fishing or hunting. This

tactic seemed to have worked in scaring the people away as the white settlers eventually

claimed the land to build a saw mill. Another ploy used by the settlers to acquire land

was to buy the land with goods such as a barrel of molasses. Not knowing what the

molasses was for, the natives tried to use this to repair their canoes. A few of these

transactions were recorded. Active villages were also flourishing at Shoemaker Bay across

the Albemi Inlet. Archeologists Dennis Sinclair and Nan MacMillan did a study of the

area and came out with interesting findings on how the natives trapped fish. The traps

were found to be quite tehnologically advanced by making use of the natural flow of tide

flowing in and out of the inlets.

Chqter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

The natives would take slaves fiom each other. A tribe would take a slave fiom

another tribe for menial labor. However, the notion of being slaves was not quite the same

as slavery by the white people. The native slave was taken on with the family and treated

as among the members.

The natives took pride in their crafts especially in their canoes. Each one feels that

his canoe is better than the others, surpassed only by those built by his ancestors. The

canoes were built for the open seas, some for the inlets, and others for rivers and rapids.

The native people have their own unique political system. Among the Nuu-chah-

mith people, importance is given to the mystical number four. For instance most tribes

have four chiefs each representing a family or group of families. Each chief has usually

four sub-chiefs. While the checks and balances among the Salish was the big house, the

West Coast nation had the Wolf clan. As a secret society, it is the police for the tribe and

act as an opposition when necessary. There was a secret society of women who were also

like a police force.

The long houses serve as the primary accomodation for the people of the West

Coast. These structures would accomodate from two to four families. AH the important

activities including business and land transactions, resource allocations, and other matters

were carried out in the long houses. The winter ceremonies are held in the long houses.

Potlatches are hosted four years after a chiefs death and also when a chiefs daughter

comes of age. All important political decisions and proclamations by the chief are

announced during a potlatch. The people rely on the elders for advise prior to the decision

of the chief even if the former does not really have the power to make decisions. During

the potlatch the chief would give away every material possession he had, leaving only a

few clothes, his canoe, sleeping mats, blankets, and some food. Giving his possessions

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

away was a display of faith that all this will come back in other forms. It was also believed

that the more he gives away, the richer he is.

The potlatches became not only a show of one's position and wealth in the

community at large but dso a form of warfare without arms to belittle and shame their

enemies. The warfare was accompanied by both "rhetoric ... and some flamboyant

competitions in destroying property such as copper pieces, blankets, canoes or slaves"

(Kirk: 1986 p 65). Chief Napoleon Maqui~a was one of those who would not tolerate

being bested by anyone and engaged in lavish destruction of his valued properties to smear

his enemies (p64). Nuu-chah-mlth Chief Tom Sayachapis was one of the most notable

hosts who gave at least 12 potlatches, the first eight given at close intervals. He

considered his 9th potlatch as the most important as it marked the puberty of his daughter

announcing her readiness for marriage. He spread his invitation to almost all the tribes of

the nation until there was nobody else left to invite. (p67)

Early Government Policies

The Indian Act of 1876 prohibited the holding of potlaches. One possible reason

offered was that the government thought that giving away everything makes the natives

poor. The presence of masks was rather shocking to the Christian white men, who

considered it as idol worship or paganistic.

Children were sent to residential schools starting in the late 1876. The intent was

to destroy the culture, the language and create a cheap labor pool. The white government

apparently did this in the name of acculturation and assimilation. Following the Indian Act

of 1876, a fellow by the name of N. F. Davin was commissioned by the government to

check on the schools set up for native children in Washington, U.S.A. He came back with

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

a report and consequently a strong recommendation far thc Canadian govenuncnt to do

the same. (Haig-Brown: 1988 p 26)

Consequently the first building in Port Alberni was erected in the late 1876 which

housed around 20 children from the vicinity. This building burnt down but was replaced by

a bigger structure in 191 1 which accomodated about 100 students. Again, this building

also burnt down and was replaced with a 3-storey structure to house 300 students from

different nations on Vancouver Island. Fred's father was able to evade going to the

residential school until he was 15. It was against the law for any native to go beyond

grade 8 but it was also against the law not to send the children to school. Fred's mother

had been in the school since she was 6. The residential schools were operated and

maintained by the churches under contract with the government. The schools in Port

Alberni and Nanaimo were run by the United Church while the ones in Ucuelet, Tofino

(and Meares Island) and the Cowichan one were run by the Catholic church. The school

on the northend of the island was run by the Anglicans.

Music of the First Nations

The music of the Nuu-&ah-mlth according to Arima is mostly vocal but almost

always accompanied by drumming and rattles. The drums are made of long planks raised

off the ground and beaten with short sticks. Rattles made of either wood, bones or shells

were common. The wooden rattle is intricately carved into a bird and ornately decorated.

The rattles made out of whale bone or mountain sheep horn are fitted with a wooden

handle. The third is a pecten rattle made of shells strung around a wooden hoop. The big

round drum covered with skin is a recent addition perhaps in the later 19th century also

accompanying songs. (Arima: 1983 p 173)

Chap~er IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

The Nuu-chah-mlrh are noted to be music lovers as observed by the early settlers.

Songs were observed by the colonizers to be more lively and less somber than that of the

Kwakiurl. Songs of the family are inherited by the oldest male in the family. Other songs

are also owned by the fimily and sung only by them on certain occasions. Both sexes

participate in singing by alternating but no mixed voices of both sexes. Sometimes the

drum accompaniment lags behind the timing of the song. Most of these songs are plain and

without polyphony and have no introductions nor interludes. The songs are mostly divided

into two or three phrases, each phrase consisting of six measures (Arima: 1983 p 178 ).

The songs are composed and written for each function. Hence, there are gathering

songs, mourning songs, paddle songs, gambling songs, dance songs, wealth display

songs, social songs, songs for the Wolf ritual, lullabies, marriage songs, farewell songs

and doctoring songs. The last type is of particular interest for this study. The doctor songs

are sung solo accompanied by drum beating on the wooden planks. "Novices initiated into

the doctoring society and filled with its spirit could sing the songs at once without

practice. The voice was high pitched and choked, and with a sad quality making everyone

feel like crying" (Arima: 1983 pp 178- 179).

Shamanism Among the Nuu-&ah-rrulth

Drucker (195 1) did one of the most extensive studies on shamanism among the

Nuu-cha-mfth nation. Shamanism was not a popular practice with the missionaries who

were threatened by the competition from the shamans. By the same token, the shamans

also regarded the missionaries as a threat to their society, culture and their profession. A

missionary named Fr. Brabant thought that 'Wootkan* shamans were cold-blooded, fiauds

* Druckers spelling.

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancocvw bland, British Columbia, Canada

who deliberately preyed on the gullibility of the ignorant.. . . and were in the league with the

devil" . (Drucker: 195 1 pp 18 1 - 182)

Shamanism was encouraged right after birth. A grandparent shaman coaches a

grandchild as early as he can understand and follow instructions on how to perform

shamanic dances or learn shamanic games (Drucker: 195 1 p 137). Although shamanic

powers are not inherited, the desire to be one usually runs in the family. While some wish

to be a shaman for the wealth they can accumulate and privileges they can enjoy, this does

not happen often. The professional shamans realize that enriching oneself is not the

essence of their mission and greed often weakens their powers. The calling is open to

both men and women although it was believed that male shamans have more potent

powers than that of the female counterpart. (Drucker: 195 1 pp 1 82-1 83)

The shamans obtain their healing powers through a "combination of inherited

secret knowledge, encounters with the spirits and training in ritual performance" (Arima:

1983). The two kinds of shaman or medicine men are (1) those who look after the

restoration or retrieval of lost soul and (2) those who look after sickness caused other than

due to loss of the soul. Drucker (1 95 1) enumerates the latter as: (1 ) diseases caused by

maiyafi, or black half-inch long creatures that suck blood from the body or foreign bodies

sent by the Dog Salmon as a punishment to a person in breach of a taboo; (2) minor

ailments caused by the accumulation of dark blood in the body; (3) disease caused by

foreign bodies "thrown or sent" (*Drucker7s) at a patient by an evil shaman or sorcerer;

and (4) spirit poisoning or possession during a spirit encounter ( 195 1 : pp 205-206). The

treatment of minor illness and injuries not related to loss of soul is considered less serious,

less challenging and therefore require less payment. Some shamans are called to help in

dficult child birth and for massaging a young woman's abdomen at the onset of puberty

(Drucker: 195 1 p 12 1).

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

The payment for a shaman is not set and is not usually discussed with the patient

or the family but payment offers often come up during the procedure. The diagnosis

appears to be considered a separate procedure fiom the actual treatment and separate

payment offers are made for each. Drucker (195 1) recorded events showing the shaman's

power dwindling when an offer of payment is not deemed sufficient. It was believed that

the offer is made to the spirit helper and not the shaman. @tucker: 195 1 p 204)

The period of initiation or the first encounters with the spirit is a long process that

could last for months or even years. The prospective shaman exposes himself to all kinds

of trying and dangerous circumstances until he makes contact with the spirits. These

activities include going out in the dark woods alone, fainting cold in isolated places and

dreaming night after night until he starts wandering, sometimes in the nude, around the

community dancing and singing his songs taught to him by the supernatural powers.

(Drucker: 195 1 p 184)

The period of initiation of a shaman consists of rigorous training and instruction,

fasting and sometimes resulting in "fainting ... and bleeding fiom the mouth, nose and

ears ...." ( Drucker: 195 1 p 147) The initiate goes into a trance and in the process gains

songs to be used for healing. This procedure entitles him to the powers of a practitioner

who has the strength to withstand evil powers and the ability to summon the power of

spirits to help him cure and heal others. One indication of a shaman is his ability to cali out

this power by uttering phrases taught to him during a dream or through training from

another shaman and striking with a stick, or spitting blood from a cut tongue (p147).

Every night the new initiate would apparently dream about the spirit who teaches him

diagnosis and treatment of the illnesses he can cure. (1 95 1 : p 148)

When the initiate is overpowered by the spirit and misses the whole encounter

during the trance or becomes ill, an experienced older shaman is called to do "shaman

Chqpter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

fixing" (Drucker's: 195 1) . Drucker stated that the "successfbl conclusion of this shaman

fixing was indicated in the novice making the ritual cry of the shaman -- a gutteral, barking

cry of "hai! hai! hai! h i ! " Making this cry, which was called nufcnutca, meant that the

novice was definitely on the road to becoming a shaman" (1 95 1 : p 188).

The drum made out of cedar plank open at the bottom and on one end is mostly

used to accompany the songs. It is either pounded with two short sticks or cedar barks

tied to the player's fist. (Drucker: 195 1 p106). Hand drums may also be used by the

dancers who generally move in a circle or in parallel lines in fiont of the drummers. The

patient's family or an assistant of the novice often beats the rhythm for the shaman as he

sings and dances coming out of the trance. (p 184)

Densmore's (1 939) study of their music covered recordings and transcriptions of

healing and medicine songs. Clapping accompaniment by the persons who sang during

treatment of the sick is common among the ~akahs* . They used several kinds of rattles

made of a horn or a seashell filled with pebbles. "Young Doctor," one of Densmore's

participants in the study used a rattle made of pecten shells filled with pebbles as a

musical instrument for treating the sick. Another rattle is made by simply stringing beaks

of sea parrots together. Still another interesting rattle is a large box containing pebbles

producing the rattling sound rocking the box back and forth (Densmore: 1939: pp 27-28)

All rattles are collectively called kuhmin. (Drucker: 195 1 p 106) The rattle is the most

important paraphernalia of a Nuu-chah-mffh shaman.

Another important paraphemelia of the shaman is a small or large whistle.The

small whistle is concealed in the mouth of the Shaman's male dancers. This is also used by

the novices. The larger whistle, usually with reeds, is primarily for the Sharnanic dances

* Some authors classify them as separate from the Nm-chah-mlrh nation

e.g. Coull : 1996.

Chqvter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

and is used by the shaman who "plays the part of Supernatural Wolves" (Densmore: 1939

p 106). Like the Kwakiutl, the Nuzi-chah-mlth use these for s p e d eZects only. Arima

points out that in Wolf Rituals, the use of whistles and bull-roarers is more for theatrical

effects rather than as musical instruments. The bull-roarers produce sounds simulating

earthquake. The whistle,. especially is considered a very precious ceremonial item. Rocks

were also used for thunder sound effects in their theatre. (Arima: 1983 p 1 73)

The spirit helpers of the Makah are called tzimanos. It is usually a thunderbird but

it is not uncommon for one man to say his tumanos is a rattle. Tumanos is medicine

power and contests are staged to display this power during the potlatch. The power of the

fumanos is presumably commensurate to the man who carries it (Arima: 1983 p3 1) The

shaman is said to have very powerful tumanos. While the practice of treating the sick with

herbs and other remedies is passed on the family for generations, the role of the shaman is

considered to be far more important. The shaman who "took away the pain9'** sang his

song either alone or with the friends or relatives of the sick.

Densmore (1939) spoke about a great shaman named Santiano who died in 1909.

He had many turnanos and was known to have such supernatural powers such as staying

undenvater for hours and sucking foreign objects from his patients. When summoned to

treat a sick person, he would sing alone when the diagnosis is relatively clearcut.

However, for conditions he was not too sure about, he would call for back up singers to

supplement his power in calling forth the spirit helpers. One or two songs are often

suajcient to make the patient feel better although other times he needed more. He made

Theft of a whistle led to an attack on another tribe among the Kwakiutl. (Kirk: 1986 P73)

8 Densmore's quotation.

Chapter /V Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

his songs widely known so that others might help him sing when their assistance is needed.

He sang for a long time for more serious cases including those who were near to death.

His helpers were men and women with the women beating time by clapping their hands to

beat time. [See Appendix D for the modem transciption of the songs that Santiano

apparently used to heal the sick as recorded by "Young Doctor." (Densmore: 1939 pp

288,290-292)]. Because they were passed on through a dream, the words to the songs

were not too clear and not intelligible to "Young Doctor" (Densmore: 1939 pp286-288).

Densmore's analysis was that the songs were generally in a minor mode. This may not be

accurate in the sense that indigenous cultures have modalities different from that of

western notation. Pitches may vary a few cents, i.e. not half tone or whole tone

relationships. In fairness, and these transcriptions were just an approximation of what they

were.

Among the Clayoquot tribe, Densmore (1 939) transcribed more shamanic songs

@295). (See Appendix 'D')

A Personal Communicafion with M. M. from the Nuu-ckah-nulth N&bn

M. M. is a personal acquaintance among the Nuu-chah-mrhh introduced to me by

Randy Fred. He was taught by his grandmother which was common in their culture. The

grandparent guides the child through certain paths which he or she might chose. The

grandmother is fkom Harrison and her mother is fiom Pon Redfew. M. M. claims the

grandmother taught him a lot about life and regarded her as his first teacher about their

culture. M.M. says that as a young man he strayed away fkom his culture for many years.

His grandmother gave him a drum. Through the drum he learned about the culture and

about himself. He said, "the drum is like the heart beat of the nation7' . It's distinctive

sound is very much like the heartbeat of a person --very soothing. He related to the

Chapter ?V Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

reverberation of the drums as the songs of his ancestors and the 'creator7.* He used the

drum for teaching kids and felt inseparable from it. Born in Port Albemi, M.M. calls

Ucluelet his home. His grandfather and mother came tiom Hesquiaht.

He talked about Husfaquio (sp?) or shamanism. The term referred to people who

see things other people could not. People with hustaquio do not talk about their powers.

It is considered a gift and talking about the gifts humiliates a person. M. M. himself liked

to share what he knew about his culture saying "that's my gift to others." Like his

grandmother, h e believes in the existence of shamans as a source of spiritual strength.

M. M. claims that his grandmother had the basic knowledge of the rites the early

shamans used although she did not perform them herself. The potlatch was (and still is )

the medium of these ceremonies where a lot of healing took place as well as political

decisions made.

Another thing he felt important was his interconnectedness with nature. When he

was troubled for instance, his grandmother told him to go down to the ocean and listen to

the waves. As a psychology student he related this calming effect to the "splashes per

second or less than 60 per minute simulating that of the vital signs". He claim that was

how his people came to pulse the drumbeat -- from nature.

When asked if his grandmother had helped him when he was sick, he said 'No. But

my mom had cancer and my granny had some herbal remedies to help her." His

grandmother used to love to sing the chants and lullabies to his mother. His grandmother

taught him about her own death and dying. She used to say, "Speak to me in kuwuus"

(which meant native people), a dialect she first knew as a child. Out of the many dialects

his grandmother preferred him to speak to her in "kuwuus" when she passed away.

* The use of this word refers to a superbeing above all people which is similar to a Christian' s reference to God.

Chapter iV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

According to M. M. there are two great things for one to experience-- the birth

and death of someone close. His grandmother taught him a song that is like a fill circle.

He was not able to elaborate on this song other than "like gathering people in a full

circle.. . that's all I know, taken in fbll respect to the prayer". He stressed that his

grandmother did not believe in the complex ceremonies that are performed today but

subscribed to the simplicity of its delivery.

People in ceremonies such as the potlatch have different roles making where they

sat very crucial. Each chief would have his own speaker and each dance its own leader.

Both M. M. and Fred agree that these ceremonies require unique organizational skills to

put together. There are many different players involved in the ceremony. Potlatch is also a

medium where shame and embarassment among the people are dealt with. It exerts a

more effective pressure for behaviour change for those who need it and promote a more

solid bond among the people in general. They believe that physical and spiritual healing are

important to the person's well being.. People in their tribe are versed in healing both

physical and spiritual diiculties.

In a potlatch Fred and M.M. both consider themselves only as witnesses to the

dances. The dancer becomes the character portrayed by the costume and the mask. M.M.

feels that this theatrical skill is developed through extensive training. The dancers have

been rigorously taught every subtle movement and nuance of the dance. Each family

member is required to learn the songs and dances belonging to them. Only the nobility or

members of the family have the privilege to sing these songs and perform the dances. A

commoner is only a witness to the ceremonies and does not participate in the actual

dancing and singing. Part of the initiation of a dancer is prolonged isolation, usually in the

deep woods or forest. The training also includes overcoming the fear of the darkness

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

which is done while fasting for a few days. Fred mentioned that these preparations ares

similar to what the Makah go through before they go whale hunting.

Another important event incorporated in a potlatch is the designation of names. A

person is given a name several times during his lifetime -- at birth, puberty and upon

reaching another status in the community. Names given are drawn fiom those that already

belong to the family which usually have a significance. Fred talked about a name belonging

to his family, "kakupit" meaning 'keeper of songs'. This was given to his sister who is

working actively to preserve the oral traditions of her people through songs and dances

during potlatches. She felt very proud and honored to have been invested this name. The

name belonged to an ancestor who had achieved extraordinary things for the well-being of

the community. There seems to be no shortage of names as the near decimation of the race

due to diseases in the 1900s left many of the ancestrd names available. For instance,

"Sayachapis" -- is the name of a man who did a lot of good things and produced offspring

and who in turn intermarried into different families. The name became available to a whole

clan who belonged to his linear ancestry.

M.M. said that the potlatch starts with a welcome song for the chiefs. A song is

usually sung to give permission to the visitors who came by canoes to come ashore.

During the welcome song only one drum is played so that a mistake will not be

committed. During a potlatch, mistakes in the songs or dances can be very costly to the

host family. Even a small accident such as a child tripping while going to the washroom is

an embarrassment for the family to the community assembled for the event. Children were

not allowed to run around and do their own thing. When someone calls out a wrong name,

this also has to be corrected right away. There are potlatch ceremonies which can be very

restrictive. An example is when a potlatch is celebrated by the Wolf clan only those who

have been initiated are allowed to participate.

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

M. M. expressed his amazement at how people can stay in the tong house or in a

gym for more than 24 hours just sitting around. The nighttime is quite an important time

for potlatch to take place. Today these ceremonies are finished overnight compared to

four days or even two weeks long in the earlier days.

THE SALISH NATION

The Salish on Vancouver Island occupy the areas fiom the southern tip of

Vancouver Island to Qualicum. (Two families called Reeds and the Recarnas are distinctly

Salish. ) The Salish nation actually starts fiom Washington State up to the Fraser Valley

and including Vancouver Island. Although they have different dialects, they all understand

each other. The Coast Salish of Canada, for instance, are spread out between the imer

habours of both Vancouver Island and the mainland. An illustration done by Barnett

(1938) identified 13 ethnic groups including territories on Vancouver Island who are

known today as: the Cowichon, the Nanaimo, the Pentiatch (now Qualicum area), the

Comox, the Homalco, and the Kwakrutl. The Kwakiull subsequently declared themselves

as a separate nation.

Hill-Tout (1978) classified the Salish nation into groups according to where they

live in British Columbia and the language they speak. These are the Thonpsons and the

Okanagans; the Squamish and the Lilloets; the Halkornelenrs, the Sechelts and the

southeastern tribes of Vancouver Island. At present, there are a lot of HaIkomelern (now

called Hul 'qumi 'm) speaking Salish Nations in Nanaimo.

The Salish on Vancouver Island maintained fiiendly relations with the Salish on the

Mainland. The Vancouver Island tribes traded fish with the Mainland for things not as

abundant on the island such as deer, ell% goat and bear as well edible roots and berries.

Like other Salish groups all social relationships are expressed within kinships. Each

Chapter N Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

member of the Salish beiongs to a family by blood or by mamage who are all interrelated

within the tribe. (Barnett: 1938)

The Salish have permanent and temporary settlements. The temporary settlement is

used in the summer and is made up of dwellings built with planks and usually located at

the entrance of a village. These are shelters used for seasonal gatherings such as the

summer ceremonies. The permanent settlements are made up of clusters of fiom one to

five buildings. Each cluster is considered a village. It is not uncommon for several villages

to have no head or chief or any organized political structure. Perhaps kinship and a

common traditional backgrounds hold these people together. (1 938: p 1 19)

The traditional industries of the Salish include fishing and hunting and a limited

amount of agriculture. Their harvest includes salmon, halibut, cod, herring, and various

species of sea mammals. A peculiar breed of dog not found elsewhere is raised for wool.

Canoe building was a very specialized activity. The Salish are traditionally good

woodcarvers and also excellent basket weavers. Their houses are made of cedar planks

with a very high pitched roof on the side facing the water. The early Salish people cooked

their food by roasting it in a coal pit, baking in an earth oven or stone boiling in wooden

containers. Both men and women enjoy adorning themselves with rings, earrings and nose

rings with some tatooing. In the earlier days some practiced head deformation as a sign of

nobility. (1938: p 125)

The Salish household is often patriarchal and it is not uncommon that all the male

siblings and their wives and children live in the same household. The oldest brother is

often looked up to for protection and advice. Although he controls the family property

and their ceremonial rights, he has to validate these rights by his good behavior and

industry and must set an example as a role model in the family. (1 938: p 129)

Chqter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

Salish music is similar to other North American Indian music in that instruments

and percussion playing are only used as accompaniment to vocal music. Similarly singing

is rarely done without accompaniment. Herzog (1949) distinguishes Salish music from the

others by its limited tonal range with the melodic movement often leveling. When the

melody range is wider it is balanced by its ascending and descending tendencies and with

frequent broad jumps. It is mostly pentatonic scale with infrequent half-tones but with a

more stable rhythm of the melody. Rhythms of 5 are fairly common with an intricate

relationship rhythm between the melody and the accompaniment. The Salish use skin

covered drums as compared to planks used by the Kwakiutl. Salish music often shows

looseness and a lack of clarity. There is a predominance of polyphonic singing among the

Salish, more than any other Indian nation in North America. The Salish women are just as

competent musicians and composers as the men. (Herzog: 1949 pp 96-97)

Shamanism among the Saiish N&n

The Northwest Salish shaman's primary role is curing of the sick. Other talents

may include being able to foresee and foretell the hture and help forewarn the community

members of impending dangers. This ability is important in times of war or in cases of

imminent natural disasters. (Kew and Goddard: 1997 p.67) This gives the shaman a very

important position in the community which instills fear or commands respect much more

than the chief (Ashwell: 1994 p 70-71)

"Usually the shaman has more than one power and the more the better for him. His

song is both a symbol of his tutelage and a device for mobilizing his power. The power of

a shaman is always around him Like an invisible cloak or an aura" (Amoss: 1978 p 14).

While the decision to be a shaman is an individual one his role in healing becomes

vital to the community once he displays his supernatural powers to cure. His presence

Chapter I V Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

becomes a security to the members of his community as he safeguards them from

retaliation by bad spirits (Amoss: 1978 p20) The belief behind the illness being caused by

either natural or supernatural beings makes it important even to the modem First Nation

to consider seeing a shaman. There are certain illnesses that are viewed as being caused by

a "foreign object" lodged in the body, a soul wandering or taken away by a supernatural

power, or the soul being swallowed by the same. (Kew and Goddard: 1997 p. 67).

Modem medicine is of no help with these kind of illnesses. The Coast Salish believes that

illness is caused by evil spirits penetrating the body and causing bodily harm, pain and

suffering. The rituals (of songs and dances) used by the shaman are directed towards the

"sucking" away of the evil spirits that are imbedded in the body of the sick person. The

shaman gains or losses prestige and respect fiom the community depending on his ability

to make the patient well. The shaman who has allowed too many patients to die is often

feared and branded a "sorcerer". The community tries to be rid of him and his killing by a

brave member is considered as a public service. On the other hand, a public show of his

powers makes him a very influential figure in the community. It appears that prestige and

not wealth is what keeps the shaman in spite of inherent dangers in the performance or

non-performance of healing. He often uses spirit helpers to help in the diagnosis and uses

particular songs and dance rituals to accomplish the goal as well as in the healing.

(Ashwell: 1994 pp 70-71).

Jilek (1992), a practicing psychiatrist cites spirit dancing as one of the important

rites in Pacific Northwest shamanism. Spirit dancing is usually performed in the winter

and has contributed immensely to the well being of First Nations people suffering fiom

certain "diagnostic conditions". He enumerated these conditions to include alcoholism,

effects of marital breakdown, weLfate problems, violence, hancial problems, child neglect,

all contributing to what he referred to as "anornic depression" (Jilek: 1992 pp 1 17-129).

Chapter N Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

Hill-tout (1 978) noted some of the similarities and differences in shamanistic

practices in each region. He noted for instance that there are some rock paintings which

are believed to be works of ancient shamans in the Stein Creek area among the

Thompsons @U-tout : 1 978 Vol. 1 p 46). Similar petroglyphs were found in Nanaimo

and around Sproat Lake in Port Albemi where there was a concentration of Salish

Nation. Fred cites an artist, Ron Hamilton, who believes that the petroglyphs were done

not too long before the contact with the White people. These etchings on rocks have

deteriorated prematurely because of natural elements.

Like all the other Salish people on Vancouver Island, the Salish people from

Squamish and Lilloet have healing practices that cure and prevent illnes (1978: Vo1.2 pp

34-36). Hill-Tout must be referring to the Spirit Dances when he referred to the dances

typical to the Squamish and the other Salish tribes across the water. The dancer goes

through extensive training after four days of fasting with slightly different requirements for

men and women. Hill-Tout describes three dances which are: metla a common dance that

can be performed by anyone in the tribe; Koqoks a dance characterized by uncontrollable

shaking of the head; and, ship which is characterized by violent shaking of the head held

up in the air throughout the dance. Some of the dancers spit what looks like blood at the

end of the skaip (1978: Vol. 2 pp 47-48).

Hill-Tout notes that these dances, which are learned fiorn a dream, are usualiy

accompanied by songs and rhythm of the monotonous beating of cedar boards. The songs

and dances also become the personal and private property of a family. These are

considered sacred and can only be performed with the permission of the owner or when

these are passed on by inheritance. Because of the demanding nature of the dances, not

everyone can become an accomplished dancer. The dancer is "not himself' during the four

days of fasting and during the course of the dancing which appears to be a form of

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

hypnotic trance. A woman becomes a dancer after fasting for four days and learning the

dances through trance. She is then sent away to the forest to learn more dances tiom the

trees and the bushes. She returns to the building where the ceremony is performed with a

fiesh new dance. When a novice performs his first dance it is called hidher hausaikti

(Hill-tout. V01.2: 1978 pp 34-36).

There seems to be a relationship between the above practices and that of the

Kwanrlen speaking Salish. Dance is important aspect of the Kwantlen's shamanism. The

dances are classified according to function: religious, social, totemic or sulia dances; and

the shamanistic dances. Taiwetalem is the shamanistic fire dance. The supernatural

powers of this shamanistic dance was presumed by the Westerners to be assisted by

"familiar spirits."* HilCTout explains it as a product of auto-hypnosis (1978: Vo1.3

PP~-77)

Prevention of illness could take on wearing protective symbols as that used by the

Lilloets mil-Tout: 1978 ) To prevent an illness after a spouse's death, a widow wears a

band and buck-skin around her neck, ankles and wrists to prevent cough, lung troubles

and rheumatism. She must also undergo ceremonial washings and cleansings to make her

Life better and desirable to a second husband. The widower must refiain fiom sexual

intercourse for a whole year and is banished to s distant forest to purify himself. He has to

take repeated baths called ntcepiekecten either in an open stream or in a sweat house

called nkuizaten ( vol. 2 pp 1 14- 1 16) to purify himself of the bad medicine from his

deceased wife's body.

A myth of the man restoring the dead, had its origins in the mortuary practices and

beliefs of the Salish in the Lilloets (Hill-Tout: 1978 Vo1.2 pp 146-147):

* This is the term used by members of the Catholic church to explain such powers not coming fiom God.

Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

Broken-hearted with the death of his young wife, a young man was encouraged to train for mystical powers called Kwazancut and built himself a nkuftzaten or sweathouse. While undergoing the training he acquires a vision and his s ~ n t offers him the mystery power of curing coughs. Because this is not what he intended to do, he declares that he is looking for the power to bring his dead wife life back to life. So he continues fbrther his training for another year and this time his snam offered him the power to cure all pulmonary illnesses. Again, he was dissatisfied and went for another year of training. AAer the third year, his snon, offered him again another power of curing miscarrages. Again, dissatisfied, he decide to go for another year of training. At the end of the fourth year, he goes into a trance and at that time the ~nam shows him how to restore Life to the dead. He was to step four times over the bones of the dead body and it will rise up to life. He tried to practice on any dead animal bones he found and the first one he saw were the remains of a bird. AAer doing what he was taught, a bird rose and flew away. Then he saw the bones of a deer. He did the same and it sprung alive and ran. He continued practicing on remains of birds and animals because he could not find human bones to practice his powers on. When he mastered his mystical powers, he decided to go in the middle of the night to his wife's grave. He did the same thing as he brushed the corpse with fir-tops and sprinkled medicine water upon her, he told her to rise. He invited her to the stream to get washed to take off the dead smell from her. He dried her off with blanket, wrapped her up and took her home to her parents. The couple sneak in quietly in one of the rooms and when the parents saw them, they were in shock. As they got over the shock, they realized that indeed the daughter has come to life. The following morning, the parents announced to friends and family and they ail came to celebrate the happening of a miracle.

A similar myth was written in a book for children by a Salish elder in Nanaimo.

Her version involves the loss of a dead wife's soul which the husband was trying to

retrieve to bring her back to lie. Through training, focusing on his goal and overcoming

many dangerous encounters in the spirit world, the man succeeds in contacting her soul.

Unfortunately, her soul was unwilling to come back to earth with him and therefore she

did not return fiom the dead.(White: 1997 pp 22-43).

The above myths are examples of how a man's crisis motivates him to acquire

mystical powers to become a shaman. During this crisis a deep sense of transfornation is

Chaprer IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

felt by the person which brings him closer to the sacred. The loss of soul has utmost

priority in the shamanism of the Salish.

Among the ~afkomefeems* shamanism is just as prevalent. There are three classes

of shamans (Hill-Tout: 1978): the sqefm or the doctor who comes to heal and cure

people who is either a man or a woman; the o h or the soothsayer who could be a man or

a woman; and the sorcerer or the witch called yeuwa who is usually a man. The sqelam's

role is to promote the well being of a person especially when the sickness is an internal

affliction under the influence of some enchantment. He is quite versed with the mysteries

surrounding illnesses that can be cured and fixed with certain rituals. He undergoes

extensive training to be a sqeiam in a secluded forest or on the shores of a lake. This

training also involves fasting, hypnotic trances, frequent body washings, exercises and

communication with the spirits. His power and medicine is given to him by his guiding

spirit or spirits presented to him through his dreams and visions. Because of his ability to

access the spirit world, he has the power to restore a soul or spirit, which wandered from

a person's body and caused him illness. It is beIieved that if the service of the doctor is

not sought immediately, the person may die (Hill-tout: 1978 pp 48-52).

The second class of shamans among the H a i k d e m s is the oiia. It comes from

the word ulia which means "to dream". His chief fbnction is to interpret dreams of his

people. Although not a b'doctor", he is the one who tends to the wounds and other

external injuries and not the sqelm. His other fbnction is to look after the dead body and

prepare it for burial. He protects the people 6om the influence of the paiakoetsa, or

ghosts of the dead. He gives the mortuary participants "medicine" to prevent the evil

intluences of the corpse. He is supposedly the only one who can handle these things as he

* This is the tribe who speaks that language and they are spread out between Central Vancouver Island and across the waters on the mainland.

Chapter N Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

is in communion with the ghosts who haunt the grave sites. He warns the people to stay

away from these places especially during recent burials. He has other fhctions in the

puberty rites of the individuals and other social finctions and taboos of the tribe. The last

of the classes of the shamans is the yewa who deals with witchcraft and sorcery.

(Hill-tout: 198 pp 48-52)

S u l i m is another concept that predominates Salish shamanism. It comes fiom the

word sulia or solia which means "a guide, protector, influence, power, charm, an abstract

or nominal form of the verb ulia "to dream" (Hill-Tout: 1978 Vol. 3 p 49). It is anything

living or non-living in part or as a whole in nature that is significant to the person that has

come to him through a vision or dream. These are the emblems that are expressed in a

family's house posts, family corpse boxes and their personal belongings. Not everyone can

acquire supernormal powers and one does not become a sulia unless earned with hard

work, training and of self-discipline (1978: Vo1.3 p 121).

The Salish winter ceremony has three essential elements ( 1978: Vo1.3 pp9 1-92).

The first is hospitality of the sort which characterizes the reception of all visitors. It is an

obligation for the sponsor of the ceremony to receive and feed the visitors. It is also an

obligation of the guests to eat whether they are hungry or not or whether the food being

served suits their taste or not. The second is spirit dancing where the important elements

are the dancers, the singers and the drummers. The third element is the public

announcement of any change of status of anyone including naming, witnessing of elevation

of a status, distribution of gifts and property and other housekeeping things.

Many factors play a role in the success of spirit dancing. There are many

preparations before a dancer can perform his dance. Much of the preparations depend on

the fbnction of the dance - whether it is for the maintenance of or preserving the health

and sanity of members troubled by possessing spirits; or an expression of solidarity with

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

the ancestors; or the socialization of deviants or correction of anti-social behaviors

(H~ll-tout: 1978 V01.3 pp 142- 144).

Densmore (1943) transcribed some healing songs used by the shamans of the

Salish nation. Again it must be noted that such pitch transcriptions are only an

approximation of the actual pitches as the indigenous groups do not use the same

well-tempered modes as the Westerners do. (See Appendix 'D')

The Shaker Church is a religion among the Salish which had its origins in 188 1. It

was founded by John Slocum of Washington state who apparently came back to life while

his family was securing a coffin for his fir nerd When he was "reborn" he started relating

his life and that his mission was to save the souls of others through conversion to

Christianity. He preached that anyone can also be "reborn" through confession. This was

related by a niece of the Slocums who was with his wife when he was reborn.

(Gunther: 1949 p 38-39)

It was not too clear how the religion got its name other than it is traced to Mrs.

Slocum who did the shaking during the wake of her husband. She disliked the idea of

getting a shaman for him while he was sick and unconscious. Other accounts pointed out

to his cure due to her shaking on a beach while her husband was being carried out to a

church (1949: p40) Although John Slocum did not participate in violent shaking during

services, he preached God's message which he supposedly learned while he was in a state

of ecstasy between life-death. However, the new-found retigion needed something to

attract the laity and the addition of the "shaking" and "curing" (Gunther's terms) during

the church services seemed to work. Because of the decree of the Superintendent of

Indian Affairs in 1871 prohibiting any native practices including "Indian Doctoring" or

TamCrnaMIs ( a Salish word, a dialect meaning the shamanistic curing of the sick) in

Washington, the Shakers Church easily replaced the Shamans. (p4 1) The miracle curing in

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

the church escaped the prohibition as Slocum practiced it under Christianity. The church

spread up to Vancouver Island where it was introduced at Becher Bay around 1895. The

drowning of all of the crew of a Japanese sealing schooner disrupted the spread of the

Shakers in this area. Through the years though, intermarriage carried it down to

Esquimalt where the church flourished (1949: p 43). Its spread in British Columbia is

limited to the Victoria area and up the eastern waters of Vancouver Island to Nanaimo.

A personal source related how the two factions among the Shakers came about.

One school believed in not using the bible as part of the service like John Slocum. Slocum

could neither read nor write and consequently had no use for the bible. His followers

became the John Slocum Shakers. The other faction believed that being based on

Christianity, the bible's use is a must in the services and were called the Bible Shakers

(1949: p69). In either case, the other paraphernalia and the practices are common. The use

of the cross for the altar, the arrangement of the church benches, the use of candles and

bells, the use of robes and singing of songs before and after the service. Songs are used

both in morning prayers and in curing of the sick (p 56). The conversion and initiation of

new members and curing are much the same (p 53). As the religion replaced shamanism,

Gunther added, "Here was a new religion, in which anyone with faith in a new kind of

power could do things only shamans did before ..The transfer from possession by a

guardian spirit to possession by the God of the Christian was an easy step .."@ 59) While

the concept of Christianity was unknown to the natives, Slocum was believed to have been

sent back to Life to interpret for them in the same way as the spirit quest that a shaman

initiate would have experienced. Only this time Slocum did not deliberate on it himself

unLike the novice. Guardian spirits were replaced with the "spirit of Gob' (Collins: 1950

p403). The followers believed that the spirit of God is parallel to the guardian spirit. It is

not known whether the meaning of "the spirit of God" was understood. It is not an

Chqter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

uncommon that a native need not give up his guardian spirit to become a Shaker. Rather

the whole concept is transformed with some differences in the practice. One difference

between the two beliefs is in the songs that were used. The Shakers replaced their songs

with Christians songs learned from the missionaries and interspersed with phrases from the

native dialects for the refrain. Dancing in the church is less than those in winter

ceremonies. The costumes in the Shaken may just be a white gown worn over an ordinary

pre-contact dress as opposed to the elaborate masks and costumes worn during winter

ceremonies. The place of contact with the spirit is one great difference. While the novice

for shamanism goes into isolation in the woods, the Shaker makes his contact with the

spirit while in church during the services in the company of the other members.(p404)

The role of the shaman had been taken over by the Shaker practitioner who was

able to cure a lot of physical illnesses and recover lost souls. The religion became

extremely competitive with the shamans. The Shakers and Shamans got themselves

involved in spirit contests, and threats with sickness and death to each other. (1 950: p406)

A Pemonal Communicatr'on with E FK from the Salish N a b n

E. W., a distinguished elder practices shamanism among her people. She is a

Salish who lives in Nanaimo. She was referred to me by a very good friend. This

majestically poised lady presented a very quiet but melancholic posture. In her busy time

as an elder at the Malaspina University-College, she still managed to write two volumes of

stories for children. She was quite apologetic of the many sad circumstances around her

the week we saw her. She did her best just the same to be as accommodating to the needs

of the research but forewarned me of her being somewhat on guard.

She frowned upon the use of my tape recorder because of the sacredness of what

she may disclose which I understood and respected. Fred explains that E. W. was more

Chapter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

Liberal today than she would have been 20 years ago. I managed to establish a good

rapport with E.W. She explained that it had become a taboo to talk about anything

native-- longhouse, ceremonies, rituals. They have not totally gotten over the taboo

imposed on them by the government. With Fred's help I was able to put together the main

gist of the conversation.

E. W. is from Nanaimo and grew up mostly on the Island. Her being a healer did

not happen overnight. It was a gradual process starting with her grandfather at a very

young age. She considered it "training" which continues to this day.

One of the most striking things about her philosophy in life is her relationship with

everything around her. She talked about air as a vital source of life and as an energy for

interconnectedness among all peoples and a unifying force among dl the cultures of the

world. She put this in historid perspective when people were able to communicate

through vast distances without telephones or radios. When E. W. talked about

interconnectedness through energy, Fred compared this power of energy with the

principles of Reiki, which has a s i d a r effect on the individual.

In Nanaimo, when the Salish people go into the big house for several days, they go

for "general cleansing" of the body. Fred gave an example of what used to happen when

the shaman "chewed on" (in motions only) the initiated on the stomach. (This is similar to

the practices of the Kwakiutl mentioned earlier in the chapter.) The present day practice

uses touch on the affected part, instead. This procedure causes the person to black out and

during this time he starts to see animal dancing and hears his songs. With these visions

he then imitates what he saw and heard and recreates them into a song and dance that only

he himself is allowed to perform.

The winter ceremonies of the Salish on Vancouver Island are much more visible.

There is usually a group of people being initiated rather than individuals. She did not

Chupter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

elaborate much about the effect of sound and its use on the individual. She emphasized

however, the sounds of nature wherever we may be -- be it in the room or in the woods.

She considers the body a powefil "container" where the process of healing

transpires. When she heals someone she emphasizes the respect and exploration of this

container to be at its best as it is a ''gift fiom the creator." This is a process that helps to

overcome all the negative upbringing through chemical substances, abuse and other

dysfbnctional relationships. She talked about having to focus on the "nurturing of positives

to this containef' in order for healing to take place and emphasized the "exploration of

potentials". This is one of E. W.'s roles today as she works with the students of the

Bachelor of Arts, major in First Nations studies at the Mdaspina University-College.

She used more prayers and herbs to heal and reserved the use of the occasional

drumming for critical and /or crucial circumstances where she called on the 'creator' to

come and intervene. Like M. M., she also refers to the 'creator' as a superbeing above all

people in the same way as the Christians refer to God. The call to the 'creator' versus the

spirits of the ancestors is a carefil choice she has to make. She talked about not using the

call to the ancestors specially for children who are not able to defend themselves against

their powers.

She felt a deep interconnectedness with the drum but does not know how this

developed. She talked about different kinds of songs. She spoke very fondly of the

grandfather who "trained" her and who was actually the brother of her grandrother.

According to Fred she spoke frequently about him in her talks and lectures to students and

others.

Chqter IV Shamanism on Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada

Summary

The use of music in shamanism among the First Nations in the Pacific Northwest is

still a prevalent and an important practice in healing for the community members. Drums,

rattles, whistles, are among the instruments used to accompany char.ting or songs that the

people use for healing. Usuallly, someone in the community is designated the task of

healing called the shaman. The shaman is gifted with powers that come from supernatural

beings which are handed down to him through extraordinary events like dream,

supernatural experience and the like. The calling to the task of a shaman is usually

inherited and passed on to a younger family member who is considered worthy and of a

good potential. (Kew and Goddard, 1997 p.67).

The use of music in shamanism among most of the First Nations plays a very

important part in the rituals. The rituals require the use of drums, rattles, whistles, masks

and other creative costumes that along with days of fasting, rigorous training, isolation

and severe discipline. All this contribute to the enhancement so that trance and possession

will happen producing the desired healing effect. One notes the similarities of their

practices-- the use of the potlatch as culminating ceremony for the shamanistic rites, the

choosing of a shaman, the initiation of the shaman, the training involved in the making of

one, the calling fonh of spirit helpers in the form of animals, the strong belief system

surrounding this, the use of vocal music as a medium almost always accompanied by some

form of percussive, persistent, persuasive beats on a drum, and the like. The theatrical

effects that the majority of the First Nations put a lot of effort into during these rituals

show evidence of creativity playing an impotant role in healing.

Chapter V

Discussion and Recommendations

M Y RESEARCH JOURNEY

I began this study with an ethnographic approach in mind. It was my intention to

interview shamans in the Philippines in a particular area of the Cordilleras in the province

of Benguet and on Vancouver Island, Canada where I presently live. Prior to my visit to

the Philippines in February 1997, I planned different things to maxirnise the use of my

brief stay there. 1 developed an itinerary including the approximate time I had to be in the

city of Baguio to get my personal contacts prior to actually seeing a shaman. I was

convinced it would be like clockwork! I contacted a few fiends to find out where

shamanism is widely practised in the country. My personal contacts at the University of

the Philippines pointed me to different directions. Shamanism is prominent everywhere.

My attention was called to the study made by Prof. Jose Maceda which started in the early

tifties. He lives somewhere in Buffalo, New York where I tried to contact him through his

E-mail without success. Dr. Maceda did extensive pioneering studies of the ethnic music

of the Magindanao, a community in the southern part of the Philippines and less prominent

ones fiom the other indigenous groups all over the islands . He also did a less extensive

study in the northern and central parts of L w n , the biggest island in the country. ProE

Pedro R Abraham, Jr. fiom the ColIege of Arts and Letters, University of the Philippines

conducted similar studies in the Cagayan valley, the northernmost part of Luzon. His

research on ethnic music focused on its social het ion and bringing about a synthesis of

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

various kinds of ethnic rhythm &om all over the islands making the people aware of its

relevance to the present. Being native to the Cagayan valley, he knew places where

people practised shamanism.

Through Prof. Abraham, I hired a Masters in Anthropology researcher from the

University of the Philippines to conduct a pre-search for literature prior to my arrival. He

could not find any significant material on the healing aspects of Philippine ethnic music.

He found the occasional mention of songs and the use of certain instruments as these

relate to healing. The University of the Philippines has one of the most extensive

collection of books and other published materials in its library system He developed a

sizeable bibliography of "possibilities" with only one book on the study of the healing

effect of music of a neighbouring country. Other sources were mostly on the history of

the people of the cordilleras.

Was I lucky to feel no one else had started the idea of doing a study on this

subject? Was I running out of luck not knowing how to proceed with my study with no

model to follow ? Consoling myself, I thought I would have a better chance of presenting

something of interest to the music therapy field in this country. Music therapy, per se, is

unknown in the Philippines.

I began to talk to some of the people I met in the Philippines. My curiosity about

the subject was met with a lot of welcome and invitations to share it with the University of

the Philippines at Baguio City and the College of Music of the University of the

Philippines in Diliman. This started to fire up my enthusiasm. Though I spent three weeks

in the country, much of my time was spent on networking - where to go, where to search

for more literature, who to see, and how to see them. The prospects of being on site for an

extended period of time became an impossibility.

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

When I got back to Canada, I realised throughout my three weeks stay in the

Philippines that I could not see a shaman. All I had is personal communication with

Vice-Governor Wasing Sacla, an author of a book on shamanism in Benguet. I came

across his book in one of the community resource centres in Baguio City. Not knowing

much about his background, I thought the data presented in his book was sufficient. I

continued my literature search at the College of Music of the University of the Philippines

in Diliman. By this time, I was running into more old acquaintances who were sympathetic

to my plight and offered to help. I collected as much as I could on the early studies on

ethnic music by Dr. J. Maceda, the pioneer musicologist on the subject. With

encouragement from friends, I came back to Canada with as much literature as my

research assistant and 1 could gather.

When I got back to Canada, I felt I was better equipped with sufficient

information to finally decide how to approach the study. But as I began to collate and

analyze the materials I have, the more I realized that the amount of data I collected was

actually very little. I saw the need for going back to the Philippines for the second time.

An opportunity came in August. By this time, many other things worked against

me. It was the typhoon season and everywhere I went, heavy rains followed. My plan to

stay a few days in Benguet was aborted by the cancellation of a flight going to that region

due to the heavy rain. We had to wait for a few days for the rains to subside. They say that

during the monsoon season it was extremely dangerous for the planes to land at the airpon

in Baguio City. Being at the heart of the Cordilleras, the Loacan Airport is nestled in a

narrow valley amid the towering mountains of the cordilleras. As an alternative we took

the bus which was a whole day's journey. It was a more reliable alternative.

I went back to see Mr. Sacla at the Vice Governor's office in Benguet. This time I

came to know more about him and how he became involved in healing. His father who

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

recently passed away was a renowned healer in his province of Benguet. His father offered

to "transfer" his powers to him if he was willing to accept. Although he assisted his father

in many of his healing rituals and knew a lot about the procedures, he deched the offer

for personal reasons. Because of this background, he stated it made it easier for him to

write about the healing practices which he compiled and published.

I expressed the need to interview a healer but he cautioned us against proceeding

to the remote areas where they can be found. It was a treacherous season of the year to

approach the mountain ranges without the right transport. Some areas are simply not

accessible by modem transportation. Not even my persistent nature could convince me to

overcome the thought of possible danger. The local people knew what they were talking

about and it was wise to take their word for it. I persisted and expressed the need to see

and talk to a person fiom another tribe. Mr. Sacla referred me to another person who had

been a school teacher for about 20 years prior to going into politics. He comes from the

neighbouring tribe where the former pcrsxal contact came fiom. His participation in the

healings was one of an assistant to the healer and participant in the dances. His

educational background and objectivity coloured his beliefs of the old practices which he

admitted d u ~ g our communication.

On our way back to the Manila, I made contact for the second time with Prof. de

Leon, Ir. fkom the College of Arts and Letters, University of the Philippines in Diliman.

He did many studies on Philippine ethnic music and made numerous contributions to the

field. He admitted closely following Dr. Maceda's works. He generously shared with me

some of his personal tape recordings during his investigations on the subject.

Feeling more hope coming back to Canada again, I began to reflect on the data I

had. I began to question the wisdom of doing an ethnographic study in which it was not at

all possible to acquire 6rst hand accounts of the various uses of music in the healing

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

rituals. I felt pressured into looking for another network to see professionals in the field

although I did not want to pursue anything that would compromise the protocol of the

indigenous peoples of coastal British Columbia and the Cordilleras of the Philippines. At

this time 1 realised I was fighting windmills.

Back in Canada, I looked forward to the prospect of seemg the shamans in my

neighbourhood. My friend from Nanaimo, Randy Fred, who is a Nuu-chah-nulth

originally tiom Port Alberni, referred me to Salish elder in Nanaimo. She is a known

healer, author of two children's books on Salish mythology. As an elder she assists and

advises First Nations students at the Malaspina University College. The creation of

rapport with her through a fiend was quite a big help in my data collection.

I had a chance to see another elder, a male instructor, also at the Malaspina

University College. This gentleman participates in the winter dancing in Duncan on

Vancouver Island. The sanctity of the membership prohibits him from talking about the

experience. He was apologetic for his little contribution to my data gathering.

Other attempts were made to communicate with other people. One respected First

nation referral I went to see dampened my hopes for actual first hand information. He

warned, "You won't be able to talk to anyone immediately. It takes months, perhaps years

before you get to know them. And they won't talk to you unless they know you."

I realised that I have, through my research journey, acquired enough materials to

do a comparative-historical inquky, a culture of inquiry described hy Kenny (1990) (as

mentioned in chapter 1). The choice became the most logical one. I was attempting to

understand two groups of people, their cultures and practices as time and outside

influences alter them, and focusing on their unique similarities and differences. The

circumstances above reinforced my direction towards comparative historical approach.

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

For the coastal British Columbia search, I obtained every book I could find fiom

the different sources mentioned in chapter 1. It was quite helpfbl to look through the

bibliographies and references of other people who wrote similar studies both in Canada

and elsewhere. The library search in itself has become a learning process for me. I was

able to obtain recordings done by other researchers like the recordings done by de Leon

and Abraham on their studies; recordings of the First Nations in Vancouver Island done by

Halpern (1967). I also have the support of Dr. David Duke who used to be a research

assistant of Dr. Halpern during some phases of her Northwest ethnic music studies.

I have both the privilege of collecting historical data from existing literature and

from different sources mentioned in my personal communications with people who have

lived through the places and cultures covered in this study.

DISCUSSION

In summary, the shamanic practices in both the Philippines and Vancouver Island

include healing rites for those who are afflicted with illnesses closely associated or caused

by the spirits which affect the whole indigenous cosmos. The performance of these rituals

are based on the belief that certain spirit illnesses can only be treated with the intervention

of a shaman or a medium who intercedes for them in communicating with the creator, the

deity, ancestral spirits or animal spirit guides. A shaman is a specially designated member

of the community who is bestowed with powers throu* a dream, inheritance: critical Life

situations and the like. Having a special access to all levels of the cosmos -- the

underworld, the earth world and the upper world, he has a very special relationship to

nature and advocates for its respect. He goes through extensive training and initiation

prior to being declared and recognised a fill-fledged shaman. Through singing or

chanting, instrument playing which usually accompanies the songs, the elements of music

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

are used either to enhance these or are important and integral part of the rites. Some

shamans use different paraphernalia in addition to a regalia to cornplenient the theatrical

effects necessary for healing.

Since my study is a comparative-historical review, I was limited to the data I

gathered fiom literature on the subject and from personal communication with people

from both cultures. I was limited to the literature that was available in the major cities of

the Pidippines especially tiom the University of the Philippines System libraries. For the

Vancouver Island phase, I was limited to what was available from the public libraries of

Nanaimo and the libraries of Simon Fraser University and the University of British

Columbia. I also obtained some materials fiom the British Columbia Archives in Victoria.

Obviously, this study is hardly final as I feel there is a lot more information waiting to be

uncovered.

The data presented in Chapters 3 and 4 reveal very interesting comparisons. As

could be expected, there are many differences between the indigenous peoples of

Vancouver Island and the Philippines in their shamanic practices using music. What is very

interesting, however, are the many similarities between them.

TEE DIFFERENCES

1. The Land

The Igorots of the cordillera region of the Philippines Live on mountainous land,

away from the ocean. Over thousands of years, they worked the land to provide them with

rice and other staples. These people built the world famous rice terraces of the Philippines

and have a great deal of respect for the land. It is not surprising that their beliefs are in the

deities who inhabit the mountains, the hills, the trees and the streams and headwaters.

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

Animals such as chickens, pigs, cattle and even dogs were used as sacrificial offerings to

please the spirits. The bigger the rite or the favour they are asking fiom the spirits, the

more and the bigger the animals used.

Unlike the indigenous peoples of the Philippines who have settled in the heart of

the cordilleras, the indigenous peoples of Vancouver Islands settled along ocean shores

and the many coves and inlets on Vancouver Island. They learned to rely on the bountifhl

marine life more heavily than on the larger animals that roamed the lands and the fowl for

food. The animals became an ally to their existence and their spirits became strongly

affiliated with them.

2. The Colonising Influence

The sharnanic practices of the indigenous peoples of the Philippines were affected

by centuries of colonial rule. The Spanish colonisers who were promoting Christianity

regarded the people's practices as "paganistic" and attempted to put a stop to shamanic

practice. However, as the indigenous peoples retreated to the heart of the Cordilleras,

their geographic isolation helped them to preserve their sharnanic practices and rituals. It

was simply too dficult for the colonisers to pursue them and quite simply found easier

pickings fiom the Filipino inhabitants of the lowlands.

By comparison, the Fist Nations of Vancouver Island endured and resisted more

than a century of colonisation by the English and some Americans. The colonisers

systematically eroded what was "Indian" by starting off with a heavy-handed decree to

abandon anything that manifests their indigenous beliefs and eventually setting up

residential schools to b'educate" their children. It greatly influenced how they practised

some of their customs - behind the scenes with a "not telling the non-natives" attitude.

One such example is the transformation of the shamanic practices among the Salish into a

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendatioas

religion called Shaker church. To fit into the context of Christianity, the calling upon the

spirit helpers had its transformation into the calling upon the Holy Spirit of God.

3. Rihrah

The Filipino shamans use different rites for different purposes. There are rites for

enhancing harvest, fertility both of land and female members of the community; rites to

win war and rivalry; rites for merry making and of course, healing. Healing rites are used

for all ages for different illnesses with physical and emotional etiology and those that are

caused by spirits. These illnesses range fiom the general to specific conditions.

The rituals of the natives of Vancouver Island are oflen part of bigger rites and

ceremonies. The healing rituals are closely linked with the winter dance ceremonies where

other things take place, including giving of new names to people who have earned special

recognition and other business matters such as announcements of tribal decisions.

4. Types of Shaman

There are many kinds of shamans in the Philippines. There are those who work

against them as well. Generally, however, there are the shamans who help restore a

person's well-being with the help of the spirits of nature and the spirits of dead ancestors

and tribal heroes. There are also those who work to bring malady to others especially in

revenge for an afflicted person or out ofjedousy of another. It is not uncommon that

spirits of slain tribal enemies are called upon to avenge the tribe against the other. There

were no specific names fiom the literature that I have encountered for these kinds of

shamans.

Among the natives of Vancouver Island, there are many kinds of shamans- those

who retrieve lost souls, those who look after the treatment of minor illnesses and injuries

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

and those who foretell the fbture. The shaman who concentrates on illnesses brought

about by the spirits or the loss of one is placed on a higher status than those who

concentrate in other areas. Although his fee is usually not set, his prestige earns him a lot

of material rewards and his riches often rival that of the tribal chief Although the reason

for one to become a shaman is motivated by high moral values, competition among the

shamans is not uncommon. They go to a point of engaging in contests to show off their

powers. There are accounts of how a jealous shaman could cause illness to another

shaman or to an enemy of the chief.

5 , Initiatrbn of the Shaman

The initiation of a shaman in the Philippines may not be as complex as that in

Vancouver Island. It may be as simple as handing over a symbolic bow1 of water fiom an

elder shaman to the new initiate and declares to him passing over the power as they pray

to the spirits together. Repeated nightmareddream of an initiate forces him to accept the

role of a shaman helping cure the sick people in his community.

The initiation of the novitiate fiom Vancouver Island is a quite a complex

process. He goes through four days of fasting and isolation in the woods until he goes into

a trance and learns his songs through his dreams. He receives a new name after the

initiation, usually something benevolent and related to his function. While the number

"four" has many significant meanings in the life and culture of the First Nations, it is just

as significant a number used in shamanistic initiation e.g. four days in isolation, four

healing songs, etc. Shamanism is strongly associated with the winter rites and dances. It is

during this time that "grabbing" of an initiate recommended by the elders by the more

experienced shamans takes place.

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

6. Stages of Shamanism

I did not come across any literature describing ecstatic experience among the

shamans of the Philippines although there is a lot about trance as mentioned by Maceda.

On the other hand, the stages of shamanism in the First Nation cultures appear to

have both states of consciousness, trance and ecstasy. (Refer to Chapter 2 for the stages,

pp 18- 19.) The mentors of a novice made sure he experienced a period of isolation and

fasting during the initial stages of initiation. During this isolation, he experienced ecstasy

&om sustained solitude and silence in the woods. There are no sources of stimulation

other than his own shadow and perhaps the fear ot it. As he comes through this initial

phase, he is brought to experience the stage of trance when he performs for the

community and makes public his new powers.

7. Music Used in Shamanism

Chanting or singing in the Philippines, both accompanied and unaccompanied; and

dancing, mostly accompanied by music were integral parts of these prayerful rites. The

texts to both sung and recited prayers are deeply associated with the expressions of

thoughts and emotions and narration of puzzles or myths. Musical instruments, some

prized heirlooms, accompany the songs and dances. The sanctity of their use is important

in the success of a healing rite. The accompaniment is often improvised following a rhythm

for the purpose prescribed by the shaman. The success in communicating with the deity

depends on the skill of the dancers.

Natives fkom Vancouver Island also used chanting and dancingg, most often

accompanied by musical instruments, especially percussions. They play an important role

in the shamanic rites. Cedar planks, hand drums, rattles, whistles are a few examples of

these instruments. Composition of songs are according to their function. Hence, medicine

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

songs are used for healing and are usually in groups of four. While dances and songs are

integral parts of healing shamanic rites, these are private properties and can only be

performed by the owner unless the rights are sold to say, a chief, who is financially

capable of buying and coffecting them. The more songs one owns, the richer he is

considered and his status recognised.

8. Regolia and Paraphernalia

The main regalia mentioned in the literature among the people in the Cordilleras is

the head-dress that is worn by the dancer-healer. It is wrapped around the head according

to the number of times the dance had been performed by the healer. There was no other

mention of the use of a formal regalia in order to perform shamanism. Maceda's account

of the one among the Magindanaos described how the sick who hosts the ritual spares no

expense in food preparation and iavishly decorating the site of the ritual.

Different cultural tribes in the Philippines use different materials for the ceremonies

according to the function and purpose of the ritual. Among these paraphernalia are

different kinds of plant products such as rice, rice wine, bones, stones and animals. The

use of endogenous herbs for curing illnesses is mentioned in some literature. The slaughter

of animals such as chickens, pigs, cows and water buffaloes and even dogs for sacrifici J

offerings indicates the abundance of these animals. The size and the number of animals to

slaughter depend on the magnitude of the favour the shaman is asking of the intervening

spirits, e.g. the cure of a very serious illness or more prosperity for a rich man demand

more and bigger animals.

Likewise, there are indications of elaborate regalia used by the natives of

Vancouver Island. Some perhaps are exaggerated by foreign photographers as E. Curtis.

According to Fred, the natives including the shamans were dressed up to pose for picture-

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

taking and his collections were used as basis for the history of the area. There are a few

accounts mentioned and full descriptions are at best sketchy. Instruments used are made

out of native trees, plants, seashells, parts of animals abundant in the area. The use of

cedar planks as drums by the Vancouver Islands shamans is a contrast to the hollowed

out wood and animal sicin covered drums used by the Filipino shamans. This may tend to

indicate the more frequent use of animals by the Filipino shamans compared to those of

the indigenous peoples of Vancouver Island. Table I below sunnnarires the differences.

Table 1: Differences Between The Philippine Cordilleras and Vancouver Islands

Points of Comparison The Cordilleras

Land Mountainous, inland

Colonizing influence

Spain, United States

Rituals Different for each purpose

Types of shaman Unclear categories

Initiation of shaman No formal initiation. Often happens after personal crisis andlor discovery of power by elders

Stages of shamanism Not very clear. Trance occurs in some

Music used Prayers and myths chanted to music, some. accompanied by set of improvised rhythm

L - 6

Regalia and No formal tegalia other than Paraphernalia headdress warn by dancers.

Sacrificial offerings including animals, rice wine and crops

Vancouver Island

Along coastal waterss, bays and inlets

United Kingdom

Healing rituals a part of Winter Dance ceremonies

Different types according to function

Forrna t initiation: "grabbing" isolation, intensive training by older shamans, presentation to community

Periods of ecstasy and trance

Healing songs owned and sang by initiates only accompanied by pre- composed rhythms on percussion instnrments

Formal regalia and paraphernalia including masks, rsttles, whistles, and cedar planks

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

TBE SlMlLARlTIES

1. In both the Philippines and on Vancouver Island, shamanism among the indigenous

peoples is a community event.

2. The choosing of the shaman is similar across both cultures -- usually through

inheritance or passed on through a dream or a crisis .

3. What appears to be common between the two cultures are the phases of how one

becomes a shaman. -- tiom an experience of serious illness, crisis or near death, to

self-healing and then to gaining power to heal others. Then the initiation of a shaman in

both cultures involves rigid training and deep spiritual retreat. In addition to the above,

days of fasting and physical isolation are required of the Vancouver Island initiate. The

initiates in both cultures are under the tutelage of an experienced shaman.

4. The shamans in both cultures radiate a certain aura that sets them apart tiom the

other members of the community. They hold a very important position and social status

that command respect from the people. It is not uncommon that the people fear their

power.

5. Another common denominator between the two groups is the shaman's use of

ritual. In both cultures ritual is a way of life. These rituals are culturally determined and

apply only to the specified population. There is a ritual for every major phase of their lives

-- birth, growing up, passage into the womanhood or manhood, choosing a partner,

marriage, aging and death. In both cultures, life is a ritual. Their shamans are the

facilitators of the rites of passage.

6. Another commonality is the use of paraphernalia and regdia. They dress

themselves up in elaborate costumes to effect the therapeutic process. They both set their

therapeutic space, similar to a theatre with the use of intricately made attire and other

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

paraphernalia for effects, to induce trance. The paraphernalia may include the musical

instruments such as whistles, rattles, drums and sticks; bones, stones, crystals, beads, some

contained in elaborate bags, masks and other art work. Despite his tools, theatrical effects,

costumes and methods, what remains sigruficant is the shaman's spiritual power to heal.

7. Both use music either as an important part of the ritual or to enhance it.

The text of their songs and prayers are both of myths and stories of generations before

them. These mythical texts are set to music and are passed on orally through training.

The majority are accompanied by musical instrument playing. Although the songs, chants

and music seem relatively simple and without polyphony other than the accompaniment,

they become powefil tools for healing.

8. In both cases it is evident that a shaman who performs his rituals goes in and out of

trance at will and this skill is mastered through time and training. In both cases the

presence of sound and rhythm is a key to going into trance. When trance occurs, magic

happens. When magic happens, healing is allowed to take place. Trance as could be

gleaned from the accounts of Maceda among the Magindanaos (one of the indigenous

peoples of the Philippines) is effected by the use of persistent sound and rhythm, loud,

monotonous and repetitive until the nerves become slaves to the vibrations, changing the

focus of the awareness.

MUSIC TEERAPY AND SHAMANISM

Rituals in shamanism are much like music therapy. As Kemy (1982) says, "music

therapy as a ritual" @. 125). It is the ritual as music therapy. The shaman is like a music

therapist, she says. Kemy (1982), further, points out more important areas of their

similarities :

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

1. Both work with a magic phenomenon or art which is not totally understood.

2. Both work in professions having responsibilities to oversee the health of the community both preventative and curative.

3. Both require the faith and trust of their communities in order to achieve results.

4. Both learn their skills and rely on their own judgement and intuition about when and where to apply them. They serve an apprenticeship and receive inspiration leading to insight about their work.

5 . Both are dynamic personalities and are energetic and vigorous. Whether shy, gregarious, conservative or eccentric, they are still participating in activities initiated by themselves.

6. Both heal themselves by participating in their shamanistic art, either prior to or while engaging in their vocation.

7. Both offer rituals and ceremonies intimately connected to myth and various art forms like music, dance, costume, colo~r, etc.

There is a lot a music therapist can learn fiom shamanism and shamanistic rituals.

Although shamanism plays down the value of music over the power of the spirit, a music

therapist who witnesses a ritual may well be witnessing a music therapy session. As

Achterberg (1987) puts it, the shaman is "a master healer ofthe imaginary realm". The

music therapy practitioner can learn fiom the valuable techniques of creative imagery to

help her clients self-heal.

But unlike the shaman, the music therapist evokes the client's own creativity for

his growth and betterment. She engages the client in active participation in this

collaborative ritual. She does this through music making, in movement and in song; in the

creative arts and other creati.de media to get his whole body and psyche invoived in the

Chtpfer V Discussion and Recommendations

process of healing. The shaman relies on his own creativity. His patient is a passive

recipient of the shaman's creative processing. The patient is a witness to the shaman's

imaginary journey.

This study found more similarities and builds on K e ~ y ' s discovery of the close

relationship of music therapy to shamanism. It has also found differences that complement

these similarities.

1. There are as many music therapists in different specialisation as there are

shamans specialising in many things. There are shamans who foretell future and there are

those who retrieve lost souls.

2. Music therapy is a vocation for people who are not only talented and skilled in

music but also have a commitment for helping people in need of healing. Not all musicians

can become a music therapist. Likewise, the choosing of a potential shaman is often

determined by the elden of the tribes or by an acceptance of an invitation from the

supernatural through dreams or some extraordinary personal crisis or event.

3. We can relate to the initiation of a music therapist in the field to the initiation of a

budding shaman to his profession. The music therapist undergoes an extensive process of

hands-on-training and deep introspection in addition to academic preparation. Some

shamans undergo a long training and go through a deep spiritual journey.

4. The music therapist is an artist who uses her own creativity to bring out her

clients' creativity to allow healing to take place. She encourages them to go through a

journey of make-believe with the use of masks, make-up, hats and other things and the

acting out of chosen characters that would help them get to the state of Liminality. The

shaman uses his own creativity with the use of similar paraphernalia such as masks,

head-dresses, costumes, carvings, and paintings which he often made himself to express

his theatrical prowess in communicating with the spirits to help his ailing patient.

Chqter V Discussion and Recommendations

5. Both music therapist and the shaman use musical elements. The music therapist

uses all the elements - melody, rhythm and harmony. She uses her discretion when to use

only one, a combination of two or all of them at the same time. The shaman often uses

only rhythm or melody in song or chant. Both use movement and dance accompanied by

instrument playing, singing or both.

6. The songs used by a music therapist have words that relate to the situations of the

client. These words are sometimes superimposed on precomposed melodies or improvised

on the spot. The texta in shamanic songs tell of cultural myths of the group which had

been handed down to succeeding generations orally. The initiate learns these texts

accurately by heart before being declared a full-fledged shaman.

7. The music therapist may not have a formal regalia like the shaman. But like the

shaman, she uses paraphernalia such as instruments and other things to enhance the

ritualistic effect of a session that creates a therapeutic milieu. The music therapist has a

deep affiliation to her major instrument. A founder of Guided Imagery to Music, Helen

Bonny, once said, "My violin playing took over my being". (Facilitators of guided imagery

use prescribed classical music as a tool for attaining a state of liminility to assist clients get

through a crisis.) A similar transformation happens to a shaman who goes in and out of

trance as he changes from one song to another, switches rhythm or paraphernalia. A

shaman has a sacred filiation to a paraphernalia such as drum or rattle.

8. The music therapist's position in the group is one of a facilitator. The shaman,

upon completion of the initiation period, is recognised and introduced in a ceremony as

the leader. His social status in the community is elevated and is highly respected, even

fwed.

9. A music therapy session is a microcosm ofthe community where the client

belongs. A shamanistic ritual is always a community event. In both populations

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

mentioned in this study, shamanism is practised in the context of a bigger ritual in the

family or in the whole community. The people fiom the Cordilleras include healing rituals

in a community celebration called cnniao while the native communities on Vancouver

Island include theirs in the winter dancing ceremonies called potlatch.

(Refer to Table 2 on page 12 1 for summary of differences and similarities.)

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

Categories

1. Specializalion

2. Vocation

3. Initiation

4. Creativity

5. Use of musical elements

6. Songs and chants

Table 2:

Differences and Similarities Between Shamanism and Music Therapy

7. Use of regalia and paraphernalia

8. Position

9. As community event

Shamanism Musk Therapy

Different shamans for different Spedaliratron is MTs choice functions. Some foretell the according tp preparation Mute, some retrieve souls

Shaman is called to the Music therapist chooses the vocation vacation

Requires training and Both training and self- spiritual journey assessment

Shaman expresses creativity MT uses both her own and the for healing to take place client's to allow for healing

Rhythm and melody predominant

All elements

Uses mythical texts, may or Precomposed and improvised may not be accompanied by musical instruments

Formal regalia in some; use No formal regalia; use of of musical and other materials musical instruments and usch as masks, bones, etc. other equipment

Shaman occupies high Music Therapist is facilitator position in the community in a therapy group

A part a larger community M t group a microcosm of ritual such as Potlatch and the community Caniao

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

RECOMMENDATIONS

my continue the practice?

This study reveals the value of the practice of shamnism to the peoples in both

cultures. These practices are as vital to them as food, shelter and clothing. It is imperative

to create a cultural, social and political environment to encourage these practices to

continue among the indigenous peoples of Vancouver Island and the Philippines in order

to help them find their identities rooted in their cultures. As a music therapist, I feel a

responsibility to advocate for the preservation and continuation of these practices that

restore and enhance the well-being of indigenous peoples living in our communities. The

challenge in preserving these practices is constantly raised by the elders in both cultures.

The economic realities of both the Philippines and Vancouver Island have created

opportunities for to the younger generation to pursue non-traditional occupations such as

physicians, engineers, and computer technocrats to raise their standards of living. This

creates a unique challenge of becorning successfid in these endeavours without totally

forgoing the traditional ways in both cultures. It is quite encouraging to note the

increasing number of the younger generation who continue to keep in touch with the folks

at home and share with them their insights from other cultures. These trends definitely

have some beneficial effects on the lives of the indigenous peoples of the Philippine

cordilleras. Whether these benefits will outweigh the erosion of a good part of their

traditional ways or not can only be the subject of conjecture. The Banawe rice terraces of

the cordilleras, built over hundreds of years and generations of indigenous peoples,

continue to serve as a conduit where the cultural, political, social, and religious traditions

are transmitted to the succeeding generations. The shamanic beliefs and practices are only

a small portion of this but just as important. However, outside influences also continue to

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

filter through at a rate faster than the older generation would like to see. It is encouraging

to note that out of this miq some good seems to be emerging.

I have mentioned previously that the Province of Benguet is developing firm plans

of building an alternative therapy hospital to be built side by side with the medical hospital

to deal with the people who are affected with spirit illnesses. The Philippines has taken

major steps in ensuring that these non-traditional practices of healing are allowed to

flourish. In 1997, the Philippine government passed a law recognising the legitimacy of

these practices and lending support for their propagation. As a result, there are now study

centres in Manila for traditional medicine including indigenous shamanistic practices. This

will highlight the role of shamanism in the now modem Philippine society. It recognises

the existence of such things as spirit illnesses or illnesses that affect the whole person and

can not be helped medically. It will give credit once again to the use of rites and bring

back the role of arts and music in the well being of the people.

The preservation of the traditional ways among the natives on Vancouver Island is

an ongoing curiosity among the non-indigenous population. While there are many white

psychiatrists in the past who would have been happy to see the natives give up these

practices that were labelled " psychiatric problems" it is an ongoing struggle for the

mtives to defend the practice of shamanism. The practice of shamanism is much larger

than a ritual. It is an expression, through extraordinary creativity, of the identity of the

indigenous people of Vancouver Island. It is an expression of how they relate to nature, to

their fellowmen, to animals and to the spirits.

Need for Future Ethnographic Studies

This comparative-historical study reveals a further need for ethnographic studies in

both cultures. Unless a sense of urgency is created for the need for ethnographic studies,

Chapfer 7 Discussion and Recommendations

there is a strong possibility that research in this field would not attract the hnding that

such projects require. Without adequate finding, it becomes difficult for the researcher to

dedicate the amount of time necessary for an ethnographic study.

There are also many issues to consider before proceeding with an ethnographic

study. The benefits from such a study must be weighed against the possible deleterious

effects it may have on the people being studied. Will it be helpfbl for them to realise what

they have and can this knowledge be used to help them in their future? WouId such a

study make the non-natives understand the indigenous peoples better and become more

appreciative of the practices associated with shamanism? And finally, the question of how

to conduct an ethnographic study without compromising the sacred nature of these rituals

must be addressed thoroughly.

A LAST NOTE

The study provided me with a better perspective in using music as therapy and

enlightened me more about healing and faiths and beliefs. It helped me to broaden my

vision and to listen more keenly to things that are not spoken but sounded. The study

made me look at rituals as more serious than just "activities" in music therapy. The

simplicity of sound and rhythm used by the indigenous peoples in their rituals highlights

the power of the basic elements of music.

The study of shamanism using music takes us right back to the beginning of music

therapy itself -- the healing of King Saul through David's playing of the harp.

Whenever the evil spirit sent by God came on Saul, David would get his harp and play it. The evil spirit would leave, and Saul would feel better and be all right again.

1 Samuel 16.23

Chapter V Discussion and Recommendations

Music has a powefil capacity to possess the mind, body and soul o f a person

with very painfbl memories. It is the induction of trance that makes possible a

transpersonal process. [fguided by a qualified practitioner this process brings about

tangible and lasting healing in the person. The music therapist is a modem shaman.

Bibliography

Achterberg, Jeanne. Imagery in Healing: Shammim and Modem Medicine. Boston : Sharnbala, 1985.

Achterberg, Jeanne."The Shaman: Master Healer in the Imaginary Realm". Shamanism: An Expanded View of Reality compiled by S. Nicholson. Wheaton, Illinois: The Theosophical Publishing House, 1987 pp 103- 124.

Aigen, Kenneth. "Principles of Qualitative Research. Music Therapy Research: Quantitative and Qualitdive Perspectives. ed by B. Wheelers. Phoenixville, PA: Barcelona Publishers, 1995 pp283- 3 1 1.

Aigen, Kenneth. "The Music Therapist as Qualitative Researcher". Music Therqy, 1993, Vol. 12, No. I, pp 16-39.

Aigen, Kenneth. "The Role of Values in Qualitative Music Therapy Research". Qualitative Music Therapy Research: Beginning Dialogues ed. by M. Langenberg et al. Pensylvania: Barcelona Publishers, 1996 pp 9-3 3.

Agoncillo, Teodoro and Oscar Alfonso. History of the Filipino People. Quezon City: Malaya Books, 1967.

Aloma, Angelo and M. de 10s Reyes, eds. Ethnographies of Major Tribes: Igorots, A People Who Daily Touch the Earth and the Sky. Bagiuo City: Cordillera Schools Group Publisher, Vol. 1, 1987.

Amoss, Pamela. Coast Solish Spirit Dancing: The Survival of an Ancestrui Religion. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1978.

Arima, E.Y. The West Coast People: The Nooth of Vancower Island and Cape Flattery. Victoria: B.C. Provincial Museum. 1 st ed, 1983.

Ashwell, Reg. Cuusf Wish: Zheir Art, Culture und legends. Surrey, B.C.: Hancock House Publishers, Ltd., 1978.

Bagamaspad, Anavic and Zenaida Hamada-Pawid. A People 's History of Benpet Province. Baguio: Baguio Printing and Publishing Co., Inc., 1 966.

Barnett, H. G. "The Coast Salish of Canada". American Anthropologist. Vol. 40, 193 8. New York: Kraus Reprint Corporation, 1962 pp 1 18- 14 1.

Beck, Mary Giraudo . Shamans and Kushtakas: North C m t Tales of the Supma tural. Bothell, WA: Alaska Northwest Books, GTE Discovery Publications, Inc., 199 1.

Boas, Franz. 7he Religion of the Kwakiutl Indians. Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, 10. New York: Columbia University Press, 1930.

Boas, Franz. Kwahutl Ethnography. Ed by Helen Codere. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1 966.

Bruscia, Kenneth E. "The Boundaries of Music Therapy Research". Music Therapy Research: Quantitive and Qualitative Perspectives. ed by B. Wheeler. Phoenixville, PA: Barcelona Publishers, 1995 pp 65-76.

Bruscia, Kenneth E. "Differences Betwen Quantitative and Qualitative Research Paradigms: Implications for Music Therapy". Music Therapy Research: Quantitative and Qualitative Perspectives. ed by B. Wheeler. Phoenixville, PA: Barcelona Publishers, 1995, pp 65-76.

Bruscia, Kenneth E. "Authenticity Issues in Qualitative Research". Qualitative Music Therapy Research: Beginning Dialogues. ed by Lagenberg, Aigen and Frommer. Gilsum, NH: Barcelona Publishers, 1996, pp 8 1 - 107.

Bryman, Alan. Quantity and Quality in Social Research. London: Unwin Hyman, 1 988 pp 51-1, 137-139.

Clutesi, George. Potlatch. Sydney: Gray's Pub. Ltd., 1 969.

Collins, J. M. "The Indian Shaker Church". Southestent Journal of Anthropology. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, Vol. 6, 1950 pp3 99-4 1 2.

Coull, Cheryl. A Traveller's Guide to Aboriginal B.C. Vancouver: Whitecap Books. 1996.

Couture, Joseph. "The Role of Native Elders: Emergent Issues". The Cutltural Mme: Complex Questions on Native Destiny in Western Canacik. ed by John W. Friesen. Calagary: Detsilig Enterprises, 199 1.

Cresswell, John W. Research Design: Qualitative and Quantitative Apprtmches. London: Sage Publications, 1994.

Dawson, George M. "Notes and Observations on the Kwakiool People of the Northern Part of Vancouver Island". Proceedings and Transactions. Royal Society of Canada, 5, Section 2, 1887.

Densmore, Frances. Nootka a d Quileute Music. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 124. Washington: United States Government Printing Office , 1939.

Densmore, Frances. Music of the Indians of British Columbia. Anthropological Papers, No. 27, Smithsonian Institution, Bureay of American Ethnology. Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1943.

Denzin, Norman K. and Yvoma S. Lincoln. Handbook of Qualitative Research. London: Sage Publications, 1994.

Dourley, John P. "C.G. Jung's Appropriation of Aspects of Shamanism7'. Shammiism and Northern Ecology. Juha Pentikainen, ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1966, pp5 1-60.

Drucker, Philip. The Northern and Cennol Nootkan Tribes. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 144. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 195 1.

Eliade, Mircea. Shumanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. New York: Pant heon Books, A Division of random House, Inc., 1964.

Friedson, Steven. Dancing Prophes. Musical Werience in Tim buku Healing. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1996.

Furst, Peter T. "The Roots and Continuities of Shamanism". Artscan&. Toronto: The Socity of Art Publications, 1974, Decemberl973-January 1974, pp 33-6 1.

Goulet, Jean-Guy. "A Christian Dene Tha Shaman? Aboriginal Experiences Among A Missionized Aboriginal People". Shmnmim and Northern Ecology. Juha Pentikainen, ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1996, pp 349-364.

Gunther, Erna. "The Shaker Religion of the Northwest". Indians of the Urban Northwest. Ed by Marian W. Smith-New York: AMS Press, 1969 (orig. 1949), pp 37-80.

Haig-Brown, Celia. Resistance and Renewal: Surviving the M a n Residential School. Vancouver: Tillacurn Library, 1988.

Haipern, Ida and David Duke. "A Very Agreeable Harmony": Impressions of Nootkan Music. Sound Heritage, 1978, Vol. 7, pp 63-70.

Halpem, Ida. "Discussion on Dr. Ida Halpem's 'Music of the B.C. Northwest Coast Indians"' Proceedings of the Centenial Workshop on Ethnomusicolo~. June 19-23, 1967, Voi. II, pp 20-34.

Heinze, Ruth-Inge. Shamans of the 20th Century. New York: Irvington Pub, Inc., 199 1.

Herzog, George. "Salish Music". I n d i a of the Urban Northwest. ed by Marian W. Smith. New York: AMS Press, 1969 (orig. 1949), pp 93- 109.

Hila, Antonio , C. Musika: An E s q on Philippine Music. Manila: CCP, 1989.

Hill-Tout , Charles. The W i s h People. Volume I: The 7hompson and the Okanagan. Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1978.

Hill-Tout, Charles. The Safish People. Volume 11: The Spamish arrd the Lilloet. Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1978.

Hill-Tout, Charles. The Salish People. Volume 111: The Mainland Halkomelem. Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1978.

Hill-Tout, Charles. The W i s h People. Volume IV: The Sechelt and the SouthEastern Tribes of Vancouver Island Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1978.

Hitchcock, John T. "A Nepali Shaman's Performance as Theater". Artscanadz: Stones, Bones and Skin: Ritual and Shamanic Art. Toronto: The Society of Arts Publication, Dec. 19731Jan. 1974, pp 74-80.

Hoppal, Mihaly. "Shamanism: An Archaic and/or Recent System of Beliefs" . Shamanism: An Fxpanded Yiew of Reality . compiled by Shirley Nicholson. Wheaton, Ill: The Theosophical Publishing House, 1987, pp 76- 99

Jilek, Wolfgang. Indian Healing: S h a n k Ceremonialism in the Pacl@c Northwest T*. Surrey, B.C.: Hancock House Publishers, Ltd., 1992.

Jorgensen, Joseph G. m e Sun Dance Religion :Power for the Powerless. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1972.

Kakar, Sudhir. Shamans, Mystics and Doctors: A Psychological Inquiry into India and its HeaIing fiadiii~ils. New York: M e d Knot Xnc., 1982.

Kdweit, Holger. Shamans, Healers, and Medicine Men. Boston: Shambala Publications, 1987.

Kenny, Carolyn B. "The Eight Cultures of Inquiry." A paper prepared for the participants of the First Nations Health Careers Summer Health Institute (from "The Study Guide"). California: The Fielding Institute, 1995.

Kenny, Carolyn B. The Mythic Artery: The Magic of Magic of Music Therapy. CaMornia: Ridgeview PubIishing Co., 1 982.

K e ~ y , Carolyn B. "The Story of the Field of P lay". Qualitalive Music Therapy Research: Beginning Diufogues. ed by M. Langenberg, K. Aigen and J. Frommer. GiIsum, NH: Barcelona Publishers, 1996, pp 55-78.

Kerezsi, Agnes. "Similarities and Differences in East em Khanty Shamanism" . Shamanism andNorthem Ecology. Juha Pentikainen, ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1996, pp 183-200.

Kew, Della and P. E. Goddard. Indian Art and Culture of the Northwest Coast. Surrey, B.C. : Hancock House Publishers, Ltd., 1974.

Kim, Tae-gon. "The Concept of Gods in Korean Shamanism". Shamanism and Northern Ecology. Juha Pentikainen, ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1966, pp 235-248.

Kirk, Ruth. Tradition and Change on the Northwest Coast: The Makah, Nuu-chah-rtulth, Southern Kwakiuti and NuxaIk. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1986.

Knudtson, Peter and David Suzuki. Wisdom of the Elders. Toronto: Stoddart Publishing Co. Ltd., 1992.

Lommel, Andreas. Shamanism: The Beginnings ofArt. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1967.

Long, Charles H. Grolier Electronic Publishing, Inc. 1993.

MacNair, Peter (annotator). "Kwakiutl Winter Dances: A Reenactment". Artscan&. Stones, Bones and Skin: Ritual and Shamanic Art.Toronto: The Society of Art Publications. Dec. 19731 Jan. 1974, pp 94- 1 18.

Maceda, Jose. A Manual of a Field Music Research with Special Reference to Southeast Asia. Quezon City: UP Press, 198 1.

Maceda, Jose. The Musics of Asia: C/assijkation and Distribut ion of Musical Imtruments in the Philippines, A Preliminary R e p . National Music Council of the Philippines, UNESCO.Quezon City: University of the Philippines. 1966.

Maceda, Jose. Philippine Music and Contemporary Aesthetics. Rut land, Vermont : Charles E. Tuttle and Co. 1956.

Maceda, Jose, The Music of the Magindanao if# the Philippines. Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1963.

Maranto, Cheryl D. "Ethical Issues". Music Therapy Research: Qualitative and Quantitative Perspectives, ed by B. Wheeler. Phoenixville, PA: Barcelona Publishers, 1995, pp 80-93.

Metner, Ralph. "Transformation Process in Shamanism, Alchemy and Yoga7'. Shamanism: An Eqxmkd View of Reality. compiled by S . Nicholson. WheatoqIll : The Theosophical Publishing House, 1987, pp233- 252.

Miles, Mathew and A. Michael Huberman. Qualitative Data Analyss: An Expanded Sourcebook. London: Sage Publications, 1994.

Moreno, Joseph J. "Candomble' : Afio-Brazilian Ritual as Therapy7'. Listening, Playing, Creating: Essays on the Power of Sound. ed by C. Kemy. New York: State University of New York Press, 1995 pp 2 17-232.

Moreno, Joseph. "Multicultural Music Therapy: The World Music Connection". Journal of Music Therapy. Vol XXV no. 1, 1988, pp 1 7-27.

Moss, C.R. "Kankanay Ceremonies." University of California Publications in American Archeology and Ethnology. October 29,1920, Volume 15, No.4, pp 343-384.

Moust &as, Clark. Phenomenological Research Methods. London: Sage Publications, 1994.

Neher, A. "A Physiological Explanation oflTnusual Behaviour in Ceremonies Involving Drums". Human Biology , Vo1.34 no.2, May, 1962, pp 151-160.

Neufeld, Victoria, ed. Websler 3 Nou World College Dictionary. Third Ed. New York: A Simon and Schuster MacMil!an Company, 1 996.

Nicholson, Shirley, ed. Shamanism: An Expanded View of Reality. Wheaton, Ill: The Theosophical PubIishing House, 1987.

Park, Willard 2. Shamanism in Western North America. New York: Cooper Square Publishers, Inc., 1975.

Pentikainen, Juha. "Introductionyy. Shamanism and Northern Ecology. ed by Juha Pentikainen. erlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1966 pp 1-27.

Pentikainen, Juha. "Khanty Shamanism Today: Reindeer Sacrifice and its Mythological Background". Shamanism and Northern Ecology. Juha Pentikainen, ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gmyter, 1996, pp 153-1 82.

Prudente, Felicidad. Ang Musika ng mga Kuyunon sa Pulo ng Cuyo. A thesis presented to the College of Music, University of the Philippines. Diliman, Quezon City, 1977.

Rohner, Ronald and Evelyn Rohner. The Kwakiurl: Indians of British Columbia. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970.

Roseman, Marina. Healing Sounds from the Malaysian Rainforest. Berkeley, C A: University of California Press, 199 1.

Rouget, Gilbert. Music and Trance: A Theory of the Relations betwen Music and Possession. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1985.

Ruud, Even. "Improvisation as a Liminal Experience: Jazz and Music Therapy as Modem 'Rites de Passage"'. Listening, Playing, Creating: E s q s on the Power of Sound ed. by C. K e ~ y . New York: State University oCNew York Press, 1995 pp 91-1 17.

Sacla, Wasing. Treasury of Beliefs and Home Rituals of Benguet. La Trinidad, Benguet, 1987.

Sapir, Edward and Morris Swadesh. Nmtka Texts: Tales and Ethnological Narratives with Grammatical Notes and Lexical Materials. A William Dwight Whitney Linguistic Series. Philadelphia: Linguistic Society of America, University of Pennsylvania, 1939 (AMS edition, 1978).

Seeger, Anthony. Fnty Suya ' Sing: A Musical Anthropology of an Amazonian People. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

Sharp, Lesley A. "Possessed and Dispossessed Youth: Spirit Possession of School Children in Northwest Madagascar". Cutture, Medicine and Psychiatry 14, 1990, pp 339-364.

Shumkin, Vladimir. "The Wizards of Lapland and Saarni Shamanism". Shamanism and Northern Ecology. Juha Pentikainen, ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1996. pp 125-133.

St. Pierre, Mark and Tilda Long Soldier. Walking in the Sacred Manner: nealers, Dreamers and Pi' Carriers - Medicine Women of the Plains Indians. New Y ork: A Touchstone Book, Simon and Schuster, 1995, pp 17-24.

Solomon, Alan. "Historical Research" . Music Therapy Research: Quantitative and Qualitative Perspectives. ed by B. Wheeler. Phoenixville, PA:Barcelona Publishers t 995 pp 487-50 1.

Vanoverbergh, Morice. "Kankanay Religion (Northern Luzon, Philippines)". lntemationaf Review of Ethnology and Linguistics. Germany: Ant hro pos. Otfprin. Volume 67, 1972, pp 72-1 28.

Wada, Kan. "Some Shamanistic Features of Ainu Religion". Shamanism and Northern Ecology. Juha Pentikainen, ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1996, pp 305-3 12.

Walens, Stanley. Feasting with Cannibals: An Essay on Kwakiutl Cosmology. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 198 1.

Walsh, R. The Spirit of Shamanism. Los Angeles: Jeremy P. Tarcher, 1990.

Wheeler, Barbara. "Developing a Topic". Music Zherapy Research: Quuntitu!ive and Qualitative Perspectives. Phoenixville, PA: Barcelona Pulis hers, 1 995 p p 183-194.

White, Ellen. Kwulahvut 11: More StoriesfLom the Coast Sufish. Penticton, B.C.: Theytus Books, Ltd., 1997.

Wittkower, E. D. "Trance and Possession States". The InternationaI J m r ~ i of Social Psychiatry. Vol XVI No. 2 , Spring 1970, pp 153- 160.

Wright, Don. "Peruvian Whistling Vessels: Pre-Columbian Instruments that AIter Consciousness through Sound", Music cmd Miracles. ed. by Don Campbell. Wheaton, Illinois: Quest Books, The Theosophical Publishers, 1992 pp. 156-162.

Appendix A

Spirit figures used by shamans

Carved wooden figure Salish style Photo: American Museum of

Natural History

Carved wooden figure with human hair, feathers Tligit Coll: The Brooklyn Muse Photo: Eberhard Otto

urn

Tlingit shaman's headdress Coll: Alaska State Museum / Photo: Eberhard Otto

Characteristic gown of female shaman of

Tlingit rattle, Admiralty Island, 1890. Wooden carving Coll: Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography, Leningrad Photo: Eberhard, Otto

Tsimshian soul catcher. From Nass River, B.C. Coll: National Museum of Man, Ottawa / Photo: Eberhard Otto

Kwakiutl mask worn by dancer Photo: Eberhard Otto

Large wool ym-on-beeswax 'painting' by shaman, Ramon M e Huichol. Note skelaordrcd figuns. photo: pet& T

"X-ray" image of pregnant deer on bark (left). (Right) Kangaroo also skeletonid Photos: Peter T. Furst

Appendix B

, . Itbayat ; btan c

t t a n Islands - &tan

. ,

4

i

The Republic of the Philippines Source: Complete Atlas of the World. New York: Mallard Press, 1989.

The Province ofBenpet (part of the Cordilleras) Source: "A People's History of Benguet. Baguio Printing and Pub Co., [nc.. 1985

Appendix C

- TERRITORIES

Source: Coull, Cheryl. A Traveller's Guide to Aboriginal B.C.

L HUL'QUMI~NUM'TERRITORIES a a

Source: Coull, Cheryl. A Traveller's Guide to Aboriginal B.C.

Appendix D

No. 20. Dactork S o 4 (a)

(<=.tnlog No. 14387)

The above are examples of Kwakiutl Healing songs. Source: Densmore, Francis. Nootka and Quileute Music

The following are examples of Nuu-chah-nulth Healing Songs Source: Densmore, Frances.No~tka and Quileute Music

No. 11. '1 Am Going to Cure Thh Slck Mmw (Catalog No. 1891)

Recorded by F. X m o a m x

Voice : 108 Drum J = 1oQ See drum rhythm below

Voice J r 100 Drum J : 100 Drum rhythm aimilar to No. t1

~ ~ h 8 ( r r r - t m ~ t . c l u , t h L r l c L ~ u t P r t r d w b t b n t ~ n t o k a doctor.

Voice J: 96 D Y U ~ J = oa Drum rbgthm similar to No.11

Na 14. rIlre Thunderbird Will Help Me Cure Tbia Sick Man" (Catalog Na

Recorded br F. ~ o m w n

Voice J: ~ O O Drum J: 908 See drum rhythm below

Drum rhythlri J J J J J J

No. IS. Song of Y9& the Medicine M.n <a) (Catalog No. 1605)

Recorded by F. Eu~e lrm

Voicd J r 104 Drum J r 404 Drum rhythm nimilar to No.Si

Voice J : as Drum J : i i a Drum rhythm rinrilar to No. 11

No. 17. Song of Ye& the Medicine M m (e) (Catalog No. 1710)

Becorded br WPsoa WrrYrvr

Voice J : 1i2 Drum J : trz Drum rhythm rimilar to %.$I

NO. 19. 1 am Gofag to Hake You Better" (Catalog No. la)

&corded by AN- TOM

Voice J r 88 rum J = t r Drum rhythm aimifar to NeA1

Na W. k g of r Mdcina IbP at Nitinat klur (b) (Catah# No. 1697)

lbcordcd F-

Voice J t I a rum J : 7a Drum thy t hm rimilu to No. 1

Voice J : 68 Drum J ; 68 Drum rhythm similar to No. 11

Dram rhythm rimilar to No. $1

No.

No. la &atl.lroC &a# a) Recorded by xomro na?mm

(thtalog No. lS2)

The following are exampies of Salish Healing Songs Source: Densmore, Frances. Music of the Indians of British Columbia

Voiae J: 60 Drum J : 60 See drum shy t bnr below

Dram rhythm

m r m m

&u mukl(rr.-I am lolag to corm thL hem0rrh.p (th. lut ward an Irupufret pronuoeiatlon ol tb. Emlllrh word).

No. 8. lrpok at Thi. sick PmOaW

Appendix E

Shamanism in Maguindanao

The Magindanaos use three kinds of instruments to accomplish the tasks of

shamanism namely: dintangang, a metal gong for melody, a drum called guimbao for

accompaniment and agong called agun for rhythm (Maceda : 1963). This is similar to the

gamelan of the Javanese or Balinese.

One very specific gong rhythm called tangzinggo uses the same kind of

gamelan-type instrument called kulintmg which produces a distinctive rhythm that is

stereotyped to cure the sick and drive away the evil spirits. Two types of animistic rituals

are associated with the cure of the sick. The p@pf and t h e m b a d . In this ritual the

shaman performs a dancing exorcism in the home of the sick person. The house is adorned

with combinations of red, yellow, green or black Bags which is possibly Islamic in origin

(Maceda: 1963 p.45-46). The medium dances for a long time until he becomes possessed

by the good spirit called tomng and gains his healing power. He then touches the forehead

of the sick and tells him to rise and join him with the dancing until he feels better (Maceda:

1963 p.47).

Maceda mentions four kinds of cure among the Magindanaoan of Mindanao: the

pagapel or the simplest of rituals and offers no animal sacrifice and lasts only for about

two hours; the pungwnaq; the popbat; and thepgiipar, the last two mentioned above as

animistic rites. Thepagubat lasts about three days. There was no mention of the

description of the pongwmq. @57)

The papput which lasts for about seven days is the most elaborate of them and is

used as a thanksgiving for the cure of a prolonged illness. Because of the lavishness

involved in this ceremony, one has to wait until enough savings are available to cover the

expenses. It is held on a Wednesday night and finishes the following day. The pagipat

apparently used to last a whole week in earlier times. A set of paraphernalia is

accumulated and prepared either for inside the house or in a hut where most of the curing

and prayers are held. (p 57)

The hut is built with palm leaves and wood and will house all the paraphernalia

needed for the ceremony. Four objects are of utmost importance. One object is a long

boat called awang, decorated with red and white banners and one candle on each end,

filled with uncooked and cooked rice, popped rice, eggs and betel nuts. Also hidden inside

the boat are doll replicas of a man and woman. Under the boat are seven plates filled with

similar food offerings. A second object is a tree called iudag, symbolizing the good spirit

and stood beside the boat. The third objects are two altar-like shelves with sugarcane

posts containing more food offerings similar to those found in the boat. The fourth object

called time is a banana stalk shaped like a human figure symbolising the evil spirit

Maceda (1 963) recalled:

The ceremony begins early at about 7 o'clock in the evening, with the hlintang (metal gongs arranged in a row) and a drum playing a tagunggo music. The medium (pede@n),who is a woman, kindIes dried leaves and peelings of aromatic h i t s and resins to build up an incense. She starts to dance in halting steps, leading her body first with one foot, then with the other, advancing slowly, clockwise, waving two handkerchiefs, one in each hand, either together in fiont of her, run, stop, sing, dance, sing, dance, stop. Soon she is in a trance. The spirit, tonong, iis now in her body. She begins to sweat, wipes her face and forehead with her handkerchief, utters high shrieks, as if in despair. She goes on dancing around, stopping, backing up, picks some popped rice ad scatters them in small quantities. Her chanting is in a very high falsetto voice; many words are intelligible. After few more turns, she kneels before the sick woman, the sponsor of the ceremcy. She touches her foreheztd, the right and left shoulders, her chest, back, stomach and limbs which she rubs with downward motions towards her feet. It is as i fa certain force in her body is transmitted to the sick person and relieves the latter of her ailment. In a few

minutes, the sick woman, who was helpless and weak stand up, wide-open and erect, apparently cured of her ailment. She now acts and talks like a normal person.

The medium goes back to dance as the tapnggo music goes on sounding, sometimes faster and sometimes slower. Soon, she settles down and sits on a wooden chest, from where she will w e other persons who would approach her- men, women, children; they will be held and touched by her, on the head, the right and left shoulders, the chest, back and stomach, and will experience, if not cure, a sense of well-being, or a certain lightness, according to the accounts of some individuals who underwent the cure. When the last person has been treated, the p e & m rises and dances a few more rounds. On this particular occasion, the tonong in her body demanded more music called duyug, and when instead of this, the tagunggo continued to be played, the woman got angry and threatened to leave the place. Fortunately, someone found a gong (agung) on which the duyug was played and this appeased her. After a few turns, she fell on the floor on the lap of her first patient. The tonong leaves h a body as someone unties a belt around her waist. Without much ado, she gets up, erect and live, fixes her hair, changes her clothes, and reappears as a gentle woman with normal gestures, in contrast to the high-strung, detached being from another world that she was a few minutes before. @p 58-59)

The ceremony is concluded with prayers by a Muslim priest which seems to

indicate that however indigenous the procedure was, it had the approval of the

predominant religion of Mindanao. The shaman is paid the equivalent of about US1630 in

addition to all the food and clothing materials used for the rite. @59) .

Top: A metal gong called Gansu Abwe: Hollowed wood covered on one side with hide called Solibao

Top: DWerent kinds of bamboo i n , w n t S : Pekkung, buzzer, Kuleseng, nose flute and others. Above: W. Sacia shown phying the solibao while author is playing tiktik