russia-india-china: prospects for trilateral cooperation

7/27/2019 Russia-India-China: Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation

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Russia-India-China: Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation

Nivedita Das Kundu


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Contents Page Number

Abstract 3-4

1. Introduction 5-7

2. Russia-China-India: Cooperation in the Twenty-First Century 7-11

3. India-China Relations in the post Cold War Phase 11-15

4. Sino-Russian Relations 15-20

5. Indo-Russian Relations 20-24

6. Russia-China-India: Tripartite Cooperation and the US factor 24-25

7. Globalisation: China-India-Russia Cooperation 25-26

8. The possibility for developing Russia-China-India triangle 26-28

9. Trend Analysis 28-29

10. End Notes/ References 30-33

11. Appendix I

11.1 Maps 34

11.2 Country Profile 35

12. Appendix II

12.1Treaty of Friendship & Cooperation China & Russia 36-40

13. Appendix III

13.1 Delhi Declaration Signed on 4th Dec.2002 between Russia and India 41

13.2 Moscow Declaration Signed between India and Russia on 6th November 2001 4113.3 Table I. Trade between India and Russia 42

14. Appendix-IV

14.1. Agreements/MOUs Signed between India and China 43-48

14.2 Agreement on maintainenance of peace andtranquility along L.A.C. on the Indo-China border 48-50

14.3. Table II: India China Trade in US $ million 51


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Abst ract

The present paper on Russia-India-China: Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation

seeks to focus in the post cold war era an ideological divide no longer dominates

the world order. The bipolar world order has given way to a trend that can be

characterised as cooperation among nations. It is a change from the earlier cold

war mindset of a zero sum game to cooperation for the insurance of ones own

national interests. The analysis made in the paper shows that the security of a

nation today is not merely territorial integrity and sovereignty, the meaning of

security has widened considerably. Today nations opt for cooperation mainly

because the issues confronting present International politics are global in nature

and such issues have to be confronted in a collective manner.

The paper explores that at present India, Russia and China faces the biggest

challenge to their integrity from forces of religious extremism, separatism and

terrorism. After 9/11 the fight against terrorism assumed global dimensions. India

and China strongly condemned the outrageous act of 9/11. While, President

Putin aptly summed up the world horror by describing it as a plague of the

twenty-first-century. All the three countries have condemned this horrifying act by

terrorists and have supported the global campaign against terrorism.

The paper seeks to highlight that at the border level India, Russia and China

agrees that the world should be a multi-polar one. A multipolar world order is one

that is fair, just and democratic in which all nations are equal and enjoys equal

security. The argument in the paper shows how Russia-India-China has been

vigorously championing the idea of multi-polar world as against the tendency of


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unilateralism, as unilateral approach to international relations would lead to the

unchallenged supremacy of the US and further such a tendency of unilateralism

would lead to bypass the UN. The analysis in the paper indicates that a unipolar

world could lead to instabilities and the utmost need at present is to have a

balancing force. There is also an indication that China, Russia and India have

attached importance to the centrality of the UN in the Multipolar world.

The paper while dealing with the relations between these three states argued that

in the past lot of energy was spent in maintaining adversarial relations between

Sino-Soviet, and Sino-Indian relations but at present given the changed paradigm

of international relations where the dominate tendency is cooperation, it is

possible for India, Russia and China to initiate such trilateral cooperation. Though

mentioned that there are undoubtedly constrains in giving concrete shape to such

cooperation and much depends on the state of bilateral relations among these

countries, however, it is possible for India, Russia and China to initiate such

trilateral cooperation in areas of common interest and concern.


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Russia-India-China: Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation

1. Introduct ion

Russia-India-Chinas possible axis formation is an important political development in the post-

Cold War period. President Yeltsin in 1993 and Prime Minister Primakov in 1996 advocated

this idea. Indo-Russian, Sino-Russian and Sino-Indian relations have begun to unfold a new

trend. If this trend continues a triangular relationship between these three countries will

become a reality and if this happens, it will stimulate the process of multi-polarism, which will

be of far reaching significance for the international relations.

The Russian Premier Yevgeny Primakov when first suggested a strategic triangle among

Russia, India and China, stated that the union of Russia, China and India could be a viable

opposition to American supremacy. This proposal fits in with Primakovs hypothesis that though

there is one super power that is trying to assert itself; Countries like Russia-India-China1 need

a multi-polar world in order to get their national interest across and have autonomy of decision-

making.

2

To construct a multipolar world, the Russia-India-China triangle would be

indispensable. Though there are some unresolved issues between these countries. Movement

between these three states towards a better understanding is evident.3 Russia-India relations

flourished during the cold war period, even after the end of cold war, the relationship was

maintained as Russia proved to be a tested and trusted friend.4 Similarly China-India


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relationship became smoother in the eighties during the regime of Rajiv Gandhi. After the 1993

accord, contentious issues like the border dispute were put aside and economic relations were

taken forward. Since then, there are continuous efforts to maintain the relationship on both

sides. Russia-China relations have also taken a new shape after the end of cold war.5

Russia,

China and India have a number of converging interests that could add substance to axis talk.

All three shared concerns of American dominance and were disturbed by the Iraq war. They

still back the primacy of the United Nations in solving crises and support the principle of non-

intervention in internal affairs of sovereign states. In the long term it is the mutual confidence,

which will help these three powers to play a larger role in global politics.

These three countries are bound to find this axis very useful in the future. With Russia

concerned about Chechnya, China concerned about Muslim separatists in Xinjiang province

and separatist attitude in Taiwan and North Korea,6 and Indias concern about militants in

Kashmir, the Russia-India-China Axis formation can help to solve these issues to great extent.

The Axis can be used for negotiating a better position for them vis--vis the US.

While analyzing the prospects for the trilateral cooperation between Russia-India-China, the

paper deals with questions like, what kind of Cooperation is possible between India, China and

Russia? What are the likely areas of such cooperation and on what terms can such

cooperation come about? & What is the direction of future relations between the three States?

In order to answer these queries the paper deals with seven interrelated subheadings these

are Russia-China-India: Cooperation in the Twenty-First Century, India-China Relations in the

post Cold War Phase, Sino-Russian Relations, Indo-Russian Relations, Russia-China-India:

Tripartite Cooperation and the US factor, Globalisation: China-India-Russia Cooperation and

The possibility and prospects for developing Russia-China-India triangle. By mentioning these


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issues the paper argues about Russia-India-Chinas concerns to safeguard its own security in

the region, Russias willingness to retain influence in South Asia and Russia-India-Chinas

concern on increasing US dominance and their desire to strengthen the United Nations role as

the most authoritative and universal international organization.

2. Russia-China-India: Cooperation in the twenty-first century

Prospects of relations between the three countries in the twenty-first century certainly imply co-

ordinate actions taken in response to the challenges of the new century.7 There is a need to

coordinate the actions. Because with the advent of the new century the international

environment in which these three states play the part of sovereign actors has become more

intricate and complicated.8 The commonality of the key national interests and the long-term

friendly relations in the field of economy, culture, science and technology create a real

possibility for cooperation between three great Eurasian powers.

There are many issues on which China, Russia and India can cooperate and coordinate. The

three nations shares wide ranging interest on many major international issue, all of them are

committed to build a just and fair, new international political and economic order. These issues

include anti-unilateralism, advocating the principles of peaceful co-existence and respecting

the right of development to change the unfair international trade and political regime.9 Human

rights and counter-terrorism are two important areas where the three countries would like to

cooperate and coordinate. And cooperation in areas of environmental protection, striking

against drug trafficking, moneylaundering and other cross-border crimes are also important

aspects of cooperation.


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A three-nation cooperation between India, China and Russia has become necessary in the

twenty first century. There are self-evident reasons for this, but the primary rationale is

provided by the circumstances in which the three countries find themselves in a world, that has

seen so many qualitative changes over the last decade or so.10

There are advantages of three-

nation cooperation despite the obvious asymmetries, given the fact that they are amongst the

worlds largest continental-sized entities and civilization states. The agenda for future

cooperation between china, India and Russia is large. Any discussion or reflection on the

prospects and possibilities of cooperation between India, China and Russia began with clear

understanding of the wider context in which such cooperation would be possible and would

progress.

All three countries have had a long history of interaction, exchange, cooperation and close

relationships.11 In the post-world war II period, there have been phases of tremendous warmth

and dizzying highs among them. There have also been periods of near-total breakdown and

actual hostilities (the Sino-Soviet relations in the late sixties and Sino-India relations in the

early sixties). It was only in the late seventies that a restructuring of these relationship

(particularly Indo-China and Sino-Soviet relations) begun to be considered afresh.12 What has

become clear to all three was that any such restructuring would be based on a qualitatively

different strategic reality that would be shaped by and impinged upon by the weight of history

and would in some respects have to virtually start from scratch. There was, for instance, no

doubt that there could be no resurrection of any kind of alliance relationship clearly directed

against or targeting any third country or any agreement offering unconditional support to the

other.13 The post cold war scenario heightened the need for restructuring and readjustment

and the process was accelerated even more in the mid-nineties in the relationship of all three.


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Since all three countries support a just and rational new international order with

democratization of international politics and multipolarisation, there are a number of areas

possible for their political cooperation in the new century. This cooperation instead of affecting

their independent foreign policies in negative way will strengthen their foreign policies.

Energy Security: One of the major areas of cooperation for the three countries is energy

security.14 Russia is an energy surplus country. Whereas China and India are energy

deficient. If these three states can work together, they can invest in joint projects that

could facilitate the flow of oil and gas from Russia into China and India.15 The axis can

improve the overall energy security scenario in Asia and the world.

ASEAN: All three nations indicated their cooperation with each other for joining

ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) at the regional security forum in

Phnom Penh. By doing so Russia, India and China will thus become the first countries

outside ASEAN to sign up to the pact in a coordinated demonstration of their desire to

forge strategic partnership with ASEAN. They are also keen on strengthening the

ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF).16 China and Russia are also willing to conduct regular

discussions on regional security and economic cooperation within the framework of the

Asian-Pacific economic cooperation.17

UN: In the UN both China and Russia are permanent members of the UN Security

Council. And India has been striving for the membership of the UN Security Council.

China and Russia understand Indias aspiration very well. China is willing to see India

play a bigger role in the UN. Russia-China-India subscribe to the principle emphasised

in the millennium declaration that responsibilities for managing worldwide economic and

social development, as well as threats to international peace and security must be

shared among the nations of the world and should be exercised multilaterally.18 These


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countries also share similar views that as the most universal and representative

organisation in the world, the UN must play the central role.

President Putin in an interview with the Indian press directly addressed the Strategic Triangle"

relations. He said that, Russia is concerned with the need for positive development of relations

between Russia and India, Russia and China, and China and India. He told Press Trust of

India during an interview that he feels all the parties within this triangle are interested in this

development. 19

The Chinese Communist Party leader Hu J intao, confirmed that joint relations would move

forward with the new generation of Chinese leadership.20 China's official English journal,

Beijing Review has put it in the way that Ancient China pursued a strategy of 'uniting those far

away against those next door,' but today's China needs to pursue the policy of being partner to

its neighbors.

Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov said that, Russia would work for trilateral interaction with

India and China as a factor of global stability. Ivanov also said that Russia welcomes the

intensification of dialogue between India and China and added that Indian Prime Minister Atal

Bihari Vajpayee's visit to China on J une 22-23, 2003 was an important event as it reflected the

tendency towards the expansion of contacts among countries in this region.21

The three major states of Asia and the world have successfully resolved and have cleared

away many of the problematic issues and perceptions of the past, making them better

positioned to manage the challenges of the post-soviet world. It seems evident that this


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process was driven by separate national perceptions of changing international realities and

their responses to them.

A shared commonality of concern for the integrity and stability of all states in particular of

multinational, multi-ethnic societies and above all the common perception that the security that

is needed and the threats that face them do not emanate from other states but from newly

released forces in society that are transnational. Some of which are the forms of religious

fundamentalism, cross-border terrorism and demands for separation by sub-national ethnic

groups, especially those that receive the support of outside powers. All three countries accept

the new security concept that advocates mutual equal security based on mutual trust and

disarmament. However, they are opposed to the expansion of NATO, as well as forming new

military blocs. In order to enhance mutual understanding and trust each country would like to

keep others posted about new developments in their bilateral relations or developments in their

relations with other major powers.22 All three countries are multi-nationality countries due to

historical reasons there has been ethnic estrangement to different degrees leading to

separatist movements. With each others cooperation they can refrain from supporting these

movements in each others country and can exchange their experience in solving ethnic

problems and can cooperate in opposing terrorism and extremism.

3. India-China Relations in the post Cold War Phase

India-China relations in 1950s had a different flavour23 and now it is different. These relations

are now developing in a zigzag manner, primarily because of the internal and external policies

of both these countries, which are characterized by new shifts and turns.24 Since the December

1988 summit, India-China relations have entered a phase of confidence building. In spite of the

unresolved problems that bedevil their relationship, this change in the bilateral dynamics is of


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great significance to the two countries as well as to the rest of the world.25 India-China has

increasingly begun to see each other and their relationship as crucial factors in their foreign

policies. This in turn is also shaping the perception of other states towards these two states.

China and India established diplomatic relation in the fifties when Premier Zhou Enlai and

Prime Minister J awaharlal Nehru (in 1954) co-sponsored the five principals of mutual respect

for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference in each others internal

affairs, mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence, which have gradually become the

internationally acceptable norms of governing states-to-state relations. These principles have

become important in establishing a constructive relationship of cooperation between china and

India.26 Sino-Indian relations remained at a low level after 1962 conflict till Indira Gandhi took

the first step to upgrade the diplomatic relations between the two countries. Rajiv Ghandhi's

visit to Beijing in December 1988 marked a turning point in the evolution of the relations

between the two countries. This was followed by Chinese Premier Li Pengs visit to India in

1991 and P.V. Narashimha Raos visit to China in 1993. President K.R. Narayanan's visit to

China in J une 2000 and the visit of Chinese President J yiang Zemin to India for Instance are

events of great significance.27 These visits brought in a large measure of political and military

stability to a completely normalised pattern of India-China relationship. These visits also

reflects how the two countries have put the past aside and are now constructing their relations

for the mutual interest of both the nations.

Stable relations between India and the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) are of considerable

importance to construct a peaceful post-cold war Asia. China and India are the largest Asian

states among the continents; Together India and China has over a third of the worlds

population and therefore their future prosperity, security and progress can critically alter the


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fate of Asia. With cross border investments, trade and communication links spreading through

the region and by creating an increasingly intricate structure of interdependence in which India

and China are expected to play roles on which the future evolution of global capitalism would

depend substantially is on the stability and economic growth of the two countries.

Consequently, both these developing states have significant interest in expanding friendly and

cooperative ties with each other and also in maintaining peace and cooperation.28 As Asia

struggles to cope with the effects of the sudden and dramatic end of the cold war, a

prerequisite of security and stability in the new era would depend on the stability and prosperity

of its largest economies.

Stable and expanding China-India relations are therefore important both for the two billion

people of the two countries and the rest of the region. The relations between the two countries

entered a phase of detente, confidence building and widening cooperation in the post-Mao

years. A series of confidence and security building measures, high level political and military

exchanges, rising trade and investments and cooperation in science and technology and other

wider international issues have begun to lay the basis for more stable and comprehensive

relationship than in the past.

Over the past few years it has become increasingly clear that both India and China have

enormous interest in the development of their burgeoning relationship. The rest of Asia and the

world at large too have strong interests in the growth, prosperity and peaceful policies of the

two major Asian Powers. India-China has a special role to play in constructing a peaceful and

prosperous future.29 India and China feel that the future of their relations and co-operation has

to breakout of the straitjacket of Pakistan fixations and predications. China by very visible steps


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has to assuage Indias misgivings and sensitivities in the context of 1962 and subsequent

events.

The various initiatives unleashed during the Indian former Prime Minister's visit to China in

J une 2003 are significant, especially for the opening of the Sikkim land route for two-way trade.

More than the political significance, the future prospects are promising due to the following

reasons:

Initially it may be only local trade between the contiguous regions of Sikkim and

Tibet. However, this will set the base for enlarged trade eventually.

With Chinese projects of linking Lhasa with a railway line and improved road

communications, trade is bound to increase through the land route.

If land route trade can be replicated by China and India on the Western borders,

India gets an alternative route entry to China's Xinjiang and Central Asia, totally

bypassing Pakistan. This would also provide options for new alignments of energy

pipelines.

China and India are engaged in economic development30 and modernisation. China is keen to

participate in various projects for development of infrastructure in India. Indian goods and

services have entered the Chinese market and also Chinese goods are doing well in the Indian

Market. Serious efforts are being made by both the countries to resolve the border disputes.

This is confirmed by the fact that after reconfirming their perceptions of the Line of Actual

Control (LAC) along a 345 km "middle sector" stretch, India and China are gearing up for a


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similar exercise along their frontier in the Ladakh area (both sides have defined and mentioned

it on Maps). However, they differ on the lay of LAC in some segments but efforts are being

made to resolve all border disputes.31 If Sino-Indian border disputes are resolved, it will open

new vistas of economic and political cooperation.

During the visit by former Indian Defence Minister George Fernandes to Beijing in the April

2003, brought into focus that in the new condition Sino-Indian relations has begun to reveal

certain positive developments. Former Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee's visit to Beijing in J une

2003 was another milestone in improving Sino-Indian relations The two countries further

reaffirmed their commitments to formulate additional confidence-building measures with a

military focus and expressed their determination to enhance bilateral cooperation to combat

terrorism. This is further confirmed by the fact that the 199332 and 1996 Sino-Indian

agreements were recalled with approval on this occasion. This is how an attempt to impart

dynamism in the relations between the two countries is being given. This shows that step-by-

step strategy of India and China of normalising and improving relations with each other has

begun to yield positive result.

4. Sino-Russian Relations

Russia and China have a military cooperation and converging interests on a range of

international issues. Sino-Russian Relations have been improving steadily and have now taken

a dramatic turn.33 The process of the solution of the border dispute between the two countries

began at the end of 1980s when a joint border Commission was set up. In 1994, the two sides

agreed on no first use of nuclear weapons against each other. The two Countries also de-

targeted the missiles directed against each other and an agreement to this effect was signed

when Chinese President J iang Zemin visited Russia in September 1994. Further, in April 1997


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an accord on mutual reduction of forces was singed in Moscow by Russia & China. Moreover,

the successful conclusion of the border agreement between the two sides, during May 1991 on

the Eastern Sector and September 1994 on the Western Sector removed a major irritant. In

December 1999, it was announced that the border dispute has been finally settled (though

there are some residual issues, which will be settled in near future). Two leaders of Russia and

China in Moscow signed the China-Russia good neighbourly treaty of friendship and

cooperation in J uly 2001.34 Economic Cooperation between the two countries is also

undergoing basic changes. In 1999, the trade volume between the both countries was $ 5.72

billion up 4.4 per cent from that in 1998. The trade volume of the first four months of 2001 was

$ 2.5 billion, up 20.1 per cent from the same period of 2000. Russian imports from China have

increased by 70 per cent, helping to balance bilateral trade. In 2000, China ranked the sixth

among Russian trade patterns. Trade between the Russia and China is estimated to have

reached $ 10 billion in 2001.

The purpose of President Putins visit to China in J uly 2001 was to make plans for the long-

term development of bilateral relations. There is a convergence of views between the two

countries for protecting their common turf. This is amply reflected in the 20-year treaty of

friendship signed in Moscow by Chinese Presidents at the end of his visit to Russia in 2001.

President Putin and President J iang worked together to set up a new security forum towards

the Islamist threats to the Central Asian Republics. For Moscow, Beijing has also emerged as a

major arms destination. More than 60 percent of Russian military exports go to China. In

monetary terms, it is equal to $ 2 billion and it is no small amount for a country engaged in

reconstructing its economy. In the arms trade, China has purchased from Russia 50 Su-27

fighter jets, four Kilo-class diesel-electric submarines and two Sovremenny-class destroyers


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armed with deadly sunburn anti-ship cruise missiles. In 1999 China signed a $2 billion contract

to buy 30 to 60 advanced Su-30 fighter planes.

After the December 2002 Beijing visits of Russian President Vladimir Putin the relations

between the two nations have taken a new turn. It created confidence in building a strong

bilateral relationship in political, strategic, military and economic fields. Post Sept.11, President

Putins visit consolidated the gains in bilateral ties achieved over the last years. This visit laid

the bases to chalk out common strategies on issues of global concerns such as North Korea,

Iraq and terrorism. Nuclear proliferation and disarmament were also discussed. The joint

statement signed by J iang Zemin and Putin provided the framework for increasing cooperation

and constructing a mutually beneficial relationship. Over the past decade, the two nations have

made significant progress towards building a relationship of strategic cooperation. This is

based on the principle of building a cooperative bilateral relationship while maintaining an

independent foreign policy.35 However, Russia, China have set up multilateral forum that is not

dominated by the US such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) which discusses

regional security and economic cooperation. China and Russia also have joint working group

on terrorism and have agreed to exchange intelligence on these sensitive issues.

Chinese-Russian relations are at present on the upswing. Warm feeling and interest in each

others life and culture and struggle for liberation always marked these relations since the 17th

Century when relations between the two countries were first established. The greatest

Russians including Pushkin, Belinsky, Chernyshevsky, Tolstoy and Gorky repeatedly voiced

the feelings of warm sympathy for the Chinese people. Dimitri Mendeleyev, a great Russian

Scientists who was ardent champion of close relations between the Russian and Chinese

peoples, once wrote: Alliance between Russia and China appears to me to be if not the best,


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then the surest and simple guarantee of the peaceful progress of not only these two countries

but of the whole world. This is relevant today. Lenin made tremendous theoretical contribution

to the Chinese revolution. His teaching on the national-colonial revolution, his theoretical and

practical advice to the participants in democratic youth movements in the oppressed countries

of the East was of greater significance.36 The Chinese Communists had great importance to

the revolutionary movement in the East as a whole and China in particular.

The new model of Russian-Chinese relations has led to a gradual lowering of the level of

military presents along the Russian-Chinese border. This has both regional and global

significance. It also shows the way towards mutual advantageous agreements on conventional

arms reductions. The current level of these two countries relations provides each side with

certain advantages, enabling them to conduct a more flexible and maneuverable policy, while

dealing with other partners including the western world. Russia and China have moved to

establish the required international-legal base of bilateral relations, which encompasses a wide

range of problems of interest to both sides, from borderline settlement and borderline military

confidence-building measures to common environmental protection and nature conservation

measures. Intensive work is currently proceeding apace to fill such documents with practical

content. Both the countries seem to believe that their armies, border-control forces and law-

enforcement agencies would continue to strengthen friendly and practical contacts.

The Chinese President during his visit to Russia in 2001, In the Lomonosov University address,

elaborated somewhat more on the foundations of the friendship treaty. He identified four key

points in Russian-Chinese cooperation, he said:


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China will support Russia in its efforts to invigorate its national economy and safeguard

its rights and interests. China will never do anything detrimental to the interests of

Russia. He also said he was convinced that Russia would support China in its economic

modernization drive and in its effort to enhance the cohesion of the nation.

He stated that by common economic development of Russia and China, both nations

could make fuller use of their potentials, their geographic proximity, and complement

each others economic systems. Russia-China will increase their cooperation not only in

trade, but also in science and technology, energy, transport, aerospace, telecom, and

information technology.

On cultural exchange he said, Russia's great minds like Pushkin are well read in China,

as are China's great minds like Confucius in Russia. Both the states should widen the

channels of Sino-Russian cultural exchanges, to make both Russian and Chinese

civilizations learn from each other and achieve common progress.

He also said, Russia and China bear responsibility for the entire world, through their

permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council and their role in international

organizations, not least in the newly created Shanghai Cooperation Organization. He

emphasized that the world needs peace, people wants cooperation, countries want

development and societies want progress and this is the trend of Present time.

He said, the construction of a Tianwan nuclear power station in China and the projects

to build Russia-China oil and gas pipelines have become the pivotal elements of joint

economic and technological cooperation. 37

The two sides, on the basis of mutual benefits are developing cooperation in the spheres of

trade and the economy, military-technological cooperation in the areas of science, energy,

transportation and nuclear energy. Distinctive feature of the new-type of Russian-Chinese


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relations in the current phase is the assumption that the Russias cooperation with its friends

and allies will not to be such which might affect its interest. While China will not use its relations

or ties with other countries to restrain Russia. Thus a new bases and new parameters have

been created in building Russian-Chinese relations. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union

this basis has been further consolidated. This implies that the present model of Russian-

Chinese relations has its owned specific features, which are different from all the previous

periods relations between the two countries.

5. Indo-Russian Relations

The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war has brought about a

fundamental transformation in the geopolitical map of the world.38 The most prominent among

the successor states of the Soviet Union, Russia, in spite of inheriting the formidable military

might of its predecessor, suddenly found it reduced to the position of a second ranking or

regional power. It predicament was further compounded by economic chaos and political

uncertainty at the domestic level. The new leaders of Russia besieged by domestic constraints,

were not immediately in a position to clearly define the foreign policy goals of their state and

ascertain its position in the emerging post cold war international order. It was clearly pulled

between a declining nostalgia for past relations with countries like India and growing proclivity

towards cultivating relations with the West.39 The first couple of years of Indias relations with

post-Soviet Russia were marked by a good deal of uncertainty, inconsistency and lack of

clarity.

India did take early steps, though without making any significant headway. The two-track

approach that India adopted was on the one hand aimed at resurrecting the vital elements of

its economic and military relations with Russia and on the other searching out alternatives in


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In December 2002, India and Russia reaffirmed a long-standing friendship through the

adoption of the Delhi Declaration. Since both the countries are struggling to define their

relations with other major players on the global stage, in a situation where the rules of

international politics are in a state of flux and where the term of the economic interaction

between nations are being reset, this specific encounter between the Indian and Russian

leaderships was of significance for the affirmation of continuity and mutual reassurance that it

symbolized.42 What has substance to it is the reinforcement of the faith. There is a real

convergence of perspectives on issues as wide-ranging as the phenomenon of terrorism,

ensuring the security of nuclear weapons stockpiles in a world facing a new assortment of

threats and challenges, the conservation and promotion of multi-polarity in global politics.

Between Vladimir Putin's first visit to India as president of Russian Federation in October 2000

and his second visit in December 2002, the framework for India-Russia relations was firmly

set.43 This was a framework of another special relationship of "Strategic Partnership",

expanding cooperation and multiplying contacts in various fields, some of them of critical

importance to India-Russia both. What was different and special to this special relationship was

that it was not born out of any cold war considerations nor was it either seemingly or even

indirectly directed against any other country. It did not exclude the establishment of other

special relationships provide they were not inimical to either of them. It reflected the changed

and changing international situation and their mutual needs and requirements. Above all, it

reflected the fact that not only there were no national irritants but that there was an obvious

long-term complementarily of interests between the two countries.

Undoubtedly, both India and Russia are sovereign countries and would be looking after their

own in the first instance. The understanding between Russia and India flowed from the


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complimentarily of their interests both in historical, geopolitical and futuristic terms. Whether it

was the question of terrorism or of the defence of Indian territorial integrity or that of Russia,

whether it was a question of India's role in this region and the world and on most international

issues of importance to the two countries, the Russian and Indian interests generally tended to

coincide and there is a certain empathy for each other.44 There is therefore, an intrinsic value in

the Indo-Russia ties. This does not exclude differences of approach on certain specific issues,

but the general, overall parallelism of interests has been evident. The two sides so far have

soft understanding of each other's concerns while retaining their autonomy of action and

expanding their relations with diverse other countries.

Indo-Russian relations remained smooth and continuous though they have gone through

distinct phases in their history and development.45 Interestingly, these phases relate to the

national interests of these two countries as well as each of these phases has some relation to

the global situation. One can classify these phases as 1947-1956, 1956-1971, 1971-1985,

1985-1996 & 1996 onwards. In each of these phases Indo-Russian relations have grown or

declined depending on the perceptions and experiences that both the countries have had

mainly with the Western powers. The rough period in Russian-Indian relations after 1985

clearly arose from the felt need of both to connect more seriously with the West. The re-

stabilization of relations between the two after 1996 materialized again when both Russia and

India experienced that the West, especially the United States did not live up to their

expectations to deliver its promises to both these countries.

Each of these phases has some distinct characteristics in terms of trade and political relations.

For instance, in phase 1956-1971 and 1971-1985 trade between the two was state dominated

but this ended after phase 1985-1996. During phase 1996 onwards trade has dominated by


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military hardware and joints military production between the two sides. There is a fundamental

base line in the relation between these two countries that has built up over the years. This base

involves Indias dependence on military hardware imports from Russia, political support on its

position on Kashmir and other economic, cultural and political links as also no real antagonism

on any major issues. Currently both countries find themselves on similar platform on issues

ranging from terrorism, impact of globalisation, Iraq, etc. There is thus a common vision

between the two countries that seems to be re-emerging as the test of bilateral ties lies in the

commonality of approach to problems and conflicts.

6. Russia-China-India: Tripart ite Cooperation and the US factor

United States is one of the major factors in the formation of Russia-India-China Axis. As each

of the three countries is a major political actor of the world. Relation between Russian-Chinese-

Indian community and the United States is one of the most important aspects of the global

policy.46 The turning point was the attack of 11th Sept., which has triggered the complications

and dramatic changes in the whole plethora of international relations. After Sept.11, there was

an intense need to consider the economic aspects of the international security, to formulate the

new role of US and these states national interests, to struggle against the international

terrorism. Russia-India-China has signaled to the US that its unilateralism is breeding serious

concern among big international players. These are clear manifestation of new trends in

Russia-India-China tripartite Cooperation and US factor. No doubt all three countries attach

importance to their respective relations with US. All of them have indicated that developing

relations with the US is not directed against other countries. These three States are opposed

to the US hegemony and stressed the need for enhanced cooperation between China, Russia

and India to ensure a multi-polar world and a new international political and economic order.


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The growing US military and diplomatic influence in Central and South Asia is also not in

Beijing's, New Delhis and Moscows interests.

US President George Bush clubbed the three powers together when he said that America was

working with Russia and China and India, in ways that they have never done before, to achieve

peace and prosperity. Bush also said that in the present moment of opportunity, a common

danger is erasing gold rivalries.47 As the War in Iraq is further enhancing the image and global

influence of America (the sole superpower), have focused the need for a Beijing-Moscow-New

Delhi triangle, a potential alliance of three nuclear powers, which theoretically would be able to

balance American power in the coming years.

7. Globalisation: China-India-Russia Cooperation

Comprehensive China-Russia-India cooperation is the suitable option in the present Global

Scenario. It is true that at present development of the world economy is guided by western

capitalism in contrast to the past. After 11 September, sustained economic development of

China, Russia and India has become the engine of global economy. India and China have

already entered WTO and Russia is pondering over this issue. There are many similarities in

the socio-economic conditions of the three countries. Face to face with economic globalisation,

the problems they are encountering also have commonalities. For example, the low-priced

goods of transnational companies hit traditional agriculture and Industry. Developed countries

are violating regulations and non-tariff barriers, draining science and technology personnel and

homogenising traditional culture.

Formation of a Russia-India-China shows that behind the cooperation there is a great

motivation of interest. First, to reduce the damages caused by unreasonable regulations.


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Second, is to provide an alternative for economic development and third, is to look for a buffer

zone in order to avoid economic crisis.48 All these can become great impetus for trilateral

cooperation. Indeed, the goal of trilateral cooperation is for the mutual benefit and most likely

will conform to the interest of each country. The prospects of cooperation in product

composition, technology, energy, raw material etc. are extremely broad.

Due to Globalisation all the three countries experience an attack of low-grade western culture

over their traditional cultures.49 The tripartite cooperation could put a barrier against the decay

of their original culture by surrogates of western pseudo-culture. Important aspect of the

tripartite cooperation is that, its success is also subject to the social orientation and care about

the well being of the people. The population of each country should recognize the benefits of

Russian-Chinese-Indian cooperation so that it could gain a massive support and could be

deepened and widened further. Globalisation offers new opportunities and brings new

challenges to China, India and Russia, in order to realize the opportunities and to respond to

challenges, there is a need of permanent mechanism for exchange of views and coordination

of actions, which has to be taken along the positive direction in future.

8. The possibility for developing Russia-China-India tr iangle

Russia-India-China has a great importance in terms of geopolitics. The population of these

three countries together amounts to around 2.4 billion, 40 percent of the worlds total

population. They cover a total area of 29.96 million square kilometers, which is 22.5 per cent of

the total area in the world.50 Undoubtedly, the three countries have great human resources,

huge potential of market and rich endowment of natural resources. The most profound

changes in the world after the end of the cold war the end of rivalry between two super powers

the United States and the earst while Soviet Union and confrontation between the East and the


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West blocks, NATO and the Warsaw pact. In the world where there is no confrontation

between blocks, the intensity of confrontation between states is also decreasing.

All the three countries, Russia, India and China are faced with the tasks of developing their

economy. Of the three countries of China, Russia and India, China has common borders with

both Russia and India. Except for three small islands, China has demarcated its borders with

Russia. The two countries have also reached agreements on strengthening military confidence

and mutual reduction of military forces in border areas to ensure peace and stability of the

border between the two countries. Though the question of the Sino-Indian boundary has still

remained unresolved. Leaders of the two countries have maintained that the boundary issues

should be solved through peaceful negotiations and consultations and not with force or threat

of using force.

All three countries advocate non-alliance and non-confrontation.51 This shows that the three

countries not only set great store by the relationship among themselves but also their relations

with other countries. The relationship among the three countries affects the basic principles of

Asian security. It will definitely have a positive impact on Asian security if their ties could be

further improved and more countries are persuaded to observe these principles. Great

potentialities for cooperation exist among China, Russia and India. The possibility for the

formation of Russia, India and China triangle are indeed very bright.

Relationship of China-Russia-India has made headway in the past years since the first trilateral

meeting in Moscow in September 2001 took place. Bilateral relationship between China and

India has steadily improved. All round cooperation between Russia and India has been further

expanded and ChinaRussia strategic partnership of cooperation has been deepening further.


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Development of the bilateral relationship has provided a sound basis for the trilateral

cooperation between the three nations. Trilateral cooperation has gained a strong momentum

and as long as patience and perseverance is maintained, cooperation of the three countries

will develop further. One has also to be aware of some problems in the trilateral cooperation,

which mainly exists between China and India such as the boundary questions and the Pakistan

factor in Chinas relation with India. However, since the two sides take a forward-looking

approach, their bilateral relations would continue to develop.

9. Trend Analysis

The three countries Russia-India-China have commonality of interests in fighting global

terrorism and strengthening politico-economic cooperation in the new historic conditions.

Convergence of political and economic interests of these three countries is bringing

them closer to each other. If this triangular relationship continues to grow and deepen, it

will become a decisive factor in this part of the planet.

Russia-China and India during the last decade not only faced the threat of terrorism but

also suffered from it. In this way, the three countries are natural geopolitical allies in the

struggle against international terrorism and by forming a triangle they can deal better

with terrorism.

Development of the trilateral relationship is not going to affect their respective

relationship with US, rather strengthen their position to deal with US. In the long term it

is confidence between these three powers that will allow them to play a larger role in

world politics and in the process build more balanced world order.

Russia, India and China have very close views on most key issues, such as on the U.N.

Charter, international law, commitment on resolving international problems through

political dialogue and establishment of a multilateral and just world order. This trilateral


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interaction is important for global stability by formulating this triangle Moscow, Delhi, and

Beijing will indeed construct a new geometry of relations.

In terms of their role in total world economic output, Russia, China and India if taken

together have a weight comparable to that of the European Union. All three nations face

great economic and security challenges, which they can solve by cooperating with each

other. There is an experience and practice of bilateral cooperation but there is no truly

significant trilateral cooperation mechanism yet. At the economic level there is potential

for India, Russia and China to cooperate with each other in areas such as high

technology, machinery, energy, pharmaceuticals, telecommunications, chemicals etc.

J oint ventures could be set up in any of the abovementioned areas. By coordinating

their policies on global economic issues India, Russia and China could drive benefit in

the long run.

At the exploratory stage of trilateral cooperation, it would be worthwhile to identify areas

of common interests. Russia-India-China could participate jointly in constructing

transport corridors (one envisaged rail connection from Bangladesh to Kazakhstan) or

building of oil pipelines, improving banking facilities etc. Cooperation at various

multilateral fora could strengthen their bargaining positions.

It would be an exaggeration to believe that the establishment of tripartite Russia-China-

India Cooperation and their successful breakthrough into the future will be flawless and

smooth in the present scenario. A lot of difficulties and obstacles are in store for them,

which could be overcome as far as the cooperation is defined by objective

circumstances and by positive initiation of the leaders of these three countries.

---------------------------------------------------


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10. End Notes/References:

1See Appendix I, 11.1 &11.2

2Moskovsky Komsomolets, at http://www.cdi.org/russia/162.html. J uly 10, 2001. The paper published the views of

Yevgeny Primakov of Russia.Also See the text inBeijing Review, May12-18, 1997, pp.7-8.

3. Eminent Specialist on Russia, Prof Anuradha M. Chenoy, advanced the argument on Indo-Russian Relations in

her well-documented article on India-Russia Future Strategic Trends in New Trends in Indo-Russian Relations,

Eds. V.D. Chopra, pp 101-103.

4. Sa Benwang, Preliminary Analysis of Main Features of Chinas New Security Concepts, Foreign Affairs Journal,Beijing, No.665, September, 2002.p.35

5 Vinod C. Kanna, Strengthening the Role of UN and China-India-Russia Cooperation in UN Related Issues ,China Report 39:3,203, New Delhi,pp385-386.

6

Sino-Indian borders have remained more or less peaceful and no major border conflict took place.

Well Known Scholar R.L.Bhatia has argued on the Triangle formation in his article on Indo-Russia, Sino-Russia,

Sino-India Triangle in India-Russia Future Strategic Trends, Eds. V.D. Chopra, pp 29-35.

7Prof. Nirmala J oshi, argued well on the aspects of Axis issues in her article on Possibility for India-Russia-

Chinas Trilateral Cooperation, in India-Russia Future Strategic Trends, Eds. V.D. Chopra, pp 187-195.

8Leonid Ivashov, Russian General Comments on Topical Geo-Political Issues, No.7, Daily Review, Moscow,

J anuary 2000.

9New York Times, 23 November 2000, Indian Express, 27 November 2002.The Hindu, 22 September 2002.

10See text inAsian Age, 7 November 2001

11See Xu J ian and Guo Zhenyuan, Major Threats and Dangers facing China, FBIS-CHI-2003-0730,

12See text of the joint statement by India-Russia issued in Moscow on 6 February 2003, in Dawn, 7February 2003.

Also mentioned in the Report on Bilateral Relations Between India and Russian Federation, Ministry of External

affairs, Central and East European Division, 28 November 2002, Also See V.D. Chopra, India-Russia-China:

Changing Equation, in India-Russia Future Strategic Trends, Eds. V.D. Chopra, pp 187-195.

13Russian National Security Doctrine, J anuary 10,2000,CDSP Vol.52, NO.4, pp.19-20

14The Military Balance 2000-2001,p.298-299, See Russian Foreign Minister Promotes Strategic Triangle, South

Asian Tribune, Issue No.21. Dec 16-22, 2002. Also available at

http://www.satribune.com/archieves/dec162202/opinionaxis.htm

15See Peoples Daily Novsoti, in http://www.pegmusic.com/news-rci.html Dec 2, 2002, See Dr. Xiaoxiong Yi, article

in http://www.mariettatimes.com/columns/stiry/0719202003 colyiccoll.asp Saturday J uly 19,2003


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16

See Rainer Apel and Paul Gallagher in Executive Intelligence Review, J uly 27, 2001. Also See Christain

Science Moniter, December 6, 2002.

17US are also member of Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation.

18

See CDI Russian Weekly, #234 Contents.19

PTI Reported on 4th December 2002

20Yang Chengxu, The Possiblity and Prospects for Developing Russia-India-China Relations, inChina Report

38:1 2002, Sage Publications, New Delhi, Thousand Oaks, London, pp95-100, Also see Xia Yishan, China-

Russia-India Relationship and its Prospects, in China Report 39: 3, 2003, Sage Publications, New Delhi,

Thousand Oaks, London, pp 358-360.

21See http://wwww.cdi.org/russia/234-5.cfm, V.S. Myasnikov, Russia-China-India: Cooperation in the Twenty First

Century in China Report 39:3 2003, Sage Publications, New Delhi, pp353-357.22

J i Zhiye, Russia: Now and the Way Ahead, Contemporary International Relations, China Institute of

Contemporary International Relations, October 1998,8(10), pp.1-9. See for instance Inside China Today, October

12, 2000. Alexander G. Yakovlev, The Triangle of Russia-China-India: Pros and Contras in China Report 38:1

2002, Thousand Oaks, London, pp101-103,

23Distinguished Diplomat Sudarshan Bhutranis bookA Clash of Political Cultures, Sino-Indian Relations

Published by Lotus Collection, Roli Books, Haryana, 2004, given enriching analysis and information on India-China Relations from 1957-62.

24

See Taipei Times, J uly 2001 at http://www, Taipaitimes.com/News/archives/2001. Also See. Yang Hui, Current

International Terrorism and Struggle Against it, International Strategic Studies, Beijing, 2002, 1sr issue, p.11.

25Beijing Review, September 23-29, 1991. P.13. Also cited in Ziegler, No.5, P.82

26Michael P illsbury, China Debates the Future Security Environment at www.ndu.edu/inss/books/books.html.

27See Appendix IV, 14.1, http://www.satribune.com/archives/dec 162202/opinion axis.html.Also See for instance

Xinhua, Februray22, 2001.

28 Reports from China Desk, Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi, India. Rand Research Brief, A New USstrategy for a changing Asia, at http://www. rand.org/publications/RB

29Leading China Analyst Sujit Dutta provided very useful analysis and argument on Indo-China Relations in his

article on India-China Relations in India-Russia Future Strategic Trends, Eds. V.D. Chopra, pp 151-155.

30SeeAppendix IV.14.3.

31Boundary and Security Bulletin, Autumn 1999, 7 (1), p. 41.

32 See Appendix IV 14.2 Lowell Dittmer, The Sino-Russian Strategic Partnership. Journal of Contemporary China,2001, 28 (10), p. 399.


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33Iwasita, Moskva-Pekin: Strategicheskoe Partnerstvo I Progranichnie Peregovory, Mirovaya Ekionomika I

Mezdunarodnie Otnosheniya, November 2000, (11) p.92.

34See Appendix II, Mitsuo Mii, Russian-Chinese Relations and Arms Exports. In Gennady Chufrin, Ed. Russia

and Asia-Pacific Security, 1999, OUP, SIPRI, Stockholm, p. 125.

35 Well known Russian Scholar and Specialist T.L. Shaumian advanced her argument on Geopolitical Changes in

Central Asia and Position of Russia, China and India in her paper on the same topic in China Report 39: 3, 2003,

Sage Publications, New Delhi, Thousand Oaks, London, pp 360-363. Also see Hagerty Devin, China and

Pakistan: Strains in the Relationship, Current History, September 2002, 10 (656), 286.

36Cited in Survey of World Broadcasts, Part I, September 5, 1997. Robert O. Keohane, The Public Delegitimation

of Terrorism and Coalition Politics, in Ken Booth and Tim Dunne, Eds. Worlds in Collision Terror and the Future,

London, 2002, p.145.

37See News from Russia, Aug.2001.

38J yotsna Bakshi, advanced her argument on Russias Post-Pokhran Dilemma, Strategic Analysis, August 1998.

39Roy Medvedev, Vladimir Putin, New Accents in Russias Foreign Policy, Rossiskaya Gazeta, August

8,2000.

40Michael Mandelbaum, Ed., The New Russian Foreign Policy, A Council of Foreign Relations Book , Brookings

Institute, New York, 1998,pp13-14.

41See Working Paper of Nivedita Das Kundu, on Indo-Russian Relations: An Overview, available at

http://www.helsinki.fi/aleksanteri/english/publications/ap_das_kundu.htm, Also See J asjit Singh, Trends in

Defence Expenditure,Asian Strategic Review 1998-99,p 40-47.

42News From Russia, Weekly News Bulletin Edited and Published by the Information Department of the Russian

Embassy in India, Issue No. 39, dated 27th Sept. 2002.

43See Appendix III, 13.1 & 13.2. See Ria Novosti, May 31, 2002.

44See The Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, February 4, 1998, 50 (1), pp. 1-2.

45Lounev, Russia and India Political Cooperation in the sphere of Global regional and Bilateral Relations, China

Report 381, 2002,pp109-111.

46See Russia: Summit Seen as Further Move towards Multipolar World, Rossiskiye Vesti, Moscow, November 11,

1997.

47See News from Russia, April 6, 2001, 4(14), p.20.


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48

Yakshina Galina, Russia-China-India: Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation, Far Eastern Affairs, and 2003, 31(1)

pp.16-27

49Mikhail Titarenko, A Mutually Beneficial Partnership Oriented into the 21st Century, Far Eastern Affairs, No.

3,1997, p 66.

50Raja Mohan, Strategic Triangle in Focus during Putins Visit, The Hindu, December 3, 2002. Also See The

Current Digest of Post Soviet Press, August 15, 2001, 53 (29), p2.

51Ibid. Mikhail Titarenko.


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11. Appendix I

11.1 Maps

Map of Russia Map of India Map of China Source:

worldpress.org/profiles/Russia.cfm, Source:http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/country_profiles/1154019.stm,

Source:http://user.chollian.net/~omana23/Map/Asia/Map-Asia-China-01.gif


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11.2. Country Profile

Coun-

try

Major

language

Major

religions

Life

expectancy

Monetary

unit

Main

exports

GNI per

capita

Popu-

lation

Head

of stateChina Mandarin

ChineseBuddhism,Christianity,Islam,Taoism

69 years(men),73 years(women)(UN)

1 Renminbi(yuan) (Y) =10 jiao =100 fen

Manufactured goods,includingtextiles,garments,electronics,arms

US $960(WorldBank,2002)

1.3billion(UN,2003)

PresidentHu J intao

India Hindi,English and17 otherofficiallanguages

Hinduism,Islam,Christianity,Sikhism,Buddhism,

J ainism


1 IndianRupee =100 paise

Agriculturalproducts,textilegoods,gems and

jewellery,softwareservices andtechnology,engineeringgoods,chemicals,leatherproducts

US $470(WorldBank,2002)

1billion(UN,2003)

PrimeMinisterManmohanSingh

Russia Russian Christianity,Islam


1 rouble =100 kopecks

Oil and oilproducts,natural gas,wood andwoodproducts,metals,chemicals,weaponsand militaryequipment

US$2,130(WorldBank,2002)

$143.2million(UN,2003)

President,Vladimir Putin

Source: BBC Country Profile, CIA Country Profile, Russia Fact files.


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12. Appendix II

12.1 Treaty of Friendship & Cooperation China & Russia

(Signed on July 16, 2001)

The good-neighborly treaty of friendship and cooperation which the Chinese president J iang

Zemin and Russian president Vladimir Putin signed on J uly 16, is intended to function as a

legal document guiding the steady development of Sino-Russian relations in the new century. It

is likely to have a deep and far-reaching impact on the long-term steady development of

bilateral ties between the two countries. The details of this comprehensive treaty are given

below:

China and Russia will develop the strategic cooperative partnership based on good-

neighborliness, friendship, cooperation and peace, in accordance with the principles of mutual

respect of each others territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference in each others

internal affairs, mutual benefit and peaceful co-existence.

Disputes between the two countries will be settled in line with stipulations in the UN charter and

other international principles by peaceful means. The two parties reaffirm that neither side will

be the first to use nuclear weapons against the other, nor will it aim its strategic nuclear

weapons at the other.

The two parties respect the path of political, economic, social and cultural development of the

other, to ensure the long-term steady development of bilateral relations. The two sides support

each others policy to maintain national unity and territorial integrity.


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Russia declares that there is only one China in the world, the government of the Peoples

Republic of China is the sole legal government to represent the whole China and that Taiwan is

an inalienable part of China. Russia is opposed to any form of independence of Taiwan.

The two sides are determined to build the boundary between the two countries into one of

permanent peace and lasting friendship. The two parties will adhere to international principles

concerned and strictly observe the boundary between the two countries.

In accordance with existing agreements, the two countries will build up confidence in the

military field and mutually reduce troops in the border areas. They will take more confidence-

building measures in the military area to enhance their respective security and consolidate

regional and international stability. Military cooperation between the two countries is not

targeted at any third party.

Neither party will join any alliance or group that harms the others sovereignty, security and

territorial integrity. Neither of them will conclude such treaties with any third party or allow a

third country to use its territory to harm the others sovereignty, security and territorial integrity.

The two parties will have immediate contact and consultations, should any of the two parties

perceive circumstances that may threaten and undermine peace or its security interests.

The two parties to the treaty will utilize and perfect the mechanisms of regular meetings of

officials at different levels, to exchange opinions and coordinate positions on bilateral issues,

issues of mutual concern and on important and pressing international issues, so as to

strengthen the strategic cooperative partnership based on equality and trust.

The two sides will strictly adhere to the established principles and norms of international law

and will oppose the interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign country by force or under


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various excuses. They are willing to make great efforts to reinforce international peace,

stability, development and cooperation.

The two parties are opposed to any acts that may threaten international stability, security and

peace, and will coordinate and cooperate in preventing international conflicts and finding

political solutions to such conflicts.

The two parties are jointly committed to maintaining global strategic balance and stability, and

will endeavor to promote the adherence of fundamental agreements concerning the

safeguarding and maintenance of strategic stability. The two sides will push forward the

process of nuclear disarmament and the reduction of chemical weapons and will take

measures to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, means of delivery and

related technologies.

The two parties will strengthen coordination in the United Nations, the UN Security Council and

its special organizations. Both sides will strive to enhance the key role of the United Nations as

the most authoritative and most universal international body of sovereign states, in handling

international affairs, particularly in the fields of peace and development.

The two parties will vigorously promote and strengthen the stability in the neighboring areas of

the two countries, create an atmosphere of mutual understanding, trust and cooperation, and

push forward efforts that aim to set up a multilateral security and cooperation mechanism in the

said areas in line with their actual situations.

The two parties will deal with their debts and rights of credit in accordance with relevant

agreements and other documents signed between the governments of the two countries.


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The two sides will conduct cooperation, on the basis of mutual benefit, in the fields of economy

and trade, military technology, science and technology, energy, transport, nuclear energy,

finance, aeronautics and space, information technology and other fields of mutual interests,

and facilitate economic and trade cooperation in the border areas and between the localities of

the two countries.

The two sides will greatly boost exchanges and cooperation in culture, education, health,

information, tourism and sports and law, and will protect intellectual property rights, in

accordance with their respective domestic laws and international treaties they have joined.

The two sides will cooperate in international financial institutions, economic organizations and

forums, and in accordance with stipulations of such bodies, to facilitate the accession of one

party to such bodies in which the other has already been a member.

The two parties will cooperate in promoting the realization of human rights and basic freedoms.

They will take effective measures to protect the legitimate rights and interests of the legal

persons and natural persons of one country in the territory of the other, in accordance with their

respective international obligations and domestic laws.

The relevant departments of the two parties will investigate and settle problems and disputes

arising from cooperation and business operations of legal persons and natural persons of one

country in the territory of the other, in accordance with relevant laws.

The two parties will cooperate in protecting environment, preventing cross-border pollution, and

in utilising water in the border areas and the biological resources in the northern Pacific Ocean

and cross-border rivers. The two sides will make joint efforts to protect the rare species of

plants and animals and the ecosystems in the border areas.


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The two parties will, in accordance with their domestic laws and respective international

obligations, conduct active cooperation in fighting terrorism, separatism and extremism, in

combating organised crime and illegal trafficking of drugs and weapons. They will also

cooperate in fighting illegal immigration.

Both parties attach importance to the exchange and cooperation between the central (federal)

legislatures and the law-enforcing agencies of the two countries. They will energetically

promote the exchange and cooperation between the two countries judicial organisations.

The present treaty will not affect the rights and obligations of either party as a member of other

international treaties, nor is it targeted at any third country.

The treaty has a validity period of 20 years, and will be automatically extended if neither party

notifies the other its intention to terminate the treaty one year before its expiry.


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13. Appendix III

13.1Delhi Declaration Between Russia and India (Signed on 4th Dec.2002)

Rely on long standing tradition of friendship and good neighborliness

Recall the treaty of friendship and cooperation

Strategic partnership is founded on the national interest and geopolitical priorities

Elevate the strategic partnership to a higher and qualitatively new level

Respect for national sovereignty, territorial integrity, plurality, diversity and tolerance

Recognize the unique role and responsibility as multi-ethnic and pluralistic states.

Determine to counter new challenges and threats to security

Implement UN Security Council resolutions on the fight against terrorism

Establish holding of annual meetings at summit level, ministerial and working level.

Enhance bilateral cooperation to combat terrorism

Improve relation with common neighborhood Central Asia and Afghanistan Moscow.

13.2 Moscow Declaration between India and Russia

(Signedon 6th

November 2001)

Reaffirmed the commitment to co-operate bilaterally

Expressed support in preventing existing arms control and disarmament agreements,

including the ABM treaty

Support efforts to reduce nuclear weapons globally

Regular consultation on Strategic Issues.

Supported the adaptation of International law.

Decisive measures taken against all states, individualsentities which render support

harbour, finance, train, promote terrorism


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Cooperate in the struggle against new challenges in International terrorism including,

nuclear, chemical, biological, space, cybernetics and other spheres

Effective interaction on Afghanistan to prevent further extension of terrorism.

Reaffirmed Central role of UN.

13.3 Table I : Trade Between India and Russia(Rs. billions, in brackets in US$

billion)

Year Indian Exports Indian Imports Turnover % Change in Rs.

Figures

1998-99 29.85 (0.71) 22.95 (0.55) 52.80 (1.26) (-) 9.45%

1999-00 41.22 (0.95) 26.76 (0.62) 67.98 (1.57) (+) 28.75%

2000-01 40.54 (0.88) 23.44 (0.51) 63.98 (1.39) (-) 5.88%

2001-02 37.87 (0.79) 25.58 (0.54) 63.45 (1.33) (-) 4.31%

Source: DGCI&S trade figures

Principal Indian exports to Russia is drugs and pharmaceuticals, tea,

coffee, rice, leather and leather products, food products, processed

minerals, cotton yarn fabric, etc.

Principal Indian imports from Russia are fertilisers, newsprint and paper

products, iron and steel, non-ferrous metals, organic chemicals, etc.


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14. Appendix-IV

14.1. Agreements/MOUs Signed between India and China

1954: Agreement between the Republic of India and the Peoples Republic of China on Trade

and Intercourse between the Tibet region of China and India. (Note: The Agreement was valid

for eight years and lapsed in 1962)

1954: Trade Agreement between the Republic of India and the Peoples Republic of China.

(Note: The Agreement was valid for two years, with the provision that it could be extended. It

lapsed in 1962)

1984: Trade Agreement between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government

of the Peoples Republic of China.

1988: Protocol between the Republic of India and the Peoples Republic of China on

Resumption of Border Trade between the Tibet region of China and India.

1991: Memorandum of Understanding between the Ministry of Aero-Space Industry of the

Peoples Republic of China and the Department of Space of the Republic of India on Co-

operation in the Peaceful Application of Outer Space Sciences and Technology.

1991: Memorandum between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of

the Peoples Republic of China on Resumption of Border Trade.


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1991: Trade Protocol between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of

the Peoples Republic of China for the Calendar Year 1992.

1991: Consular Convention between the Republic of India and the Peoples Republic of China.

1992: Protocol between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the

Peoples Republic of China on Custom Regulation, Banking Arrangements and Related

matters for Border Trade.

1992: Protocol between The Ministry of Human Resource Development Department of

Education, Government of India and The State Education Commission of the Peoples

Republic of China on Co-Operation in the Field of Education for 1992-1993.

1992: Memorandum of Understanding on co-operation in the field of Civil Services, Personnel

Management and Public Administration between the Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances

and Pensions of the Government of the Republic of India and the Ministry of Personnel of the

Peoples Republic of China.

1992: Memorandum of Consultation in the field of Social Welfare.


Peoples Republic of China on Entry and Exit Procedures for Border Trade.


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1992: Memorandum of Understanding between The Office of the Comptroller and Auditor

General, Republic Of India and The Audit Administration, Peoples Republic of China.

1992: Memorandum of Understanding on co-operation in Agriculture between the Ministry of

Agriculture of the Republic of India and the Ministry of Agriculture of The Peoples Republic of

China.


Peoples Republic of China for Extension of Border Trade across Shipki La Pass.

1993: Agreement between the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting of the Republic of India

and the Ministry of Radio, Film, Television of the Peoples Republic of China on Radio and

Television co-operation.

1993: Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Republic of India and The

Government of the Peoples Republic of China on co-operation in the Field of Geology and

Mineral Resources.

1993: Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility along the Line of Actual Control

in the India-China Border areas signed in Beijing on September 7, 1993.

1993: Agreement on Environment Co-operation.

1994: Memorandum of Understanding on simplifying the Visa Procedures between the

Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Peoples Republic of China.


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1995: Memorandum of Understanding between Ministry of Metallurgical Industry of the

Government of the Peoples Republic of China and the Ministry of Steel of the Government of

the Republic of India.

1996:Agreement between the Government of The Republic of India and the Government of the

Peoples Republic of China on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field along the

Line of Actual Control in the India-China Border Areas.

1996: Agreement between The Government of the Republic Of India and The Government of

the Peoples Republic of China concerning the Maintenance of the Consulate General of the

Republic of India in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the Peoples Republic of

China.

1996: Agreement on co-operation for combating illicit trafficking in narcotic drugs and

psychotropic substances and other crimes between The Government of the Republic of India

and The Government of the Peoples Republic of China.

1996: Agreement on Maritime Transport between the Government of the Republic of India and

The Government of the Peoples Republic of China.

1997: Protocol on co-operation between the Ministry of External Affairs of the Republic of India

and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Peoples Republic of China.


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2000: Memorandum of Understanding signed during the 6th J oint Economic Group Meeting in

Beijing on February 21-22, 2000 on co-operation in the field of steel between India and China.

2000: Memorandum of Understanding on co-operation in the field of Information Technology.

(J uly)

2000: Memorandum of Understanding on co-operation in the field of Labour (Employment

services, vocational training and social security). (September)

2002: MOU on the Application of Phytosanitary Measures between the Ministry of Agriculture

of the Republic of India and the State General Administration of the Peoples Republic of China

for Quality Supervision and Inspection and Quarantine (AQSIQ). (J anuary)

2002: MOU between ISRO and the China National Space Administration on Cooperation in the

Peaceful Use of Outer Space. (J anuary)

2002: MOU between Department of Science and Technology of the Republic of India and the

State Administration of Foreign Experts Affairs of Peoples Republic of China on Exchange of

Personnel between India and China. (J anuary)

2002: MOU between Department of Science and Technology of the Republic of India and the

Chinese Academy of Sciences of the Peoples Republic of China on Cooperation in Science

and Technology. (J anuary)


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2002: Agreement between India and China on Cooperation in the field of Tourism. (J anuary)

2002: MOU between the Ministry of Water Resources of India and Ministry of Water Resources

of China upon provision of hydrological information of the Yaluzangbu / Brahmaputra river in

flood season by China to India

14.2 Agreement on maintainenance of peace and tranqui lity along L.A.C. on

the Indo-China border (on September 7, 1993, Beijing)

The Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the People's Republic of

China (hereinafter referred to as the two sides), have entered into the present Agreement in

accordance with the Five Principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity,

mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual

benefit and peaceful coexistence and with a view to maintaining peace and tranquility in areas

along the line of actual control in the India-China border areas.

1. The two sides are of the view that the India-China boundary question shall be resolved

through peaceful and friendly consultations. Neither side shall use or threaten to use force

against the other by any means. Pending an ultimate solution to the boundary question

between the two countries, the two sides shall strictly respect and observe the line of actual

control between the two sides. No activities of either side shall overstep the line of actual

control. In case personnel of one side cross the line of actual control, upon being cautioned by

the other side, they shall immediately pull back to their own side of the line of actual control.


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When necessary, the two sides shall jointly check and determine the segments of the line of

actual control where they have different views as to its alignment.

2. Each side will keep its military forces in the areas along the line of actual control to a

minimum level compatible with the friendly and good neighborly relations between the two

countries. The two sides agree to reduce their military forces along the line of actual control in

conformity with the requirements of the principle of mutual and equal security to ceilings to be

mutually agreed. The extent, depth, timing, and nature of reduction of military forces along the

line of actual control shall be determined through mutual consultations between the two

countries. The reduction of military forces shall be carried out by stages in mutually agreed

geographical locations sector-wise within the areas along the line of actual control.

3. Both sides shall work out through consultations effective confidence building measures in

the areas along the line of actual control. Neither side will undertake specified levels of military

exercises in mutually identified zones. Each side shall give the o

russia-india-china: prospects for trilateral cooperation

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