Marcus Garvey and the Universal NegroImprovement Association (UNIA): With SpecialReference to the "Lost" Parade in Columbus, Ohio,September 25,1923

MARK CHRISTIAN—MIAMI UNIVERSITY-HAMILTON

Abstract

Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNI A) made a tremendous impact on the social consciousnessof African descended peoples throughout the world in the I920s-I930s. African Americans were particularly influenced bv lhephilosophy and opinions of Garvey and lhe UNI A. The key scholars in Garveyism (such as Amv Jacques Garvev, E. DavidCronon, Tony Martin, Robert A. Hill, Rupert Lewis, and John Hetirik Clarke) have mainly foctLsed on the macro aspects oftheGarvey movement with tittle focus on the tnicro characteristics.. For example, what was the nuanced Garvev experience at thelocal bratich/ chapter level in various cities? This qtiestion leads into this exploratory study of a Mid- Western US city: Columbus.Ohio. Marcus Garvey and the UNI A had tremendous support in Ohio and this article will put the movement in context via whatcan be deemed a "lost" parade that took place in Columbus. Ohio, on Tuesday September 25, 1923. What is most significantabout this knowledge is that it provides an insight into and establishes the popularity ofthe UN!A during a time when MarcusGarvey was being hounded by the established order.

Introduction

The scholarship and analysis regarding the MarcusGarvey movement is varied and profound in relation tothe macro perspective. Today there are both contempo-rary and secondary sources available that provide greatinsight into the philosophy and practice of Garveyismand its key organization, the Universal Negro Improve-ment Association (UNIA). Arguably, most notableamong these studies are: Amy Jacques Garvey (1970),E. David Cronon (1955). John Henrik Clarke (1974),Robert A, HilK 1983-1986. 1989-1990), Tony Martin(1976, 1983), and Rupert Lewis( 1988). In addition, wemust acknowledge the sterling editorial work ofGarvey's second wife, Amy Jacques Garvey (1895-1973), in compiling The Philosophy & Opiniotxs of

Marcus Garvey, contained in two volumes and pub-lished in 1923 and 1925 respectively (see Garvey. 1986;Taylor, 2002, p.3). Collectively, the above scholarshipprovides a significant foundation in comprehending thegreatest example of Black Nationalism to have impactedthe modem world. Indeed, nothing has emerged sincethe high point ofthe Garvey era f 1920s) to surpass itsimpact as a Pan-African movement in organizing themasses of Black peoples of African heritage.

In regard to the extent of Garvey's UNIA infra-structure throughout the world during the 1920s. Mar-tin (1976, p. 15) estimates there being almost one thou-sand organized branches. The majority of the UNIAbranches were located in the United States, with over270 covering most parts of the world, but mainly in

Mark Christian, Ph.D.. n an associattf profesaur in Black world stud-ies and soiiolo^y at Miami University-Hamilton. He is a seniorFulbright scholar and the author/editor of three hooks He has pub-lished numerous articles on Black British and African American e.x-periences. His latest edited volume i.s entitled Black Identity in the20th entury: Expressions of the VS and UK African Diaspora.

424 The Western Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 2H, No. J, 2004

Africa, the Caribbeati, Central and South Atnerica. AsMartin (1976. p. 17) contends: "No area of significantblack population in the world was without a UNIAbranch. This included Canada. Europe and Australia."By any measurement one uses to estimate it is plainthat in the eariy 1920s Marcus Garvey's message ofradical Black Nationalism was cogent and lucid enoughto tnobilize millions of African descended peoples.

The Message of Marcus Garvey and the UNIA

The message of Marcus Garvey and the UNIA haslargely been either distorted or discredited. Distortedin the sense that history, until the onset of the CivilRights and Black Power eras in the 1960s, did not ap-preciate the influence of Garveyism: and discredited interms of Garvey being portrayed largely as a naive busi-nessman and radical demagogue. However, a carefulstudy of the Garvey papers and scholarship reveals avery different picture (see Hill, 1983-1986; Martin1976). Garvey was a complex man who was. for ex-ample, inspired by the renowned accommodationist.Booker T Washington. Washington sought both socialseparation, to appease white southern hegemony in thelate nineteenth and eariy twentieth centuries, and a "self-reliance" program for African American social advance-ment, primarily in the southern states. However, unlikeWashington. Garvey's radical self-reliance message wasbased on the need to find a solution to the disenfran-chised experience of African descended peoples all overthe world. Rupert Lewis (1988, p. 50) maintains thatthe initial aims and objectivesof the UNIA were as fol-lows:

To Establish a Universal Confraternity among therace [Black people].

To promote the spirit of race, pride and love.

To reclaim the fallen of the race.

To administer to and assist the needy.

To assist in civilizing the backward tribes of Af-rica.

To strengthen the Imperialism of independent Afri-can States.

To establish Commissionaries or Agencies in theprincipal countries of the world for the protection

of all Negroes, irrespective of nationality.

To promote a conscientious Christian worshipamong the native tribes of Africa.

To establish Universities. College.^ and SecondarySchools for thefitrther edtication and culture of theboys and girls of the race.

To conducl a worldwide commercial and industrialintercourse.

It could be argued that certain aspects of the aboveaims and objectives were ingrained with Western pa-ternalism. Nevertheless, his program and message wasto become the most popular form of radical Black Na-tionalism espoused up to then in the modern world, andit has never to date been surpassed as a movement tomobilize and empower Black peoples against the so-cial forces of white racism and hegemony. The promi-nent Garvey scholar. Tony Martin (1976. p. 360), hasdescribed Marcus Garvey as the major Black figure ofthe twentieth century.

One may consider the question: Why was Garvey'smessage so powerful and popular to the masses of or-dinary Black peoples throughout the world? Moreover,how was he able to get his message to so many peopleand establish such a strong international foothold viahardworking and dedicated followers? To answer thesequestions there ought to be some understanding of thehistorical context in which Marcus Garvey emerged.First, the early part of the twentieth century was a timeof great socioeconomic struggle for most peoples ofAfrican descent around the world. European colonial-ism was at its height, and the oppression endured byAfrican Americans, particularly in the southern states,was manifestly horrific. Jim Crow segregation andlynching were ubiquitous realities that confronted Af-rican Americans on a daily basis. Overall, Black peoplesthroughout the world met with tremendous societalobstacles with the notion and practice of white su-premacy. This then is the historical social context inwhich the twenty-eight year old Marcus Garvey arrivedin New York, March 1916. having established the Ja-maican UNIA in 1914. his place of birth.

Prior to Garvey's arrival in the United States, hehad traveled from Jamaica to parts of Central Americaand Europe. On his travels he was seeing for himselfthe extent of exploitation and discrimination enduredby peoples of African descent. He was also formulat-ing in his mind what can now be deemed "a philosophy

The Western Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 28, No. 3, 2004 425

for liberation." According to Amy Jacques Garvey(1970, pp 10-12), in 1914 Garvey traveled back to Ja-maica from Europe and on the journey he contemplateda number of questions: Where was the Black man'sgovernment strong enough to protect him? Where werethe Black man's ships to carry his minerals and pro-duce to make him economically secure? Where werethe Black man's factories to provide employment fortheir people? Why should Black men always walk hatin hand begging white men for jobs? With the found-ing of the UNIA Garvey aimed to build an organiza-tion that would provide practical solutions to the abovequestions facing Black people all over the world.

In terms of his Pan-African message, Amy JacquesGarvey (1970. p. 10) states that her husband felt thatthere was a universal experience of blackness in oppo-sition to white supremacy that brought together peoplesof African heritage. As she states:

(Marcus Garvey argued j . . .A black man seemed tohave only one true passport, and that was his blackface: no matter what other passport he presentedas a subject or citizen of any country in which hewas born, his black face finally decided the way heshould be treated, and that was usually as less thana white man.

In al! things considered it is important to note that atthe core of Garvey's message was the idea of self-prideand self determination. More importantly. Garvey'sview of "Black separatism" ought to be considered as aconsequence of the embedded social relations of histime. After all. mainstream white supremacy was en-dorsed via Jim Crow segregation laws in state and fed-eral policy. In hindsight, should we now considerMarcus Garvey not as particularly "radical," but instead"practical"? In fact his philosophy on social separationwas merely a response to the status quo relations andgeneral white hostility toward Black peoples, whereverhe focused his attention in the world during the teensand 1920s.

There is little doubt that Marcus Garvey had anunwavering devotion and determination to solve themany problems confronting his people, and this wasclearly evident in the philosophy and practice of theUNIA (Christian, 2002; Clarke. 1974; Garvey 1970,1986; Lewis. 1988; Martin, 1976). The Black Nation-alist perspective of the UNIA was primarily about theuplifting of African descended peoples globally in or-der for them to survive culturally, politically, economi-cally, and independently. Crucially, the UNIA was aboutcreating self-determination and the freeing of the Afri-

can continent and African Diaspora from the yoke ofEuropean colonialism and social inferiority respectively(Ackah. 2002. p.23). In the words of Marcus Garveyfrom August I, 1920:

The White world may despise us; the white worldmay scoff and spurn the idea of a free Africa be-cause they say: "How dare you talk about Africawhen Africa is in the possession of England, whenAfrica is in the possession of France, when Africais in the posses.sion of Spain?" What logic haveyou, Mr. White Man? Have you not before you thepages of history recording the rise and fall ofpeoples, of races and of nations? White Man, canyou not learn by experience? Why talk about thepermanency of Great Britain in Africa? Why talkabout the permanency of France in Africa? {MarcusGarvey cited in Martin, 1976, p. UO).

Clearly, for the year 1920, this was a bold state-ment from a Black man to the white established order.Garvey's message to Black people in the United Statesand beyond, therefore, contained a large degree of con-fidence in regard to the white society. This was a bold-ness that had not been evident since, arguably, the wordsand essays of David Walker (1795-1830). Walker's"appeal" for African American solidarity, and his com-mitment to ending enslavement, is akin to Garvey'suncompromising stance against white racism (seeWalker, 1993). Understanding the message of Garveyis at the heart of comprehending its appeal and popu-larity among the many millions in disenfranchised blackcommunities.

The Negro World, Harlem Renaissance, Jazz Age,and 1920s Economic Affluence

Although Marcus Garvey had a powerful messagefor the Black masses, this is still not enough to explainhow it was to become so popular during the early 1920sin the United States and beyond. Again we have to con-sider Garvey's skills, this time as an organizer and as aprinter to heip explain the phenomenon of his success.At the end of World War I and two years after Garvey'sarrival in New York (1918). he successfully establisheda newspaper as a key organ for the UNIA entitled TheNegro World, which was published in Harlem between1918 and 1933. Cronon (1955, p. 45) maintains:

One of the most important reasons for Garvey samazing success in the rapid organization of theNegro masses was his establishment in Jantiary,

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1918. of the Negro World... This was one of themost remarkable journalistic ventttres ever at-tempted by a Negro in the United States {even moreremarkable given the fact that Garvey had only beenin the United States for less than two years]... With-in the space of a few months the Negro World be-came one of the leading Negro weeklies, and assuch it proved to be a most effective instrtiment forthe promulgation of Garvey's program. The circu-lation of the paper has been variously estimated atfrom 60, 000 to 200,000 during its most prosper-ous years.

Apart from Garvey. among the editors and/or con-tributors, were the able Hubert H. Harrison. WilliamH. Ferris, T Thomas Fortune, Hudson C. Pryce, andEric D. Walrond (Cronon. 1955. pp. 46-47). The Ne-gro World became very popular as it gave opportuni-ties to both well-known and not so notable Black writ-ers and commentators who were encouraged to writeopenly from the perspectives of peoples of African de-scent. Moreover, it was popular because it was an af-fordable weekly to the low-income followers in theUNIA. This was a very adept marketing strategy onbehalf of Marcus Garvey as he was able to reach abroad-ranged readership with an effective message ina time when it was needed more than ever: Black self-determination.

The end of World War I ushered in a time of highexpectations for African Americans having fought anddied in the battlefields of France for the "defense ofDemocracy." Bennett (1982. p. 520) gives an insightinto the extent of African American participation:

.. .Official records [for World War I] listed 370, 000black soldiers and 1400 black commissioned offic-ers. A little more that half of these soldiers servedin the Ettropean Theater. Three black regiments-the 369", 371" and 372"" - received the Croix deGuerre for valor The 369"' was the first Americanunit lo reach the Rhine. Various individtial blackswere decorated for bravery. The first soldiers inthe American army to be decorated for bravery wereHenry Johnson and Needham Roberts of the 369"'Infantry regiment...

Yet regardless of the heroics during World War I,when African Americans retumed to the United Statesthey continued to face the hostility of white racism anddiscrimination. In 1918 alone it is reported that sixtyAfrican Americans had been lynched (Bennett. 1982,p.52O). In 1919 there was widespread violence against

African Ameriean communities. Historians note it asthe "Red Summer of 1919" whereby a total of twenty-six serious "race riots" occurred. This same year it isreported that seventy-six African Americans werelynched (Bennett, 1982, p. 521). Indeed the famouspoem "If We Must Die" by a Harlem Renaissance writer,Claude McKay, called for the need to resist these cata-strophic forces attacking Black life (see Mckay, 1970;Watson, 1995, pp.36-37).

Along with the Marcus Garvey and the UNIA pres-ence, Harlem in the 1920s and early 1930s was the cul-tural capital of the African Diaspora (Watson. 1995).Most the writers sought to depict the rich complexityand diversity of Black life. The Harlem Renaissance,as it was to become known, brought forth a group ofwriters that could not escape the influence of the UNIAactivities and philosophy that promoted the positivehistory of African peoples. The Harlem Renaissancewriters and artists would largely divorce themselvesfrom the most negative Eurocentric notions of Africanbackwardness and savagery. In defining the HarlemRenaissance. Watson (1995, p. 9) maintains:

The most effective strategy for race-building de-pended on art and literature, so a duel mission wasthrust upon these writers: they were simultaneouslycharged with creating art and with bolstering theimage of their race.

Whereas many of the Harlem Renaissance writersand artists focused their work primarily on art-relatedendeavors, Marcus Garvey and his followers were con-cerned with the social and political struggle faced byAfrican descended peoples all over the world. TheUNIA met at Carnegie Hall in New York City for amass meeting on August 25, 1919. Marcus Garvey. inhis keynote address that night, gave a Pan-African mes-sage for solidarity among peoples of African descent.He also referred to the contribution of African descentservicemen in Europe during the fight to "save democ-racy," and how their collective contribution to the wareffort had not yet empowered Black peoples. Garveymaintained (cited in Hill, 1983, p. 501):

We are here because the times demand that we behere. We are now living in a world that is reorga-nizing itself. It is reorganizing itself out ofa bloodywar as fought for four and one-half years, a war inwhich men were called from all parts of the world,from the four corners of the world, to die for thesacred cattse of democracy: to give liberty to allmankind: to make all men free: and in the war as

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fought for 4 _ years, they took out 2,000.000 blackmen from America, from the We.st Indies and Af-rica. tofif>htfor this farcical democracy they toldus about: and now we. after winning the fight, win-ning the battle, we realize that we are without de-mocracy: and we come before the world, therefore.as the Universal Negro Improvement A.s.sociation,to demand our portion of democracy... ,• and we saywoe betide the tna=n or the nation who stands inthe way ofthe Negro fighting for democracy!

The above message from Marcus Garvey obviouslyhad a powerful impact on African Americans and otherpeoples of African descent, such as African Caribbeanresidents (especially fellow Jamaicans) in the UnitedStates, as membership and branches in the UNIA grewmore rapidly after the 1919 meeting. It is in this con-text on the macro-level of Garveyism that we come tounderstand the rank-and-file branches of the UNIA.Garvey had a message with a "universal plan and vi-sion for redemption" (Stephens, 2004, p.463). It was aphilosophy that attracted both the working and middleclasses in Black communities throughout the world(Clarke, 1974).

The end of World War I and its aftermath usheredin the "roaring twenties" and characterized by the "jazzage" and "speakeasies" defying the Volstead Act of 1919that prohibited the consumption of alcohol. Until itsrepeal in 1933, the United States "prohibition era" ef-fectively led to the growth of an underworld that fedinto the hedonism of mainstream society. In short, thisis the backdrop to the 1920s and context in whichMarcus Garvey and UNIA emerged. Let us now con-sider a micro UNIA experience that gives a local in-sight into the support Garvey received at the height ofhis troubles with federal authorities. These weregrassroots UNIA supporters and organizers in the cityof Columbus, Ohio.

Ohio: A Marcus Garvey and UNIA Stronghold

The Garvey movement had its strongest followingin the United States. According to Martin (1976, p. 15),Louisiana boasted the highest number of UNIAbranches, a remarkable seventy-four in total. Ohio wasthe seventh highest out of a total of 38 states recordedin 1926 with thirty-nine branches involving UNIA ac-tivity. Each of the major cities in Ohio: Cincinnati,Cleveland, and Columbus had a strong UNIA presence.Smaller towns in Ohio could also claim strong support,especially Hamilton, Middletown, Youngstown and

Dayton. It is evident that there was an appeal forGarvey's message in the Midwest ofthe United States,to a degree that was only rivaled in the South.

Columbus, Ohio, 1923

As previously highlighted, the scholarship onGarvey to date has tended to focus on the general his-tory of the Marcus Garvey movement. There are fewexisting studies that give an insight into the grassrootsworkings of a UNIA branch, division or chapter.Stephens (2004, p. 465), who has conducted a micro-study of Garveyism in Idlewild, Michigan, maintainsthere are only a handful of "community studies" thathave focused on the functioning of a specific commu-nity in its relationship with the Garvey movement. Con-sidering the vast extent of the UNIA at its height in the1920s, rectifying this dearth is something that ought tobe an integral aspect in future Garvey scholarship.

Indeed there is much to acknowledge and learnfrom regarding the many cities and Black communitiesin the United States and beyond that established a UNIAbranch or presence. Unfortunately, with most Garveycontemporaries now passed, life histories will be lessforthcoming than actual analysis of primary sourcessuch as newspaper archives, diaries, and other docu-mentary sources relating to a particular UNIA branchand its membership activities.

Columbus, Ohio is one such city that has not beenfully researched regarding the Garvey movement. Mark(1928, p. 16) states that the area most populated withAfrican Americans in Columbus back in 1923 was theEast Long Street or Champion Avenue District locatedon the Near East side of Columbus. The Mount VemonAvenue area near Champion Avenue and East LongStreet was almost totally comprised of African Ameri-cans and other African descended groups, such as themigrant Jamaicans. This area of Columbus could wellbe deemed a "mini Harlem" back in the 1920s and upto the 1950s, until the city's construction of an Inter-state wrecked the community infrastructure in the1960s-1970s.

In looking at UNIA presence in Columbus we cangauge much in terms of social analysis of themovement's popularity and impact. Few contemporaryColumbus citizens have knowledge that it once had afirm UNIA stronghold in the early 1920s to mid- 1930s{The best source for this study has been via research-ing The Negro World, which then led to more archivalresearch at the Ohio State University library, the Co-

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lumbus Public library, and the Ohio Historical Soci-ety.)

In terms of The Negro World archives one can studythe local reports that were published weekly in the pa-per referring to the activities that had taken place at thebranch. For example, here is part of a report publishedin The Ne^ro World (March 31, 1923) written by G.Rupert Christian, Executive Secretary, for the Colum-bus Division No. 142 and its branch chapter. The Ameri-can Addition, relating to the visit of a high-rankingUNIA official:

Much enthusiasm was aroused in the ColutnbusDivision and American Addition Chapter over atelegram received by the Executive Secretary, Mr.G. R. Christian, from the President General(Marcus Garvey]. on Thursday. March I. to raiseFIFTY DOLLARS on Sunday. March 4. for impor-tant work in Liberia.

The Secretary got busy. Hand bills were pro-cured and letters written to big men in the citv togive addresses [speeches at the Sunday meeting ofMarch 4. 1923].

There was a fairly large attendance out on Sun-day, and stirring addresses were delivered by W. S.Lyman. attorney-at-law. and Rev. D. W. Bowen ofMt. Pilgritn Baptist Church.

Attorney Lyman in his address impressed hishearers that the U.N.LA. was the one organizationthat has taught the Negro to know himself. He madea fine illustration ofthe lion and sheep. He said ifthe Negro knew hitnself as a lion, then he wouldget the respect that is due to him. The sheep, on theother hand, was lowly, and cringing, and meek, andtherefore no one feared it. So it is with this old andnew Negro, as shown by the metnbers ofthe Uni-versal Negro hnprovement A.s.sociation.

The Rev. Bowen followed with a masterly de-fense ofthe organization. He aroused mttch mirthby his breezy talk, and our members are alwaysglad to have him at our meetings.

The Division is taking a forward step in gettingin closer touch with the big chtirches. The .secre-tary sent the Rev. R. D. Phillips a letter bearing on"closer relationships." For the sake ofthe race,we sincerely hope that the organization and the dif-ferent churches will line up for the cause of negrouplift and solidarity.

Attached herewith is a list of those who stib-scribed to the fund. The Chapter did exceedinglywell. It was ver\ much entluLsed over the tnatter

and raised $J5, whilst the Columbus Division raised$57.

List of subscribers to fund March 4,1923, fromColwnbtis. Ohio: [List follows and this ends thereport]

The above report for The Negro World certainlygives evidence that the Columbus, Ohio, region wasparticularly active in supporting the UNIA. The per-sonal telegram from Marcus Garvey also gives noticethat he had a degree of faith in this branch of the orga-nization. In addition, the report gives insight into howa specific UNIA branch functioned. We can assumeconfidently that there was an influential middle classleadership. This is made evident with the speakers forthe March 4, 1923 meeting being an attorney-at-lawand a Reverend respectively. From a reading of thesereports we also know that the UNIA meetings took placemost often on Sunday afternoons, with the occasionalmidweek meeting. Finally, the fact that Marcus Garveyhad asked the Columbus Division via telegram to raise$50 for the Liberia project, and in fact they raised atotal of $72, is another indication of strong support andloyalty to the UNIA cause emanating from Columbus.

Another significant sign regarding the level of sup-port Garvey received in Columbus, Ohio, relates to thefact that by 1923 he was under tremendous pressure asleader ofthe UNIA. The movement had been infiltratedwith federal spies, and Garvey had been accused of mailfraud in selling shares for the UNIA's Black Star Lineshipping company (Hill, 1986, Martin 1976, pp.174-214)). He actually lost this controversial and dubioustrial and was given a $1000 fine and sentenced to themaximum five-year jail term for such a crime (Cronon,1955, p 118). On his release from New York's TombsPrison on bail, pending an appeal, September 10, 1923,he immediately organized a tour and Columbus, Ohio,was one ofthe cities that he visited. This visit by MarcusGarvey provides scholars with local archival evidenceshowing a high degree of support for the UNIA leader.

Amy Jacques Garvey recalled that her husband hadbeen advised by doctors to travel to warmer states tohelp him recuperate from his asthmatic condition, some-thing that had caused him problems during his three-month confinement in the Tombs Prison. Amy JacquesGarvey maintained (1970, p. 129):

Much to the delight of the people out west heplanned an itinerary that took him through the fol-lowing states: New York. Pennsylvania. West Vir-ginia, Ohio. Indiana, Missouri, Kan.sas, Colorado.

The Western Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 28, No. 3, 20()4 429

Wyoming. Idaho. Washington. Oregon and Califor-nia.

She stated further that their retum journey would be(1970, p. 130):

...^v the southern route- Arizona, New Me.Kico.Oklahoma, Arkansas. Mississippi. Alabama, Geor-gia. South Carolina. Virginia. Washitigton D.C,Maryland, New Jersey and New York.

I have not found any major references to this tourof Garvey's, other than the Amy Jacques Garvey source.In explaining the impact of the tour in a general senseit is evident that what took place in each town whenGarvey arrived was often tantamount to excitement andcelebration. Amy Jacques Garvey (1970, p. 130) de-scribes the scene on her husband's arrival to a town orcity to speak during this period:

When [Marcus] Garvey came to town, it was a galadaw Sometimes a reception committee had a stnatlhand outside the railroad station: on his arrivalthey would strike up "God Bless our President."Some carried banners such as: "You can't keep agood tnan down" and "Hail, the conquering herocomes." Each banner had its own novel way of re-ceiving and entertaining him. The local offices hadthe mayor or a prominent white politician to eitherchair the mass meeting or give the welcome ad-dress.

There is indeed scope for Garvey scholars to fol-low the trail of this tour outlined by Amy JacquesGarvey, if only to gauge just how successful it was interms of the backing for him after he had been releasedon bail, ln terms of Columbus, Ohio, this city can beviewed as one such case study. It was indeed a localresponse to Garvey and its level of support at a time ofsignificant crisis in his life and the UNIA is evident.

The "Lost" Garvey Parade

The use of the word "lost" when describing theGarvey parade in Columbus, Ohio, on Tuesday Sep-tember 25, 1923, is to note that there has been no sig-nificant research done to acknowledge what is an im-portant chapter in the Marcus Garvey and UNIA expe-rience. Therefore it can in fact be deemed "lost" to re-searchers, or at the very least an overlooked episode.Indeed, even the Marcus Garvey and UNIA papers ed-ited by Robert A. Hill (1986) do not reference this eventin volume V ofthe Marcus Garvey and UNIA papers.

which covers this time period. Neither is it mentionedspecifically in the major works of Tony Martin, anotherpreeminent Garvey scholar.

The archival evidence for what took place can befound in The Negro IVorW (October 20, 1923,p.5),r/ieColumbus Citizen (Wednesday September 26, 1923,p. 15). The Ohio State Journal (Wednesday September26, 1923, p. 6), and The Columbus Dispatch (Wednes-day September 26, 1923, p.28). Only The ColumbusDispatch remains in circulation today. It was, however,The Negro World that led this researcher to the othermainstream newspapers. The report in The Negro Worldwas not published until almost one month after the eventtook place, and the reporter is again Mr. G. Rupert Chris-tian. The headline reads, "Columbus Div. HonorsFounder of the Movement: Monster Parade Staged."Here is how the reporter depicts in graphic detail theatmosphere and scenes on the day of Garvey's visit:

The visit ofthe Hon. Marcus Garvey to the Colutn-bus Division was an occasion for a monster dem-onstration and parade. Huge crowds thronged thestreets to catch a glimpse ofthe great Negro Leaderwho was recently released on bail.

Tuesday, September 25'" [1923] . will long beremembered hy the colored people in Columbus.At 5 o 'clock the street parade started at the cornerof Champion and Mt. Vemon Avenues. Through thecourtesy of the Chief of Police of this town threemounted officers were supplied, and these led theparade.

A Lincoln car. in which were Issac Kellum, act-ing President ofthe Columbus Division; Mr, Will-iatn Ware, President of the great Cincinnati Divi-sion in his iinifortn as Brigadier General: Mr.George A. Weston. President ofthe Cleveland Di-vision: Rev. E.G. West, former Commissioner ofPanatna atid Mr. G. Rupert Christian. ExecutiveSecretary for the Columbus Division, who workedhard to ttuike the day a success, followed. Behindthe car came the Universal African Legions of Co-lumbus and Cincinnati, led by two mounted offic-ers- Col. Greentow and Major Reece. Then camethe splendid band ofthe Secotid Regitnent in theirnew uniforms which lent a picturesque touch to theparade. The Black Cross nurses of Cincinnati andColtunbus and the Motor Corps brought up the rearThousands of members and well wishers followedthe procession on foot and in motorcars. The greatMemorial Hall was filled with negroes to hear the

430 The Western Journal of Black Studies, Vol, 28, No. 3, 2004

man who has stirred the entire world with the cryof a "national home for the Negro people of theworld."

The article goes on to state that the meeting, intro-ductions, and keynote address took place at "8pm sharp"with Garvey giving a powerful speech in the packedMemorial Hall. As the reporter explains above, the othermajor cities of Ohio, Cincinnati and Cleveland, eachhad strong representation in the Columbus parade. Weleam also that "thousands of members and well wish-ers followed the procession" to support Marcus Garveyand the UNIA that day.

The final paragraph of the report is informative asit gives a clue to further evidence from mainstreamsources that can corroborate The Negro World versionofthe parade:

The meeting was well attended by leading min-isters, business and professional men who went tohear this great race orator Reporters from the threedaily white papers were present, and the next dayseveral reports of the meeting were published inthese journals.

Although none ofthe "white papers" titles are givenin the report, there is enough information to do archi-val search to find the sources. In doing so it was foundthat each of these papers. The Columbus Citizen, TheOhio State Journal, and the Columbus Dispatch didactually cover the parade. However, the most useful,arguably, ofthe three reports is that from The Ohio StateJournal (Wednesday, September 26, 1923, p. 6). It isthe most elaborate and the reporter's account ofthe daygives an insight into another aspect of Marcus Garveythat ordinarily is not portrayed in the existing scholar-ship: his appearance in September of 1923. The reporteralso gives us an assessment of the crowd numbers thatpacked into the Memorial Hall that evening:

Marcus Garvey. provisional president of Africa,founder of the Universal Negro Improvement As-sociation and African Communities League, blackas the ace of spades and ver\ proud of it. stood for22 minutes before 2. 300 negroes last night in Me-morial Hall...

The Ohio State Journal reporter gives an accountthat is very useful in terms of a hindsight evaluation ofthe event. Even today a crowd of 2, 300 to hear some-one speak is indeed a great achievement, and a sign ofsuccess. Moreover, the reporter reveals to us that Garveygave a radical assessment of the Ku Klux Klan (who

were in a revival mode back in early to mid- 1920s, andactually marched on Washington D. C. in 1925.) Thereporter cites Garvey in his typical forthright style thatnight in Columbus, Ohio:

"/ admire the Ku Klux Klan for its franknessand honesty." Garvey declared. "I'd much ratherhave a man say 'Garvey. I'm coming for you atmidnight.' than have him saw Garvey. I'm vourfriend.' and when midnight comes there he is.'"

"The first man's the klansman. and I 've got timeto make my preparations: the second man. welt.there he is!"

The reporter then goes on to further describe theappearance of the UNIA leader that night:

Garvey is a .short, chunky man. He wore a din-ner Jacket, a shining plaited .shirt, the red. greenand black button of the African movement in thelapel of his jacket, and a glass that looked like amonocle fa.stened to the other He had a goatee.

In all the existing photographs of Garvey today, Ihave yet to see him with a goatee beard. Therefore theabove primary source or eyewitness account is infor-mative archival joumalism. The reporter concludes hisdescription by stating that Garvey ended his speech thatnight with the words:

"We don't want the white man's civilization."was how Garvey summarized the object of his or-ganization. " We want a civilization in Africa of ourown. the United States of Africa, where 100,000.000 negroes can build a culture of their own. Ihope to live to see the day. We can ask for it twice:once politely, once sternly. Then if they refii.se. wecan take it."

It seems that Garvey was unequivocal in his mes-sage that night in Columbus, Ohio. It was a speech thatwas uncompromising in its content: "Africa for Afri-cans: At home and abroad." One can argue that it wasunrealistic to expect African Americans and other blackgroups in the United States to agree to uproot and leavefor Africa after generations in the African Diaspora.However, Garvey gave a defiant response to the notionof white supremacy. He felt it was necessary for peoplesof African descent at to confront what he deemed thereality of white racism and to forge a new life and con-fidence apart from the dominant white culture. It wasvery much a psychological attempt to give African de-scent people self-assurance, a positive knowledge ofAfrican history, and a pathway to liberation. Garvey

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gave a message full of hope and it helped eradicatemental "fear," even it was for just a short moment as hespoke so defiantly. He stood for African humanity with-out blinking an eyelash in the face of great hostility.This is why, arguably, he was so popular to both middleclass and working class Black people. He would "speaktruth to power" and this gave a sense of pride and de-termination to his many disenfranchised followers.

Conclusion:

In consideration of the primary sources that speakdirectly for Marcus Garvey and the UNIA, it seems thatSeptember 1923 was a particularly pivotal month. Inan article that was published in The Negro World (Sep-tember 22, 1923), from a speech delivered by Garveyin New York on September 13, 1923, he refers can-didly to the reason why he was convicted of mail fraud:

/ was convicted, not because any one was defraudedin the temporary failure of the Black Star Linebrought about by others, but because ! represented,even as I do now. a movement for the real emanci-pation of my people...I Garvey cited in Hill, 1986.p. 449).

It seems that his UNIA followers in Columbus,Ohio, believed Garvey's perspective on these events.Indeed it was only twelve days after the speech of Sep-tember 13, 1923 that he arrived to be honored via theUNIA parade in the city. In short, Garvey was still verypopular and well regarded as a spokesperson for Afri-can descended peoples. An article published in the Ne-gro Churchman, from September 1923, substantiatesthis. The author. Reverend George Alexander McGuireexplains the popularity of Garvey in this manner:

Outsiders will never understand the psychology ofthose they call "Garveyites." We doubt, if we whoare thus nicknamed, understand it ourselves. Thebinding spell, the indefinable charm which Mr.Garvey exercises over us beggars description. Butwe find the reason for it in our conviction that noman has spoken to us like this man. inculcatingpride and nobility of race, and clearly pointing outthe Star of Hope to a discouraged and downtrod-den people... {Rev. McGuire cited in Hill, 1986,pp.463^).

To understand the support of Garvey in September1923 and beyond is to comprehend the need Africandescended peoples had for the message he gave. At

bottom, it was a message of dignity, hope, and self-worth. This is probably the main reason he could findsuch strong admiration and support in places like Co-lumbus, Ohio. Wherever Garvey traveled around theworld he found Black people suffering from some formof racialized discrimination. He also found that peopleresponded to his words and ideas of African emancipa-tion with great enthusiasm. His arguments, though of-ten polemical, were based on the premise of humandignity and the empowerment of his people. These arein fact universal concepts that naturally attract atten-tion and Garvey knew instinctively how to rouse theemotions of his audiences, wherever they happened tobe in the world—from Columbus to Cuba. Cronon(1955, p. 220), is correct when he evaluates the drawof Garvey to the Black masses:

Marcus Garvey was an instrument through whichthe restless Negro world could express its discon-tent. His striking success in creating a powerfulmass organization in a matter of months was pos-sible only because he spoke the language of hispeople and told his followers what they wanted andneeded to hear- that the black man was as good asany other.

Regardless of the fact that Marcus Garvey wouldeventually be brought down by a mixture of govem-ment forces and internal mismanagement ofthe UNIA,his ideas continued to have a powerful impact aroundthe globe. In many ways Garvey was ahead of his timein terms of speaking for the discontent of Black people.In the 1960s there would be a revival of the Garveymovement, and the ideas of Black Pride and Black Self-Determination were to become commonplace (Vincent,[ 1971 ]). The ideas of African centered scholarship and/or Afrocentricity are also offshoots to the ideas thatGarvey had for understanding African descendedpeoples and their cultures both on the continent and inthe African Diaspora (Asante, 1980).

The legacy of Marcus Garvey and UNIA is now,however, creeping slowly out of the histories wherebranches ofthe organization flourished. This brief lookat Columbus, Ohio, is one such example of how muchmore research is needed. For example, there needs tobe more local studies conceming this tour and of thereaction to Garvey at that time, as has been found withresearch in the Columbus/Ohio region. What took placein the other regions of the United States where Garveytraveled in September-October 1923? What did the lo-cal newspapers say? What were the crowds in number?How many other "lost" parades can be studied? These

432 The Western Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 28, No. 3, 2004

are just a few of the unanswered questions that requirefurther research.

The existing Garvey scholarship is primarily ofthemacro variety that gives insight to the man and theUNIA on a very broad level. We cannot, therefore, as-sume that what Garveyites did in New York was ex-actly the same that took place in Columbus, Ohio?However, I do not want to take such a point too far asStein (1986, p. 279) has done by suggesting a commonfragmentation of the UNIA organization structure overtime and geographical space. Instead, I prefer to lookfor how each branch interpreted Garvey's message andimplemented his ideals in practice. This is more pro-

ductive in terms of understanding the "universals" ofGarveyism, for it had to have a core message that gal-vanized the branches. This, in my opinion, was donevia the use of The Negro World and Garvey's weeklyeditorial messages. More research, however, is neededto substantiate this perspective. Crucially, this articlehas briefly put in context Marcus Garvey's philosophy,and how he was able to gain broad support even duringa very difficult period as leader of the UNIA in 1923.knowledge of this "lost" Garvey parade in Columbus,Ohio, gives scholars of Garvey and the UNIA an in-sight into a local event outside the usual New York geo-graphical parameters. There is much to the story ofGarveyism that is yet to be told.

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