Sot. So. .Llrd. Vol. 22, So. 7. pp. i69-771, 1986 Pnnted I” Gxar Bntan

0177.9536.86 53.00 + 0.00 Pergamon Press Lrd

POLITICS AND POLICIES OF FOOD SELF-SUFFICIENCY IN TANZANIA

C. K. OMARI Department of Sociology. University of Dar es Salaam, P.O. Box 35091. Dar es Salaam. Tanzania

Abstract--Since independence, Tanzania has stated her food production goals in many national declarations and indicated how the policies were to be met. Implementation of policies has not produced more food because the nolitical ends were not consistent with economic directions. This paper discusses both.

FOOD PRODCCTION SINCE INDEPENDENCE POLICY

In 1983, the Government of Tanzania published a policy paper on agriculture development entitled: Tanzania IVational Agricultural Policy. It was received with mixed feelings for among its recommendations, large scale and private farming received a central place. Some people thought Tanzania was diverting from its socialist principle. Others thought it was a better strategy toward self-reliance and sufficiency in food production in the country.

It is too early to make any critical assessment on the implementation process of the policy. As a whole, however, Tanzania has become bold enough to pro- duce such a policy which combines private and communal production as a strategy to overcome the problem of food shortages the country has been facing in the past.

What the government issued as a policy document, however, is not a new thing. Both the government and the party have been making several pro- nouncements with regard to food shortage for a long time with no effects.

Since independence, Tanzania has, from time to time, made some statements related to this issue and introduced special programmes to improve food production and distribution and thus improve nutri- tional status in the country as an integral part of health of the masses. The policy statements have differed in contents and nature. At one level, some programmes have been of short duration while policy statements have been aiming at long term solutions. Some evaluation studies carried out have shown some improvement while others have shown ineffectiveness of the programmes and the policy statements. At independence, Tanzania food crops production was following colonial policy. Inevitably, more realistic and drastic measures were initiated aimed at improving food production and nutrition in the country.

In his Inaugural Address to the Parliament on 10 December. 1962, President Nyerere spoke of the “war to build a better and fine Tanganyika” naming malaria and famine as “the true enemies of our people” [I]. Consequently, in 1963 land was nation- alized and all freehold land became leasehold. The policies adopted thereafter aimed at producing

enough food among the peasants while reducing the gap of inequality and differentiation which had al- ready entrenched itself in rural areas. Emphasis was put on food crop production in the First Fire-Year Plan for Economic and Social Development, July 1964-June 1969. Although no explicit nutritional targets were stated in the plan. “national self sufficiency in food crops” was stated as one of the chief objectives. Malnutrition was said to be a hin- drance to social development. As a whole, however, at these early years of Tanzania, heavy emphasis was put on the development of cash crops at the expense of food crops in accordance with the recommen- dations of a World Bank Mission to advise the Government on agricultural improvment [?I.

The proclamation of the Arusha Declaration in 1967 and subsequently the preparation of the Tan- zania Second Fice - Year Plan for Economic and Social Development July 1969-June 1974, ushered Tanzania into another stage of her policy development on food crops. Specifically, the Arusha Declaration says:

“because the main aim of development is to get more food, and more money for our other needs, our purpose must be to increase production of these agricultural crops. only by increasing our production of these things can we get more food and more money for every Tanzanian [3].

The same Arusha Declaration recognized the fact that rural women as an important class of the rural labour force work much longer and harder than men. The Second Fire-Year Plan was a mere elaboration of the Arusha Declaration, perhaps to translate Tan- zania’s political will into policy. In the agricultural policies, the aim was to develop each crop taking into account “the need for increased self-sufficiency and improved nutritional level” and better nutrition es- pecially for children [4].

Introducing the Plan to the TANU Conference in May 1969, President Nyerere re-emphasized again the importance not only of producing enough food but also the importance of eating well.

Although we emphasize cash crops in our a_micultural policy, today I want to discuss the question of our food, for as we said earlier. our first aim is to provide sufficient and better food for every one [14].

Then he went on discussing the relationship be- tween food, eating habits, local manufacturing indus-

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770 c. ii

tries. in relation to the nutrition and health of the people in general.

In 1971 TAX! issued another policy statement on agriculture. Siasa ni Kiho (Politics is Agriculture) or the lringa Declararion. which noted the aggravated situation in agricultural production and lack of clearly stated policy in the food production among the peasants. In spite of the good intentions, the recommendations and directives derived therein. have not made a great impact among the peasants. Food production still lags behind. For example. the supply of inputs and the modernization of the agri- culture aimed at improving agricultural production has not been implemented due. partly. to lack of foreign exchange to buy the necessary inputs. spare parts and lack of techmcally trained manpower and infrastructure related to agrtcultural development as a whole.

In 1975 the Village and Ujamaa Act was introduced to the country, which radically and permanently changed. among other things. ownership of land. In addition party directives and programmes were ini- tiated to raise the political conscio~tsness of the masses rather than improve peasant production. First. Villagization reorganized the peasants into social and political units. Villages were supposed to be both productive political bases. Hovvever, the programme put more emphasis on reorganization aspects of the units rather than on the production process and thus the greater goal was not met. From the officicrl point of view, this was a necessary and appropriate step to be taken in Ujczmaa development before production was organized.

Second. there were Radio Programmes: Mnr ni Afja (Man is health) 1973, which aimed at among others, increasing awareness on health problems. Then came Kilirno cha kLrfh nu Kupono campaign (Life and death farming 1971) in which every able person was involved in cultivating uncultivated area found nearby including some reserved places around the cities and urban centres. Both workers and peas- ants were involved in this campaign. According to the available information, in some places the campaign’s results were good. but in others. like parastatal firms. government institutions and departments in Dar es

Salaam. the eksrcise vvas large]! ineffective and inrthcient for the resource inputs outweighed the output realized.

Then there vvas CII&-U!(: rri Lhi (Food is life) which as the title of the programme itself shows had two main objectives: to enable people to get essential food stuffs and to change eating habits so as to avoid all consequences brought about by food deficiencies

1% There vvere other measures and directives issued by

the Party and government aimed at peasant food production. Directives like acreage size each family must cultivate and the campaign to sell more to cooperatives have been issued from time to time [6]. Obviously. the few listed programmer and directives shovv the central place Tanzania plucss on the pcas- ant food production. Yet the same programmes and directives reveal some elements which have tended to be as counterproductive in the effort to improve peasant food production and health development in general.

First. there has been an over emphasis on political development among the people and mass mobi- lization to the extent of detracting other aspects of the programmes and implementation process. In some documents like Mwongozo 19-l. more empha- sis was put on mass participation in decision making process to the estent of dc-emphasizing the im- portance of good diet and health of the people. Second. it is ver\ difficult to assess the economy of such programmes because they were not planned with economy in mind. Some of the progrsmmes designed to educate people. by radio. for example. vvere of ‘one short campaign’ in nature while others like Kilimo cha Kuf‘a na Kuponr7 \vas politically motivated but the factor of the cost+ffectiveness was never considered as a crucial aspect in the implementation process.

Third, as the IL0 report (1982) correctly puts it. these programmes were uncoordinated. lacked con- sistency and their acceptance among the masses could not be monitored or evaluated adequately [7]. ivlisuse of labour. resources and dublication ofefforts among Ministries was rife. There was a clear lack of coherent and clear policy on nutrition. But for sometime nou such a policy has been under consideration to guide those concerned in formulating and arranging effective programmes affecting peasant food crops production and nutrition.

Table I. Production of major agricultural commodities 1971-19N (in ‘000 metric tons)

Change 1969 1971-1991)

Crops year 1969 19’1 I975 I976 1979 I980 (‘0)

Coffee 51 5s -Ix 13 55 +s CONOll 66 45 69 6.l 50 -21 Sisal 197 113 119 85 80 -59 Tea 9 I4 I4 I8 19 fill Tobacco I2 I4 I9 23 23 192 Cashew 106 I17 97 70 65 -3’) Cloves 6 8 6 1 < -33 SunHouer IO 9 7 I2 7 _ 30 Sug.lr 931 96 I02 I 30 I30 -13 Paddq IX IS0 i-z 200 195 + I3 \h’heat 61 56 5s 37 33 -16

Source: G.S. Department of Agriculture. Crop E.rrtnrores. Tm:su~r. Food for Drreiopnrmi (PL 490. Tlrle III. LSD.4 Februur> 1981 ;ls Adopted I” IL0 Rs~ort. IYYZ).

Politics and policies of food self-sufficiency tn Tanzania 771

T;lbls 2. Cexals importation to Tanznnu 1969-1950

Importation of cereals Esrlmates (in tons) population (million)

3 I .ooo 13.1 54.000 13.6

14.0 14.5 IS.0 15.5 15.0 16.5 17.0 17.5 18.2

Table 2 shows the extent to which Tanzania has been independent on foreign sources of food to feed her people. Although the quantity of the cereals imported into the country varies and fluctuates, it generally depicts an upward curve, w-hich is an indi- cation that local production does not meet the local demand and consumption level. Many reasons have been cited as the cause, but the fundamental one has been improper planning of the agricultural sector, besides bad weather, improper technology and lack of incentives for the peasants.

Year

1969 I970 1971 1972 1973 I974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980

j2.000

163.000 37.000

400.000 413.000

96.000 126,000 137.000 33.000

346.000 18.8

Source: adopted from Carter J. R. Tanzania’s food problem. Bull. ir,,:Llnia .A& No. 15, 8. 1982.

Meanwhile peasants have been continuing to culti- vate and produce for export markets though not with much success as Table 1 shows.

Table I reveals that there was stagnation, and for most crops immense decline. in production of many crops. The most noticeable increases were for tea and tobacco. It can be said then, that the problems of not meeting the foreign markets, the decline of export crops production hit the agricultural sector [S]. The importation of grain into the country and the food shortages which urban people and some parts of the country have been experiencing for the past IO years, can be said to have been unavoidable.

Looking at Table 2, the importation of cereals which is the main staple food in Tanzania, has been growing steadly for the past IO years or so. This is an indication that locally, food production has not been able to meet the demand. The causes of food short- ages in Tanzania are several, including drought, lack of appropriate technology and inputs. Due to this, recently, the Minister of Finance presenting his Budget speech said Tanzania has been compelled to import 326,886 tons of food of these 228,550 tons were of maize, 58,756 of rice and 39,024 of wheat. For 19841’1985 food importation stands at 184,501 tons, of these 105,000 tons are of maize, 40,882 tons are of rice and 38.619 tons of wheat [8]. Better harvest in 1985/1986 is expected to reduce food imports, however.

Kimati and Kloudia discussing the level of mal- nutrition among the children of Tanzania, has esti- mated that about 25% of all children under 5 suffer from malnutrition due to food shortage and about 90% of all illnesses detected among the children are related to malnutrition [9, lo].

Table 3. Size distribution of Tanzania small- holdings

Farm size group

(ha) Percentage of farmers

31.5 26.7 24.7

s.9 0.4 0.2 7.6

I00.00 Source: Agriculture Census of Tanzania

1971-1972.

FOOD CROPS PRODUCTION, SUTRITIOS .WD HEALTH

In any programme for social development, there must be a target group and for Tanzania that has been demonstrably the peasantry. In spite of policy statements and programmes, however, the problem of food production and nutrition still persist in Tanzania partly because that target was ignored in policy. In this section we examined some strategies and development of the peasant food production especially at the household level.

Among the peasant producers nearly 83% own less than 2 ha and nearly 92% own less than 3 ha (Table 3). Only 7.6% of farmers own 5 ha and more which implies that there exists stratification. or class. among peasants in Tanzania of today. It is the peasants who are disproportionately affected by food shortages in the country. Furthermore, the lower the income of the household, the more prone to malnutrition. Food sufficiency depends not only on volumes produced but also on what is produced and storage, among other factors.

Technology, food crops production and nutrition

After a long discussion and contrast between con- trasting what he calls lineage agriculture and modern technology, Porter says:

“As farmers adopt parts of the modern technolo_q, they have to _eive up practice that were functional to the family lineage technology” [I I).

Surely modern technology does not go with some of the traditional peasants economic system, attitudes or organization. Yet there have been attempts to reach the peasant at household level through the village by introducing modern technology for the overall improvement of food production. At present the peasants continue to cultivate the same piece of land which they have been living on for years, utilizing simple technology and sometimes with the help of family labour [I?]. In high density areas, like Kilimanjaro, Kagera and Usambara. peasants are no longer able to practice shifting cultivation due to shortage of land. In low density areas like Singida, Dodoma, land fertility is deteriorating fast if de- creasing production is anything to go by. When such development is correlated with the current popu- lation growth (3.3%) that which is produced by the peasants is inadequate to feed a nation of 21 million people. At present it is stipulated that a household should cultivate 5 acres for its own use. Two of these are supposed to be earmarked for cash crops while the other three are earmarked for subsistence crops.

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But the technology to meet that goal does not reach this social unit (household), neither do other necessary inputs which would lead to high farm production and perhaps self-sufficiency. Without doing these. Tanzania nil1 continue to depend on foreign food aid contrary to the policy of self- reliance.

Since most of the peasants in Tanzania belong to the poor stratum of the peasant class. highly mech- anized technology like tractorization may not be feasible at individual household level. Ox-ploughing may be more suitable in many parts of the country. Recent studies have shown that net return per capita in 1977 was higher in ox-plough cultivation than for tractor cultivation. This is because of the expenses involved in adopting tractorization, such as oil and spare parts which involves foreign exchange expenses [7. pp. 182-1861.

In 1983 local dailies reported that only four re- gions, Ruvuma, Rukwa, Mbeya and Irmga, sur- passed the set targets of 27% of production. The rest of the regions were below their set targets. There were no reasons given for not achieving the set targets of production among their regions. It was. hovvever said that factors which enabled Ruvuma region to surpass her production targets was the availability of inputs in time and infrastructures to carry the produce to storage and market places [13, 141.

Family labour and food production

To reiterate. peasant agricultural production nor- mally depends on family labour and simple tools for its economic activities. This is based on Chayanov thesis which seem to be followed by Shanin as well

1151. Family labour utilization for agricultural prod-

uction has been stressed very much in many govern- ment’s directives and policy statements. The latest one is on the Human Resources Deploynent Act 1983 which puts emphasis on every able person to be engaged in productive activities. The unemployed people in urban centres are advised to go to the rural areas to engage themselves in agricultural prod- uction.

Although different in context and in nature to some extent. since it has been inacted as a law by the Parliament, emphasis of the Act does not differ radically from the Kilimo cha Kafa na Kupona cam- paign of 1974 and the subsequent resettlement of unemployed people in Dar es Salaam who were moved to places like Geza Ulole Village and so on. It has already proved that unless well coordinated as a long range strategy of combating unemployment, it will end up like other programmes which were intro- duced to utilize the surplus potential urban labour force.

Inspite of the campaigns mounted to encourage people to stay in rural areas, especially the youths. currently there is a great rural-urban migratory process taking place in Tanzania. According to 1978 National Census. urban centres are growing at 15% instead of 10% pace as indicated in 1967 National Census. Rural families are experiencing erosion of human resources especially among the youth. A 1979 Survey in Mwanga District. revealed that about seven out of ten people of the productive age. i.e. 16-55

years. were above 40 years old. And of these. two out of three were women of varying ages.

Of course. such a small scale random survey cannot be the basis for generalization about Tanzania situ- ation. But the picture which emerges from this case study, is not far from the truth.

There is a general deterioration of family labour at household level. Peasant families are not only lacking access to new technology and inputs needed for the improved agricultural production (Dai/j, .Vews. IO September. 1983). but lack sufficient and innovative labour force as well. Youths with education have been migrating into urban areas with the hope of getting employment. These are normally the people who could have been the base for a strong army of innovative peasants at household level, thus bring about some revolutionary changes in agricultural production. More people at 40 years old and above in rurual areas are of the old generation uhich usually takes longer time in the process and acceptance of new innovation and changes than the younger ones. At the same time, it has been proved that young people will go to rural areas to practice agriculture as their occupation only if they find that it pays off. However, it looks as if to go to rural areas and engage in agricultural activities is a kind of punishment or agriculture is for those who could not make it in urban white collar and office jobs.

The issue, then, is not the price paid to the peasants for their produces alone as it has been suggested very often by various people and recommendations. It is no longer true that increases in prices paid to the peasants for their products will automatically lead to the increase of production for it arrests the leakages across the borders. The central issue. in relation to the utilization of labour force in rural area is: IlIar can a peasant buy with the proceeds jiom the sale of farm producrs? Unless there is satisfaction, peasants are likely to be engaged in other more profitable businesses which may include what is called ‘parallel markets’ (black marketeering). Price increase for agricultural produce is, therefore. not a guarantee to increased production in agriculture.

Female labour and prodwtirir>

There is reason to suggest that the best inputs and technology go to the cash crop farms which are male dominated and controlled. This is because men con- trol not only the end result of any farm product but of women labour at the markets through the appro- priation of cash and surplus. So, in order to see that men get the best out of the household economy. productive forces are developed and utilized to the maximum for the benefit of men. Even the intensification of international capital through in- vestiment in cash crop production leads to the sup- port of this division of labour, perhaps unin- tentionally.

It must be recognized that in a peasant economy country like Tanzania. women constitute between 60 and 80% of agricultural labour force. Compared to the urban female labour force which stands at about 12% (according to the 1978 National Census Report [16]). there are far more rural women in food prod- uction.

Although women’s contribution to the household

Politics and policies of food self-suticirncy m Tanzania 773

economy and nutrition in general is very important. the coordination of their productive tasks become very problematic due to the institutionalized customs. traditions and value system related to the division of labour at household level. They posses no adequate time nor do they have access to the productive forces-like land and other inputs necessary for the better realization of their role and full participation in the household economy activities.

Patrilineal kinship relation demands that lineage follows the husbands kinship line. This involves inheritance as well. In mayy ethnic groups in Tan- zania. the patrilineal kinshlp inheritance system ot. land is being practised inspite of the fact that, land according to the Cjarnaa and Village Act 1975and the Agricultural policy of 1983 show that land belongs to the villages and not villagers. As the patriachal relations continue to exist, women will continue to own land by the virtue of their being wikes of certain husbands. In case of death of these husbands, women cease to control this means of production because in many instances they also cease to be wives of that kin group unless levirate system is practised. Thus, poli- cies which affect structural changes in many of Afri- can societies are necessary if food production and nutrition are to be realized fully.

In relation to innovation for change and the im- provement of agricultural production. very often programmes initiated are male oriented or dominated as well. Even the decision makin! process affecting agricultural production and nutrltlon is heavily dom- inated by men or favour men rather than Lvomen. For example. loans and bank credit facilities are more available for cash crops production than for food crops production. Furthermore. even the extension workers who get contact with the members of house- hold for the purpose of innovating changes in agricul- ture production, communicate more with men than women. In many instances, however, the imple- mentation of the projects and programmes is carried out by women.

For example, in a study done by Fortmann on the impact of the National Maize Project on the condi- tion of women has revealed that in 80% of the sampled households women alone applied fertilizers to the maize plants while they did this together with others in the remaining households [l7]. Yet at the early stage of communication the target group had been men rather than women. They were the ones who were educated on how to apply the fertilizer to their farms.

Such relation of production at household level reflects the overall national economic structure. It is a male bias from the planning stage to the ultimate appropriation of surplus and cash from the market. It is this bias which has resulted in formulating policies favouring cash crops production to food crops production in Tanzania. including the way the international capital supports the agricultural projects in the country. For example, although Kili- manjaro Region is one of the ‘developed areas’ in Tanzania. malnutrition is common [ 181.

The success in any socio-economic development

depends on the extent to which all members of the society are mobilized for that end. In the case of food crops production and nutrition in Tanzania. the success. will depend not on the formulation of new law or policy on food and nutrition. but on the implementation of the already proposed policv and various recommendations on food and nutiition. This uill further depend on the extent to which the labour force at household level will be developed and utilized: how inputs and technology will be innovated so as to reach the households level for the devel- opment of food and nutrition for social development.

Tanzania has a political structure which reaches down to the household level. but has yet to attain the stated objectives of having a healthy nation by im- proving food crops production and nutrition. The aim to become self-sufficient at household level is yet to be realized. The peasants have the potetial to achieve the set target if and when they are armed with appropriate apparatus and motivation.

REFEREhCES

This paper draws heavily from mv early work on ‘Peasants Food Crops Production and Nutrition in Tanzania’ a paper presented at the Symposium on Food and ?Vurririon in Tnn:ania Dereloptrfetlr-Issrres of the 80s held in Dar es Salaam from 30 November to December 1983.

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Nyerere J. K. Freedom and C’niry .Vairobi. Oxford University Press. Oxford 1977. International Bank for Reconstruction and Devel- opment. The Economic Development of Tanganyika. John Hopkins Press. Baltimore. 1961. Tanganyika African National Union. The Artrsha Dec- lararion and T.-I.VL:‘s p0lic.v on Socialism and Self- Reliance. TANU. Dodoma. 1967. The Tanzania Second Fice Year Plan for Economic and Social Dmelopmenr. Vol. I. Dar es Salaam, 1969. It is estimated that about 1.3 million people participated in both pro!rammes. It is. however. very difficult to evaluate precisely how effective these programmes were. For more information on the impact see evaluation reports prepared by the Insrirlrre o/“Adrdr Eduarion, Dar es Salaam, entitled: Mru ni AfJa: An Eraluafion of 1973

mas Health Educarion Campaign in Tan:ania, Dar es Salaam, n.d. The directive from the Party like those on supply of inputs, selling crops to the cooperatives, utilization of human resources to mention few, have all been directed towards (Daily Neivs, 7 and 8 September 1983 for the views expressed therein). IL0 Report. Basic Needs in Danger-.-L Basic ‘Veeds Oriented Decelopment Strategy for Tanzania. Addis Ababa. 1982. See also, Lipumba K.H.L. Basic needs and agricultural development policy: a critical review. Dar es Salaam. n.d. See the Minister of Finance speech on 13 June 1985 (Lhurrc I5 June 1985). Kimati V. P. Childhood malnutrition and nutrition development in Tanzania. Paper presented at Dag ham- marskjold Seminar. Addis Ababa. 1973. Klouda A. Prevention is more costly than cure: ‘Health problems for Tanzania, 1971-1981. in Practicing Healrh for All Edited bv Morlev D. er al.). D. 56. Oxford University Press. &ford i983. ’ Porter Ph. W. Food and Decelopmenr in Semi-Aid Zone of East Africa, p. 87. Syracuse University. New York, 1979.

774 c. K. O!.t.ARI

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For more theoretical framsuork on this issue see Chayanov. A. V. The Theor! oJ Peaxanr Econom,v. American Economic Assoctation. Homewood. Ill.. 1966. Knutsson er al. Food and .Vurririon in .Va!ional Derei- opmenr .-in E~aluarion of‘ rhe Tanzania Food and Vutri- 15. iion Cenrre. p. 40. Dar es Salaam Stockholm. 1979. The four regions according to Daily :Vews 9 September 16. 19S3 are: Rucuma Region produced 21.919 tonnes of cereals against the set target of 17.170 tonnes. This is 27.63% above target. Mbeka Region produced X,lj:! tonnes of the crop against the set target of 31,120 17. tonnes. This is 76.SjJ6 above target. Rukwa Region which planned to produce 19.200 tonnes of various crops. produced 20.210 tonnes. This 7.26% above tar- 18. get. Iringa Region set a target of producing 22.900 tonnes of various crops and was able to produce 23.895 tonnes. This is 1.34% above target.

For more detail see my other uork entitled: Malnutrition and soctal deveiopment in Tanzama. Paper presented at the 3x1 .Scienryk Conftrencr oj Publrc Heairh .-!ssociarion in Tanxma. Sluhimbili .1Iedical Centre. Dar es Salaam. 1933. As shown In Shanin 1. (Ed.) Pecj~nr and Peasant Societies. Penguin Books. Harmondworth. 197 I Knutsson er al. op. cir., p. 75. Mascarsnhas P. 0. and

Mbilinyi M. Bhmen in Tanzania: .-lnulvrical Bibli- ogrrzpht,. The Scandinavian Institute of .African Studies. Uppsaia. 1953. Also [7]. Fortmann L. Women and maize production: some Tanzania Observations. Paper prepared for Prorrin- Calorie. Advisor Grout of the Unite2 Sations. 1976. Swantz hl. L. ri al. Socio-economic causes of mal- nutrition in Moshi district. BRALUP Research Paper So. 35. Dar es Salaam. 1975.