planning functional literacy programmes in the caribbean

Planning functional literacy programmes

in the Caribbean Didacus Jules

By the turn of the twenty-first century, ac- cording to Unesco projections the number of illiterates in the world will have increased from an estimated 8r 4 million adults in r98o to nearly I billion people (representing over I5 per cent of the projected world population). Seen

�9 purely from a Third World perspective, 48 per cent of the underdeveloped world's adult population is illiterate and in 23 of the world's poorest countries, over 70 per cent of the adult population is functionally illiterate.

These statistics dramatize the global nature of the problem of illiteracy and point to the disturbing reality that, not only is this phenomenon on the increase, but that its geographical configuration coincides with the geography of poverty, disease, hunger and other symptoms of tmderdevelopment. Moreover these figures re- veal quite dearly that, for the Third World in particular, illiteracy is not simply an unaccept- able educational defica'ency but it also constitutes a demographic, socio-political and cultural problem of huge dimensions and extreme urgency. In short, illiteracy in the world today, and in the Third World of today and tomorrow, is a developmental problem of the first order.

Didacus Jules (Saint Lucia). Responsible for co- ordinating a regional literacy programme developed by Canadian University Services Overseas ( CUSO ) and the Caribbean Regional Council for Adult Education (CARCAE) and is Resident Consultant at the National Research and Development Foundation in Saint Lucia.

Attention to this problem has only been recent. Although the First International Confer- ence on Adult Education was held as long ago as I949 (in Denmark) international recognition of the global problem of iUiteracy truly emerged at the Second International Conference held in Canada in I96o, which was characterized by the participation of developing countries. The interest and creative imagination of the International Community was further stimu- lated by the successful conduct in I96I of a mass literacy campaign in Cuba, the results of which demonstrated quite convincingly the capabihties of an underdeveloped nation to resolve a fundamental developmental problem by the exercise of determined political wiU with the broadest participation of its people and the support of the international community. The Cuban literacy campaign--notwithstanding the linguistic difference and its political speci- ficities--stands as an exemplary model of organization and socio-educational planning in the Caribbean. The I965 World Conference of Ministers of Education on the Eradication of Illiteracy held in Iran contributed to the organization in I967 of the Unesco sponsored Exper- imental World Literacy Programme (EWLP), 1 the objective of which was to make literate I million illiterates in eleven countries. While this project did not achieve the dramatic results of the Cuban literacy campaign (recording a I2 per cent gain or the achievement of literacy by I~o,ooo learners during the six years of the project's life-span), it provided important

Prospects, VoL XVIII, No. 3J I988

37 ~ Didacus Jules

lessons in organization and strategy to the international community. In its evaluation, Unesco records the major programme weaknesses to have been flaws in conceptualization, noting specifically the erroneous perception of literacy as a purely technical act. It concluded that literacy training was also a socio-political action implying or associated with change and requiring the broadest participation for its success. In other words, the fundamental lesson of the EWLP was the axiom so clearly demonstrated in successful literacy campaigns before and since: that the eradication of illiteracy is, in essence, a political act with pedagogical implications.

To assert this fact is certainly not to indulge in what some may describe as an ideological trivialization of a vital pedagogical undertaking. In the first instance, it must be recognized that the existence of illiteracy on a mass scale in any society is a structural phenomenon. It is certainly no historical accident that ten developing countries alone account for 425 million of the world's illiterate population. Nor should it be surprising that even in the United States, the National Commission on Excellence in Education could report that 'some ~3 million American adults are functionally illiterate by the simplest tests of reading, writing and comprehension', and that 'about 13 per cent of all I7-year-olds in the United States can be considered functionally illiterate. Functional illiteracy among minority youth may run as high as 4 ~ per cent. '~

Illiteracy, like poverty is writ large in the Third World but is not an exclusive malaise of underdevelopment. I t is rather a function of inequality and can be found wherever, in a development context, structures of inequality persist. The existence of mass illiteracy is the historical product of structural deficiencies and inequalities in the formal education system. The absence of adequate primary-school places, the negative impact of socio-economic difficulties at the level of the family, are two of the most notable features of this inequality.

To assert the political nature of the literacy act is simply to recognize the organic relation-

ship between the educational result of that act and the tremendous socio-cultural and political implications of those results, particularly when this action unlocks the secret of the word to hitherto unlettered millions who, by this condition, were marginalized and silent wit- nesses to the drama of history and national development.

All of these previously mentioned considerations were basically accepted by the Inter- national Community by I975 with the Declar- ation of Persepolis, a statement which registered a shift in thinking about illiteracy and the nature of the task of eradicating it.

Illiteracy in the Caribbean

It is in the context of the international trends and tendencies in adult education that one should examine the question of illiteracy in the Caribbean as developments in adult education in the Caribbean parallelled international developments. ~

It is ironic that the most definitive available statistics on illiteracy and associated demographic factors in the Caribbean are the product of colonial exactitude. The I943 census of Jamaica and Dependencies and the I946 census of the British Caribbean allows for, as L. Carrington points out, r linkage between literacy and the several factors that relate to it whereas the tabulations of subsequent censuses merely permit parallel discussion and inference of relationships'. 4

Included among these factors are ethnic composition of the population and its geographical distribution, distribution of popu- lations by gender and categorization of literacy competence by age, gender and ethno-lingnistic differences. Carrington informs us that r overall rate of illiteracy for the region in I943/46 was 22% including the extremes of 7.3% in Barbados and 44.8% in St Lucia' and further that the rate for females stood at 22. 3 per cent as compared with 21.6 per cent for the male cohort. 5

That the subsequent censuses of I96o, I97 o

Planning functional literacy programmes in the Caribbean 371

and I98o did not specifically concern them- selves with the question of illiteracy in the subregion is symptomatic of the official and administrative neglect from which the issue suffered. This fact must be remembered and the attitude needs to be confronted in the formulation of suitable strategies and mechanisms for the eradication of illiteracy since they regretfully persist even at the policy-making level. Only the most exhaustive and painstaking research and analysis conducted by Carrington and the UWI School of Education has resulted in the salvage of present statistical possibilities and future projections from the official indiffer- ence of the recent censuses.

Moreover, the struggle to extrapolate data on illiteracy in the contemporary Caribbean has lead Carrington to examine important hypoth- eses on the nature of illiteracy and causal factors within formal education systems, which a r e of direct relevance to the formulation of strategies since they point to the necessity of defining and implementing complementary reforms in that sphere in order to achieve the successful eradication of illiteracy.

Besides this lack of official concern as demonstrated in the absence of literacy statistics in government censuses, literacy work itself was sporadic, unfocused and on a small scale. Adult Education in the subregion was, in this earlier period, largely considered to involve utilkarian and domestic arts skills. I t was not until the I97os that more precise definitions of the scope and challenge of adult education in the Caribbean began to emerge. There were possibly three major influences affecting this development. First, was the progressive development of the concept of adult education internationally, the most notable philosophic aspect of which was the shift to the consideration of Adult Education as a fundamental right and a life-long process. Second, the inspiring challenge of the Cuban literacy campaign to adult education practitioners (in the Third World in particular), which led to heightened awareness of the existence of illiteracy and the urgent need to eradicate it and to the consideration of innovative strategies towards this end. Third,

the lead and example established, in an English- speaking Caribbean linguistic and political context, by the institution of Jamaica's JAMAL literacy programme.

Of the three influences, the example of JAMAL undoubtedly exerted the greatest pull--for reasons of socio-cxtltural, linguistic and political (system) similarities with the other English-speaking territories of the subregion.

The JAMAL experience 6 contained several important organizational and strategic lessons for the English-speaking Caribbean.

First of all, it represented an affirmation of the basic imperative of poIitical will. From the awareness of the extent of illiteracy (estimated in I962 to stand at 42.9 per cent or over 4oo,ooo persons) the Manley Government de- dared its determination to Cmake literacy a national priority and to launch a vigorous and massive attack on illiteracy'.

Secondly, it demonstrated that the logistical challenge of eradicating illiteracy 'within the shortest possible period' was essentially a poli- tico-social undertaking requiring the stirring of patriotic sentiment under a banner of non- partisan national unity. It further revealed the great value of popular participation in the hundreds of thousands of people made literate and the exemplary voluntary contribution of over 20,000 volunteer teachers.

Thirdly, it emphasized the fact that mass literacy programmes spiral to success to the extent that, in their momentum, they become social movements setting into action not simply a pedagogical dynamic but---of equal importance--a new popular cultural initiative whose wellspring is the creative energies of the entire people.

Finally, notwithstanding the tremendous effort and voluntary sacrifies put into the task, the difficulties of achieving a progressive, sustainable decrease in the number of functional illiterates as a result of the flow of illiterates from the formal education system in order to stem the tide.

By moving in a determined manner against illiteracy, the JAMAL programme placed literacy firmly on the subregional adult education

372 Didaaus ~'ules

agenda and dramatized, by the sheer numbers involved, the extent of illiteracy in the Ca- ribbean.

It is instructive to note that whereas the I943 Jamaica census indicated an illiteracy rate of 9.3.9 per cent of the population aged ro and over t the I969. Survey conducted under the auspices of the Social Development Commission revealed that 42.9 per cent aged I5 years and over were illiterate.

Even though the categories differ (z943-46 --based on io years and over; x97o data based on x 5 years and over), comparison of the illiteracy rates of x943-46 to the data extrapo- lated by Carrington (i98o) r (using the deter- mlnant of less than six years of primary schooling) shows percentage increases of much greater size and significance than one antici- pates from the five-year age difference between cohorts.

The English-speaking Caribbean--from Ja- maica to Trinidad and Tobago (including Belize) totalled some 9.,9.88,739 people over 15 . Using the determinant of less than six years' primary schooling Carrington estimates the illiterate population at 535,989 or 93. 4 per cent. I f the trend for the period I946-7o holds true for the period I97 ~ to the present (and there is every reason to suspect that it does, given that the I96os and early I97os were periods in which Caribbean governments paid com- paratively more attention to the invigoration of the formal education system than in the late I97os) then the Caribbean today has substantially more than 5oo~ooo illiterates.

Illiteracy clearly is not a phenomenon that will simply disappear, as was sometimes com- placently assumed, as countries developed economically, and with the introduction of new levels of Science and Technology. Its eradication is not a natural consequence of development. Illiteracy on a mass scale can only be defeated by the exercise of the most concerted political will, the reform of education systems and the guarantee of continuing educational opportunity for adults.

Since the establishment of the JAMAL programme there have been significant develop-

ments in the conceptualization of adult education in the subregion, there has been a proliferation of adult education programmes and projects largely of a community-based and non-governmental character and there has been much greater dialogue within the region on methods and strategies. In recent times the two initiatives which have had the most strategic impact on adult education in the Caribbean have been: (a) the formulation of the Unesco Major Project in education, a main objective of which is the eradication of illiteracy by the Year 9.000 and (b) the work in literacy and adult education conducted by the Center for Popular Education in Grenada.

These initiatives can be considered tcr have had strategic impact because in their conception and methods they have pointed to new educational possibilities for the entire Caribbean.

The Unesco Major Project is of historical significance in that it has brought about a singular political will and consensus on the need to eradicate illiteracy before the end of this century and to carry out the necessary reforms for quantitative as well as qualitativc expansion of educational opportunity. The design of the Project itself contains organizational and meth- odological features which could be usefully, applied in the elaboration of strategies for literacy.

Some of these features include: The precise definition of objectives in accord-

ance with the resource base and capacity of each participating state and in consideration of the national scope and extent of the problem.

The establishment of priority actions and priority target groups.

The determination of the requirements (material and non-material) for the achievement of the Project's objectives.

The operationalisation of interdisciplinary and intersectoral approaches, the most basic aspect of which is the promotion of participation by the most varied sectors of society.

The work of the Centre for Popular Education in Grenada during the period I979-83 was stra- tegically significant because, besides JAMAL,


it was the only other attempt in the English- speaking Caribbean to eradicate illiteracy in accordance with a well-defined strategy and organizational forms that were organically re- lated to existing and emerging social and com- mnnity structures. Some notable features of its strategy and methods included: The formulation of precise objectives within

the context of a defined policy on adult education and national development.

The establishment of representative structures at all levels of the programme, whose func- tions were to secure the broadest participation of all sectors and/or to combine the experience of the old with the innovation of the new.

The integration of educational content with the experience of adult learners and the objectives/perspectives of national development.

The mobilization of significant local material resources and voluntary service by the example and exercise of a determined political will.

The intensive use of the local media to provide support for the mobilization thrust.

It is worthwhile observing that strategies and organizational forms are invariably the products of a particular historical moment and that they are fashioned by the character of historical conditions. Nevertheless, there are always features of one time and experience which creatively applied in another time and place enhance the results obtained. While it is no historical accident that several of the most successful strategies for the eradication of illiteracy have come from societies undergoing profound processes of social transformation, it certainly does not follow that this historical condition is an absolute precondition for success. Although the JAMAL experience in Jamaica and the CPE experience in Grenada have in common the fact that both societies were undergoing processes of social change, there are significant differences between them in terms of the character and intensity of their respective processes. As a general principle, however, the eradication of illiteracy on a mass scale both requires, and will inevitably result

in some degree of, social change because, as the experience of the Unesco Experimental World Literacy Programme (EWLF) confirmed, illiteracy itself is a structural condition. To a very large extent the key to the success of any literacy undertaking (in particular mass campaigns) is the extent of participation that they are able to invoke.

Since JAMAL and CPE and with the advent of the Unesco Major Project in Education, several other national literacy initiatives have been started in the Caribbean. Some of them such as the programme of the Dominica Adult Centre, have been governmental and national in scope; others such as the Literacy Pilot Project in Saint Lucia have been governmental and experimental with a view to resolving certain technical issues associated with literacy in specific conditions and many have been of a non-governmental character and of a selective intensive type, one of the most impressive of which is the project undertaken by the Saint Vincent Union of Teachers in Kingstown and Union Island.

While there is much merit in these many initiatives, one striking weakness that they all share is the lick of detailed information about each other. There has been only a limited sharing and exchange of information and experience about strategies, organizational and pedagogical methods between subregional literacy efforts, and this deficiency is by no means caused by the absence of networking mechanisms. Within the Unesco Major Project itself, there are the national bodies responsible for co-ordination of project activities at local level and sharing at regional level. There is CARNEID (Caribbean Network of Educational Innovation for Development) level. There is CARCAE (Caribbean Council for Adult Edu- cation) and its Communications Centre in Saint Lucia with an associated network of national adult education associations.

The resuk of this lack of sharing of information and experience, particularly as they relate to strategy and organizational methods, has been the unnecessary replication of the same problems and weaknesses. The strategies and

374 Didacus Yules

methods of individual programmes have there' fore not been as richly informed as they could have been by the experience of previous and current efforts. An examination of some of the main difficulties experienced by the various programmes--governmental and non- governmentalJsuggests that the methodology and the expertise to assist in their resolution can be found within the subregional context itself.

A brief checklist of some of the main difficulties and/or organizational issues faced by some of the current programmes shows, for governmental literacy programmes, the fundamental issues are those associated with: Questions of policy including the definition of

precise objectives within specific time frames and the definition of the specific character of the programme (selective-intensive, campaign or some variant).

Conceptual matters including accurate knowledge of the extent of illiteracy and its distribution, and an overal direction to be taken in the medium and long term.

Organizational matters at the centre of which is the identity and flexibility of the organisms responsible for conducting and co-ordinating Adult Literacy work. Invariably, there is a need for some degree of autonomy from Ministries of Education in order to allow for: (a) flexible and speedy responses to field initiatives; (b) freedom from unnecessary red tape and the strictures of traditional pedagogical and organizational methods; (c) mass participation at all levels of the programme and transcendence of political, religious and other sectarian divisions; and (d) the legal ability to lialse with international donor agencies and to secure material support for the effort. (The greater share of international funding for literacy is available only to NGOs.)

For non-governmental and community-based literacy programmes the major issues are: (a) material (the urgent need for the required material resources to carry out their effort); and (b) technical (involving the need for suitable pedagogical materials, the training of fa-

cilitators, the choice of appropriate methodology, etc.)

The problem of how to mobilize and motiv- ate adult learning is not as acute an organizational problem in the case of community-based and selective-intensive programmes as in the case of national programmes. This is largely because, in the former instance, the organizational effort proceeds from a more rooted and informed link with the communities and a more acute sensitivity to needs.

Planning for the eradication of illiteracy

Given the extent of illiteracy in the Caribbean (and the disturbing suspicion of its increase) the generally ad hoc organization o f literacy efforts and some of the difficulties already out- lined, it is evident that the eradication of illiteracy, can only be achieved by realistic and careful planning.

In developing strategies and establishing mechanisms for executing functional literacy programmes, regional and international experience suggests three fundamental considerations which should guide the planning process: (a) scientific definitions of the problem and the results being sought; (b) recognition of the need for change, innovation and flexibility in method and approach and the value of integration in approaches, in content: and (c) assertion of the principle of participation at all levels and by the most representative strata.

D E F I N I T I O N

OF THE P R O B L E M

Functional literacy must be defined at two levels. The first level being a ~technica1' definition at the level of the adult individual of what constitutes literacy in a functional sense in the context of a particular society. Several such definitions have been proposed from W. S. Gray's 8 to various formulations by international agencies 9 but every such definition has necessarily stopped


short of specific detail. Evidently there is need for definitions of some universal applicability so that literacy levels cart be internationally comparable, but such definitions have been informed by the understanding of the relative and dynamic nature of literacy. As D. C. Clarke points out with reason:

Implicit in all attempts to define literacy is the question 'what is an adequate level of literacy?' It is important to realise that such a question is only meaningful and answerable in terms of the needs and values of the particular society. In short, it the level of sophistication of a society, the stage of its socio-economic development, the nature of its goals, needs and aspirations which determine the valid and relevant criteria for what constitutes 'adequacy'. to

The precise indices of literacy are therefore subject to change within a particular society as the conditions of life change and they will vary from cotmtry to country in accordance with the different stages of socio-economic development and other cultural factors.

Having considered the very specific issue of w h a t constitutes literacy in a given social context, the second level at wich literacy must be defined is a statistical one: What then is the extent of mastery of those skills that constitutes literacy ? Or conversely what is the extent of their absence among a determined grouping-- what is the level of illiteracy?

We have seen earlier the difficulties posed in the Caribbean context by this question, given the absence of definitive statistics. Considering that such statistics are as vital an index of the educational health of the nation as temperature is to the condition of a patient's health, and that in the formulation of national strategies they are indispensible for specific planning, it would not be over-demanding to suggest that future censuses of the subregion reincorporate questions relating to literacy competence.

The Literacy Pilot Project (LPP) of the Saint Lucian Ministry of Education has given scrupulous regard to this question of definition, in a manner which may in the absence of precise and global statistics--provide useful pointers to other literacy initiatives. The LPP

has devised three instruments to resolve this issue (with some unplanned incidental advan- tages): A definition of literacy in the Saint Lucian

context that outlines the philosophical par- ameters as well as some specific performance skills that constitute literacy, and has used this as the starting point for the elaboration of detailed performance objectives and syllabuses for Saint Lucian adult illiterates.

A pre-test consistent with the definition of literacy, which is administered to all those registering for literacy classes in order to determine their competence.

A survey instrument by which complete literacy censuses are carried out in every community embarking on a literacy drive.

The data collected by these surveys include: (a) standard demographical information (age, sex, occupation, etc.); (b) details of educational background and literacy competence; (c) atti- tudes to literacy, expectations and goals; and (d) estimates of community Support and community needs.

The surveys are conducted by trained vol- lunteers from the communities after a process of initial preparation of the communities and the results are not only used for planning purposes but are also represented to the communities. In this way the survey fulfils three purposes: (a) it provides detailed information about the extent of illiteracy in the community; (b) it provides accurate information about the conditions and factors which are likely to affect literacy work; and (c) it is a participatory mechanism for consulting the entire community about the organization of the programme.

T H E N E E D FOR C H A N G E A N D THE V A L U E

OF I N T E G R A T E D A P P R O A C H E S

In mass campaigns (more so than the selective- intensive approach) the challenge of eradicating illiteracy poses problems of mass culture, which require even greater political will and resources for their solution. Where thousands are made literate in short periods of time, the relatively

376 Didac~ 3~ules

sudden increase in the size of the reading public exerts a tremendous strain on the cultural infrastructure of the country: there is an urgent demand for appropriate reading matter at reasonable prices, there is greater need for the provision of extensive library facilities, etc. In some countries mechanisms such as reading circles and mobile libraries have been orgnnized in order to cope with the demand. In the absence of such innovations and the will to transform formerly 61itist cultural institutions into instruments of mass culture, the newly acquired literacy skills will be lost.

Integrated approaches have generally been more closely associated with selective intensive programmes than mass campaigns. However, the need for integration is common to all literacy endeavours. Life itself demands that the literacy skills acquired by the adult be put to use in many different and varied situations. This presents us with the profound pedagogical challenge of placing the acquisition of these skills in a real-life context, thus guaranteeing their functionality.

In the experience of the Grenada CPE adult education programme this principle was oper- ationalized, for example, in the teaching of English. In a passage on the topic ~water' for example an attempt would be made to provide the reader with a basic core of information on the subject--its characteristics, its importance to life (biologically, economically, domes- tically), the process and cost of its production and the importance of conservation (which it must be noted, also conveys a desirable ethic--in this case conservation of water resources). The grammatical principles to be learnt were extrac- ted from the passage itself and associated with some practical activities, for example, identi- fication of water problems and faulty mains in the community, and presentation of this data to the Water Authority; guest lectures from Water Authority and Forest Conservation personnel. This was in turn further reinforced in the geography and natural science syllabuses in which rivers and other geographic features relevant to the water supply were studied and basic scientific concepts associated with water conveyed.

THE P R I N C I P L E OF P A R T I C I P A T I O N

As stated above, no literacy initiative, of whatever type and at whatever level can succeed without the participation of the broadest sectors of society. Participation is not simply a strategic and conceptual necessity, it is also a statistical imperative. How else in the Jamaica of the early I97OS could 4oo,ooo illiterates be taught to read except through the voluntary sacrifice of over 2o,ooo teachers? Could it be expected that a specialist core could be employed to run over fifty CFE adult education ceutres catering to over 3,ooo adult learners in Grenada? And how best can we propose to eradicate illiteracy from Trinidad and Tobago with its more than 1I%ooo illiterates, from Saint Lucia with over 32,ooo illiterates, from Belize with over I5,OOO illiterates if not by ensuring the fullest participation of Caribbean peoples in this epic task?t t

Participation in the eradication of illiteracy is the first step in the true democratization of education because it places the relatively higher education of the few at the service of the many; it provides access for those thousands to the entire written treasury of human knowledge and, most importantly, because it is the first leg of an unending journey of continous education.

In the experiences of JAMAL and the CPE, participation was associated with a definite political will that created the mechanisms and organizational structures that facilitated it. The emerging experience of Saint Vincent where, in 1982, the Saint Vincent Union of Teachers started an urban-based literacy project in which registration swelled to an unexpected 7oo people, it is likely that we shall see the development of a situation in which popular participation and demand can lead to the cre- ation of a political resolve. The example of the Kingstown project and some of the logistical difficulties encountered by learners from out- lying areas (transport difficulties; unavailability of child-care facilities) are creating conditions for the proliferation of literacy initiatives by community-based groups. Given the extended


apathy of the previous Vincentian regime to illiteracy in Saint Vincent and given the posi- tive popular response to the Teachers' Union's effort it is likely that the new government will be faced with increasing expectations of support for this venture. For this reason the Saint Vincent experience is worth observing as it may refute the belief that only governments are capable of successfully undertaking large literacy efforts.

There are however no fixed formulae for participation. At every planning stage and at every level of the programme there is scope for representative and meaningful participation. Some mechanisms, for example, National ad- visory or co-ordinating bodies; learners' coun- cils; community-level management committees have worked well in a variety of contexts but in setting up mechanisms for participation it is often wiser to avoid creating new, unfamiliar structures if existing community bodies, with some guidance, can handle the organizational tasks.

The planning process

There is a great deal of theoretical discussion that can be engaged in on the various strategies and mechanisms for planning and implementing literacy programmes. Bhela and Bhola 1~ in a seminal monograph identify nine subsystems which are ideally required in a fully functional literacy system: A policy and planning subsystem. An administrative and instructional delivery

subsystem. A technical support subsystem. A social mobilization subsystem. A curriculum and materials development sub-

system. A teaching learning subsystem. A post literacy subsystem. A training and staff development subsystem. An evaluation subsystem.

The listing of these subsystems may give the impression that the planning and implementation of literacy programmes require extensive networks but in fact, as Bhola and Bliola point

out ~planning and organization can be separated only in an analytical sense. In the world of action however, the two processes are shown to be integrated, one with the other.' The Caribbean experience teaches us that our main challenge is not as much the issue of mobilization or participation but the question of careful and strategic planning in order to establish a sustainable momentum. To a large extent, the outcome of a literacy programme is determined by the extent and quality of planning that preceeded its implementation.

The nine subsystems defined by Bhola and Bhola are creatively present in the more successful of the Caribbean literacy initiativesuin JAMAL, in CPE and they also provide a useful analytical framework for diagnosing weaknesses and difficulties experienced by other programmes. Another more 'indigenous' planning framework was that developed in the Liter- acy Pilot Project in Saint Lucia which utilized six general categories for the conceptualization and planning of the National Literacy Pro- gramme: zs (a) materials development; (b) training; (c) mobilization; (d) classes; (e) administrative structures and requirements; and (f) other (including supervision, evaluation and community support activities).

This framework has worked effectively in defining the stages and activities to be undertaken within the Pilot Project and in the process of its expansion to a National Programme.

The main problem affecting the successful implementation of functional literacy programmes in the Caribbean has been the lack of adequate and strategic planning. Successful programmes in the subregion have been characterized: first, by the unquestionable presence of a firm political resolve in the context of national developmental objectives; secondly, by thorough pre-implementation planning; and, thirdly, by the broadest voluntary and patriotic participation of the people.

These programmes therefore demonstrate three essential considerations in the elaboration of strategies for the eradication of illiteracy: (a) the need for specific definitions; (b) recog-

378 Didacus Jules

nit ion of the need for innovation and flexibility and of the relationship between literacy and social change; and (c) assertion of the principle of pa~icipation.

I n terms of the actual planning process itself two useful frameworks for planning have been suggested: the n ine subsystems elaborated by Bhola and Bhola and the six categories utilized by the Literacy Pilot Project in Saint Luc i a - -bo th of these embodying approaches that require substantial discussion on their merits and applicability to the development of strategies for literacy in the Caribbean. []

Notes

I. Unesco/UNDP, The Experimental Worm Literacy Programme: A Critical Assessment, Paris, Unesco, 1976.

2. National Commission on Excellence in Education, A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform, Washington, D.C., US Department of Education, 1983.

3. As pointed out by E. Remesar, CRemarks to the Unesco Seminar on Adul t Education', Antigua arid Barbuda, CARCAE/Unesco, 1983.

4. L. Carrington, 'Literacy in the English-speaking Caribbean', p. 15, Paris, Unesco, 1981 (unpublished document).

5. Ibid., pp. 23-4. 6. JAMAL, JAMAL- -An Informational Booklet, p. 3,

Kingston, Government Printing Office, n.d. 7. Carrington, op. cit., pp. 138-9 . 8. W. S. Gray, The Teaching of Reading and Writing,

Paris, Unesco, I956. 9. United NationsPopulation Commission, I948; Unesco

Expert Committee on Standardization of Educational Statistics, 1956; IDRC, 1979, etc.

io. D. C. Clarke, "Tackling the Literacy Problem in the Eastern Caribbean: Some Considerations', Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs, Vol. 5, No. 5, I979, p. 15.

1 I. Figures quoted for various islands from Carrlngton, op. cit.

12. H. S. Bhola and J. Bhola, Planning and Organization of Literacy Campaign Programmes and Projects, Ger- man Foundation for International Development, 1984.

13. MINED/NRDF, Revised Schedule of Activities for the Period January-December I985, Saint Lucia, Ministry of Education/NRDF, I985.

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