Nicholas Wasiliev, Christina Adolphus, Jessie Strange

PACOS TRUST & MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY

RESILIENCE OF INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES IN RESPONSE TO

NATURAL DISASTERSKampung Kiau and Kampung Tambatuon, Sabah, Borneo, Malaysia

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Table of Contents

Introduction 2-3

Aims and Objectives 2-3

Background Information 4-8

Earthquake, 5th June 2015 4-6

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Kadazan-Dusun People 7-8

Methodologies 9-10

Case Study: Kampung Kiau 11-17

Case Study: Kampung Tambatuon 18-25

Conclusion 26

Acknowledgements 27

References 28-29

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IntroductionThe earthquake on June 5th 2015 near Mt Kinabalu, Sabah, has affected many Indigenous communities throughout the region. The physical environment, as well as the economic and social preconditions of these communities has impacted the extent of the disaster. The impacts of a natural hazard in one area may therefore greatly differ to the impacts experienced in another, which largely reflects the community’s way of life. Dependability on specific economic sectors such as tourism, and limited access to food and water resources are just some of the aspects of these communities making them vulnerable to natural hazards. This report examines the social, economic, and physical preconditions of two societies, Kampung Kiau, and Kampung Tambatuon, in the Kota Belud region, Sabah, Borneo, Malaysia. These two Indigenous communities, comprised mainly of the Kadazan-Dusun ethnic group, have unique ways of life. Aspects of the society are examined in order to draw connections between life before the earthquake, and how the community reacted to and mitigated the associated damage. Both communities faced economic, social, and psychological hardships which will be examined. The lack of preparation of both communities may have limited their immediate response. However through connections to Indigenous knowledge, spiritual beliefs, and a strong sense of unity, both communities have adapted to these challenges and as a result become more resilient.

Aims and Objectives

PACOS’s vision on the importance of Indigenous cultural understandings will guide research to assess the social impacts on these two communities. The objectives have therefore been divided into sub-sections in order to provide a clearer analysis of how the preconditions of the environment and society have impacted the extent of the disasters.

Aim

Provide an analysis of the social impacts and community responses to the June 2015 earthquake by examining the preconditions of the communities of Kampung Kiau and Kampung Tambatuon.

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Objectives

Pre-conditions To record relevant Indigenous norms, values and rituals To examine the ways of life, including the communities

dependence on land and water resources To identify pre-existing disaster risk management systems

Objectives of Research

Impacts To examine the impact of the disaster on livelihoods To study the impact of the disaster on the physical geography of

the region

Responses To record immediate community responses and ongoing

adaptations To assess the effectiveness of the communities social responses

Recommendations To provide recommendations for improved disaster risk

management, guided by Indigenous knowledge, to promote community resilience.

Background Information

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Earthquake; 5th June 2015 Borneo is located in the South-East of the Eurasian plate. While it is over a thousand kilometres from the nearest major fault line, it is at considerable risk of experiencing earthquakes due to the high amount of compression building between the Philippine and Pacific Plate in the East, and the Australian Plate in the South. The presence of active fault lines has thus resulted in the occurrence of many earthquakes as shown (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Recent Earthquakes Near Ranau, Sabah, Malaysia http://earthquaketrack.com/my-16-ranau/recent

On June 5, 2015, the compression force generated by these plate boundaries caused a 6.0 Richter scale magnitude earthquake in Sabah province in Malaysia, with its epicentre nineteen kilometres from the town of Ranau, and a depth of ten kilometres.

Figure 2: Map of earthquake epicentre, Kampung Kiau, and Kampung Tambatuon

The Modified Mercalli Intensity (MMI) scale is effective in analysing earthquake intensity based

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on human perception and actual damage. This qualitative description of damage is essential as it considers localised social and cultural conditions such as building materials. Figure 3 shows the MMI of the affected cities throughout Sabah, which used in reference with Figure 4 shows the experiences of such residences.

The hazard pairing of the earthquake and mass movements including landslides, rock falls, and mudslides meant that the severity of this disaster was intensified. Nine Singaporeans, six Malaysians and one citizen each from China, Japan and the Philippines all lost their lives. The main cause of death was the impact of the mass movements on those partaking in guided walks across the mountain face of Mt Kinabalu. Mt Kinabalu is situated close to the epicentre, and the physical nature of this landscape meant that these mass movements were disastrous to the population of people climbing to the summit. The steep nature meant that the downslope force was incredibly fast, and the prolonged shaking weakened these large natural structures.

The following provides a brief outline of the classification of the natural disasters experienced by the climbers on Mt Kinabalu, and surrounding villages. The factors influencing the vulnerability of a society, that is how susceptible the biophysical and social systems of a society are to natural hazards, are examined in Figure 5.

Figure 3: Selected Cities Exposed (USGS 2015) Figure 4: Modified Mercalli Intensity Scale (USGS 2015)

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Figure 5: Features and impacts of natural hazards and community vulnerability

Natural Hazard Classification Features of Natural Hazard Impact of Natural Hazard Factors Influencing Vulnerability

Earthquake

(Cutter 2006)

Definition The fracturing of rocks generating

seismic waves as a result of movements within the earth’s crust

Hazard commonly measured by: Richter Magnitude scale measuring

the maximum amplitude of the seismic waves

Modified Mercalli Scale measuring the effects of the earthquake rather than just the energy released

Direct Impacts Damage buildings Shear related damage such as

‘pancaking’ of buildings Effects on the natural environment Flooding through the collapse of dam

walls Fallen electricity lines Increased flow of resources

Indirect Impacts Damage to infrastructure relied upon

by communities Disruption to business activity Effects on the natural environment

including ground failure or landslides weakened by shaking

Community ties strengthen or weakened

Opportunity costs and costs of rebuilding

Physical Vulnerability Acceleration/power of the earthquake both

horizontally and vertically The duration of the earthquake Materials used and structures of buildings Distance from epicentre

Social Vulnerability Socio-economic status in order to absorb and recover

from losses Economic dependence Availability of medical services Occupation

Community strength Environmental Vulnerability

Density of built environment Seismic amplification in environments with softer

rocks Aftershocks weakening already weakened structures Hazard pairing

Landslides and flows

(Scavia 2002)

Landslides “downward force of gravity acting

on slope materials exceeds the cohesive force that holds the soil particles together, or the frictional force which holds the material to the slope” (Middleman 2007)

Downward movement of rock, debris or earth driven by the force of gravity

Rock or soil looses coherence with distance travelled

Mostly regolith but can be rock Mudflow

Rapid movement of liquid debris Liquefied by significant amounts of

water

Direct Impacts Environmental degradation Destruction, damage or deformation

of infrastructure Damming of rivers potentially causing

flooding Loss of life, property, health Impact habitats and ecosystems

Indirect Impacts Disruption of economic activity Reduction of tourist demand Interruption of traffic Water availability and quality Food resource availability and quality Changes in traditional resource

management techniques

Physical Vulnerability Intensity and velocity of the slide or flow The structure of the vegetation Soil cohesiveness The location and structure of infrastructure

Social vulnerability Warning time The sensitivity of the population including age and

anticipation The capacity of understanding the hazard

Environmental vulnerability Intensity in relation to its disruption to nature Function of the ecosystems Vulnerability of species and ecosystems

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PACOS Trust PACOS Trust (Partners of Community Organisation in Sabah) aims for an improvement of the overall quality of life of Indigenous communities, and actively aims to achieve this through advocating legal entitlement for Indigenous customary land (NCRs) and through strengthening Indigenous knowledge systems within natural resource management programs. Their overarching strategy to achieve development is to empower community organisations through solidifying positive values, culture, language, and belief systems of Indigenous peoples. PACOS envisages Indigenous communities being united and self-determining in their own unique, yet collaborative understandings, whilst maintaining meaningful connections to the Indigenous way of life. PACOS has had an active presence within both villages, helping with socioeconomic programs and agricultural programs.

Kadazan-Dusun People The Dusun people reside in northern Borneo and speak several dialects. Europeans used the term “Dusun” in the nineteenth century, deriving from colloquial Malay, which generally referred to the people as orang dusun (people of the orchards) (Williams 1969). After first engaging with the British in 1911, when North Borneo was a British colony, the Dusun people were additionally assigned the term ‘Kadazan’ to distinguish their culture and society from other Indigenous groups.

Today, one quarter of the Sabah population is of Kadazan-Dusun descent. Most of the population resides within the mountainous regions, or “people of the hill (tuhun id sokid) rice fields”, and within the northern coastal plains, or “people of the wet rice (tuhun id ranau) fields” (Williams 1996). Most groups practise Catholicism, due to the influence of British and Dutch missionaries. Animism is also practised, with increasing numbers of people influenced by Islam. They traditionally reside in long houses, and cultivate the land through traditional rice plantations, as well as through shifting cultivation (Williams 1996).

Adat

Adat (custom) balances and harmonises the community as it ensures that responsibility is shared equally. Sharing, cooperation and support are core principles of adat. The concept of asahu’ (hot) and osogit (cold) is applied to the imbalance between the physical and spiritual worlds. Tragedy, suffering, wrongdoings etc lead to a “hot” state of being, and in order to restore this balance, a sogit is offered to cool down the spirit. This sogit ritual is carried out by a priestess and addressed to the affected spirit or community. There are however many different practices of adat which will be further explored. The principles and concepts behind adat in Indigenous communities within Sabah are adapting as the communities become more commercialised and influenced by religion (Tongkul 2002).

Mountain Spirits

Following the earthquake, dramatic pictures emerged of ten international tourists who just days before had stripped naked and urinated on Mount Kinabalu, which angered and traumatised Indigenous groups because of the disrespecting of the ancient mountain spirits, which they attributed to the Earthquake (ABC News 2015). In a statement by the Deputy Chief Minister of Sabah, he reinforced the beliefs of Indigenous people and their special connection to the land. “When the earthquake happened, it’s like a confirmation of our beliefs. There is almost certainly a connection. We have to take this as a reminder that local beliefs and customs are not to be disrespected” (Schallhorn 2015). He explained how a special ritual would be conducted to “appease the mountain spirit”. Despite demands from Indigenous groups calling for the tourists to be held accountable and pay a Sogit four of the tourists were briefly detained by Malaysian Police, but eventually released.

Traditional Resource Management

Indigenous resource management can be described as local, holistic and highly integrated in nature. Resources are seen as God given and are to be shared and to be cared for by everyone. Spiritual inhabitancy in the environment and respect for the spirit is key to the belief of Indigenous people. The core principle of resource management systems is dignity and inter-relationship of all things, finite resources, sustainability and that for every action there is a reaction. The central

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theme of respect for all living things and non-living things cohered with principle of dignity deters the discretionary act of taking life, whether that be plants, animals, birds or insects and arbitrary other activities (Halim, Othman et.al. 2012).

The concept of Gompi-Guno, meaning “use” and “care” is the key principle behind resource management techniques (International Labour Office 2000). Using sustainable practices ensures that the availability of resources is maximised. This principle relies on mutual understandings about traditional management within the community, as well as shared responsibility, management and collective decision making.

Agricultural System

Traditional agriculture such as the planting of rice and other food crops is still one of the main sources of income that supports the livelihoods of Indigneous communities. Cultivation of the land is guided by dreams, rituals and observances made by cosmological and environmental signs to ensure deployment of sustainable methods (Tongkul 2002).

Soil texture and fertility are usually maintained naturally by using the land for 1-2 years then allocating a fallow period of 7-10 years, with trees given a certain period to eliminate and suppress existing weeds. Soil rejuvenation is accelerated through the immediate plantation of leguminous root crops following rice harvest.

Tagal

Tagal is a traditional sustainable management system that prevents the over exploitation of resources. This system bound by concepts of collective ownership and responsibility can be used to conserve many important resources within communities, including wildlife, and most successfully on fish resource management. The Tagal system encourages management training from the Fisheries Department, creates strong bonds within the communities, and also has the ability to boost the economy of the community (Tongkul 2002).

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Methodology To analyse how the environmental and social preconditions of both Kampung Kiau and Kampung Tambuaton impacted the extent of the natural disasters; mixed methods of research were used. Qualitative data from both interviews, focus groups and observations, ensures that the research is as rigorous, reliable, and valid as possible. Qualitative data was essential in this research as it recorded the human experience through both verbal records, and then validating this information in the particular contexts of each village through observations.

Interviews and Focus Groups

Semi- structured interviews and focus groups were used to conduct a productive, collaborative and thorough engagement with the Dusun people directly in order to examine their culture, beliefs and practises, whilst also shedding light on the direct events of the Earthquake. The nature of semi-structured interviews allowed new issues to arise and be critiqued, as well as allowed the participants to feel more inclined to open up in less formal settings. Focus groups allowed the discussion to be facilitated and moderated by the interviewers, and the group interaction allowed for the responses to be stimulating and cumulative. Interviews were particularly important in this context as it is a method of research that shows respect for the participants, as well as providing them with a sense of empowerment.

Unstructured interviews were also used to understand the complex behaviours of people, and required an understanding of the culture of the respondents and establishing a sense of mutual trust. The unstructured interviews provided a more in-depth analysis of the ways of life, and involved the participation of the researcher. Video recordings were used in order to draw a clear connection between the spoken words and the physical environment.

In total, 5 interviews and 5 focus groups were conducted with 38 participants. Interviews were recorded on voice recorders after receiving consent from the participants. Written notes were also taken recording the spoken responses and body language of the participants. The participants were chosen by a local representative of PACOS, and the participants were from many different demographics in order to reduce research bias. It was critical that different age groups, genders, religions and occupations, were accounted for, as well as individuals from different socio-economic statuses. If there was no opportunity to conduct an interview with any of these subsets, it was vital that we explored these differences through our interview questions.

The interviews and focus groups did however have some constraints. As there were only 3 days allocated to each village for the interviews to be conducted, it meant that further interviews on topics that had arisen were restricted. The language barrier meant that critical information could have been lost through translation, and impacted the free flowing nature of semi-structured and unstructured interviews. Extra precaution was taken to avoid ambiguity, and to avoid leading questions that encourage particular responses. As these villages have experienced events that make them emotionally vulnerable, there was also an extra emphasis on ensuring that questions asked were culturally sensitive.

Participant Observation

The purpose of participant observation in this research was to provide complementary evidence. This more descriptive qualitative data allowed research gathered from the interviews to be examined in the specific context of the two villages. This contextual understanding allowed the society at a particular time and place to be understood by becoming immersed into their way of life. In-depth engagement with the community while observing their behaviours and activities was essential in interpreting social behaviours. Holistic understandings were therefore formed through examining the environmental effects on their contextually distinct social and cultural practises.

The research role of observer-as-participant means that the researchers were “primarily able to observe… also participating in a social situation” (Hay 2010 p,381). The participant observation was partially open (overt), meaning that the purpose for researcher involvement was known by most, if not all members of the group being analysed. Interactions were also unobtrusive, which ensured that settings were not ‘contaminated’ by outsider presence. This was critical in providing more reliable and valid data. Data was recorded by compiling field notes, as well as accompanying this written record with photography and videos with participant consent.

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One of the limitations of using this observer-as-participant method meant that social interactions may have been altered due to external involvement from the researchers. Gaining access to particular social settings also posed as a limitation, as researchers needed to think ethically about the engagements they should participate in and which they should avoid. Impression management was also critical as researchers dressed in culturally appropriate attire, in order to minimise power differentials and cultural differences. It was also essential that aspects of participant observation were as inconspicuous as possible through interacting in a natural manor with participants, and leaving the documentation solely to reflection notes.

Further Limitations

Examining the social, economic and environmental pre-conditions of each society was limited as there is a lack of previous research. It was hard to make judgements about the socio-economic status of the community, limiting our contextual information.

There was often a disproportionate number of females to males, as well as the older generations to younger generations, as men and younger age groups were less inclined to take part in the research. Additionally, our social research was also shaped by the numbers of people who attended the interviews, in Kampung Kiau we spoke to 27 People, and in Kampung Tambatuon we spoke to 11 people. The informal nature of many of our observations meant that recording data was occasionally limited, as interviews often took place within community settings that had not been pre-planned.

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Case Study: Kampung Kiau

Background InformationSituated at the foothills of Mount Kinabalu, Kampung Kiau is the highest village in the Sabah region. The village is holistically supported by the active presence of one of PACOS’s CLC, operating socio-economic programs and agricultural programs in the community. Kampung Kiau has a population of 800 people, mostly of Dusan descent, and is predominantly Christian. Kampung Kiau is divided into three sub-region, Kiau Bersatu, Kiau Taburi and Kiau Nulu.

Crucial to the history of Kampung Kiau is the establishment of the Gugumompi Moningoling Sinakagon Tokou (GOMPITO) an organisation founded in 1999, to preserve the natural heritage and customs of Kampung Kiau. In addition the GOMPITO Civil Society was also established to help raise the standard of education and socio-economic status in on the community. Active flora conservation is practiced through the creation of heritage gardens, and traditional knowledge and traditional customs of Kampung Kiau is conserved through the Mini Museum.

Five interviews were conducted with 27 locals from Kiau Bersatu and Kiau Nulu, including the Village Chief, Head of Security and Head of the newly-formed Disaster Committee.

LivelihoodsCause of the EarthquakeThe community had never experienced an earthquake before, and had very limited knowledge about the geological nature of natural disasters and their impacts. Therefore, Indigenous beliefs have shaped many of the community members understanding behind the cause of the earthquake. Adat, or customs, reflect Indigenous connection to the land, farming and connection to the mountain spirit. The participants from Kiau Bersatu believed that earthquake happened in part to being an act of nature, but also believed that the tourists misbehaviour on Mt Kinabalu were also in partly responsible. One participant explained how small wrong doings have led to the disruption of the mountain spirit; like throwing rubbish, conflict in the community over the forest and the views of younger generations. These factors all angered the mountain spirit (Interview 2). The locals of Kiau Nulu clarified this relationship further, highlighting that the student’s behaviour on the mountain showed disrespect, and also believed the locals themselves have not treated the mountain with the respect it needs to be treated to keep the spirits cooled (Interview 4).

Adat

Adat is used throughout Kampung Kiau, and reflects the importance of Indigenous knowledge and understanding within this community. The female farmers of Kiau Bersatu described an open land ritual that takes place before planting begins, that asks for permission for the mountain spirit to farm the land (if this is not done, this will anger the spirit and cause itchiness, tiredness and sickness). Farmers use adat to make the land ‘smaller’ in their minds, so they are able to plant faster and quicker, and then once the planting is complete, adat is used to ensure the successful growth of the plant. Once it is harvest season in November, a ritual called Monginggiit occurs, where seven sheaths of rice are offered to the mountain spirit (Interview 2). Indigenous knowledge is also reflected in the land plots within the community. Each plot is owned by ones ancestors, and is passed down from generation to generation. These plots are marked using stones, or the Dolock tree, which shows the boundaries of each plot.

The mountain spirit is the guiding spirit for the local peoples, and plays an important role in the everyday aspects of their lives. In the eyes of some of the participants, this mountain must be respected and regarded in all activities and everyday methods in their lives. These beliefs of the Dusun people should also be respected by visitors to the mountain, and therefore visitors must acknowledge the danger of angering the mountain spirit by behaving inappropriately or disrespecting the physical and spiritual nature of the mountain.

Adat also plays a significant role in maintaining a relationship between the community and Mt Kinabalu. The first ritual is called a ‘Sogit’, focuses on restoring balance. When there is seen to be too much ‘heat’, such as anger in the mountain, then there has to be a process to ‘cool’ it down, to balance and the spirits. This balance can restored through offerings to the mountain, such as with animals, food and money (Interview 1).

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The second ritual that is used within the village is called ‘Monolob’, a ritual to protect and ask permission from the mountain for safety. Monolob is conducted by three priestesses, who sacrifice seven chickens and seven chicken eggs, and seven sets of tinggaton, which consists of wild pepper leaves, beetle nut, calcium carbonate and tobacco. This offering is done twice on the mountain, taking place at the mountain gate at Timpohon, and at the mid-point on the mountain on the path leading up to the summit. One Monolob and one Sogit ritual have been performed since the earthquake by Kampung Kiau to try and cool the mountain spirit (Interview 6).

Notogog is used when the spirits of people are shocked, and they leave the body. Participants have prayed for their spirit to return back to their bodies, and to come back stronger than before.

Religion

Religion within Kampung Kiau is an important aspect of the livelihoods of the community members. Christian and Islamic beliefs impact their way of life. A participant highlighted that the community has become closer than they were before and are more cooperative with one another, despite religious beliefs, as the whole village prayed for recovery (Interview 3).

Tourism

Before the Earthquake the majority of the community members were farmers, with one person per family in the tourism sector as a porter or mountain guide (around 70-80 guides). The earthquake and landslides have however affected the track that was used to climb to the peak of the mountain, and thus impacted the income of many families because the track to the summit has been closed (Interview 3). Many of these families rely on this income to support the family, so without it, it places a huge pressures on many of the local families.

When the Earthquake occurred, it left 108 people trapped on top of the mountain. A security force arrived but couldn’t determine the best course of action, whereas the local guides used traditional knowledge passed down through generations in order to protect those on the mountain. Techniques included specific rope measures, creating an alternative safe route to the trapped people based on knowledge of the mountain, using wooden pegs as anchors.

The guides and porters interviewed expressed that they have an increased fear about revisiting the mountain as they fear any aftershocks will cause further landslides (Interview 4). This may have a long term affect on the economic stability of the families and the community.

Daily Life

Prior to the earthquake, many of the locals daily routines involving rubber tapping in the morning and working in the fields till the evening. With the onset of the Earthquake, the participants expressed that they don’t want to even go out to the field, for fear of being buried under landslides (Interview 4). Additionally, people are concerned about the safety of their houses, as houses were cracked and damaged from the quake, and they fear that further tremors could lead to their houses collapsing (Interview 4). Trauma and insecurity in regard to the unpredictable nature of natural disasters have led to the community changing their daily lifestyles in order to protect themselves and their family. Many of the locals have aimed to adapt to the tremors through being cautious, having the church as a shelter, leaving the houses if a tremor happens, and heading back to the village when out in the field in the event of a tremor (Interview 2, 4, & 6).

LandThe village of Kiau predominantly practices shifting cultivation for paddy, pineapple and yam, and also rubber tapping. Land plots are passed down through generations and food production is mainly for self- consumption and occasionally for commercial use. The traumatic experience of the June earthquake, mudslides and after shocks left farmers too afraid to go into the fields, leaving them to purchase food items such as rice from the markets. In addition farmers also expressed there concern to plant uphill in fear of landsides. The female farmers from Kampung Kiau repeatedly amplified their fear of going to the field for risk of being buried in a landslide or that timber and soil will become unstable and produce more landslides (Interview 2). This meant that many crops had become damaged due to a lack of attention and care from the farmers, and added to the fears of an already unstable food supply (Interview 2 & 4).

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Most mountain guides, are waiting for the reopening of the track, spoke of planting paddy and pineapples as an alternate source of income to support their families. Despite no major physical damage to fields, one can conclude that the villager’s traumatic experiences and trepidation to go the field is taking longer to subside than the physical damage of the natural disasters.

Infrastructure

The official numbers of effected homes is unknown however it is speculating to be around 62 houses cracked and the break down of three suspension bridges (Interview 3). According to the female farmers the damaged houses they knew of had not received any compensation and only two homes were repaired, fortunately no houses were lost to landslides (Interview 2, figure 6).

Figure 6: Landslide near home in Kampung Kiau

In addition the local school situated along the bank of the river was inevitably affected by flood and is now closed (Figure 7). Currently the department of education is constructing a temporary building in a less vulnerable position (Interview 2).

Figure 7: Closed down primary school near the river at Kampung Kiau

WaterCommunity Uses

Prior to the Earthquake there was an abundance of water, stored in two large water catchments (Interview 5). Water supply came from a small stream from the Kadamaian river. While the community owns the river, one of the water catchments is located on personal property. Currently there is negotiation around community access to the water catchment (Interview 3).

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Adat and traditional systems such as Tagal maintained and are used to manage the river. Locals however would have to go into town to purchase fish because the Tagal system was only permitted fishing in certain sections of the river once every two years (Interview 2).

Impacts

Heavy erosion of the slopes of Mt Kinabalu that feed into the Kadamaian River, in combination with heavy rains, caused a series of mudflows. These mudflows destroyed aquatic life and damaged the two water catchments and pipes. The mudflows and rock slides severely eroded the riverbank, as well as significantly raising the riverbed (Figure 8 and 9). As a result, the amount of clean fresh water down the river and streams has been severely limited. This, in combination with the damage to the water catchments and pipes has meant that water supply is now scarce and water pressure is low (Interview 4). Additionally, the local hydro plant upstream that provides much of the electricity and water flow was significantly damaged by the mudflows, and since the disaster the electricity coming from it has been significantly unreliable (Interview 6).

Figure 8- Many of the boulders that travelled down the river and the physical impact of the mass movements

Figure 9- Mud remains on the bottom of the road bridge

The Tagal system and recreational practises have been impacted (Interview 4). While the Tagal system is still officially operating, there are no fish in the river. It was observed that the river still flows as a small stream, however the participants described the river as murky and occasionally muddy when it rains, and smelly. Furthermore, it was explained that much of the local wildlife do not want to cross the river or come near it, with many wild boars and deer being stuck on either side of the river. The water quality was tested following the landslides, and was however reported

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to be safe to consume (Interview 3). This meant that the fish that had suffocated from the mudflows were taken out of the river for consumption by the community. Community members did however notice significant negative changes to the taste of the fish.

ResponsesDespite the devastating impact on the river, the community have responded to many of the issues. Broken pipes have been temporarily repaired using Solunsug. Bamboo is halved and hollowed, and uses the force of gravity to act as replacement pipes (Figure 10).

Figure 10- an example of Solunsug

Local people have been working with NGOs to try and fix the water catchments and installed two large water tanks in the village to improve the water supply.

The immediate response to the earthquake was panic, with many of the community members expressing that it felt like the end of the world was coming. The roads and the football field quickly filled up with people who were shocked; mainly because this is the first time they had experienced an earthquake. Firewood was collected and burned as a means to keep warm during the night, whilst some people slept in their cars as they feared their houses would not withhold any further shaking from aftershocks (Interview 6).

The village chief explained that one of the main issues with the community response was that there was no centralised area or evacuation point, that the community members were aware of. This meant that everyone was scattered around, and that communication was made really difficult (Interview 6). The community engaged in prayers for the tour guides, porters, and tourists hiking Mt Kinabalu, and adat practices helped the villagers to regain their spirits that had escaped their body due to shock.

With the support of NGO’s, a disaster committee has been formed in response to the experiences of the village after the June 2015 earthquake. This disaster committee is a long term foundation that aims to act as a middleman between the community and external disaster risk management sources such as NGO’s and Government organisations etc. Whilst the committee acts as a representation of the community, there are still some concerns about how community members can access the committee to gain information about previous and potential natural disasters. This form of communication is essential in forming resilient communities, in order to educate community members, provide a peace of mind, and easily spread warnings and messages. The disaster committee have been educated about how to equally distribute funds and donations, have set up a container with emergency food and water supplies, and have been trained in first aid from NGO’s (Interview 5).

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First aid training was also given to many other community members as they recognised the need for external education in regard to health (Interview 5). The NGO’s were also active within the schools to teach the children about awareness. This was paired with the community’s efforts through the schools and churches to encourage the children to open up about the event of the earthquake through stories and paintings (Figure 11, Interview 4).

Figure 11: A child’s visual representation of Mt Kinabalu after the earthquake

In addition, external responses from NGO’s have included plans to add two more tanks to accompany the water supply as the villages made it clear that the water catchment was their main concern PACOS and Raleigh are working toward rebuilding the water catchment with assistance from international aid donations (Interview 4). NGO’s also provided counselling to the members of the community in order to assist in their emotional recovery. The government provided monetary compensation to the mountain guides who were without income for the three months after the earthquake (Interview 6).

RecommendationsWhen asked about the priorities of the community in terms of further development, four key themes arose.

1. Revitalising the importance of adat will ensure that the community members stay connected to their native heritage. There are many aspects of adat that have helped the community overcome emotional challenges such as trauma, and also overcome challenges that have arose due to changes to the physical environment. This spiritual connection will allow for the community to stay resilient to external challenges. This relies on the passing of traditional knowledge to younger generations through the education system and religious teachings.

2. Counselling is seen a priority in encouraging resilience as personal emotional challenges have impacted the economic and physical recovery of the community. Whilst counselling has been provided for some of the families, it is essential that all community members have equal access to this support. Because of the uncertainty of future natural disasters, external emotional support to act as a safety net could be essential in reducing vulnerabilities such as food supply and economic instability.

3. Managing risks within the household will reduce the burden of wider community challenges, and therefore encouraging household plans for disaster response is essential. Household plans should include evacuation procedures, accessibility to first aid supplies, as well as backup food and water supplies.

4. Education is of paramount importance in order to assist in recovery and revitalising community strength. The lack of education about natural hazards, how to respond immediately during a disaster and how to adapt to physical, economic, and personal challenges, all increased this communities vulnerability. Education from

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external sources on empowering community members to further educate the community is key. It is recommended that this education be carried through all aspects of life including education, religion and adat, to ensure that knowledge is intergenerational.

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Case Study: Kampung Tambatuon

Background InformationThe village of Tambatuon is located in the foothills of Saduk-Saduk, the second highest peak of Sabah. Tambatuon is approximately 32km from Kota Belud. The majority of people in Tambatuon derive from the Kadazan-Dusun tribe. In the centre of the village flows the Kadamaian River, which acts as the main water source for watering paddy fields, fisheries and domestic purposes.

Livelihoods Beliefs

The villagers of Kampung Tambatuon have contrasting perspectives on the reasoning behind the earthquake. While some believe that the earthquake was a spiritual and religious display, others believe that it was a geological or scientific event, or an act of mother nature’s revenge. Many differing perspectives on the earthquakes origins were held and discussed by many of the young women in the village, who explained how spiritually the disrespect of native law could have caused this disaster (Interview 10). The impact of the media and the misrepresentation of the event has also impacted their ability to pinpoint the cause of the earthquake, and generated some mixed responses towards the actions of the wrongdoers on the mountain (Interview 7).

Adat and Religion

Although religion is prominent within Kampung Tambatuon, there is a distinct combination of adat and religion that shapes the community. The village is comprised of native Sabahans, Christians, and Muslims, and have united despite their distinctive spiritual beliefs. The community has done Monolob and Sogit, the Christians have been praying for the spirit of the river to come back by getting rid of all the dead spirits and the Muslim population have also been praying to heal the mountain and the river (Interview 7). Some of the women further explained how Christianity has replaced old traditions within their farming practices. For example, when the farmers open the land it is common to use prayer instead of adat. They still ask the gods to take care of them, maximise their yield, and ward away bad spirits, however through an alternative spiritual form (Interview 7).

Daily life

Daily life has changed in different ways for different members of the community after the earthquake. Although there have been mental and economic challenges, there are resonating themes of village unity, and motivation, which are both social traits that have been essential in the development of the community after the earthquake. Farmers fear visiting the fields, and do rubber tapping, because they are now aware of the unstable nature of the land and the effect of landslides. This has impacted the income of families, and although there have been economic alternatives implemented into their daily lives, some of the women believe that these changes are yet to show significant economic improvements as they are in their early stages (Interview 7). There are also fears that weakened infrastructure will collapse, meaning mothers are more reluctant to leave their children at home unattended, thus impacting their farming practices. For a few weeks family members found it really hard to sleep due to fears about collapsing houses, with some even moving to nearby cities to recover (Interview 10). The community, under the influence from the Native Chief are motivated to keep on going, which was evident in all social groups that were interviewed. Peace of mind has been achieved through education about the earthquake through social media, like it is for the young women, or through improved spiritual or mental strength through community unity and religion as expressed by the mothers and elders.

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LandAlthough further from Mt Kinabalu, the river that flows through Kampung Tambatuon was severely affected by mudflows. The contamination of the river killed most aquatic life, and affected people’s use of the land. The paddy fields that relied on the water from the river for irrigation were damaged as the sediment was dispersed throughout the paddy fields. This caused the paddy to turn yellow, and the damage to the crops cannot be fully examined until they have been harvested (Interview 9, Figure 12).

Figure 12: Sedimentation of the water in the irrigation systems affected paddy

Most women expressed how they could now only depend on the selling of fruits in markets, which bring very little turn over. In response PACOS and SRI have introduced training on beehive management to increase the income of the villagers (Interview 7 & 9). The women not only highlighted how they have adapted to these changes in land but also how they are developing agricultural practices, such as organic rice growing, cocoa growing; to further income yield.

Organic rice growing is a promising pilot program that has already proven to be better for the health of the farmers as it does not require the wearing of masks when spraying and has so far been better for the health of the river and quality of rice. The famers make the fertilisers from rice, bamboo shoots, Bilingdigun tree and fruit scraps that are left to ferment for a number of weeks, this allows ongoing supply and is more environmentally sustainable. Organic rice requires less time than the conventional method and based on the aesthetics’ of the organic paddy field in comparison to the conventional fertiliser it appears to be much healthier (Figure 13 and 14).

Figure 13 and 14: A comparison of organic Paddy Field (right) and conventional Paddy (left)

The beehive farming that has been introduced utilises stingless bees and is in its primary phases. The success of this practice is therefore uncertain, however the farmers seem genuinely enthused about the prospect (Figure 15). In addition, cocoa plantations have also been established, but have been affected by sand and boulders from the mass movements and damaged a section of the plantation. Affected plantations have therefore been shifted to a higher plot (Interview 9).

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Figure 15: Beehive production Kampung Tambatuon.

WaterThe impacts on the river systems at Tambatuon have had a profound effect on the social and economic stability of the community. The earthquake and its aftershocks, in combination with heavy amounts of rainfall, damaged the vegetation that covers the slope of the mountain. This loosened vegetation, soil, sand and rock made its way to the river systems leading to the damage and destruction to many of the main rivers of Kota Belud including the Kadamaian which is the main river source used by Kampung Tambatuon (Figure 16).

Figure 16: River system before and after the earthquake (Tongkul 2015)

The young women described the beautiful, crystal clear nature of the river before the earthquake, whilst a mother explained how the village kids used to go swimming in a tributary (Interview 10). The river in this community is also used for fish production for self-consumption and sale, drinking water, irrigation, and tourism. Fish were caught using fish traps (tumpu and bubu) and the fish were then fermented to be sold in the markets or to be consumed by the

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community. The tagal system in place ensured that fish were plentiful, and access food resources were not considered an issue (Interview 7).

The tagal system was also used for tourism purposes. The fish were tame, and in abundance, meaning that the visitors could cool down in the river among various species of local fish (Figures 17 & 18, Interview 9 & 10). There are two lodges for tourists to stay in with a third under construction. Tourists were charged 2 Malaysian Ringgit to swim in the river, and were also charged for extra to feed the fish (Interview 9). This form of tourism showcased native traditional resource management techniques in an interactive way.

Figure 17 and 18: Tagal Ecotourism Site

The river has however been severely impacted by the earthquake and resulting mudflows. Participants described the river after the landslides as poisonous, the sedimentation and contamination killing all aquatic life and vegetation along the river bank. Logs were carried down in the mud, formed by loosened soil, sand and the heavy rainfalls that followed the earthquake, and has been dumped along the river that now trickles in comparison (Figure 19 & 20). It has been over three months since the earthquake and the river has only just started to show some small improvements according to community member’s (Interview 7 &9). Although no aquatic life has returned, the river flow is significantly cleaner.

Figure 19 and 20: Build up of rocks, debris, and logs at the Tagal tourism site

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There are ongoing concerns about the river quality however as the sand and soil will continue to flow down the mountain, and as the rainy season begins, this may become more of a concern. One community member described the problems with reintroducing fish species into the river, as he is concerned that until the river has made a full recovery it is too risky to attempt to revive fish species. He predicts that the river will take 5-10 years to recover, and thus the impacts on Kampung Tambatuon extend far further than the immediate and short term effects. He did however put forward a best case scenario, and described a small stream that has not been affected by the mudflows that have maintained fish diversity. He hopes that these fish grow, multiply, and spread back into the main river again, as a natural process (Interview 8).

As the riverbed has dramatically risen, and the river banks have been eroded, the stream of water has widened. The depth of the river has therefore dramatically decreased. Parts of the river can no longer be used for recreation and the Tagal system may have to be modified if they reintroduce this system when aquatic life returns to the river (Figure 21).

Figure 21- River after the initial mudflow (Tongkul 2015)

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Responses The lack of knowledge on natural disasters meant that Kampung Tambatuon were vulnerable to the impacts of the June 2015 earthquake, landslides and mudflow. Much of the community had not received any training or information on community evacuation plans (Interview 8), nor any education on how to treat the field and the river (Interview 1). The river bank had been reinforced with gabion (rocks encased with wire nets), to prevent soil erosion due to agricultural practises, and to also act as a flood barrier (Figure 22, Interview 7). Many Indigenous people didn’t expect any mudflows to come from the earthquake, and when this occurred they had very little idea about how deal with it, and were very afraid.

Figure 22- Gabion used to prevent erosion of river bank

Much of the community came together to talk (Interview 10), to try and stay calm and keep positive (Interview 8), with many mothers calling the children and hugging them (Interview 10). The access to tools such as social media increased their knowledge about what was going on during the earthquake and its side effects, and this generated mixed emotions. One girl even responded to the earthquake by uploading a Facebook status (Interview 10). Once the initial impacts subsided, the community had to deal with some significant physical impacts. The community was advised to report destruction of the land and river to the police, as well as damaged houses to the district office (Interview 8).

The community worked together to fix infrastructure and overcome the challenges related to river restoration (Interviews 7, 8, 10). Two large excavating machines were brought in to the deepest part of the river and to farms that were covered by the mudflow. Removing the layers of sand exposed the soil, and also increased the water flow in the river, and enabled a path for the fish to travel upriver so that they can repopulate (Interview 9). This occurred very quickly, as much of the community came together to move the sand (Interview 10). Additionally, the sand and driftwood was utilised; the sand used as a building material for concrete as buying sand is very expensive, and driftwood was collected and cut up into softwood planks for usage as a building material (Interview 9, figures 23-25). Additionally, the village currently shares its water with the school supply system, but they currently building a new weir to reinforce their water supply and improve the water catchment (Interview 7).

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Figure 23- Excavated Sand and Stone

Figure 24 and 25- planks cut from excavated driftwood

Additionally, outside responses came to help approximately two weeks following the quake. Private companies and NGOs arrived, providing food, water and financial aid. The agricultural department came to the village to meet with people, and the health department also came to help people with some aspects of their trauma (Interview 8). The community were educated about potential early warning systems of Earthquakes, such as hearing sounds similar to a loud truck rumbling, as a prelude to large aftershock (Interview 8).

These responses have had lasting effects on the community after the quake, with many highlighting how their knowledge and mental spirit, as well as community unity, has become much stronger since the earthquakes (Interview 7,8,10). If aftershocks continue to die down, Tambatuon hopes to be back to normal within six months, despite many of the community, particularly the elderly, still fearing that houses will still collapse (Interview 7).

Recommendations The people of Kampung Tambatuon used ingenuity and community unity to respond to the impacts of the earthquake, landslides, and mudflows. Despite the lack of a disaster response plan, the community adapted to the physical and social changes of the community, whilst dealing with personal challenges such as trauma and loss.

Community members recommend that fishponds currently act as an effective alternative to the river as a breeding habitat, until the river system is restored (Interview 7). It is also recommended that the river banks are to be further

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reinforced and bridges be upgraded to be stronger and higher, so they are not affected by floods and can further enable farmers to access their agricultural plots (Interview 8). Due to the extent of physical damage to the crops, a community devised plan to address food shortages could assist in the resilience of the community. Additionally, the issue of the village’s accessibility should also be addressed, as the current road has been impacted by landslides (Interview 10).

Planning from the household level to the community level will ensure that further challenges external impacts will be limited (Interview 8). This relies on the education about natural disasters to be passed from external sources into the community, and then evenly dispersed throughout. Maintaining and strengthening spiritual connections will also increase the resilience of the community. Passing traditional Indigenous knowledge on to younger generations may assist in the stability of the community and the preservation of heritage. This knowledge, used in conjunction with information from external sources such as NGOs, can assist in communities being resilient, adaptive, and united.

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ConclusionThe two Indigenous communities Kampung Kiau and Kampung Tambatuon have been resilient, united and innovative in adapting to the impacts of the June 5 earthquake, 2015. Both villages were severely impacted by physical, economic and psychological damage that the earthquake and mass movements caused. These impacts were largely as a result of the physical, economic and social preconditions of each community. These preconditions have led to distinctive impacts in each village, and also unique personal and community responses.

The lack of preparation, planning, and knowledge about the geological causes and impacts of natural hazards increased the vulnerability of both Indigenous communities. The proximity and reliance on the mountain, the river and the spirits has affected the impacts and responses. The connection to land through tourism and agriculture created vulnerability, yet opportunity for adaptation. And the social structures of these Indigenous communities have led to a resilient recovery process. Indigenous knowledge has therefore played a significant role in the restoration of livelihoods, the land, and water sources. The importance of Indigenous knowledge in responding to natural disasters has enabled resilience. It is of paramount importance that external sources that assist in the disaster recovery of the communities recognise and support Indigenous knowledge and livelihoods.

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AcknowledgementsWe would like to recognise the outstanding assistance that we have received over the course of our time in Sabah, Borneo.

Firstly, we would also to thank the people of Kampung Kiau and Kampung Tambatuon for their time and informative responses to our research. They have risen to the challenges that the Earthquake has brought to their communities and we are proud to be able to share their culture, resilience and community spirit within this report.

Secondly, the staff of PACOS Trust who have worked tirelessly, both out in the field and in the offices, and a sincere thanks must be made to their outstanding contributions, without which this report could not get completed. A very special mention must go to ‘Flash’ Gordon John Thomas, our tireless interpreter who went far beyond the call of duty with gathering our research. He was the means by which we have been able to get this report completed, and it could not have been done without him. Additionally, village coordinator Sintiah Samanding’s outstanding work in providing us with so many great interviewees in both villages was vital for us in gathering the appropriate data to ensure this was completed.

Within the PACOS offices, a special mention must also be made for Rojieka Mahin, our Project Coordinator who has always been on hand to help us with any issues. Additionally, we’d also like to thank Jasmine Rajah, Kenneth Chung, Jeinorvay Vitalis, Nelson Raymond, Anne Lasimbang and all the other working and cooking staff at PACOS for making us feel so welcome and providing us with outstanding help.

Additionally, thanks must be given to the amazing and dedicated staff of the Kipovo homestay, Regina Bruno (Manager), Doreen August and Doina Yadin (our amazing cooks), Hannether Pius and Sylvia Thomas (our housekeepers), Andrew Gosungkit (our driver) and Boy Eviet (security) for looking after us during our stay.

Finally, we acknowledge the outstanding contributions of Jodie Epper, our Australian Volunteers International team leader who has a voice of valuable experience and guidance, and for that you have our sincere gratitude.

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ReferencesABC News (2015) Sabah earthquake: Four tourists detained in Mount Kinabalu nude picture scandal, ABC News (Australian Broadcasting Corporation), retrieved 13th September 2015 from http://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-06-10/four-tourists-detained-in-nude-picture-scandal/6536344.

Cutter, S; Bouroff, B; Shirley, W (2012) “Chapter 8: Social Vulnerability to Environmental Hazards” in Susan Cutter’s Hazards, Vulnerability and Environmental Justice; Routledge; London; United Kingdom, New York; United States

Halim, A., Othman, N (2012). “Indigenous Knowledge and Biodiversity Conservation in Sabah, Malaysia.” International Journal of Social Science and Humanity; Vol.2, (2): Pp. 159-163

Hay, I; et. Al (2010) Qualitative Research Methods in Human Geography, 3rd Edit. Oxford University Press, Dom Mills, Ontario, Canada

International Labour Office (2000). Traditional occupations of indigenous and tribal peoples: Emerging Trends, International Labour Office; UNESCO, Cnossos/ Dumas-Titoulet Imprimeurs, France

Middlemann, M (2007) Natural Hazards in Australia: Identifying Risk Analysis Requirements. Geoscience Australia, Canberra.

Petley, D. (2015) "The Mount Kinabalu rockfall on Friday." The Landslide Blog, American Geophysical Union; Date Accessed 9th September 2015 from http://blogs.agu.org/landslideblog/2015/06/08/the-mount-kinabalu-rockfall-on-friday/

Scavia, C. (2002) "Impact of Large Landslides in the Mountain Environment: Identification and Mitigation of Risk." International Conference on Instability-Planning and Management, Pp. 671-678; accessed 10th September 2015 from http://www.researchgate.net/publication/37439487_The_IMIRILAND_project_-_Impact_of_Large_Landslides_in_the_Mountain_Environment__Identification_and_Mitigation_of_Risk

Schallhorn, K (2015); How Tourists Supposedly Caused a Deadly Malaysian Earthquake By Making ‘Mountain Spirits Mad’. Online Media Article. TheBlaze.com. Accessed 14th September 2015. Available at: http://www.theblaze.com/stories/2015/06/07/how-tourists-supposedly-caused-a-deadly-malaysian-earthquake-by-making-mountain-spirits-mad/ .

Tongkul, F (2002) Traditional Systems of Indigenous Peoples of Sabah, Malaysia: Wisdom Accumulated Through Generations; PACOS Trust, Penampang, Sabah, Malaysia.

Tongkul, F (2015) The Kinabalu Earthquake: Geology and Impact, Lecture Slides; presented to Sabah Society at Universiti Malaysia Sabah, Kota Kinabalu, on 5th August 2015

Williams, T (1996) “Dusun”, Encyclopaedia of World Cultures, The Gale Group, Inc. Accessed 17th September 2015. Availiable at: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3458000786.html

Williams, T.R. (1969) A Borneo childhood : enculturation in Dusun society. Holt, Rinehart and Winston Publishers; Austin, Texas, United States.

Figures Figure 1: Earthquake Track (2015) Earthquake Track: Recent Earthquake Near Ranau, Sabah, Malaysia. Online Database. Accessed 8th September 2015. Available at: http://earthquaketrack.com/my-16-ranau/recent .

Figure 2Wasiliev, N (2015) Location of Epicentre, Villages and Mt. Kinabalu; Map (Own work), with satellite image provided by Google Maps. 11th September 2015

Figure 3:United States Geological Survey (2015) Earthquake Hazards Program: M6.0 Ranau, Malaysia. Online Database. Accessed 9th September 2015. Available at: http://earthquake.usgs.gov/earthquakes/eventpage/us20002m5s#impact_pager:us_us20002m5s .

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Figure 4:United States Geological Survey (2015) The Modified Mercalli Intensity Scale. Online Database. Accessed 9th September 2015. Available at: http://earthquake.usgs.gov/learn/topics/mercalli.php .

Figure 5Strange, J (2015) Features and Impacts of Natural Hazards, and Community Vulnerability; Diagram (own work); 1st October 2015.

Figure 11A photo of a child’s representation of Mt. Kinabalu post-earthquake

Figure 16Tongkul, F (2015) “Damage to Water Catchments and Rivers”; Diagram, taken from Slide 42; The Kinabalu Earthquake: Geology and Impact, Lecture Slides; presented to Sabah Society at Universiti Malaysia Sabah, Kota Kinabalu, on 5th August 2015

Figure 21Tongkul, F (2015) “After Effects of Sg. Kadamaian, on Kampung Tambatuon”; taken from Slide 43; The Kinabalu Earthquake: Geology and Impact, Lecture Slides; presented to Sabah Society at Universiti Malaysia Sabah, Kota Kinabalu, on 5th August 2015

Figures 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25: All pictures of Kampung Kiau and Kampung Tambatuon are the researchers own work

Interviews Adolphus, C; Strange, J & Wasiliev, N; (2015) Interview 1- Kampung Kiau: Synthia PACOS Local Village Coordinator, Interview Transcript; PACOS Trust, conducted on 17th September 2015.

Adolphus, C; Strange, J & Wasiliev, N; (2015) Interview 2- Kampung Kiau: Female Farmers and Porters (Kiau Bersau), Focus Group/Interview Transcript; PACOS Trust, conducted on 18th September 2015.

Adolphus, C; Strange, J & Wasiliev, N; (2015) Interview 3- Kampung Kiau: Sabib Miki- Head of Security and Development Focus Group/Interview Transcript; PACOS Trust, conducted on 18th September 2015.

Adolphus, C; Strange, J & Wasiliev, N; (2015) Interview 4- Kampung Kiau: Female Farmers and Porters (Kiau Nuluh), Focus Group/Interview Transcript; PACOS Trust, conducted on 19th September 2015.

Adolphus, C; Strange, J & Wasiliev, N; (2015) Interview 5- Kampung Kiau: Head of Disaster Risk Committee, Focus Group/Interview Transcript; PACOS Trust, conducted on 19th September 2015.

Adolphus, C; Strange, J & Wasiliev, N; (2015) Interview 6- Kampung Kiau: Village Chief and Men (Kiau Nuluh), Focus Group/Interview Transcript; PACOS Trust, conducted on 19th September 2015.

Adolphus, C; Strange, J & Wasiliev, N; (2015) Interview 7- Kampung Tambatuon: Women of Village, Focus Group/Interview Transcript; PACOS Trust, conducted on 21st September 2015.

Adolphus, C; Strange, J & Wasiliev, N; (2015) Interview 8- Kampung Tambatuon: Village Native Chief, Focus Group/Interview Transcript; PACOS Trust, conducted on 21st September 2015.

Adolphus, C; Strange, J & Wasiliev, N; (2015) Interview 9- Kampung Tambatuon: Paddy Field Worker, Focus Group/Interview Transcript; PACOS Trust, conducted on 22nd September 2015.

Adolphus, C; Strange, J & Wasiliev, N; (2015) Interview 10- Kampung Tambatuon: Female Youths, Focus Group/Interview Transcript; PACOS Trust, conducted on 22nd September 2015.