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Author: Mintaredja, Moh Sjafa'at, 1921-Title: Islam and politics, Islam and state in

Indonesia: a reflection and revision of

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ISLAM AND POLITICS'ISLAM AND' STATEin INDONESIA

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p AUTHO;R:S MOTTO:

"An organization is a place[or giving not receiving".

Dedicated to my belovedparents) wife and children.

3

EM~ASSY O;F THEUNITED ARAB REPUBLIC

JAKARTA.

Jrukarta, 12th September 1972

Is Excellency H.M.S. Mintaredjatruster for Socra[ Affairs, ReipuJblic of Indonesia.

Your Excellency,

Herewith, the Emibassy of the United Arrub RepublicIII Jakarta conveys their respectful greetings and wouldlike to inform yoUII' Excellency that, the Embassy has hadthe pleasure to send a copy of your Excellency's bookIslamic Society and Politics in Indonesia to the Islamic

esearch Centre (Mlajma' A1buhUls Alislamjyah) Al-Azhar111 Cairo. They have been pleased to send us their reac­tions to the book, an excerpt from which follows :

"The author of the book has succeeded well in com­poslng it so as to be easy for the reader to understand,and clearly the author can arouse the spir~t of Muslim;youth to strive to spread the teachings of Islam; besidesthis, he has strengthened his discussion by referring tothe wisdom and guidance of the Qur',an and Hadith.rrhi<s shows the ibrerudrthand depth of the author'sknowledge of Islam, both its sacramental and its political,Ilconomi'c and social aspects".

TABLE OF CONTENTS

lographical Note 9

20

11

14

Page

eface to the English Translation .

retace to the Indonesian Second Edition .

Chapter V: Miscellaneous Thoughts 82

I. The Dual Functions of the Armed Forces .. , 82

II. The Islamic Community and the Armed Forces 87

III. Examples from the Sunna and the Qur'an 89

IV. The Functional Groups (Golongan Karya) 93

V. Individual and Role Cults 95

VI. PaI1musi and the "Islam~c State" 96

VII. Sejparation of Region and State 101

chapter VI: Attitudes of the Islamic CommunityTowards the "New Order" Government ......... 115.

Chapter II: Reasons for the Islamic Community'sRegression 29

Chapter III : The Future of the Indonesian IslamicCommunity 40

Chapter IV : The Partai Muslimin Indonesia jPartaiPersatuan Pembangunan in the "New Order"political structure, in Particular Since 3rdJuly1971 (General Elections) 75

Introduction 16

Chapter I : A Twenty-five Year Regression .for theIslamic Communrty .

Your,s sincerely,

(signed)

Dr. Ali Shauqi Al Hadid"1.

In add·t·, I Ion to our appreciation fvaluacle andsci-entl'f' d' . 0 your Excellency'sth . IC iscusston

at, through 'the relevan ' ?UiI' Embassy hopesRepublic, we shall /be aJble ,t~ ~::so~s m the United Araba. summary of the book in ang~ for the circulaMon ofzine) in Egypt. an Islamic PUblication (maga.,

7

.............................. ..........................

8

Chapter VII: Future Shock for thePeople Indonesian

................................ ....................Chapter VIII: Conclusion .................. .....................Atppendi'ces:

On the Writer's Inclusion in the DevelopmentCWbinet .

statements of the Central ~~~·~~;~~~..·~.~···thePartai Muslimin Indonesia

Result of a Meeting of the presi~~~~>~.~~·~~·~~. Group and Leaders of the United Develop­ment Group Fraction

cO~os~tiQn of the .Party E~~·~~;~~~,.·~~~;~..~~dd'VISOry >CouncIl on Religious Law of th

Partai Persa't', P , , euan emlbangunan (Un't dDevelopment Par,ty) 1 e

....................................BibliograJphy .................................Glossary

136

142

147

149

152

159

Biographical Note:

H. MOIl. SJAFA'AT MINTAREDJA SH.

The writer, horn on 17th February 1921, is thus anAquarian. His birthplace was the vfllage.of Lebakpasar,Boger, which is set in the midst 'of fields near the Cili­wung River. His primary and secondary education wasat 'Public schools, followed by study in law at Gajah Madatrntversitv in Yogyakarta to Candidate level, then atLeiden University, and finally at the University of Indo­nesia in Jakarta.

His father, H. Moh. Syafei (Edeng) Mintaredja, wasan analyst in the public service. He was of orthodox re­ligious beliefs but modern in his thinking; he did notneglect his-son's religious educatton, for example at thereltgtous school "AI Chai,riyah"whiich he himself hadestablished, and under several renowned religious scho­lars in Bogor, Cianjur and Kuningan. The bay's SiPirit ofnatlonatism was 'fostered in the Indonesian scout move­ment (Kepanduan Bangsa Indonesia, pre-World War II),and he then continued into the Indonesia Muda youthmovement and a variety of other youth organizations.

His activity in such organizations continued after1945 in the university student sphere, with his establish­ment of the Islamic University Students' Association(Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam - HMI) in Yogyakarta,becoming its first General Chairman (1947 - 1950 ).Achmad 'Tirtosudiro was the Vice-Chairman. They hadbeen neighbours and school-friends as children.

Mintaredja's career has. been varied, with participa­tion also in the armed struggle against the J3ipanese,Dutch and Allied forces in the early years of the Revo­lution. He started his career as a judge at the DistrictCourt in Bandung/Bumedang; then worked for the Gener­al Elections Secre,bariat in' Yogyakwrta, and the Foreign

9

10

Exchange Institute in Jakarta A~Ully moved into private e~t t t~at stage, he success­Industry, banking etc )bU't. l~rprlse (Import, export,duate Compulsory S~r~ice In 62 was called. into Gra­prises (six years) and 'even~t ~rte constructIOn enter­rector. During this eri ua y became Executive Di­Minister for Social irfa~~~' (~~ewas also Assistant to thecompleting his COll1lpulsory ser . and a half years), Beforeter of State (1968 _ 1971 J, vice, he was made a Minis-

In the September 1971 . hCabinet, he was entrusted r~ uffle of the. Developmentfor Social Affairs. He retain:~ ~h;:e portf~h? of MinisterDevelopment Cab' t . portfollo m the second

me , formed In March. 1973.Outside go¥ernment work hi .

MUhammadiyah Organization' . IS Int:erests ~re in theeduca'tion actrvin ' In partIcular rts tertiary

mes, and he has twice hmember of its. Oentral Ex 't. een elected aecu ive.

The PUblisher.

PREFACE

to the English translation

With the assistance of a number of friends who havea mastery of the English language - and to whom Ixpreas my most heartfelt gratitude --: this translationas rut last been completed. The original title of the

book was Masyarakat Islam dan Politik di Indonesia ­Islamic Society and Politics in Indonesia. It was firstpublished in September 1971, and reprinted in January1972. A second edition appeared in June 1973 under thetitle Islam dan Politik, Islam dan Negara di Indonesia- Islam and Politics, Islam and State in Indonesia. TheEnglish edition of this book, with its many changes andadditions, could not be completed before the beginningof 1974.

It Is well-known throughout the world that be­fore the Second World War, Indonesia was a Dutchcolony', called the Netherlands East Indies, and then wasoccupied by the Japanese, from 1942 to 1945. It maybethat for English-speaiking readers, and in particular thoseof Brrtish nationality, the history and people of Indo­nesia have been known of since the time of Sir ThomasStamford Raffles ( 1781 - 1826). For several years in theearly 20th century - 18th September 1811 - 11th March1816 - Raffles was Lieutenant Governor General of Javaand the regions under it, following the expedition ofLord Minto, the British Governor General of India, toseize Jav:a and the surrounding islands from the Dutchcolonial government. In 1814 and 1817, Raffles publishedtwo books entitled Substance of a Minute on the Intro­duction of an Improved System of Internal Managementand the Establishment of a Landrental for the Islandof Java and The History of Java.

11

Rea.ders may also know of the Indonesian peoplefrom the claim often heard in the colonial period thatthey were the "softest" and most submissive people inthe world. On this point, I would like to say that, inthe light of the events outlined below, it seems Ukelythat this characterization arose from a mistaken- inter­pretation, an Inaccurate evaluation, like that outlinedby London Europa Publications Ltd. in its reference bookregarding The Far East and Australia, 1973, page 433(llJboUJt the New Order). The following events actuallyclosely mirror the essence and substance of Indonesianfeeling :

a. The Indonesian Proclamation of Independence on17th August, 1945.

A country with colonies - in this case Holland ­should have been able to understand this as thebursting forth of the innermost feelings of a peopletruly thirsting for independence, after centuries oflife bound by the shackles of colonialism.

b. The way the Indonesian people opposed and defend­ed themselves against the savage cruelty - violatingall humanitarian norms - which preceded theG.30.S/PKI.,· the 30th Sep,tember/Indonesian Commu­nist Party Movement of 1965. This was in fact a coupd'etat and thus a repeat of the abortdve coup of 1948led by Muso, better known as the "Madiun Affair".

If one includes the earlier acts of treason towardsthe legal governments (in 1947 of Prime Minister Syah­rir, and in the 1920's) the 1965 attempt was the fourth.CouId ,they (the communists) make a fifth, a sixth, ormore attem:pts in the future? Who knows!

We, the people of Indonesia, as a people holdingreligious faiths and living a life founded on the state

12

h f PANCASILA should increase our alertnessphilosop yo' , ,and stay on our guard. ,

, haar stand on end to recall the horrlfy-It makes one s "'" . 0 f els

. ts the savage indescriba.ble crueltles. ne emg even '. . . ' 'owerlessness, struck byapressured, distressed b~ one s P b .th material and

. . f hostile influences, I 0gnppmg fear, or . t 'de These posed, . l' ture came in from ou si .IdeologlCa in na '.' lth such sacrifice.a threat to our independence, won WI .

The people of Indonesia, their faces showing noth~egci, d them events which have woun

tend to put behm . that they earn-. f I' 0' It is for this reason

their hner ee mos. ft t and most sU!bmissiveed their designatio~ as "the so ,;s event wounds theirpeople in the world". However, 1 an pea Ie of Indonesiafeelings of reli~ion and custom, tthtel'e;oi fr~endshilp and

th Sever ttie stronges ,toge er can ,. " ft" or "submls-emerge wi1th a chara.cter far from so

sive" !, , f the armed forces,

Regarding the dual fuructlons 0, , .., n that. ' t V it is ,the wnt'er s opmlO

dIscussed in Ch.aIP er , , this situation and onethere is ll!ttle dIfference Ibt~twee~'Ch have dual functions,in which it ~s political par ies W. 1 h ld by members ofwith key government posts bemg e .the party which is in power.

. ' that this small book will beFinally, It IS my ~oP~ t the wealth of material

ruble to make a contr~butlOn 0 tm rove readers'ublished in the English janguage, to p .

p ,t' and people of IndonesIa.knowledge of the na IOn

H.M.S. MINTAREDJA S.B.

Jakarta, January 1974.

13

PREFACE.

It was certainly a surprise for 'the writer that hisfirst book should ibe so sought after, by both a generalaudience and, more particularly, Muslim youth.

This second edition is entitled Islam and Politics, Is­lam and State in Indonesia (Islam dan Politik, Islam danNegara di Indonesia). The writer has attempted 'to improvethe book, using corrections and eritlelsm received fromall sides, and has made various additions at the requestof people interested.

Despite improvements and additions, however, thissecond 'edition, also, has been written in some haste, andthus the writer again feels i,t to be insufficiently preparedand developed. But what can be done? There is such astrongthtrst for opinions in the field of Islam and politics,especially among young Muslims.

For 'those who are still behind the times, who dreamof a past golden age, and for those who pretend not tounderstand the present or do not wish to, the writerpresents a chapter on future shock, culture shook and poli­tical shock. This is intended. as a spur to those who closetheir eyes and ears to !present reality in Indonesia and therest of the world, to spur us all to resoluteness and pre­paredness in facing the future. If we fail in this,we shall,according to experts, oe .arrected !by dysrythmla»: in sim­ple language, man's body is not capable of adapting tosituations of over-rapid change. (A common example isthe adjustment to time change after long internationa:lflights). '

For this reason, the writer urges the whole Islamiccommunity - and even the entire Indonesian people ­not to be caught, unaware by the all-emlbracing radicalchange which, because of technological advances, is oc­curring so fast.

14

Alvin Toffler, with his revolutionary thinking, is verymuch to the point when he says:

If in the past we looked back and studied historyin the interests, of 'the present,

now we must look ,to the future to be able tounderstand the present, and to prepare us to facethe future without becoming dlsorrented.

The 1973 Gene,ral Session of the People's ConsultativeAssembly (Majelis Permusyawara'tan Rakyat - MJPR)resolved that there should Ibe acceleration of economicdevelopment, people's welfare and so on during the next25 years. If we succeed in this, we shall also face acceler­ation of social and other changes, which may be called"multichange acceleration". We do not know what un­forseen changes will occur in addition to dynamic eco­nomic development.

The matter now boils down 'to this: we must not beunaware of what is going to' happen, we must at leastbe able to guess, we must not be afraid of making mis­takes, for even these are of benefit.

Once more I repea:t, let us study the future for thesake of the present.

I ask forgiveness for the inadequacies of this book,especially in religious knowledge.

Finally I would like to thank most sincerely all thosewho have crrticized and corrected. May God reward you.

H.M.S. MINTAREDJA S.H.

Jakarta, May 1973.

15

INTRODUCTION

This hook, and in particular the first part, written in1968, were originally directed towards the Islamic youngergeneration, to provide an explanation of why the Islamiccommunity had suffered a 25-year regression despiteits majority status hothin religious and socio-politicalterms. At the present time Islam is still the religion ofthe majority, Ibut socio-politically, it is in a minority ­a majority ina minority position.

In the first chapter the writer attempted to reflect onthis regression in a qualitative sense, as an observer,and this reflection is written in a popular style (infactual, flexible, sociologically - oriented terms). Thewrtter hoped later, time permitting,to expand it intoa more scientific sociological work, descriptive and ana­lytical.

But this remained only a wish because of the inter­vention of state duties and responsibilities wlchin theMuhammadiyah organization, in particular in the ter­tiaryeducation field in Jakarta, where Ithe writer, besidesbeing a rector magnificus in lits University, is dean of threedifferent taculties, and also acts as a lecturer in the lawfaculty, sometimes having to teach four subjects. Whenthe writer became the General Chairman of the Indone­sian Muslim Party (Partai Muslimin Indonesia - Par­musi) at the end of 1970 - and perhaps he was sodestined ,- opportunities for writing disappeared almostentirely. However, maybe because of continuous "attacks"from all sides - of which some were of too personal anature '--:"" and because' of a sense of responsibility as aParty leader, the writer felt compelled to try to continuehis writing; and attempt to provide a "way out" at thesame time. This he did in some haste but with all good­will and exercising to the full the Islamic rtght of indiv­idual interpretation and judgement (ijtihad). Hopefully

16

the Islamic parties will in the tuture be able to joinactively in serving nation, people and religion, shoulderto shoulder wi!th other groups.

In his capacity as Party Chairman, the writer hashad to tread many thorny paths, mainly because of thepersistent lmgermg on of "cult of the individual" and"role cult" ways of Ibhinking, which are not appropriateto the present organization and leadership.

Praise God, the writer's position has became easierlately, thanks to the assistance of vigorous young peoplefull of fresh new ideas.

Once again, frankly, this 'book was written in somehaste, over a period of no more thrun six weeks, in anAirforce Oessna, which carried the writer all over Indo­nesia, around 23 provinces, during the 1971 general elec­tion campaign,

Because of this, the language and organization ofquestions discussed leaves something to 'be desired, butthe writer's spare time was exhausted. The deadline hehad set was 3rd July 1971, the day of the general elec­tions.

A number of the sections included in this book hadalready been thought .about in concept long before WorldWar II - for example some of the themes of "Islam asthe misunderstood religion", and ideas on the Islamicstate, were to a large extent already set down in anexperimental thesis draft entitled "De scheldlng van staaten KeI'lk in de Islam" (The separation of state and relig­ion in Islam) , which also, due to time, was never com­pleted.

-. Basically, the writer was working on a way for all thebranches orParmust ( around 300 ) to be able to follow theGeneral Chairman's ideas. These ideas. mainly involved

17

the problem of "das Sein" and "das Bcllen" (what is andwhat should be) in politics, problems to be taken up inparty policy;

This book is also intended as a token of gratitudeto all those who have helped the writer in his tasks aschairman, a 'task which, as it happened, was laid on hisshoulder by a Muhammadiyah ex-student caned Soe'­harto, who was born in the village of .Kemusu, Godean,in Yogyakarta, and who now holds the highest positionin the Indonesian nation.

Finally, the writer's thanks are directed towards hisbeloved and devoted wife and his six children, for theirmoral support in facing his heavy assignment and res­ponlSilbilities as an Islamic leader. The following anecdoteshows something of what. they have gone through:the wri!ter's youngest son (twelve years of age) was upsetand in tears seeing a 'cartoon in Jakarta newspaper.He asked his mother, "Mum, this is Dad's name, Min­taredja. But he's drawn as a, dog on a chain. So does thatmean Dad's a dog?" Readers, i1magine how the writer'sfamily felt. '

Putting torward ideas ltke those in this book, on relig­ion and politiiCs, two very sensitive and slippery areas,requires moral courage, for the writer feels himself tobe layman in both fields. However, are we all going tobe mere onlookers, or become clever critics but ones whostay outside the fence?

In this context, the writer is reminded of somethingsaid by Robert Kennedy, as if he, lilke his brother Johnwere endowed with the .spi,rit of Thomas Carlyle: thecourage most hoped for and esteemed is not courage todie honoura!bly but courage to live boldly.

But no matter what - with patience, trust in God andin an effort to draw near to Him, as the writer, whenVisiting the provinces, always says.

18

"If I slip in my job or worse stlll, itf my job conflictswith God's word, I shall, God willing, be prepared ­wiIlingly and with a pure heart -'- to accept full respon­s~bmty both in this world and the world to come; if Iam successful in my work, all will-be lnvtted, God willing,to share in the results."

To all experts and general reader, 'the writer wishesto say Ithat he "opens his heart, opens himself" to con­structive cnttcism and fatherly censure.

Finally, he hopes that tihisbook will be understoodby all and will be of benefit to all groups in society.Through faith and use of our right of individual inter­pretation, may:

"our hearts oe pulled,"our minds seized,may we "come together rn the spi'rit",and Gad willing, "discover the Divine light".

Wabillahit taufiq wal hidayah, - May God grant us Hisblessing and grace.

H.M.S. MINTAREDJA S.H.

Jakarta, June 1971

19

CHAPTER I

A TWENTY - FIVE· YEARS REGRESSION FOR THEISLAMIC COMMUNITY.

Addressed especiallyto the Islamic youngergeneration.

On 'the evening of 23rd February 1968, in the author'shome inthe presence of several friends (Mr. Daris Tamin,Mr. M.S. Kamawidjaja and Mr. Adang Affandi), a well­known Indonesian Islamic figure, the late K.H. FaqihUsman, was evaluating and summing up 'the results ofthe Indonesian Islamic community's polttlea! struggle fromthe Proclamation of Independence in 1945 to 'that moment(968). In ,the course of 'thissummmg up he said;

1. That immediately following the 'transfer of sovereigntyfrom the Netherlands to Indonesia 3!t the end of1949, the OIbJectIve situation, using the analogy of afootball game, was that the Islamic side, representingand supported by 90% of Indonesia's population, couldvery easily have scored the desired winnlng goal, in,the form either of legislation or of other political orsocial goals.

2. Thrutthis exceptionally favourable political climatewas receding further and further from us; it wasas if 'the Islamic community's struggle had regressed22 years.

Let us compare the late K.H. Faqih Usman's evalua­tion with !tha't of another national and indernationalIslamic figure who is truly respected byalmost all Islamicgroups, and still acceptruble to them; Mohammad Natsir.He was ex-Chairman of the Masyumi Party, and PrimeMinister in 1950. At the Dakwah Seminar in Yogyakarta

20

in 1968 (see Mertju SuaI', Yogyakarta, 20th April 1968),he said;

"The Islamic community previously, rut the time ofthe Proclamation of Independence on 17th August1945, as a physical .union constituted a solid masswith its own view of life, and also possessed oneprogram, a definite division of t:3,sks and attitudeto life. It is now clearly split up with no clear orresolute course. It is like an abstract group with nospiritual hold, no 'innerliche Sicherheit' (inner con­viction), as is said nowadays".

Mohammad Natsir'sevaluation is thus basically thesame as that of the late K.H. Faqih Usman.

Let us ponder over this.

Do we agree with what was said by these 'two famousMuslims? If so, we can take the essence of it; the Is­lamic community's struggle has suffered a twenty-fiveyear regression.

So the state of the Islamic political struggle now isjust the same as it was before the 1945 Proclamation ­or move accurately before NovernJber 1945 - when theIslamic community did not yet have the single. polit­ical organ, the Masyu:mi Party, which had been precededby a form of cooperation called MaJd'jlisul Islamil A'laaIndonesia ---.,. MIA! (Indonesian Islamic Organization),during the Netherlands East Indies and Japanese periods.

Bearing all thls in mind, the writer. wishes to mvttethe Islamic communtty, and particularly the youngergeneration, to engage in reflection and sincere intro­spection concerning the regression.

1. We probably all know that immediately after theProclamation of Independence, in accordance with thegovernment's political manifesto signed by the Vice-Pre-

21

sident, Mohammad Hatta, in November 1945, all Islamicgroups we're in a state of awareness and so declaredthemselves to be part of a single political organ underthe name of the Masyumi PoUtical Party as a continuationof M.I.A.I. of ,the period of Japanese occupation. Otherparties such as the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PartaiNasionalis Indonesia - P.N.I.) and the Socialist Party(Partai Sosialis) were also established then.

The Islamic communjty was truly fortunate at thattime, and fought with s:pirj1ted fervour at almost all fronts.The young people in particular were in the forefront,along with other groups, in confronting the remnants ofthe Japanese forces, the Allied force.s, and the Dutchcolonial forces who wanted 'to return Indonesia to colo­nial rule. Practically the entire Islamic community, allits organizations and groups, really [otned fogether un­reservedly. They were united under the Masyumi Partyas the single organ for their political struggle ; this strug­gle was conducted according to parliamentary democracy.,

But................ this unity, so worthy of pride, lastedonly till the middle of 1948, when a tragedy struck theMuslims, in the form of the bringing-to-life of the Is­lamic Association Party of Indonesia (Partad SyarikatIslam Indonesia - PSI!) <by, and under the leadership ofAroedjt Kartawinata, A!bikoesno Tjokrosoejoso, etc. (thelate Aroedji Kartawinata once told the writer that thePSI! had never been "buried" and so was not "broughtto life" but 'father become actlve again in the politicalfield and eventually became a special member of Masyumi..The same thing was said 'to the writer Iby H. AnwarTjokroaminoto. The writer considers this to be the case,it being' completely logical ,that the PSI! was still alive,had not been disbanded. The PSI!, like the Islamic Scho­larsv.League ( Nahdatul Ula,ma - N.U.), Muhammadlyah

22

Organi'2lation and so on, were only special members ofMasyumi).

And so the unity of .the Islamic community, whichhad been longed for by all and realized in Masyumi, broke

up.Then, around 1953, there was another misfO'ftun:,

with the splitting-off poHticaHy of the N.U. from ~asyuml,

and its emergence as an N.U. poliUcal Party, besides Ma-

syumi and P.S.I.!.In the end, ,a:lthough it did not formally declare its

withdrawal from the "single political organ" (the Mu­hammadiyah Organization remained in Masyumi up to itsdissolution in 1960), it announced its resi'~nation as ~special member, and this was accepted. At fIrst Mas:umlhad been the largest party in Indonesia, and a" slnglepolrtlcal organ for all Islamic groups, its membershipconsisting of individuals and of Islamic organizations asspecial members ; however, after the withdrawal of thenational-level special members, it was left as a non-massparty, with only indiv~d'Uals and local or regional organi­zationsas members.

Then through the clever manoeuvering of the Indonesi­an co~unistParty (Partai KomuniiS Indonesia - P.K.I.),with full assistance from 11". Sukarno, it was dissolved.

2. It now seems to be the time for us to reflect toget~eron the past, to study and analyse the fac~ors WhIChcaused the downfall and failure of the tslamtc commu­nity's struggle. For this reason, the writer wishes to createan overall view stimulated by purposeful, independentthinking based on his feelings and experiences bot~ asan onlooker and as a pa:rticipant; in the turbulent timesfrom 1945 to 1948, along with Islamic students and thenas First General Chairman of the Islamic University Stu­dents' Associabion (HMI), he was very sensitive to the at­mosphere and conditions andknew them first-hand. Some

23

of the leaders who destroyed the unity were quite satis­fied, and certainly had their own reasons for this. Therewere thus those who were sad and annoyed, but also thosewho were glad, each for his own reasons,

3. The writer feels that the break-up of the unity rea':'Uzed in the Masyumi Party was, in general terms, due totwo types of factors, external and internal:

1. External Faotors.

The writer, up to the present time, feels strongly thattwo categories of external forces contributed to the des­truction of Masyumi, one originating from abroad andthe other from within Indonesia.

Foreign Forces. It does not seem necessary to explainat length that colonial and imperialist powers were, bothdir,ectly and indirectly, ,a cause of Masyumi's break-up,It is logical ,that they would work for the break-up ofnational, political and mass forces, especially Masyumi,PNI, and Partai Sosi1a1lis (the Indonesian Socialist Party,Partai Sosialis Indonesia - PSI ~ had not been formedat that time).

FlorceiS withiln Indonesia. The writer's susrpicion isdirected towards the group of communists within thePartal Sosialis (under the leadership of Sjahrir).

met not this party later split Into two, the PSI( Sjahrir) and the Communist Party? As with the cun­ningof the imperialists whose motto was "Wie klein ismoet slfm zijn" (Dutch proverb ) - The little peoplemust be skilled players - communist elements, throughthe Partai Sosialis, practised the policy of "devlde et Im­pera" (divide and rule) in the body of the giant but inef­ficient Masyumi Party. In the end, the tiny Partai Sosialissucceeded in destroying the giant Masyumi, by revivingPSI!, as if on the initiative of its old leaders such asthe late Aroedji Kartawinata and Abikoesno Tjokrosoe-

24

joso. other national forces such as the iFNI di~ ~l,)t escapesiimilar splitting. The PNI split into the orlglnal Partyand the Independent Indonesian Nationalist Party (Par­tai Nasionalis Indonesia Merdeka) which later becamethe National People'S Party (Partai Rakyat Nasional)under the leadership of the late Djod'i Gond~koesoemo.

One may be angry at the cunning of the Partai So­sialis (read P.K.I.), but on the other hand, we must befair and salute the political play which was indeed theirright.

2. Internal Factors.

The most important of the internal factors were :

a. alertness/carelessness ;b. faith/worldliness of the leaders;c. the psychology and aims of the ruling group in

the unified or-gan.

a. The alertness/carelessness factor. The leaders ofMasywmi at that time were not watchful enough andthen dearly were incapable of confronting the "divideand rule" weapon, both from overseas and from withinthe country. Let them !blame the leaders who split awayto revive the PSI!, but they themselves were not free offault, le'ven though it was due only to negligence andlaok of alertness. Vip to the present there has apparentlybeen no recognition of this,

b. The faith/vested interest factor. Those leaders whosplit themselves off by reviving an old politicalorgani­zation could perhaps 'be said to be lacking in faith, insrpiritual strength, and !because they had not obtainedan important position in the Masyumi Party, much lessa cabinet position, they were tantalized by the "softarmchairs" offered !by Amir Syarifudin (who it seemsunderstood very well the disturbances with~n the Ma-

25

syumi Party) of the Partai Sosialis. He was. at that timeforming his Oabinet. In the end they gave in and wereprepared to leave behind the unity that had been achieved.

Though it was their r~ght to act as hey did, the occu­renee was regrettaible. It happened 'twenty years ago andis now history which can never he erased.

c. The psychology and aims of the ruling group.The PSII's withdrawal is a fact of history. The rulinggroup in the organ which was once a "unified organ"should have been sensitive to the fact,thought aboutit and analysed it, for it should be a biltter lesson. How­ever this has not been the case. One of the main reasonsfor the PSII's break. away was the attitude or psychologyof its ruling group, which is discussed below along withan explanation of the main reason for the NU's split withthe "unified organ".

The reason for the NU leaving Masyuml was perhapsbasically the same as that of the PSII - the factor ofthe faith or spiritual strength of its leaders. But in addtt­ion to this, in the writer's evaluation, there was anothercrucial internal factor: the concett of a number of leadersof Masyumi, which was reflected in such attitudes as :

a feeling of monopoly of general and political (se­cular) knowledge on the basis of a university educationor degree;

then because of this, (an-extreme case), they madeit known in tones of decision that they consideredthe place of santris (practising Muslims) and kiyayis(religtous scholars and teachers), of whom there hap­pened to be many in the NU and PSII as well asin other groups, to be only in religious training cen­tres, as muazzins (who call the people to prayers)or mosque drummers, or at the most - the very

26

most - as Minister for Religious Affairs (This israther exaggerated l).

Such was the extreme narrow-mindednes of theseleaders. It was a crucial factor in determineng whetherthe Islamic community would split or not. It .was verymuch felt and resented by the parties concerned. Havethe leaders who held these attitudes come to their senses?Goodness only knows.

Who was responsible for the destruction of the unityof the Islamic commUnity? The answer is clear. All sidesand all tstamtc leaders were at fault, all were responsible.This must be stated once and for all, simply to get rid ofthe accusations flying about in our midst amongst the Is­lamic leaders, all of whom claim their action to havebeen based on the Qur'an and Sunna and aimed at rein­forcing the "kalimahtauhid" (confession of faith in theoneness of God), etc. If among 'the leaders there are stillthose who' f.eel themselves to have been champions inthe Islamlc fight for truth and justice, let alone whoaccompany this attitude with accusations, it is exactlysuch leaders who were most responsilble and least con­scious of their responsibility. Then there are those who,in a show of bravado, say ,that "no matter what, we shalluse ,extra-parliamentary means for our. struggle". Theseare the people who refuse to learn from the facts ofhistory and whose points of view and evaluations aretherefore unrealistic.

Finally, Islamic youth, and especially alumni of theIslamic University Students' Association, who are nowspread throughout the land and incorporated within allIslamic organlzations, political and otherwise, let us alldemonstrate and practise independent principles basedon the Indoneslan Islamic way of thinking. The futureof the Indonesian Islamic community is in your hands.The 25 year regression pointed out by KH. Faqih Usmancan only be made good, if it be God's will, by a younger

27

generation skilled in drawing lessons from the past, forthe sake of their religion, the Indonesian people and theIndonesian nation.

Not e.

We should truly give thanks to God that, before theMay 1973 session of' the MPR, re-fusion of the fourexisting Islamic parties was announced. These parties,the N.U., Parmusi, BSU, and the Islamic Education Mio­vement (Perti) became one organ with the name UnitedDevelopme'nt Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan) on5th January 1973 in Jakarta. National consensus on thismatter ha-d been 'reflected in a resolution of the Pro­visional People's Consultative AssembIy (MPRS) in 1966.

The leaders of the tour parties made an historicdecision, one in tune with thenaJtional consensus.

Hopefully, the regression discussed 'above can bereversed, not only for the Islamic community's sake, butfor the good of ,the entire nation, people and religion.

We have the guidance of God from the Qur'an, andthe decisions of the March 1973 .general session of theMPRemibodying national consensus' let us then :..- wethe Islamkcommunity :- reach ne'; hei:ghts of achieve~merit in national and international life, on the firm ideo­logical foundation of' our nation adopted in the 1945Oonsti tu tion. '

28

CllAPTER II.

REASONS' FOR'i'HE ISLAMIC COMMUNITY'SREGRESSION.

What was it that put the Islamic community backtwenty-five years?

I. The historical reflection in Chapter I, written in1968, provides a general outline of, various reasons forthe Islamic community's twenty-nve-year setoack ­in a factual, flexible manner and in a,' sociological andpolitical framework.

The reader who examines this intelli.gentlyand reflectson it win certainly be aole to make his own analysis, andeven arrive at his own conclusions, in accordance withhis own way of: thinking. It is, however, difficult to denythat Islamic leaders were insuffidently alert and some- .what unsuccessful (if one does not want to say theyfa~led) in facing opposition from' those displeased at theprogress of the Islamic religion and community, especiallyfrom those who were silently chipping away at itsstrength from within. Certainly, the past - what wecall history -can he compared with running water:"Panta rei", were the words of the famous Greek philo­sopher HeracUtus; Times change, history flows silentlyon, as the sun traverses, the sky from east to westwith the rotation of the earth. Time, and history,are like the heavenly bodies: they cannot be held, butforever revolve. To be sure, this sometimes, really hurts,strikes to the core of one's 'being, and seems extremelycruel to the one affected. But no matter what we maysay, this is .thestate of things and determined by God'swill; we, as, men, can do nothing to change ilt. .

29

II. If we reflect and examine the matter further, weshall most probably be able to put 'the proolems in theirproper perspective, corresponding with the objective si­tuation at the time, especially between the years 1945and 1955. During that period, the Islamic community wasthe strongest group m :the socio-political sector. But theIslamic community itself made a serious mistake. Perhapsthis was due to carelessness, to feeling itself to have thelead, laying too much on its belief that it held the mo­nopoly of Indonesian socio-political power; the commu­nity was intoxicated with empty slogans declaring theIslamic community to constitute 90% of Indonesia'stotal population. This was meant not just in an ideologi­cal/religious sense, but also in a socio-political onethrough the single polttical organ, the Masyumi Party,or the three-in-one organs of Masyumi, PSI! and NU.The erntpty slogans were even believed by people overseas,in 'the United states and western Europe for example.There is certainly some truth in the above explanation,especially if compared with the statement of the well­known Indonesian Islamic figure H. Mohammad Natsir,which was quoted in Chapter I.

It is worth repeating: "The Islamic community .pre­viously, at the time of the Proclamation of Independenceon 17th August 1945, as a physical union constituted asolid mass with its own view of life, and also possessedone program, a definite dtvtsion of tasks and attitudeto life. It is now clearly split up with no clear or resolutecourse. It is like an abstract group with no spiritual hold,no 'innerliche Sicherheit' (inner conviction) as is saidnowadays".

III. Let us examine Natslr's formulation (of April 1968),when the Islamte community was still a solid mass :

1. The leaders of the Islamic Party Masyumi providedrelllitilVely unified leadership up to 1953 when NU splitoff from Masyumi, even though PSI! had already

30

separated from Ma:syumi in 1948; as is generallyknown, PSI! was not a strong group (one needs onlyto look at the results of the 1955 general elections,in which it obtained only 2.9% of the total of 43.7%of seats held by Islamic groups in Parliament).

2. Division of tasks was orderly. For example:

a. Political leadership was only carried out by theMasyumi Party;

b. Religious task's were carried out 'by the organiza­tions which were special (non-individual, i.e.organizations) members of the Masyumi Party,like N.U., Muhammadlyah, Jami'atul Washliiyah,P.U.I. (Indonesian Mluslim Unity), etc.

c. Muslim military forces such as Hizbullah andSalbilillah from the 1945 - 1949 period and theirremnants from 1950, which were still intact, bothwithin and outside the Indonesian Armed Forces;

d. Approximately 43.7% of' the seats in Parliamentwere held by Islamic political organizations after1955 ;

e. Masyuml had significant representation in Cabi­net, and in fact in two successive Cabinets between1950and 1952, led the government (Prime MinistersMoh. Natsir and Dr. SUkiman Wirjosandjojo) ;

f. Funds and material resources were available ;

g. It is incontroverttble that during the physicalrevolution against the Dutch ( 1945 -50 ), Masyu­mi, with its Sabilillah and Hizbullah forces, playeda very large part.

IV. These facts (a - g) are certainly worthy of pride,but' ,this pride reached excessive heights and led the Is­lamic community to over-estimate Itselr, The actual factsare that the Islamic community is in a religious sense a

31

mrejority - 90%. (This figure includes statistical or so­caned "abangan" Muslim - this latter term being a gene­rally recognised one, not the author's own - who areonly recognised as Muslims at such times as circumcision,marriage by a religious official, and so on). However,soclc-politlcally the Islamic community constitutes aminority. Thus i,t is a majority group in a minorityposition.

In this context, an outline of the political historyleading up to the declaration of the state of, emergencyin 1957 could be presented; this could even be supple­mented with the prior growth in strength of the P.K.I.until,after the 1955 general elections, it held the numberfour position in Parliament; however, it is not the inten­tion of the author to write a general political history.This book is rather an historical reflection on the Islamiccommuntty's struggle, and is intended as a reminder tothe Islamic community and its leaders,especially theyounger generation, to avoid repetition of the earliertragedy.

The most important thing is, tha:t if the points as givenabove (a - g) are really felt tobe true and a manifes­tation 'of God's grace, thenthe .Islamle community at thetime most certainly forgot its foundation and denied thesource of that grace.

Another influential factor was the relative prosperityof that period (1951 - 55), due mainly to the "rubber­boom" which resulted from the Korean War.

Because of their over-esttmation, because they deniedand forgot their foundation or were indifferent to theOne who had so bestowed His grace on them, Muslimunity Was smashed, like the breaking of the Ma'rib damwhich struck the country and people of Saba, as relatedin the Qur'an in the S'ura As Salba, sura 43,verses 15and 16.

32

V. Let us look at this story:

Verse 15: .

"The Saba people had a sign (of God's power) in theplace where they lived - two gardens, one on the rightside and one on the left".

"Partake of the good things (bestowed on you) by' yourLord and be grateful to Him! (Your country) is a goodone and (your God) is the AlI- Merciful God". (Bal-datun Toyyibatunwa RllJbbun Ghafur). '.

Verse 16 :

"Yet they went astray, and so We (God) caused a greatflood to strike .them and We changed their two gardensfor one iri which (grew) trees with ibitter fruit such asatsl-trees and very few side-trees".

Those, then, are the two verses from the Saba sura;up' to the present day they form for the Arreb peoples aproverb which describes the humiliation of people whowere lacking in self-awareness and became lost. (See theDutch translation, De Koran, translated and publishedunder the direction of Dr.S; Keyzer, 3rd Printing). Whatare the meanlng, implications, symbolism and tnterpre­tation of these verses?

VI. In the present context, the author is more inclined'to interpret the verses socio-politically, although it is alsonecessary here to give their economic (development eco­nomics) interpretation, which is vital to Indonesia as shebegins to develop in the first Five Year Development Plan.

1. Interpretation in terms of economic development:

a. From our present experience, it would seem that thegreat flood, described in verse 16, which destroyedthe gardens, could have been due to such factors as:

33

- felling of forests (especially unplanned) withoutreplanting ;

- man-made waterways such as irrigation (p,rimaryand secondary channels and so on) providing waterfor the gardens or fields on the left and right­hand sides oecomtng shallow, or cracked anddamaged, and'poss~bly also too narrow. So all thiswould have required repairs: because of soilerosion from the mountains, rivers might. haveIbecome too shallow and in need of dredging ;

---, the Ma'rib reservoir (Ma'rib was the name of thecapital city ofS.aba) may also have become tooshallow, and . its base and walls- cracked and inneed of repairs, patching, renovation, new cementin the cracked parts. Accordtng to modern tech­nology, an additional base of pre-stressed concretemight have !been needed.

b. Because God's grace took the form of overflowingprosperity, the Saba people went astray (they wereforgetful, careless, defiant), says the Lord in verse16,!lind they forgot to repair the structures. .

c. Thus God sent a great flood. The existing reservoir,irrigation system and rivers were incapable of con­taining the flood. waters because they had not beenrepaired; The cracks in the lrrtgation channels anddam, the weak spots,gave wa:y under the force ofthe flood-waters. It stands to reason that the Ma'ribdam, no matter ihow Iarge it was, also ,burst, anddestroyed all the plants; this, one would suppose,caused shortages of food, clothing, housing and soon.

That, then, is the story of Saba and its people, fromthe point of view of economics and development,

34

Those who want to look further into this are invitedto read A. Jusuf Ali: The H;0IyQur'an, text, trans­lation and commentary, 3J.'d printing, 1938, Beirut,Lebanon, in particular notes ,riumbers2814to3810,page 1138 and 1139;' -

Also De Koran, mentioned above, notes numbers1-5 page 468;

Commentary Al Furqon, by Ustadz A Hasan;. and

The Indonesian translation of the Qur'an, issued bythe Indonesian Department of Religion, in particu­lar the Introduction on page 682.

2. Ari interpretation from a socio-political viewpoint:

Actually.van mterpretationof the 'progress and regressionof the Indonesian Islamic community from a social pointof view has already been included in earlier explanations,However, to make for greater clarity, let us examine andexplain in more depth the meaning and purpose of thewords "dam", "God's 'grace", "flood", "went' astray"("careless") etc.

The Ma'rib Dam:

This may be likened to the unity and. endurance ofthe Islamic community, whose leaders were. careless inrestoring and strengthentng it in a continuous fashion.

A Great Flood :

The flood can :be likened to opponents, those whowere not happy with Islam and the unity of ~he Indone­stan Islamic community (during colonial times, becausethe colonial government, was afraid of the politicali:n~flue nee of the call to Pan-Jslamrsm, set off'.by Shay'khJamaluddin Al Afghani, 1839 - 1897).

God's Grace':

This took the form of abundant prosperity (perhapsalso including justice) - peace, prosperity, and order.

35

They Went Astray :

This can be taken to mean that they had forgottentheir foundation, denied God's grace, became carelessand lacking in vigilance in checking for cracks and weak..nesses in theexl:sting unity.

Cracks:This can be 'taken as an analogy for quarrels and

disputes, both of a religious nature such as that concern­ing the ruru' (small branches of the rellglon), and ofother sorts.

For example, disagreements concerning:. the necessity to read and pronounce the "UshoIli"

(i.e, intention to pray) before the beginning of theprayer;the necessity to read the "do'a qunut" (request toGod) during the dawn (subuh) prayer;the necessity to" read the "do'a talqin", (request toGod) after burial of the body ;the necessity to organize the "tahlilan", and "takzi­yah" (certain ceremonies) after burial of the body(on the first to seventh evenings, the 40th, 100th andloooth days).

Now, younger generation of Muslims, it Is the"author'shope and prayer that you will learn from the experienceof the past and take it as an example in shaping thefuture of the Islamic community.

It is not the author's intention to provide a newinterpretation of the Saba sUJ1'a, as he is not an. authorityon exegesis, but a layman. But it should be stated thatwhat is most imlPortant are our own individual efforts(ijtihad) ininterpretation. We should make a comparison,draw aparaJble, an analogy from the event that struckthe country and people of Saba and what happened tothe Indonesian Islamic community, and even the experien..

36

. .

ces and fate of theenti~e Indonesian nation, in the past.(According to archeological investigation by a Frenchscholar, T.J. Arnaud, in 1843 - see A. Jusuf Ali's com­mentary, and also De Koran - iSaba was located in sou~hYemen, where the remains of the Ma'rib dam are stillto be found).

The truth or falsity, perfection or tmperrectton, ac­curacy or inaccuracy of the comparison or. an~IOgy, Ileave to the 'reader, especially the experts.jto decide.{,:TIleauthor's intention is to invite thought, to invite sharedefforts at interpretation, to extend this invitation to thewise reader, and especially the younger generation ~fMuslims who will ca~ry on the strivirng of the Islamiecommunity and the whole Indonesian nation, towardsthe just and prosperous society referred to in the Intro­duction (Preamble) to the 1945 Constitution.. Draw alesson - bitter, Ibut of immense value as a hard remind­er from what happened:

To the country and people of Saba,In the history of our own nation, during. the lastquarter of a century.

VII. The author would now like to .invilte the younger.generation of Muslims to draw wisdom from the SuraAl Insyirah (opportunity), and the Sura Al Kautsar(grace).

A.. The gist of the Sura AI Insyirah :After difficulties there will certainly come opportu­nities, provided we desire understanding and aware- .ness of our mistakes and weaknesses, so .that we canmake good the mistakes and shortcomings of thepast and pursue our course patiently yet actively.

B. The gist of the Sura Al Kautsar :After receiving God's grace; we should, as Muslims,give thanks to the source of ,that grace, if necessary

37

by material sacrlfice, (fasting, asceticism), or emo­tional sacrifice. Sometimes people forget that behindeach of, God's [udgements that seems negative to­wards us (temptation, ill-fortune) these is actuallya positive intent - that we may recognize the ill­fortune as a test of the strength of our faith.

For ,this reason, in facing good or bad tortune, weshould continue to pray and perform our religtous duties,be resolute, and give thanks to the Lord. In this way,may we, the Islamic community, not give up when weencounter difficulties,either those coming from outsideor those resulting from our own shortcomings, and inthe midst of happiness and prosperity, let us not allowthe repetition of the sort of occurrence described in thestory of.Baba, and the history of the Islamic communityin Indonesia.

However let us also not forget that the IndonesianIslamic community exists in the context of a people who,.accordlngto the proclamation of 17th August 1945, havea National state, the Republic of Indonesia, based on thecommon will of the people through the consensus of ourleaders (prior to 17,thAugusit 1945), whtch takes theform of:

1. The 1945Constirtution, and

2. The Paneasila state philosophy (Five Basic Principles).

VIII. Conclusions.

From what has been presented so far, it can be seenthat prior to 1960 - 1965 (and even to the present time)the Islamic community no longer knew its own position.It did not know whether it was true that itt held realpower, let alone the over-estimated power claimed in theempty slogans declaring the Islamic community to makeup 90% of Indonesia's population.

38

Apart from this, the Islamic leaders ~n g,e~eral almost

f t what is in fact our common aim .m this world. (asorgo 'dh to achieve

a bridge to the world hereaf'ter~, an ,.o~ 0this. Weare certainly involved m a pollt1cal s~r~ggle,and we shall continue to struggle, but to se~ PO~1t1CS asjust a' means of obtaining political .. victory, ,1S mIstaken.

What is eagerly awaited by the Islamic communityand the entire people of Indonesia is real contex:t (bothspiritual and material), for our shared ideal of a Just andprosperous, socie,ty.

We often forget another means to achieve this over­all and uniform sconomle devel0P!J:llent., There is no needfor the Islamic younger generation to complain becausethe leaders (certainIy unintentionally) were not entirelysuccessful in their strivings for the Islamic community.The situation and' conditions at that time were too dif­ficult for them. They do not warrant blame, for theytried their best, with wilUngness and good Intent, .

Hopefully in the next chapter it will be possible tosuggest how 'best we can face the future, having learntfrom the bitter experiences of the past.

39

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CHAPTER III

THE FUTURE OF THE INDONESIAN ISLAMIC

COMMUNITY

I. In Chapter II, the weaknesses of the Islamlo commu­nity and political parties were set out. These were mainlythe result of their feeling they possessed a monopoly ofpower, of their over-estimating themselves; the boastof a monopoly of power was actually only an emptyslogan. (in other words the estimate that the Islamiccommunity politically constituted 90% of the Indonesianpopulation was inaccurate).

.This over-estimate was intentionally fostered andexruggerated by non-Islamic groups (read the PKI andits supporters) so that the Islamic groups could then beled, forced, provoked Into confrontation in the commu­nity, in Parliament (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat - DPR)and the Constituent Assembly (Konstituante), and evenphysical confrontation w~th non-Islamic groups.

Once provoked and trapped, ii was difficult for the Is­lamic community to reeonsoltdate. The cleverness of thePKI in Inciting the Islamic leaders can be clearly Seenin thedl:agrams on the next two pages.

The PKI at that time used a strategem or ruse inconrrontmg the Islamic community. One could also drawan analogy from a game of billiards, in which the ballaimed at is not the first or second, but another Whichmust be shot into a prepared hole (ultimate aim). Thesewere the tactics employed, With great cleverness, by thePKI and its supporters. If we are not wary in the future,we could again be caught in such a trao. This dangerbecomes all the clearer if we recollect that the bodiesof our parties <including Parmust) were clearly infiltrat­ed by iPKI cadres, as has been repeatedly stated by someauthoritative sources.

40

1. As explained in Chapter I, between 1945 and 1953the Masyumi Party split into three (Masyumi, P.S.I.!.and N.U.), and later, after the general elections in 1955,became four, with the emergence of PERTI under itsown banner.

43

EXPLANATION OF THE DIAGRAMS:

2. sti1l with the feeling arismg from their over-estim­atlon (in both the religious and socio-poltttcal fields),the Islamic community (or its leaders) was drawn iritoa contest of strength ,by the PKI and its supporters. Itwas a contest both of physical strength (regional rebel­lions) and legislative strength in the critical session ofthe Constituent Assembly fin 1959, which resulted in noparty gaini,ng an. absolute majority (two-thirds). Cer­tainly the Islami>c parties' block did not - the they werein fact in a minority position in relation 'to the blockof non-Islamic parties (203 to 263). For further proof,in the session of the Constituent Assembly in Jtme 1959,the Islamic parties were not successful in having thecentral sentence of the Jakarta Charter ("with the obli­gation for adherents to the Islamic religlon to fulfillthe requirements of Islamic Religious Law") inserted atthe end of the sentence in M,ttole 29, Pll.ragraph 1 of the1945 Constitution, or in the Introduction to the Constit­ution. The PK! and its sUPlPorters, directly and Indl­reotly, used characteristically communist tactics to drawthe Islamic parties into this contest of strength, direct·intimidation of the Masyumi leaders by blackmail, tele­phone calls, sometimes a k~nd of "show of force" in. thenewspapers they controlled, and visits to the leaders'homes. In the end, the Masyumi leaders felt that theycould no longer stand the psyehologtceletrain of ltvtngin Jakarta, their safety having been seriously threatened,and one by one they left Java, some of them .going toSumatra.

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42

In 1957, a number' :elf leaders from certain -polittcalparties were detained on the basis of the state of emer­gency; the fact tha:t they were later released showedthat they had been detained for fabricated reasons.During the same period, some fanatical groups, believ­ing themselves to be strong and perhaps also havingbeen incited, intentionally, by the PKI, made assassin­ation attempts on President Sukarno (for example theCikini incident in 1957).

3. As explained above, the Communist Party and itssupporters showed great cunning (and unscrupulousfoul play). It is not impossible that it was they alsowho,. at the end of 1956, helped create and bring toripeness the situation in Sumatra, Sulawesi and otherislands outside Java, for example by starting, fosteringor fanning such regional movements as Dewan Gajah(the Council of Elephants) in North Sumatra, DewanBanteng (the Council of Buffaloes) in Central Suma­tra, Dewan .Garuda (the Council of Eagles) in South

. Sumatra, and ;Pe):'imesta (Gerakan Perjuangan RakyatSemesta - Entire People's Struggle Movement) in NorthSulawesi:. In the same way, they're-aroused the Daru'lIslam (D.I.) and Tentara tslam Indonesia (T.I.I. - Indo­nesian Tslamlc Army) forces in South" Sulawesi (KaharMuzaikar), West Java (M.S. Kartosuwiryo) , and other areas.

4. The arrival of the Islamic (Masyumi) leaders in Su-.matra at the end of 1957 and beginning of 1958 seemedlike the saying "a thirsty man in the desert finds water';and further stimulated the regional movements, so thatin F~bruary. 1958 the Revolutionary Government of theRepublic of Indonesia (P.R.R.I.) was declared with thefull support of the regional movements and in posses­sian of mNitary strength (the armed forces in thoseregions),

Thus the efforts of the PIa to arouse the Islamic com­munity, through regional disillusionment, to confronta-

44

tion with the legal cenral government in Jakarta, cameto fruition.

Reasons used for opposition to the central govern­ment were: firstly, slowness of regional development,and secondly, the central government (President Su­karno) being under too much influence from commu­nist groups. In the end, the central government, in­cluding President Sukarno and the armed forces, dec­lared the ;P.R.R.I. ., Permesta acUvities. to /be an armedrebellion.5. The outcome of these regional rebellions is well-:known. Ina very short time, the armed rorces.: underthe late Colonel A. Yani (who later became Ministerand Commander-in-Chief of the Army with the rankof Lieutenant General), were able to crush the move­ments, despite reported moral and material assistancereceived by the movements from overseas.

If what has been called an empty slogan was notone and if. that 90% of tndonesta's population,r was i'ntact a real force, could this story have ended thus?.The outcome' was definitely the result of the emptysocia-political slogans which so misled the Islamicleaders at that time.

Effects of the crushing of the regional movementsIncluded :

the banning O'f .the Masyumi Party and PSI ;hounding of the Islamic community with the reasonthat they were ex-lV!lasyumi or eX-;banned-party,especially in regions far from the central govern­ment;certain Islamic community organizations such asthe Islamic Students' Association (H.M.I.) and theMuhammadiy;ah League becoming a target O'f thePKI, who watched them and tried to have thembanned.

45

Regarding this last point, the H.M.I. and the ts­lamie community in general have reason to be gratefulto the. army, especially to the late General Achmad Yani,for the protection given. to them.

It is also likely that the BKI next intended to getrid of the Islamic and other religious parties, althoughthese parties on the basis of a mutual policy, had beenworking very hard within the Nasakom (Nasionalisme,Agama, Kiomunisme - Nationalism, ReUgion, Commu­nism) framework. Nasakom was intended by PresidentSukarno to bring the 'PKI into the nationalist (Panca­sila) line, but the !PKI itself used Nasakom to trap allthe other political parties and forces into becoming itsinstruments.,

6. The cunning of the PKI did not stop there. Theywere not content with crushing their opponents, main­ly the Islamic parties. They, USed another strategy whichhad been most carefully thought out: a "time bomb".

This "time bomb" was a certain. section of the Pre­sidential decree of 5th July 1959, which formed the basisof. the return to. the 1945 Constitution.

Which section? .That which states that the JakartaCharter is an historical document which cannot beseparated from the body of the 1945 Constitution andits Introduction, and in fact provides its spirit; the textsays, "That the Jakarta Charter dated 22nd June 1945represents the spirit of the 1945 Constitution and thetwo forman insepruraJble unity".

This is what the writer means by the time bomb, aproduct of an amazing an'd cunning "art".

7. It is true that, as an individual, it is not possiblefor any Muslim who is a true believer to separate him­self from the Religious Law (shart'a), which is obliga-

46

tory according. to the requirements of individual reli­gious duty (Fardu'ain) ..

Nevertheless, the writer feels it necessary to state h.erethat, on the' subject of the Jakarta' Charter as a whole,the Islamic community was divided into twogrouJps :

a.those of the opi'nion thatthe Jakarta charter mustbe formally implemented through legislation, be­cause it is a 'collective religious duty (fardhu Khi­fayah) ;

b. those of the opinion that it is of the nature of anindividu'al, not a collective, religious duty (fardhu'aln).

As to whether or not those who are not convincedbelievers whose level of understanding is lower, or whosetatth isweaker, must be forced to abide hy it, the Qur'a;nclearly states that in the matter of religion there isnot any compulsion (la-iqraha fiddirn).

8. The writer wishes very much to beg the Islarniccommunity, and especiaJly its political leaders,to befully aware of this "time bomb", .even though, thanksto the initiative and. courage of General Soeharto, wehave together - both formally and physically - wipedout the PKI.

9: ,Another matter which the writer wishes to raise isthe parUamentary system in Indonesia from .1945 to

1969 :a, The first cabinet was directly under President

Sukarno, but then rrom November 1945. up to the dis­solution ofParUarnent (1955 general elections) by Pre­sident Sukarno on 5th March 1960, all cabirnetswereparliamentary ones. In the parliarnentru:-y c~binet .sys­tern, the continued existence of a eabtnet 1S entirelydependent on Parliament. (Bear in mind the terms"motton of confidence" and ,"motiOn of no-eonndence").

47

b. The 1945 Constitution states clearly thllit ourcabinet system is a prestdentta; one; then why were thesecond and subsequent cabinets parliamentary ones? Itseems that there was a desire for a convention as in theBrit~sh Rule of Convention or the French Custumier.'Dhis was the turning taken by our leaders.

Again, according to the 1945 Oonstttutlon there shouldat least up to the time of the formulation of the Con~stitution of the United States of Indonesia, have beenonly presidential cabinets. Why then a parliamentarycabinet in whioh the entire cabinet or each member wasdirectly responsrble to Parliament? Had our leadersalready forgotten their consensus embodied in the 1945Const1t~tion? As this is a question of state law,hereis not the place to discuss it in depth, for that is notthe purpose of this reflection What is important hereis that in 1945 our leaders were still influenced too muchby the Dutch and Continental European style parlia­mep.tary eaoinet system of government, which has in ge­neral been in force from last century up to the presentday. The effects of thds turning taken by our leaders inNovember 1945 were extremely serious. National andparty life became chaotic, Cabinet after cabinet fellbecause of the application of the parliamentary cabinet.system in a situation at variance and in conflict with/the Constitution itself. The parliamentary system orlgt­nated from liberal democracy; are we going to make ascape-goat of the Partai Sosialis (read PKI) ? What isclear is that it was the parliamentary cabinet that wasso fashioned by the Partai Sos~alis (not to be confusedwith the PSI) as to subtly provoke, lead and force otherparties (especially the Islamic parties) into a position ofconstant confrontation.

. c. The Islamic parties and their leaders (in par­ticular those followers who were fanatics and advocatesof holy war - 'jihllid - ina negative sense) were quite

48

likely worked on by the PKI and its supporters so thatthey· would be unwary and unconsciously 'enter a trap.Much the same thing happened to the other parties.

d. Thanks be to God, we have now returned to lifeunder the original 1945 Constitution, in accord with thethinking and decisions of our leaders at that time. Thepresent system conforms with the provisions of the 1945oonstitutton, for a presidential cabinet which cannot bebrought down at will Iby Parliament as previously. (Par­liament may propose that this matter be brought to asession of the MPR).

e. In relation to the cabinet system, it seem worth­while :mentioning an interchange between Dr. Moham­mad Hatta and Prof. Dr. Supomo at a Plenary Meetingof the Constitution Drafting Committee on 15th July1945 (See NaSkah Persiapan Undang" Dasar 1945 - Draft­ing the 1945 Constitution - by.Prof. H. Mohainad Yamin,Volume. One, published by Yayasan Prapanca, Jakarta).Hatta's question was roughly "Aren't the ministers res­ponsible to the People's (Representative) Council (Par­liament) as in the parliamentary cabinet system inEurope (the Netherlands) .: particularly under the DutchOonstitution of 1838?" Although Hatta's question wasmore an academic one, Supomo answered firmly andclearly, "The Committee has rejected the parliamentarysystem, because it originates from the system of liberaldemocracy, which we have rejected. In rejecting theschool of thought of Indlvlduallsm, we also reject theliberal democratic system".

In other words, the parUamentary system is (originatesfrom) the Uberal democratic system, which in turn isbased on individualism (the individual as being born afree being, without ties, and thus society also being free;this points in the direction of anarchy in communityand government life). It is clear from this interchange

49.

that the presldentlal cabinet system is the right one forour country. suoomo, indeed, is a person who was helpedby the late Prof. Dr. Djokosoetono. Prof. Djokoscetono,as a student of Prof. Van Vollenhoven, who worked outthe Indonesian customary law system, and of Prof. TerHaar, renowned for his theory of decisions (lbeslissing~

sleer), Iknew very well indeed the Indonesian way ofthinking and customary law.

f. What about the parliamentary cabinet system,which Holland has followed UJP to the time this 'supple­ment was written (April - May 1973) ? Following thegeneral elections In November 1972, the formation ofHolland's parliamentary cabinet dragged on and on,partly because the multi-party system forces "horse-trading" among the politiCal parbies. .

It is saddening that lit country liJke Holland, which hasfollowed the parliamentary cabinet system since 1838,should, in the formation of its latest cabinet (which wasat last formed in May 1973), meet problems which rathermake nonsense of the system. It is in fact not surprisingthat a member of the Dutch Embassy staff should haveremarked cyn1caUy to the writer in January 1973, thatthe people of Holland might do well to follow Indonesia'sexample; he was referring to our mum-party systemwhich, on tihe basis of Resolution No. 1966 of the MlPRS,was simpUfied into two groups plus the FunctionalGroups (Golongan Karya).

g. As Philippine Foreign Minister Rcmulo said inresponse to a question by a UPI' reporter in Manila onFebruary 4, 1973, the application. of Western Europeanor American-style democracy in developing nations Is not

" always successful (for example, Indonesia and the Phi:'llpplnes) . He said that they had taken the skeleton fromthe USA, and tried to give it their own flesh and blood,but failed. Romulo, a Pulitzer Prize Winner, and the

50

first Asian to become Chairman .of the UN General As­sembly, continued to say that he fully believed in what­ever was good for his country and people. Democracy,he said could provide the opportunity to progress anddevelOP: but it must be adapted to the needs, t~aditi~n?and background of the people concerned. (AntalaNews Agency, 5-2-73).

Is the presidential cabinet system g~o~? Bet~er thanthe parUamentary cabinet system? ThIS IS relative, anddepends on the particular situation and level of deve­lopment .of each country and society.

For the conditions, situation and state of develop­ment of our own beloved country, the writer is of theopinion that the presidential cabinet system is the most

suitable.As an example, we may look at the non-parli'a,~en­

tary cabinets in the United states. They have existedfrom the 18th century up to the present day under theUS oonstitunon, and never upset the political life of

the nation.Let us keep the presidential cabinet sys~em of t~e

1945 Oonstitution. A continual change of c8.lbm ets,. a~ mthe past,at the very least disturbs party funct~omng,and such disturbances and strains within the parttes (orgroups) would be used to the full by persons or gro~ps

who oppose justice and 'prosperity for the IndonesIan

nation and people.

Enough aoout the cunning strateg;y of the.PK~, out-

I· d' (6) above or which we should maintain fulllilleln ., . .. .awareness. The "time bomb" could be set off at any tl~eby PKiIelements who have inf:iltrated the body of the

parties.Everyone, and in particular the Islamic community,

should take time to reflect, so' that we are not again.

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tricked into conflict over the purity of ideology andprinciples.

In this context it should 'be noted that the late K.H.Faqih Usman saw and was aware of this a long timeago. Three or four months before his death, at an ad­vanced age, he had time to speak to the writer as follows:

"Mr. Mintaredja, accept General Soeharto's offer ofa ministerial post. This is important for the IslamiccommunitY,including the Muhammadiyah organiza­tion. I give you my best wishes, and I shall helpyou actively with advice and so on, if necessary. Infact I am going to give you some advice here andnow".

He continued:

"1 have a message which I want you deliver to theentire Islamic community and Indonesian nation, andto President Boehaeto : that the Islamic communityactually need no longer debate the question of theJakarta Charter..The Islamic community is in factalready satisned and happy with the 1945 Constitu­tion, and in particular Article 29 Paragraph 1, which

. establishes that the state is based on belief in oneGod.

"The Islamic community is pleased with this para­graoh as a foundation; we can practice and deve­lop our religton (and the same applies for otherfaiths) with complete freedom".

That was the advice given by the late K.H. FaqihUsman. May his soul be received at the Lord's side.

He was indeed far-sighted. He in fact already 'sawand understood the "time-bomb" iplanted by the PKIand its supporters in the Presidential Decree of 5th July1959, although the writer himself became -aware of themeaning of his advice only after his death.

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I repeat my plea for us, the Islamic community, andin particular the younger members, to remain alert tothe Communist Party's "time-bomb".

To the writer, the Jakarta charter is only a humancreation, and which is the more important, the Qur'anor the Jakarta Charter? What is the point of an out­cry over the Jakarta Charter, when many of us stillforgot or neglect to put its content into practice?

There remains the question of what we should donow.

A. What game of politics are we to play in the future?

Before trying to answer this question, the writerwould like to turn to a consideration of some matterspropounded by the Islamic hero and thinker from Egypt,Shaykh Muhamad Aibduh, whom Wesbern oriental scho­lars call an Islamic Theformation hero. (i.e. in the fieldof individual interpretation based on particular circum­stances- taj:did), though the writer personally prefersnot to use the term "Reformation".

The writer is more in favour of the French term"Renaissance" or the German "AufkUirung". ("Renai­ssarice" means rebirth; "AuiikHirung" means clearingskies after overcast weather).

"Reformation" reminds the writer of the basic changesin Roman Catholicism made by Protestants such asLuther, Calvin and Zwingli, which resulted in the name"Protestantism", during the Middle Ages. "Renaissance"or "Aufklarung", on the other hand, carries the conno­tation of the rise of the use of reason as a result of theinfluence of ancient Greek thought (rationalism).

What was proposed by Shaykh Muhamad A1bduh( 1849 - 1950)? According to him, Islam has in severalfields been infused with elements of tradition,- super-

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stitlon, disputes and so on, so that it is no longer pureas taught by MUhammad, the last prophet sent by God.We have dtverged vfrom the original pm'tty. For thisreason he urged us to exercise our right of individualInterpretation and judgement ( tajdid ), to makea serious effort at understanding, using our reason, sothat we can then come to conclusions and opinions basedon the. Qur'an. and Hadith (the books of tradition ofwhat Muhammad said and did.) Relevant here is averse from the Hadith: "Ad dltnu huwal qalu, la diinaliman la aqla lahu", freely translated as: "Religion isreason; only men of reason are men of religion".

If we are going to accept this "Reformation"figure'ssuggestion, it woUild [be better to use tJhe term "renewal

. of thinking" to rupply to it. Also, in the present context,there is cleariIy a connection w~th the present renewalofthink1ng in the field of poli:tics(situational in terprs­tation. in the political field) ..

Wereoul' policies in the past wrong? The answerisc1ear: yes; for if not; how could the IndonesianIslamic community have got into the state it is now in?What and Where, was the mistake? Up to now, we haveconcerned ourselves too much with political problems assuch, while neglecting matters vital for the achievementof national prosperity and economic justice --..: economicdevelopment of the nation and people; Without economicdevelopment, it Is impossible to achieve socio-economicjustice, and the same applies to development in the fieldsof education and so on. In fact, if we are lacking in allthings, our thinking' while we perform our religiousduties will be disturbed.

If our thinking is disturbed, how can we devote our­selves to prayer? In the field of economic development,and not just the soclo-polttlcal sphere, Muslims must dogood and prevent evil.

Clearly, up to the presentcour.politteal approach hasbeen aimed merely at formal political victory (in thelegislative field only), by arousing the desires and emo­tions of the people for nothing; we have 'been fightingfor Ideological principles alone. No!'! and in the future,it is important that we toltow a political approach aimedat material victory, emphasizing content, Which. can onlybe achieved through development in all fields (the eco­nomy, food, clothing, housing, education, etc.). What ismeant by "formal political approach" (struggle overideological bases) and "material political approach" willbe explained further in a later section.

Wha.t must we do in the religious sphere?

1. The writer believes it to be aJbsolutely essentialthat we continue a process of renewal and purificationof our religion (tajdid) like that taught by ShaykhMuhammad A:bduh, at the same time using modern sys­tems. This is, in fHICt, already being carried out to thefullest extent by organizations such as Muhammadlyah,the Islamic Union (Persatuan Islam - Persis) etc.

In practice, however, it seems as if there are thoseWho forget this; the reason may he, bhough, that manyof us do not understand the relevant parts of religiouslaw.

There are even still religious scholars who supposedlyreally understand Islamic religious law, yet who try tofind verses from the Qur'an and Hadbth to substantiatethe traditional (adat) law of the particular district fromWhich they come. ActuaUy, if' we are serious in our desireto exercise our right of interpretation and judgement,it becomes clear that the cusomary law of the particulardistrict concerned is diametrically opposed to the con­tents of both the Qur'an and the Hadith.

55

W1hatis more, there are some religious scholars who,while claiming great faithfulness and mastery of inter­pretation according to ShaYlkh MuhMIlmadAibduh's way,openly assume the role of judge, as if commanded, givenauthority, and permitted by God to pass the verdict that,for example, so-and-so's faith is weak 01' unstable. Is notthe question of faith a matter for God at the Day ofJudgement?

.What is to .he the destiny of interpretation? Shouldwe not, as Muslims, be obedient to everything in theQur'an and Hadith,practice and demonstrate it properly;consistently and without reserve?

NOTE: Regarding cusomary (adat) law - and here thewrbter apologises to the religious scholars fromthe district concerned - there is the rule that,in general, it is the woman Who inherits, whe­reas according' to the Qur'an and Hadith, it ingeneral clearly should be the man (provided ofcourse that there is a male heir). However,in the legal system of a democratle state, civillaw (wherever it may have originated from) doesnot differentiate between male and female inthe matter of inheritance, whether the systembe a western or an Indigenous one (t.e, custo­mary law, which may include Islamic law ifthis has become emoodled in it).

Another matter concerns certain Islamic youth' in anumber of places who damaged churches and Christianschools. 'llheir actions were completely wrong and con­trary to Islamic teaching, whether or not they were pro­voked by other groups.

As an example of provoked actions, it is worthwhileciting an incident of damage to. a church in Jatibarang,Indramayu, West Java, in 1968, (Other incidents occuredin Makasar and Menado)

56

During the fasting month that year, an Islamicreligious teacher and leader (kiyai) was visited bya girl of about fifteen to seventeen years, whorelated, in tears, how her orother-m-taw preventedher from fasting, and sometimes forced her to eatpork.The kiyai, seething with emotion, discussed thematter with his friends, including some young men.These young men, learning that the girl's brother­in-law lived in a church complex in Jatibarang,brought a band of other youths and attacked anddamaged the church.

The youth were arrested by the authorrties, andthen the facts became known. It turned out thatthe kiyai and Islamic youths had been tricked bythe girl and. her brother-m-Iaw. The girl was amember of Gerwani, the Indonesian Women's (com­munist) Movement, while her brother-in-law waswanted by the authorities in Solo for suspected in­volvement in the 30th September Movement and thePKI.

The action of the Jattbarang youths was certainlycontrary to God's words, "La Iqraha fiddin", religion doesnot involve force, in the social or any other field. Thisverse is given added strength by an account inthe Hadithin which the Prophet Muhammad showed a tolerantattitude to other religions.

We should surely follow the example of the Prophet,according to the account of Iilmu Qayyim (ZadHMa'adni : 49; page Ward Najran) - (see Toleransi Nabi Mu­hammad dan Para Sahabatnya - The Tolerance of, theProphet Muhammad and his Followers - by H. AoubakarAtjeh, and Introduction to the Study of the Holy Qur'anby Mirza Bashirudidin Mahmud Achmad) , This accountis a demonstration of religious tolerance in Islam,and proves untrue the negative accounts of western

57

oriental scholars such as Thomas Carlyle and Dr. S. Key­zer who have said that Islam is inclined towards com­pulsion. It was said that (Islarnie) leaders, when they.go anywhere, in performing their religious duties forexample, always carry the Qur'an in their left hand (asif' they were holy), hut in their right hand grasp a'sword.

The story related by Ibn Qayyim is as follows:

"Muhammad was once visited by several prominentChristians, whom he and his followers received in theirhome with great courtesy and friendliness as befits aprophet. Some of the visitors were even received at themosque. After several days of exchanging ideas, it cameto Sunday, their day of worship",

As we know, Muslims may worship anywhere, athome, at school, in the open air, on it river bank, andso on; anywhere on the Lord's earth. The Christians,.however, needed to worship in a special place, a church.Thus there arose a rather critical situation In the courseof their religious discussion. All were at a loss. Then theProphet stepped in and invited the Christian leaders touse his mosque (others say his house) for their wor­ship..This account of religious dialogue between Muham­mad and a delegation of Ohrtstians is authentic. Thereis only the point as to whether it was the Prphet's mos­que or house which became the Christians' place ofworship, which is not recorded. Despite this, as an actof tolerance in the Islamic religion, any mosque or Mus­lim's house may be. used for worship or religious dutiesby a person or group of another religion. This wasthe opinion of Iraqi Chief Mufti ( reltglous leader)Shayikh Najmuddin al Wa'idz when the writer asked himabout the matter. It is corroborated by that of a professorof Islamic law in Cairo. (The latter was learned from

58

K.A. Lanur M.A., a graduate .. of th~: Al Azhar University,who lives in Baghdad, Iraq).·

This being the case, can we not say that the Prophet'smosque Was briefly. turned into a church? Does not theProphet's attitude provide an example of great conge­niality and tolerance towards other religions and theirfollowers?

2. On the subjeet. of mistakes made by the Islamiccommunity, something we often forget is that Islam andthe P,rophet Muhammad were sent :by God not just forone group of people, but for 'the sake of all groups, infact for all of creation.

There is the verse from the Qur'an, a revelation tothe Prophet, which runs: "W,a ma arsalnaka illa rakh­matanlil 'alamin" (Have I not come down to you, Mu­hammad, for a call to and presence in the entire world '!)

For this reason, let us show all people that our religionand Muhammad truly:

-:- were sent into the world to call all of creation ;- are full of tolerance ;~ are entirely peaceful;- protect minority groups;- and so on.

Let us then, and especially the younger generationof Muslims, make a point of showing our religion to begood and without fault, through actions which are posi­tive in nature and of benefit to. all groups, to the en tirenation and people.

3. Let us put aside the questions of different doc­trines (mazhaib) and sects (furu') which were outlinedin Chapter II, for these are the questions which disruptthe atmosphere of unity of the Faith C'Ummatan Wa­khidah"),

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C. What can the Islamic community and its leaders doin thefiield of economic development?

A very great amount indeed, if we bear in mind thatone part of the economic development. which we are atpresent undertaking (the First Five Year DevelopmentPlan) is based on the eta,dication of communism whichis in fact very much afraid of development which willbring prosperity. We know it is not impossible for deve­lopment to be accompllshed with a communist base andmethods. However, for us, development ~tself is a meansto achieve certain goals - a society with faith in oneGod, humanitarianism, social justice, and so on (Pan­casila) .

In the theory and practice of communism, on theother hand, man becomes the means to achieve deve­lopment according to 'a plan determined by those inpower and directed towards strengthening their ownposition. Observe the countries following communism.Were our natton to be developed according to a commu­nist base and 'methods.' we would have to pay too higha price for development; Our own and other religionswould eventually be wiped out by communist teachings.Our high level of culture, our way of family Ute, thecustoms and. traditions of our people, would be lost toIndonesia. In the same way, the love and affection ofparents for their children, and vice versa, would disap­pear;

Mohammad Munir, a ;PKI leader, a member of thepolitical Bureau of the Central Commrttee of the Com­munist Party, and previously head of the All-IndonesiaFederation of Labour Unions (SOBSI) said, duringhis trial by the. Central Jakarta District Court, on 12thl!'ebruary 1973 (quoted by all the daily newspapers, in ...eluding Nusantara No. 284, Year XV, page 1) : "In theory,

60

the PKJ follows the Marxist and Leninist opposition toreligion, although in practice the Party does not raisethe matter of religlon. This is what makes the Indone­sian Communist Party distinctive - for the time. beingit makes the existing social situation its base. But oneday", continued Moh, Munir, "when it becomes possible,the Marxist and Leninist doctrmeswtll have to be reallyput into effect". (Author's comment: this means thatreligion must be eliminated and even regarded as poison).

Here we face a fundamental problem, a matter ofcrucial choice. We have already made this choice our­selves, wi,tih God'sap,proval we believe, in our choice ofdevelopment according to the 1945 Constitution and theFive Basic Principles (Pancasila) , and our rejection ofcommunism. For the sake of our nation, the governmentsince 1968 has been engaged in economic developmentas a weapon to wipe out hunger, economic breakdown,unemployment and poverty, and also atheism (does not

, a verse from the Qur'an say that atheism is allied to .poverty?). In other words, from the point of view ofobligation to .wipe out communists and communism whowant to destroy Allah's religion, the Islamic communityis bound by ~ts law to contribute all it can to the develop­ment effort at present underway.

The time has now come for us to focus our attentionand participate actively in improving performance in

the development of -our .nation and people. We shouldnot, as we' have done in the past, only provide reactions(reactionary), bus,y ourselves with conferences, resolutionsand emotional speeches which inflame the fanaticism ofthe younger generation and the Islamic community ingeneral, or blame and accuse others as if we ourselveswere pure and holy or had just descended from Heaven.

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What is demanded of us now is expertise and positiveperformance in development, especially in the presentfirst five-year plan which aims at increasing agriculturalproduction, so tnat our country IDalY 'be free of rice andfertilizer imports as soon as possjble.

Islamlc leaders who have mastered knowledge of thelife and activity of village communities are under anobligation to raise the level of our rellgion so that itplays a part in development. They can, for example, helpthe Islamic community in their own dlstrfcts to under­stand that in his age of modern technology, new equip­ment, methods and materials must be used to increaseagricultural production.

Are there not verses in both the Qur'an and Hadithwhich Ipoint to the need for us to follow a balanced wayof life, not to live just for the world hereafter, not, justfor this world, but to strike a balance between the two:

a. Does not one of the Hadith say, "Work for the worldhereafter as if you were going to die tomorrow. Butwork for your present world as H you were going tolive forever in the world". (I'mal lidunyaka kaanna­ka ta'isu abadan, wa'mal ltakhlrottka kaannakatamutu ghodan) .

b. Is there not a prayer in the Qur'an, a ve'ry impor­tant one called the Raja (= King) prayer, whichasks for salvatton in this life and afterlife? (Rob­oana atina fiddunya hasanah wafil akhiroti hasa­nah, waqina 'azabannar) ,

c. Our Prophet even declared that ilt is we who knowbest about our own world ("antum a'Iamu bi umurldunyakum") .

Surely these verses show a good state of balance inthe Islamic religion? A balance between this world andthe next? A stace of equtlibrium ?

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II. A. Let us return to the discussion of defending andfighting for principles and tdeologwexclusively. Is the typeof struggle used by the polltical .partles in the past ne­cessary now? Is it appropriate and useful?

The parties. and groups, especially since the commen­cement of the First Five Year Plan, have 'all promised togive prtorrty to development; hopefully this is more thanmere Ilpservice. From our experienceof twenty-five yeara

. . \of independence too, it seems we no 'longer need to stressparty ldeologleal conflict.

Let us reflect again on what these groups and partiesreally want to achieve. It is in essence more or less as fol­lows:

1. The Islamic parties and groups. stress that Islamicprinciples are the best, that the Islamic communityis in a maiortty in Indonesia, and for this reasonthey hope for and demand an appropriate politicalposition.

The parties based on nationalism of course hold thatthe most important foundation Is nationalism, be­cause ~ it is said - we are in a "national" environ­ment, our people, homeland and state are nationalin character, and the nature of Indonesia's strugglehas been mainly national.

3. The parties based on the teachings of Jesus Christare naturally of the 'opinion that the Christian reli­gion, with its basic principle of love, i's the most use­ful in our country.

4. The parties whose basic principle is socialism cer­tainly claim this to be the most appropriate forIndonesia, for in accordance with the natlon's long­held aspirations, as stated in the 1945 Constituation,we are attempting to head towards a just and pros-

63

perous society, a welfare state. On the basis of this,according to them, it is proper that the principle ofsocialism received priority.

The wishes of each of the above groups and partiesare logically equally valid (subjectively and objectively).For this reason, the Islamic and other polttical parties(with the exception of the PKI) are equally noble ac­cording to the writer's evaluation, despite the fact thathe happens to be the General Chairman of Parmusi.(Since the fusion of the Islamic parties, he has becomethe General Chairman of the Central Executive of theuntted Development Party - Partai Persatuan Pemba­ngunan) . If these are all equally valid (as the writerbelieves), and if each party really objectively feels itsview to be:

- the most valid,_ the most advantageous for the nation and people,_ and the most generally advantageous all round,

then why could we not unite them all (providing theydo not conflict with religion or any other of the FiveBasic Principles,· as does communist doctrine) ?

As they are all objectively valid, is it not possibleand better for us to refrain from quarrelling?

What an advantage for the Indonesian people if allparties and groups could stop their ideological conflictsfor good I

In the writer's opinion,

1. The parties and groups which adhere to Islamic.prlnclples

_ are certainly not going to work only for thoseof the Islamic community who are grouped within theIslamic parties and groups, but also for those who, be-

64

cause of socio-political convictions, are supporters of otherparties which are also striving to achieve a just andprosperous society, "oaldatun toyyiJbatun wa robibunghafur", a prospesous state blessed by God; which wouldbe enjoyed by all.

Those which adhere to socialist principles

- will, as with the parties and groups based onIslamic principles, work and strive for a society withf.ull social justice and not make distinctions on the basisof group .or religion.

Those with natlonalist principles

- wil:l, without doubt, work not for their' supporters.alone; but for the whole people of Indonesia (includingMuslims and Christians as Indonesian citizens), and alsowill not forget the importance of social justtce.

And those adhering to Christian principles

-'- will, as with the other groups and parties, cer­tainly not seek happiness and prosperity for the Christiancommunity alone, but also for those of other religionsand even those with no religion.

If such is the case, if all the aims are, teleologically,of the samevalue, then in the writer's view there is nolonger any reason for parties and groups in Indonesiato come into conflict over principles and .ideology, muchless to make an issue of Ideological conflicts at the pre­sent time.

Furthermore, as we. all know, all the parties andfunctional groups, both collectively and individually, havedeclared themselves program-oriented.

If we could make a joint committment of program­rientatton to be jointly implemented (with no more

65

ideological' conrlict), this would bring happiness to thepeople of Indoesia as a whole by focussing and concen­trating all attention and ability in the common interestof development, material and splrttuar; development ofman and humanitarianism in the fullest sense; for onlythus can we achieve the just and prosperous societv, towhich we have so long aspired, in a relatively short time.In the writer's opinion, unity as such is an importantfactor in the haip[l,iness of manklnd.

If all groups and parties have the same ultimategoal, a just and prosperous society, as is stated in theIntroduction to the 1945 Constitution, it is not a coin­cidence that the structural base is also the same: faithin one God, nationalism, democracy, social justice andhumanitarianism, as drawn together tn the Introductionunder the name of pancasil~or the Fi've Basic Principles.(Note: Communism and thePKI, whose doctrine as abasic principle rei ects and denies faiJth in .one God andthus denies Panoasfla, cannot possibly, by any mannerof .means, be given a place in the Pancasila structure,unless the contene of Pancastla is first thrown out, leavingonly an empty name. In fact, th'is is what was attemptedby the 30th September Movement and the PKl).

Two dialffie,trically oplPosed philosophical standpointsglorification and service of God and revolutionary

denial of Him - cannot exist together within the Pancasila.structure, or using the communist terms, cannot forma synthesis but rather constitute an antithesis. In relationsbetween these standpotnts, only the principle of "survivalof the fittest" awlies. (In actual fact, that referred to asthe dialectics of' "thesis - antithesis - synthesis" is not anoriginal communist (Marxist) concept; dialectical thoughtoriginated from the' dlstmgutshed German speculativephilosopher Hegel).

66

Thanks be to God, the All Loving but also the AllPowerful and All Determining, through His grace wewere "the fittest". In other words, the ideological­philosophical or ideological dogmatic struggle is now over,and all ideological bases, panties and groups are gatheredtogether within the pfnlosophy of Pancasila. It nowremains to struggle for the implementation of this ineveryday life, both in political and in community life.

The reason for the parties and groups giving suchprioriJty to principles and ideology, are along these lines.The writer now wants to urge the younger generation,from each and every grouping, to, work together harmo­niously on the basis of Pancasila in pursuing a commongoal: a just and prosperous national society.

Confliot over ideology and basic principles withinIndonesia Iseut-of-date.

If we reflect, we shall realize that conflict overpolitical ideology in Indonesia up till now has had twobackgrounds :

1. During the struggle for independence, Islamic andnationalist aspirations were weapons in opposingthe colonial power ; .

2. The tormatton of a (democratic) parliamentarycabinet gave' parliament a strong position; the

'parties misused this opportunity by making anissue of ideological bases, and then for this reasonthey engaged in power-building, singly and/or ~n

combination.

It was these two situations that, became the back­ground for the prolific party Ideologieal vconfltct thateached its peak in 1955.

67

There may still be many amongst us who considerthat party conflict over ideology and basic principlesis unquestionable and necessary; this also being the caseoverseas. In fact, however,in other countries the partieshave 'long since left behind ideological struggle in thepoliitical realm. If their programs .still mentton rbastcprinciples and ideology, these are the most minor con­siderations, for what is given priority and emphasis inthe parties' programs is Ithe content - a program aimedtowards a just and prosperous society - not the basicform and principles.

Such is the situation with party struggle overseas -,in the UniJted ISta:tes, western Europe, and Australia andeven in some countries in Asia.

In this context, as an illustration, it is worth men­tioning a relic of the old ideological struggle in Holland,where one of the parties is called the Catholic People'SParty (KflJtholieke Volkspartij, K.V.P.), as if it emplhasizedCatholic principles, whereas the mention of the religiousfoundation in the party's name is really only for identi­fication.

By "relic" is meant that just the word "Catholic"remains, .the stress' on Catholic principles and ideologyhaving long slnce 'been left behind; the struggle nowconcerns content, not formal basic principles.

As an example, in the Dutch general election cam­paign of March 1971, the parties' campaign themesillustrated their emphases. For example: "If our partywins the price of margarine. and butter will be loweredtwo'cents", or, "If our pal1ty wins, suttlclent housingwill be constructed for the people of Holland, so thatrents will automatically fall".

This is just an tllustratdon of how out-of-dateparty ideological struggle in our country is.

68

In the U.S.A., neither the namesnor the basic prin­ciples are concerned with ideology any more (Democ­ratic Party and Republican Party).

In connection with the Indonesian Islamic commu­nity's struggle, in Which there has been too much em­phasis on principles, ideology' and religion, it is usef~l

as an example and comparison to look at the. Islamiecommunity's struggle in the Arrub nations, Which can,above all, be called Islamic states. DeSipite the fact thatthe peoples of the Arab countries possess a common base,

Le.- Arab nationalism,~ and the Islamic religion (which was there long

before it came to tndonestaa,

they have, after decolonialization, so far been unable ~ounite. 'Dhey are split into three groups: the Algiers aXIS,the Cairo axis and the Kirurachi axis.

In these countries, party struggle is no longer onthe basis of religious principles or religious groupings.

On the subject of Islamic states, Pakistan is a nationWhich was truly" created on a basis 'of Islamic ideology.Both Palkistan and India were, of course, before WlQ1'ldWllir II, part of British India. Because of its Islamicbasi's, however, Pakistan did not want to be part of "antndependent India" free from British rule. The twosections of Pakistan, West (Punjab) and East (Bengal).,although separated by a distance of 1100 miles, becauseof their Islamic toundation united to form one Inde­pendent Pakistan, and even became a nation in whichIslam was proclaimed the state rellgton. But look at thepresent fate of the Pakistllini nctton ! Is it not tragic?

As we witnessed not long ago, Pakistan, which pre­viously, because of its Islamic ideological base, was

69

socially and poUt~cally very strong, broke down due toracialism (,Punjrubi and Bengali tribalism). Violent hos­tility welled up among the people, and eventually EastPakistan and its people, Bengalis, proclaimed themselvesa new nation, Bangla Desh, which has now in effectbeen recognized by almost all nations as a U.N. member.What happened in Pakistan makes it all the clearer thatideological victory (struggle) alone does not guaranteefreedom from breakdown and contuston such as threat­ened that nation.

For memlbers of the Muhammadiyah Organization inparticular, the view of a respected senior member, KiryaiRaden Hadjid, is of importance. At the end of May 1971,the writer, with two others, visited his home. Duringthe visit, Mr. Hadjid made certain statements which werein essence approximately as follows:

The general election campaign at that time wasdifferent from previously (meaning the 1955 cam­paign) ;

That which was most emphasized and which consti­tuted bhe program in the earlier campaign wasstatements and explanations ot the basic principlesand ideology of the various parties.

However in the second general elections (1971) itwas different; the atmosphere could be said to' bequiet: We used to fight over party principles or ideo­logy, and certainly we were in the past defeated byour biggest enemy, the PKI. Now, with the PKI nolonger in existence, it no longer seems necessary to

. fight over Ibasic principles and ideology, this beingjust a waste of energy.

This statement of Kiyai R. Hadjid clearly shows hiswell-balanced mind, his advanced age (76 years) notwith-

70

standing. Let us, who are still young or not yet old, hopethat we too may be able to maintain our balance andequilibrium in the same way.

Note:

In the past, the struggle for unity of the entireWorld Islamic Community (Pan Islamism) was mademuch of by Shaykh Jamaluddin Al Ai1ghani', bUit now Itis obvious that the Arab nations which can appropriatelybe called Muslim countries are greatly lacking in vitalspirtt or elan (progressiveness and inspiration). Hope­fully it is not lost entirely.

The unity which there still is among the Arab nationsis more Pan Araoism. This accords with the opinion ofa.A.R. Gfbb who said that Pan Arabism has defeatedPan Islamtsm or pushed it into second place.

The truth of G~bib's opinion the writer leaves to theevaluation of the reader, but when the writer looks at theattention of the Arab nations to our own country.severalyears ago When our economic life was on the point ofextinction, it is clear that it was the non-Muslim countrieswhich helped us (I.G.G.I.).

The writer certa~nly is aware, mainly from experience,that "Arab country" is not necessarily equivalent to"Islamic country" or ",Muslim country".

The question the writer wishes to ask is, where isIslamic' solidartty ? Quo vadis Pan Islamism? And quovadis Pan Arabism ?

It is the Muslims of Indonesia who feel strongly thespirit of Islamic' solidar~ty, 'Proof of which was givenafter the Six Day War between the Arab nations andIsrael. Although Indonesian MusUms we're economicallyalmost below the minimum Ievel for existence, theynevertheless, because of their feeling of Islamic solidarity,

71

collected a modest amount of money and goods to be sentto the refugees, who mainly consisted of Palestinians.In the same way, the Indonesian government under theNew Order leadership, thanks to its "active non-align-

. ment" foreign policy, has ctearly extended its sympathyto the Arab nations, both because of Israel. Israeli ex­pansionism and on the basis of Islamic spirit (with thesupport of the Al Aqsa Mosque).

Most certainly, the Muslims of Indonesia will notforget the Arab nations' political assistance to us at atime when our country was surrounded by policies sup­porting the return of our nation to colonialism (1945 ­1949).

If we reflect on the broad scope of our past expe­riences, we may ask the following questions :

1. Can Pan Islamism be fully achieved, and if so,when?

2. Can Pan Arabism be achieved, and if so, when ?

Regarding 1 :

a. Even with external factors excluded, internalexperience shows a lack of .unity up to the present.At that time alone, before 1949, efforts towards PanIslamism were divided among four organizations - Ra­bithah' alam Islami, with its headquarters in Mecca, theInternational Islamic Organizatlon (previously calledO.LA.A,), with its headquarters in Jakarta, the WorldMoslem Conference in Karachi, and the Muktamar Islamyin Cairo.

b. If we look at the situation in the Arab countries,which over the last twenty to thirty years have in generalbecome very rich due to their abundant oil deposits, buthave forgotten to help other Muslim countries such asIndonesia, through material assistance for economicdevelopment especially, and even through assistance for

72

splritual development, such as by building !'slamic cen­tres Arabic language centres, religious training centres(IPe~antren), mosques (including .the Is1;iqlal Mosque), itis clear that Pan rslamtsm has been practically forgotten,and supplanted by Arab nationalism. In Indonesia it isthe reverse, the Muslims placing too much stress on PanIslamism, to the extent that they have tended to neglectthemselves and almost become caught up in an imaginary,utopian world, giiVing all for the sake of Pan rslamtsm butforgetting the existence of Indonesia's national identity.It has been said that an Arao gives first priority to him­self, second to his ethnic _group, third to nationallsm,and then fourth place to Islamic solidarity: hopefullythese are nothing but idle words. Perhaps in the future,after the year 2000, Pan Islamism, with a feeling of trater­nity for all nationalities and faHhs, may start to berealized. God willing. But for this to be possible, first areneeded perseverence, patience, stamina, determination,and lastly an attitude of devotion and acceptance inaccordance with the phrase "LHlahi ta'ala" -the dedi­cation of everything to God.

Regarding 2 :

a. Considering the present stage of realization, thewriter is not optimistic about the prospects of Pan Islam­ism being achieved at all, let alone rapidly. Are not theArab nations now s,plit into three groups - the Algiers,Cairo and Karachi axes? We cannot interfere politically,for this is a matter of national rights of the Arab nations.It is up to them, the countries who should be providinga good example to either Muslim countries.

:b. Looking at the sttuatlon now, with several Arabnations and also a number of other Musllm countriespractising not an active non-aligned foreign policy likeIndonesia's, .but one directed towardsanJd too dependenton certain superpowers, the writer fears that even Pan

73

Araotsm is merely a dream, a mirage like those seen inthe deserts of the Araotands. How much more so PanIslamism! Without Pan Ar3Jbism, it is certainly almostimpossible to achieve Pan Islamism.

c. Pan Islamlsm has, for a long time and Uip to thepresent day, been taken in a negative sense by non-Mus­lims. Those outside Islam understand H as aimed onlyat building up power to take action against non-Muslims,to Islamize (hy force), while its original meaning, that,intended by its instigator Jamaluddin alAfghani, wasonly to oppose and/or to oust colonial powers from colo­nized nations (including the former Netherlands EastIndies).

The writer personally Is in favour of Pan Islamism,to:

strengthen the bond of friendship amongst the fol­lowers of Islam (unity and brotherhood - "ummatariwahidah" and "Uchuwwah Islamiyah") ;

jointly give information and explanations to non­Muslims, for example that Islam is a religion whichfits any time and place; that it is full of tolerancefor other rellgions ; and even that the Islamic rellgionis in all ways a positive one ;

together with the other religions of the world (onthe basis of the same holy books etc), advance thepeoples of the world; for this reason it is to be hopedthat the claims that Christlanbty is "a dead church",that Islam is nothing but "a dead mosque", are onlyidle talk.

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C HAP T E R IV.

THE PARTAI MUSLIMIN INDONESIA/PARTAI PERSA­TUAN PEMBANGUNAN IN THE "NEW ORDER" POLI­

TICAL STRUCTURE, IN PARTICULAR SINCE3rd JULY 1971

(GENERAL ELECTIONS).

I. The New Order society has gained the name of a"Development Society", and certainly, the main aim oflife under the New Order is to bring about a frame ofmind oriented towards national development, both phy­sical and mental, with ideology relegated to second orthird place. In the past (1945 - 1965), as has been .statedabove, the Islamic and other ~parties virtually only aimedat success in a spiritual struggle, with physical or eco­nomic development given second place. Any propagandaabout economic development was in practice only lip­service, with little or no evidence in reality.

The people, and especially the Islamic community,were, It seemed, fed up with this state of things, and werevery keen indeed for physicaldevelO1pment to get under­way so that realization of our common aspirations of. thelast 27 years might as soon as possible be felt. But whatactually happened? Up to 1965 there was nothing but

. ideological struggle, with effects. Which are still felt:suffering. As the author has already mentioned, Islamstresses a balance in life - a state of equilibrtum betweenour present world and the world to come.

With all this in mind, Parmusi (of' course nowmeaning its successor, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan)is determined to place the emphasis in its political struggleon balanced development.

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II. Before saying more about economic development, itwould seem helpful to the Islamic younger generation togive an explanation of just what is meant by' "politics"and "political" in the terminology of political parties.

Among the numerous books on the definition and aimsof politics, the writer favors the explanation given byWiillem Zevenbergen in his book Formeele Encyclopaediedel' Rechtswetenschap (Formal Encyclopaedia of Juris­prudence), 1925. He says :

1. The word "politics" originates from a Greek wordmeaning anything connected with the state.

2. The ancient Greeks used the word in three con­texts:

- the arts,- science, and- actions.

What is actually of importance Is not these mean­ings, but the aim of politics, which is to gain powerin government, and if possible absolute power,

Aibsolute power is not possible in the party situationof our nation; furthermore, "absolute" connotes dicta­torship, which is in confIict with democracy (Pancasila) ,and for Muslims, the only absolute is God. Under presentconditions in our society, ~t is impossible tor one groupto win 90 to 100% of votes in a democratically-run generalelection.

So the writer wants to use the world "politics" in thesense of the participation of a political party, along vlHhother parties, in holding political power in the Indonesianpolitical state. Is not a "state", among other things, apower organizatlon.?

In this context, the writer would like to bring theIslamic younger generation to an understanding of poli­tics and its place in Islam, by presenting the origin (as-

76

babul wurud) of the hadith which runs, "antum a'lamu-biumuri dunyakum" - it is your who know best theaffairs of your world.

Its meaning is that secular matters are the affair ofus here in the world, and not the concern of those in theworld hereafter, although of course it is difficult toseparate politics based on faith from the Islamicreligion.

It is difficult, but not Impossible.

For'the writer, the proof is as follows:"Politics is not religion, but religion is politics", forthe first is based on reason, judgement and wisdom,the second on divine revelation.Clearly, politics is a secular matter, and it is we our­selves who are affected by it and knowledgeable aboutit. (From the Sura al Maidah, it is clear to the writerthat Islam is without fault, has been perfected. Se­cular matters are outlined in the Qur'an and Hadlth,but not many of the basic outlines have been givena detailed Interpretation. This is the case with ques­tions of politics, state and government).

The origin of the hadlth mentioned above is as follows(the writer obtained a clear and definitive explanationfrom the late Kiyai' Fakih trsman):

The Prophet was once visited by a date farmer, whorelated to him his plans to improve his crop, so thatnot only would the fruit be plentiful, but also largeand sweet, through crossing two varieties of palms.One of these .varteties grew in soil with abundantwater and had plenty of frui,t, but bhey were smalland sour.The other variety grew in soil with little water, andbore few fruit, but they were very large and sweet.The tarmer asked the Prophet for advice and receivedthe following reply: "Matters of religion you may

77

hand over to me. In secular matters, it is you who.know best the affairs of your world. (Muslim Hadith).

This hadlth clearly emphasizes that secular mattersare not the concern of religion in the narrow sense. Thuswe are free to think about and deal with them in thebest interests of the Islamic community, our religion,people and nation, providing of course that this does notconflict with the Qur'an and Hadith.

(Note : "asbabul wurud" = the origin of a hadith fromthe Prophet.

"Asbabun nuzul"= the origin of the revelationof a verse from the Qur'an).·

III. As explained above, the Islamic community and thepeople in general are tired of hearing of nothing but theworld hereafter. To achieve a state of balance, we mustalso struggle for secular matters such as food, clothingand housing; these cannot remam just unfulfilled pro­mises. Where is the evidence of the Islamic community'Sstruggle during 27 years of independence? The peopleare surely fed up with" waiting for results promised byleaders whose only interest is formal ideology with nocontent (a formal politi:cs approach); What the peopleare waiting for is results from political struggle '(31 mate­rial politics approach).

To achieve the results so urgently needed, and eagerlyawaited by the mass of the people, we must undertakedevelopment in all fields, particularly and immediatelyin the economic field. The New Order government, with­out much ado, has formulated a realistic and. practicaldevelopment plan, the first phase of which stresses deve:'lopment in agriculture and supportive industry.. We areall .begtnning to feel the results of the First Five YearDevelopment Plan.

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IV. A. For these reasons, the Islamic parties no longerwant to follow a formal pout~cs approach. Parmusi, andnow the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, have committedthemselves (in particular after the 1971 general elections)to work together with the armed forces and alignthemselves with the development or program-orientedgroup. IrL other words, they are going to follow a mat­erial poli!ties rupproach, without forgetting their founda­tion in Islam, so that development of the whole man isachieved, with happiness both now and in the life tocome. ,

The Islamic foundation in state poli!tics must be heldto firmly, especiallythe injunction to "Do good and avoidevil". (Amar Ma'ruf Nahyi Munkar) from Sura Ali Imranverse 104. On this foundation, Parmusi could certainlycriticize and correct the government (though not neces­sarily oppose it as in liberal democracy).

In brtet, the party wants to bring about a new at­mosphere in party politics - a new polttrcal structure.B. How, then, should we go about forming relations withother Islamic parties? It seems appropriate to urge them,and other parties too, not to over-emphasize formal poli­tical ideology as in the past. And of course Parrnusi isready and enthusiastic to be similarly urged.

Let us rull, all groups and parties, resolutely carryon as.trUig1gle in material politics. . .

Whatever way and in whatever form the other Islamicparties exercise their freedom pf choice of polttical ap­proach, Parmusi will carry through its policy and main­tain its attitudes, as will its supporting organizations suchas the Muhammadilj'ah which continues, ideologically, tobe related to the Party, though in an organtzatdonal senseit has no links whatsoever.

Here would lie the solution for the Party in the eventof other Islarnlc parties being unwilling to align themselveswith the "development order". However, as frequently

79

stated by leaders, they hold the same view as Parmusiand intend to align themselves with the program-orientedgroup.

This therefore seems no longer to be a problem. Thepolitical situation in the future, with these new ways andbases of thinking, will facilitate the realization of aspira­tions long held Iby the entire Indonesian people, and wehold the hope that this will mean happiness for us all.C. (1) Praise be to GOd, the four Islamic partres, on 5th

. December 1972, announced the fusion of theirpolitical functions, and the new Executive Body,with its Advisory Councils, was formed on 13thFebruary 1973 (See appendix for the completecomposition) .

(2) With this fusion to form the Partai PersatuanPemIbangunan, the leaders of the four partiesimplemented the Deelsion of the M.P.R.S. No.XXII 1966, a constitutional and democratic deci­sion which the representatives of- the four partieshad a part in making in the 1966 session of theIVLP.R.S.

(3) To the best of the writer's knowledge as a firsthand observer - God willirig - the materialpolitics approach of Parmusi is going to be con­tinued by the new party. In mid-1972, the writer,as spokesman for the four General Chairmen, inwhat was then still called the United Develop­ment G-roup (Kelompok Persatuan Pembangunan)announced through the press that, God willing,the Islamic communitv was no longer going tofuss over the question of the Jakl1rta Charter,either in the community or in Parliament or theM.P.R. Hopefully, this atti,tude will help inachieving political stabilityrn the interests Ofdevelopment, to gain the economic stabiUty whichhas so long been craved for by the people of In­donesia.

80

V. With the tormatlon tJfthe n~wpar'ty, there were stillseveral leaders who it seems were left behind or not in­eluded- and Who for this reason will continue to malignothers left and right, though, God wiLling, both they andthe party leaders (who will continue to be taunted' fromall sides) know the guidance. of the Qur'an, tncludtng' thatof the Suta al Kalitsat (l1lbUhdarit grace).

We all experience grace and the absence of it; thelatter in fact brings wisdom and leads to greater expe-'rience and understanding of grace (inna a'toina kalkaut­sar), We are called ,by God to pray to Him, to give thanksfor His grace, but we are. also called to make sacrifices(fasolli lirolb:bika wanhar),

Sl1lcrifice here does not mean just in the materialrealm, but also in non-material things such as our feelingsor emotions (surely the most painful sacrifice), and evenour lives. In the latter case, a persohwl'10 has died, andwhose soul or spirit is no longer there, no longer feelsemotion.

Let us all - both those in leMershLp and those leftout - respond toGod's call to sacrtnce, and in this sac­rifice include the most Ibitter of all for us as human beings,the sacrifice of our emotions.

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CHAPTER V

MISCELLANEOUS THOUGHTS

I. THE DUAL FUNCTIONS OF THE ARMED

A. If we look at the situation fairly and objectively,we shall reallse that the appearance of the armed forcesin executive positions is mainly because the community,parties and groups themselves expected, wanted and evenpressed for it. As an example.vat critical points between1960 and 1965 when the P.K.I., either di~ectly or indirectly(through President Bukarno) , was at its peak, and evenmore in 1965, when the groups and parties were in astate of fear and panic, executive vacancies arose (districtheads, directors of state enterprises and even cabinetportfoldos) over which the parties and groups could notreach agreement. They then all rushed to gi've the posi­tions to members of the armed forces.

In the case of the President, too, did not the cry ringout, "Mr. Soeharto, don't refuse, take over the national

. leadership from Suka'rno !" and "Don't pull back, mountthe rostrum - the whole people are behind you !" ?

'I'hen, after General soenerto had done what wasdemanded of him,the parties and groups all tried theirhardest to avoid being left out in the. formation of thecabinet. Did we not all know that General Soeharto wasat that time reluctant and unenthusiastic rubout becomingPresident?

B. But what are people saying now?

Both secretly and openly - through the newspapers _.those same parttes and groups are all accusing the armedforces of being too greedy, too eager to monopolize civilpositions in government. From the President, throughministers, secretaries-general, directors-general, governors,bupatts (regency heads) and camats (SUb-district heads)

82

to lurahs (village heads), almost all, it is claimed, havebeen taken over and are now occupied by the men ingreen, in sea blue, and so on.

Are these accusations true? In fact there is sometruth in them, but as was pointed out above, the occu­pancy of civil positions by members of the armed forceswas origina1'ly at the urging' or request of the peoplethemselves.

Oompare this' with what Moh. Hat'ta says in his hook'Islam, Masyarakat, Demokrasi' dan .Perdamalan (Islam,Society, Democracy and Peace), in the section on "TheArmed Forces and Society". He writes : "The armed forcesin Asia are like water tanks in the desert : .Civilians or military personnel holding government posi­tions, as is also the case wi,th the Prime Minister andPresident, hold those positions because, directly or indi­rectly, the people agree to it".. ,

'f.his was said by Hatta when he addressed the Indiannational defenceacademy in Poona in October - Novem­ber 1955.

Is there anything else to validate the occupancy ofdvil positions hy the armed forces?

When visiting the provinces and addressing peoplethere, the writer gives the following explanation of otherfactors : firstly, anawareness of a reSlPOnsiJbiIity and dutyto safeguard the nation, 1945 Constitution and Pancasllaphilosophy, and secondly, the request of the peoplethemselves,at the time of the attempted coup d'etat bythe P.K.I. in 1965. The armed forces were completelydetermined to take absolutely no rtsks in their assign­ment (IPresident Soeharto in particular, both as holderof the mandate of the MPR and as Minister for Defenceand Security and Oommander-In-Ohlef of the ArmedForces), let alone the riS/kof faHure in facing the latentdanger of the PKI.

83

The PKI, as an organization based on communistdoctrines, will certainly continue attemptlng a come­back, such as it has done successfully in the past. (Recallthe destruction of the Party after the Madiun Affai'rof 1948. In 1955, however, six to seven years later, itsucoeeded in making a come-back, and even became thenumber four political force in the 1955 general elections).

At the present time, particularly in the last two years,reports of their activity show evidence of efforts tostage a come-lback,both through community channels(organfzations and political parties), and throu:gh otn­cial channels (in government departments; state enter­prises, and even within the armed forces).

C. For these reasons the writer thinks that thearmed forces will continue to hold positions they const­derare vit!lil and too important to become a place forcommunist party cells to grow. For the time, being suchctvtlian positions will be guarded by armed forces per­sonnet, The writer believes that in the near future, insynchronization with the level of political stllJbility andsecurity, the armed forces Will, step by step, begin towithdraw tJheir members ~rom civilian posts. Despite thefaCit that, because of their social function, the armedforces could continue as they are, ,demilitarization wilbe encouraged so as to strengthen civilian government.

D. Is it fitting for us to be disapproving and. grudgingtowards 'those who !licceptedand carried out the taskswe expected of them previously?

Besides this, should we not be aware that from 1945to 1960/1965, the' parties and other Civilia;n,groups oneafter the other held the various positions which it seemthey now want to argue over again, with no concretresults but dispute after dispute?

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·Furthermore, have we (the parties and groups) notall acknowledged that the armed forces are not justProfessional fighting men, in particular those of the '45Generation? Is not the second of their dual functionsas a socio-political instrument, which has been provedhistorically to have to have a positive influence on boththe execution of state affairs and development based on'the Constitution and Paneasila philosophy? For thisreason, let us hope that all the political forces (politicaland other organisatiQltls, functional groups and the armedforces) will be able· to work together harmoniously tofurther secure nacional life and functions and enhanceefforts to albolish proverty, ignorance and misdeeds.

E. The role of the armed, forces in civilian governmentother countries.

As a comparison, and to broaden our view, it seemsworthwhile to diverge brie.fly to look at other countries,to see whether it is in our country alone that civilian postsare held 'by members of the armed forces.

After World War II, the countries involved, andespecially those playing an Importarit part in the war,faced a critical transition period in which they had torevert from military to civilian rule. We see that twomajor. powers known for their democracy, the U.S. andFrance, ibrought forward ex-members of their armedforces to hold the executive leadership - General DwightEisenhower and General de Gaulle.

The same is the case in other western EurOPeanountrles such as Sp!liin (General Franco) and Portugal;ikewise Greece !lifter King Constantine ,was replaced by

a military government.

The writer does not want to group in the same cate­orvexamplss Of occurrences such as in Latin Americanountries where the armed forces have taken over exe-

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cutive power non-constitutionally, undemocraticallyby force (by coup).

Undemocratic methods are not only outside the scopeof' this reflection, but must not even enter our thinking,dreams or imagination. Of course, then, we also do notwant to take communist countries as examples. '

What alboutother Asian countries and the Arabcountries?

As far as the writer knows, there are only two orthree Asian countries where executive bodies and ci'\'i­lia~ posts are entirely free of armed forces personnel,whIle only one or two of the Arab nations are almost so.

So claims that only in Indonesia do the military joinin holding power in a civtltan government, are untrue.:rhe i~portant question is whether their power is onlym their own interests, or for the whole nation and people.~n~ if a civiltan party is i'n power, yet only thinks ofhnmg the stomachs of it own groups While the rest ofthe people fend for themselves, What is the benefit?

It is important to know the thinking behind thed:aft National Defence and SecurHy Law Which recog­mzes the strength of' the armed forces' socio-politicalfu~ctions; it was aimed at avoiding the possibility ofaseries of coups by the armed forces as in Latin Americancountries, where this time the army stages a coup, nexttime the airforce, and so on. We can now feel thatduring 28 years of independence it has only been a go­vernment under the Ieadershlj, of a military man(through a legal constitutional process) that has sue­ceed~d in pioneering a way leading towards nationalhappiness; both mate'rial and spirritual.

However, this does not mean that the military alonemust continue to hold the reins -quite the reverse.Tog~the:, military individuals and civilians will work side,by side In a democracy based on PancasUa. . .

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THE ISLAMIC COMMUNITY AND THE ARMEDFORCES.

A. Vip to one or two years ago, much of the Islamiccommunity was still oriented towards individualism,liberalism, and the western parliamentary system, andso was still of the opinion that the armed forces we'rejust an instrument of the governrnentto maintaindefence and securtty.

The history of our nation's independence, however,shows a difference from that of other nations in that aportion of the '45 Generation, after and even before 1945,chose to join the armed forces to grve themselves militarytraining which, in time, enalbled them to drive out thecolonial power. . -1

B. The Islamic community from 1945 to 1966 learntfrom bitter experience that atheis,ts are very cunningat their machtavelltan game, in Which all ways and meansare permissible. The parties which held power one afteranother, and likewise party alliances, were Incapable ofbalancing and opposing the political play of' the atheists(PKI), so that in the end our nation based on Pancaslla(belief in Gad) was, in 1965, very nearly destroyed bythe atheist group.

C. In that year it was the armed forces who wereable to hold back and in fact crush the PKI and its 30thSeptember Movement.

Thus the Islamic community has a vital interest inthe strength of the armed rorces; nevertheless, the armedforces do not emphasize their own interests by buildingup their own military equipment.

D. It is no coincidence thllit the armed forces areable in all non-military fields to bring forward out­standing persons who produce good results,even though

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here and there are a considerable numbe» who havemet with failure. The best example of success is theirtop figure Who now holds the reins of state leadership.

World leaders andnatrons (in particular the I.G;G.I.group) and international agencies in ,the U.N. frameworksuch as the International Mlonetary Fund and the 'WorldBank did not lighJtly agree to assist Indonesia in almostoverall development. .

They would not have taken this aid on lightly, whenpast results had been so disappointing; but even thesenations were amazed to see the performance of thecountry and government of Indonesia under members ofthe armed forces, especially in 1971, when" while eventhe aldvanced countries (such as the U.S.A., Japan andcountries of western Europe) could only keep their in­flation rates to 6.8 or 10%, Indonesia held the record withan inflation rate of onl~ 2.5%.

E. Such praise does not mean that we have forgot­ten the many deficiencies of President Soellarto's go­vernment. There is certainly nothing 100% perfect inthis world, there is no ivory without cracks, and we areobliged 'always to put forward corrections and criticisms- through oUicial channels (Parliament and the MFR),unofficial ones, and the mass media. In principle this iswhat the government very much hopes for; it does notsee itself as dictatorial, .. and even the President seeshimself only as the holder of the people's mandate, wit)}the accOlllpanying rights and obligations. '

In this context, it is necessary to remind Indonesianleaders to use Indonesian way~, etiquette and traditdons,This needs stressing, for in the last few years the youthmovement and one or two newspapers have used un­Indonesian methods. It does not matter if criticism isextremely biting, but ,. do not forget the methods, eti­quette and ,traditions, of our country.

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Just as an Illustratdon, a method used by some youngeopIe when given the opportunity to meet with Presidentoeharto at the sta;te Palace can be cited. One.of theseouths (aJPiParentIy non-Javanese)' wore traditional Java­ese costUillle,but, tntenticnally ior not, his headdress

("blangkon") was back to front. This would certainlyound Javanese feelings most intensely, though these

eeltngs would not be shown.

By using such methods, the person concerned wouldcertainly not acnteve satisfactory results in his mission,o matter, how true and impressive his ideas;

F. In conclusion, to all the Islamic community, ando followers of all religions, it can' here be stressed that

all adherents of any rellgton have a vital interest in thestrength of the armed forces. In all seriousness, if theyhad failed when faced With the 30th Septemiber Move­ment and the PKI, it would have been we who wereconsigned to Buru Island. And the actions of this atheistgroup would certainly be even more cruel; people whohave had e:iQperience,' both in Indonesta rand overseas,have related it.

It would seem that the stronger the armed forcesare, the better, for orderly control of national securityin the face of internal and external dangers. For thisreason, their socio-political function may be developedso as to be in harmony with the character of Indonesiansociety. It is not necessary to quote other countries asexamples here; hopefully it will be Indonesia's uniquecharacter which will make it .possihle for the socto-poll­tical strength of the armed force's and that of the peopleto go hand in hand..

III. EXAMPLES FROM THE SUNNA AND THE QUR'AN.

The Islamic community in general still thinks thatthe religion revealed by God through his prophet Mu-,

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harnmad only contains teaching on prayer arid otherreligious obligations, such as those in the Pillars of Islam(Arkantil Islam) and the Pillars of Faith (Arkariul Iman) ,though during the last two or three years, thanks tothe work of organizations such as Muhammadl.yah,Persis, Matlaul Anwar, AI-Irsyad, and Jami'atul Wasliyah,it is beginning to be known that Islam also' providesdirectives on man's way of life and his life in society, Afamous oriental scholar, Prof. H.A;R. Gib'b, Who spentmany years stUdying the details, bac~ground and devel­opment of Islam, came up With the assertion that Islamis not only a religion, but also a way of life. This wayof life is Without, fault.

If anyone who Possesses the desire to study theIslamic religion through, indiVidual interpretation, toreally study carefully, for himself the content of theQur'an and Hadith and not just accept what heIs taughtby teachers, religious scholars, and so on, he will findthat the Islamic religion is truly complete, universal andmodern, in the sense of being relevant to all times andplaces, through dynamic growth. It is man, not thereligion, Who is static and inflexible. Through such studycap also be ,.discovered the fact that Islam has modernideas on such su'bijects as .. politics, tactics and strategy;some examples are given below:

1. The Qur'an :

Verse 67«,of Sura Jusuf (sura XII) :

"My children, do not enter (ElgYipt) through only onegateway, but through several".

2. Hadith :

The account of the HUdatbiyah War (verses 10 and18, Sura al-Fath).

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Sura Jusuf, verse 67 :

When the prophet Joseph's. brothers, by a differe~

mother (there were eleven of them), heard that Josephad become a prominent person, very much trusted andloved by Pharoah, the king of Egypt (he had becomeprime minister), those who wanted to visit .their youngerbrother in Elgy!Il't asked the advice of their f~ther, .~heprophet Jacob. JacOb received a divine revelation WhIChhe related to his sons.

Jacobs re,ply, recorded in the Qur'an as quoted above,has several meanings. The first is that Jaco? gavethis reply because he was afraid that there might bemany people who were jealous of his sons, and perhaps

. . E'g'r>nt To find and make use of anothermany enemIes In 'oJ '" • • .• '

meaning it is worth quoting Jacob's reply again, alongwith a strategy thrown into the political arena by so;neIslamic leaders at bhe time of the last general electioncampaign, for comparison :

a. "My children, do not enter (Elgypt) through onlyone gateway, 'but through several".

o. "If we, the Islamic community, lose .because ofpressures, cunning or trickery from other groups,we shall wage a holy war (jihad)".

Just compare these statements and methods!

The first, besides being full of wisdom,. also containsadvice to make maximum use of reason, while the second,apart from depicting despair and recklessness, proved tobe empty ibluff.' This bluff had negative effects on t~e

Islamic community's overall struggle, both now and In

the future. The first quotation advises the use of reason,While the secon:d closes the door firnliiy to' it.

As this is already into the realm of practical polttlcs,it is not the place here to explain the matter further.Furthermore, in the understanding and evaluation of the

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writer, "jihad", the original meaning of which is to workearnestly~ is a last resort, to be used only if there' isabsolutely no other alternative. This means in a stat~ ofwar, and in fact the verses concerning "jihad" wererevealed in a time of war.

All leaders are called, them, to meditate deeply on themeaning of the words from l:3ura Jusuf.

2. The account of the Hudalbiyah War.

From this account we can learn of the Prophet'sefforts in negotiations to end the war with the Quraisypeople at Hudarbiyah. In these negotiations, the Prophetfaced the enemy full of patience and tolerance, thoughthe enemy used methods and words which were rudeand .offensive .to the ear. The Quraisy representative,Suball bin Amir, would only sign an agreement underthe following conditions:

a. That the text not begin wHh"Bismillahirrachmanirrahini.". .

h. That the word "rasululIah" (prophet) not beplaced after Muhammad's' name, hut only thenames of his father and granMather - Muham­mad bin Abdullah bin Aibdul Muthalib.

Muhammad's disciples, in particular sayyidina Alicould not contain their anger and p'assiQn, and wenta~far as drawing their swords. But the Prophet calmedthem down, and, agreeing to the conditions,signed theagreement.

From subsequent events, it became clear that notonly was the Prophet a good strategist, but also a skilledtactician. His strategy made possilble the penetration of

. the Quraisy fortifications, from both inside and outside

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the town of Mecca, followed by a victory atKba~bar notlong after peace was achieved at Hudatbiyah. Only thendid the disciples realize that the Prophet, besides beingGod's messenger, was 'also an expert at war, with inesti­mable strategic ability.

This, then, is just an exafillPle of how, if' we reallystudy the Qur'an and Hadith, we sball undoubtedly findmuch wisdom and many things which are still up-tc-date,such as some astonishing war strategy and 'tactics. Thesame is true in the political realm.

There were ISlamic leaders, such as those mentionedabove, who, because of intimidation and over-acting,panicked and rashly cried "Jihad fi saibiUllah! " (HolyWar!); this cry should in fact only be used when facingthe enemy in time of war, and when there is no alter­native 'but war. The writer is repelled by the idea of itbeing only a tactic to attract particular groups, then,their having taken up the cry, the leader who started itdisappearing from the arena, leaving the group who hadbeen drawn into H; to become the target of the authorities.

Beware of such enticement tactics; to the writer(and he says this not from pride, which he puts farfrom him, but based on experience and investigation),tactics like this of throwing stones by stealth are notnew.

Be wary!

IV. THE FUNCTIONAL GROUPS ( GOLONGAN KARYA l.

The writer, from his experienees as Assistant to theMinister for Social Affairs (2~ years), as ManagingDirector of two state construetton tenterprtses -- p.N.Nindya Karya and P.N. Buana, Karya (2~ years, or 6years if PN Adhi Karya is counted) and of a variety oflimited companies (banking, import, export, industry),

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has for a long time adhered to the principle of undividedloyalty from public servants.

From these experiences, the writer feels as If thevertical line in government is quite absurd. Because ofsuch influences as that of' the All-Indonesia Federationof Labour Unions (SOBSI), there are among the lowerechelons of the publtc service, from the middle down,many people Who obstruct policy. Ma,ny orders fromabove are not carried out. This is all due to divided loyalty,involving a variety of trade unions. In other words, thosein themidJdle and even those at the bottom all becomepolicy-makers.

In his Visits to various districts, the writer has oftensaid that:

A. Undivided loyalty, is appropriate, especially amongemployees of government departments, institutes,and state enterprises.

B. DepoHticising public servants and taking them' outof political parties is essential for establishing firmlythe state's authority. and functions.

C. As an. example, suppose a man owned a bakery andthe bread was the best in the town. It would be ex­pected that the employees of the bakery would beloyal to the owner. It would be expected that theywould not sell the bread recipe. of the bakery whichprovided their livelihood.

In the same way, it is certainly expected thatgovernment employee would sell state secrets.

D. However, the, reverse also rupplies, and it is expectedof' the government that promonon be only on thebasis of quality and performance,with no discrimi­nation or partiality.

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V. INDIVIDUAL AND ROLE CULTS.

Before and after the meeting of the council of Par­must at Ciloto, PUllcalk, in March 1,971, many of the localchairmen and members said, with greac sincerity, "Mr..Miintaredja has become our imam (religious leader)".The writer replied as follows: '

In Islamic parties and organizations there is noimam there is no one entitled to use the title, forour O~IY imam is the Qur'an and Hadith.

If aJ person, having been placed in a high position,feels himself to /be anima.m, this may later lead todanger for the person concerned who, flattered asan imam, revels in his situation.

I do not want, and in fact reject the title of imam,it Ibeingenough to be called the "coordinating chair­man" as in the Muhammadiyah organtsatton, espe­cially if' I can be successful i,n this role. The imam forus in an organizablon is a decision made through deli­beration ,by the leaders in a conference, meeting ofthe Party Board, or congress, which is then sUiPportedby the members in the spirit of "samt'na wa ato'na"_ hear and carry out. Fanaticism, could easily arisetowards an Imam if such a position were. created,and a cult of the individual form. There would bea great' possilbility of whatever the imam said, rightor wrong, bein:g' fallowed blindly. Surely such un­questioning acceptance is an mantfestatlon of igno­rance, and is not Islam obliged to abolish ignorance?

We must all prevent these dangers arising.

Though in the past there may have .been muchencouragement of loyal discipleshiJp, of people who became"his master's voice" or epilgones, the writer and his col­leagues in the PartycenS'"Executive have now agreed

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to avoid. this method. There must be eneouragement noof disciples who accept unquestioningly, but of .oadrewith spirit ilid strength fOr Indivtdual ilri.terl)re,tatioand [udgemeht, cadres who are cap'able of eonstanrenewa] of the thi'rikiilrg of'party arid community 'leaders(induding the Party Chairman). The aim is to promoteand advance Islamic organizations and groups arid thenation and peOtple of Indonesia. Based on the Islamicspirit, the Party leaders are indisputllibly under an obli­gation to prevent the rise of mdtvtdua! or role cults.

For is not a, role Or an organ merely a man-madeproduct? Is nota leader but an ordinary man, and notimmortal?

The only things we must make a cult of areteachings 'of God as recorded in the Qur'an, andSunna of the Prophet as recorded in the Hadith.

If the writer may .putforwar:d the "Conviction anAspirations of Life" of Muhammadiyah, we must all striveto .maintain .noble values and character using as ourguide the teachings of the Qur'an and Sunna, and notmaking man-mads values our foundation.

So, youriger generatiori of MusUms, , keep yourselvesaway from cults which in the past only hindered ourprogress arid in fact al:rnost caused our downfall.

Ifidividual or rOle cults are ClE!'ariy in Cbfiflict withIslam. We must honour arid value the 'Work Of our pastleaders, }jilt irian afP,Pto1priate fashion.

VI. PARMUSI AND THE "ISLAMIC STATE".

A. If in the past there wer'e still thOse who accused theIslamLc community of warttmg to establish an Islamicstate, this was understaildable, in p,articular Ibecause of

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the. Daru'l Islam (D.l.) and Tentara Islam Indonesia(T.!.!.) movements or M.S. Kartosuwirjo from about 1948in West Java, together with the regional rebellions refer­red to in a previous chapter, which spread as far asSouth and Central Sulawesi under the leadership of Ka­har Muzakar, and the apparently related movements inAceh and other areas. The Islamic parties made nodennite statements on the D.!. and T.!.I. movements.

B. In January 1970, the writer met with about 30 mem­bers of the "Staten General", Dutch Parliament, bothfrom the Eerste-Kamer (Upper House) and Tweede-Kamer(Lower House) ,who represented a number of Commis­sionsfrom a variety of political parties. At this meeting,they asked how far the Indoneslan Islamic .communityhad got in its efforts to establish an Islamic state.

The writer gave the unequivocal reply that the Indo­nesian Islamic community was not going to establish' anslamic state. .'

The writer mentions this matter because of two laws,Numbers 15 and 16, 1969, concerningrespecttvely, generalelections and the composition and status- of the MFR,Parliament and the Regional Parliaments (DPRD), inwhich there is a general statement as follows:

"That a General Election be held and that the MPR,(People's Consultative Assembly),Parliament and RegionalParlia,ments be formed,

a. not for the establishment of a new state (Protes­tant, Catholic, Socialist or Islamic);

b. not for the alteration of' the 1945 Constitution;

c. not for .the alteration of Paneasila (see Appen­dix, Policy statement of the Partllii Musltmln-Jn­donesia, 22nd March 1971 No. 257/KU/71)".

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This explanation is clearly a manifestation of agree­ment among all the parties and fractions represented inParliament, including the four Islamic parties.

Thus it is clear that there is' no Islamic party orgrouplng in Indonesia which is going to' establish anIslamic state.

C. There may still be individuals who crave for thesetting up of an Islamic state; this is natural and notsurprising; there are also individuals from otner groupswho desire a SociaUst, Protestant or Catholic state. Thewriter is convinced that the Islamic groups are sick ofplaying politics of a puritanical, philosophical or dogma­tic nature; the Islamic community longs for economicdevelopment policies which will bring economic and socialwelfare.

D. 1. W,ere the' writer to have to state his ideasand udeals, he would express his agreement WlththeMuhammadiyah ideals, aiming towards a true Islamicsociety. This is not merely because he is a Muhammadiyahperson, but mainly !because he Is convinced that theseideals accord with the. demands and teachings of .Islam.

2. An Islamic society means a society consisting offollowers of Islam and which is "sovereign in its ownsphere" (souveretn in eigen krlng) , as with Christiansociety and so on, The same rupplies in' the •case oflimited companies, firms and other enterprises, each ofwhich has its own constitution and by-laws, which ofcourse must not .conflict with state laws and regula,tions.(The concept of "Souverelndtebt in elgen kring" is aninteresting part of Dutch law).

3. In his explanations to the staten General, thwriter proceeded to point out that a society is not Iden­tical with what is called the state. According to politicalscience, there are three necessary conditions for a state:

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the existence of a people,the existence of territorY,andthe existence of a government.

To the best of the writer's knowledge, in the time of theProphet - the 7th Century - there was no such termas "state" and there was no such entity as a state, in thesense we understand today. "Dahr" or "baldah" does notmean a state in the modern j-urIcllcal sense.

In this context, taw reader is invited to make acomparison with the analysis of Lbn Khaldun in his bookMuqaddimah (Introduction) where he clearly distin­guishes between "daulat" or state, "mulk" or power, and"umraan" or society. -

4. The writer remains firmly of the opinion that atrue Islamic 'society must have no compulsion of itsmembers; this convletion, is based on the verse "la iqrahafidJdin" - there is no compulslon in religion - mentionedaoove.

5. still on the subject of the term "Islamic society",aspired to by the Muhammadiyah Organization, there areprobably still those (non-Islamic) who are suspicious,because the word "society" is often associated and con­fused with the word "state". However, as explained above,in the juridical sense (on the basis of both national andinternational law), a "state" is different from a "society"in the sociological sense (Genossenschaft). The latercertainly considers itself to have sovereignty, but itssouvereignty is, according to national law, limited entirelyto internal matters- it has sovereignty with!lm its ownsphere. Genossenschaft (or better, in association WithGemelnsehart) means:

. an association of people within the human mass whohave a feeling of commonali!ty in religion. A furthercomparison can be made with the analysis of the

99

famous German sociologist Ferdinand T6nnies in hisbook Gemelnsehaft vund .Gesellschaft.

A Muslim society means one which lays stress ononeness, on commonality of feeling as Muslims, a societybased on affect, on non-rational. relationships.

Rationally-based relationshtps are found in a societywhich overly stresses material interests, profit and loss;such a society is said to be based on Gesellsehaft rela­tionships, and its reverse, one based on Gemeinschaftrelationships. Our gotong-royong (mutual assistance)society is aGemeinschaff one, whHe Gesellschaft societycan already be seen in Indonesia's large cities.

With regard to the word "Islamic" in the phrase"Islamic society", there may still be some who are uneasyabout it or prejudiced against iot. The writer wants toemphasize here that : "Islamic society" means neithermore nor less than a society consisting of Islamic people(Muslims) .In other words, an "Islam'ic society" is tden­tical with a "Muslim society" (Genossensehaf't, in socio­logical terminology). One can -similarly compare the terms"Islamlc.rcountrtes" and "Muslim: countries".

E. LParmusi, as explained a;bove,. has statedunequivocally that it has no intention or aim of estab­lishing an Islamic or any other sort of new state. (In allthe writer's examination of the Qur'an, in Indonesian,Dutch and English translations, he has so far neverencountered the command' that the Islamic communityisobUgedto establish an Islamic state). Because of itsconviction that bhispOUcy is in accord with rellgtousdoctrine, Parmusi will defend the state proclaimed in'1945 wtth i,ts constitution and Paneasila philosophy.

Let us hope that all parties, Islamic and otherwise,who produced the General Elections Act, No. 15/1969, willhold conststently to their standpoint.

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2. The place of Islam in the 1945 Constitution (Pan­casita) :

The writer's opinion on the place of Islam in Pan­casila, or the relationship between the two, should beclear by now. For readers who do not want to go to thetrouble of thinking it out and analysing for themselves,the writer will present a quotation from H. Moh. Natsir'saddress at the Pakistan Insti'tute for International Rela­tions(IslamicReview, March 1954-) These ideas echo thewriter's own:

"Pakistan is a Moslem country. So is my countryIndonesia. But though we recognize Islam to be thefaith of the Indonesian people, we have not madean expressed mention of it in our Constitution. Norhave we excluded religion from national life."Indonesia has expressed its creed in the Pancasilaor the five principles, which have been adopted as thespirrtual, moral and ethical foundation o~ our nationand our State. Your path and ours is the same".

VII. SEPARATION OF RELIGION AND STATE

A. 1. In Chapter III,. on the meaning of politics, it wasexplained that politics is a secular matter, not a religiousone in the narrow sense. The question now is whetherstate affairs are also a secular matter, or a rellgtous one?In Islam, the object, and at the same time the subject,is the individual: as the sUlbject of a religion, the indl­vidual has two dimensions: firstly, as a creature in hisrelationship to God his Creator; he has obligations, reli­gious duties which are systematized in the fardu'ain(Individual religious. duties). Secondly, as an individualin relationship to other individuals and to the society;such relations are regulated. in one of three ways: inthe teachings called Muamalat, in the form of f'ardu(religtous duties), or as absolute principles in such mat-

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ters as ~arriruge, inheritance law, and some principles ofcommerctal law (usury) and criJminal law.

~here are, in additton, five, levels in Islamic law:

I. Law governing obligatory actions (wajtb),

II. Law g~veTning recommended or meritoriousnot obllgatory - actions (sunnat)

III. Law governlng neutral actions (mubah/jais).

IV. Law governing actions dlsapproved but not foribidden(makruh) , and '

V. Law governing fOllbidden actions (haram)(:rhese are referred to as "811 ahkam 811 khamsah" thefIVe type's of law). '

.There iIS ru principle ilJ. Islamic law which states "that?8ISIC~l~ 8111 is neutral (mubah), except' for that whichIS definitely torbtdden. (haramj".

so. cle~rl~, without deserting the basis of faith,~he:e. IS, "';Ithm the realm of neutral action, scope formdI'Vldual mrterpr'etation and [udgement, for example insecular matters Iike society, which include questions ofst~te and politics. For Islam, state matters based onfaIth cannot be separated from rellglon i~ its widest~ense. But for us Im the world it Is obvious that the stateI~ a secular.~atter, and so can be separated from ues-tions of relIgIOUS duty (religion in the q, ,narllOW sense) .

. T~ r~peat once more: for Islam, according to thewriter s Interpretation, state affairs founded on faithcannot be, separated' from religion. Recall the words ofi~Of. H.A.R. GiJbib, who truly understood the content ofbt am and so stated that "Islam is not merely a religion

ut a way of life" Fo th ''Tf " . . r us, e Islamic community thisth: e 18 not only in this world, but also after death in

e world to come. '

:n ructua~ ~act: the same applies in other religionssue 81S Ohristlandty. It was only by chance that the

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growth of modern states in Westem Europe in the MiddleAges was in general closely' related to the growth ofrationalism through violent strUJg,gle under theocraticgovernments (Pope, oardmats, priests, etc), the govern­ment being controlled or influenced !by religion, or vice

versa. ,2. Roman Catholic officials at that time strongly op­posed the growth of rationalism, and people who werebrave enough to put forward a new idea which was feltby Catholics to be contrary to their religion were dealtwith harshly and cruelly. An example was Copernicus(whose original name was Mikolaj KOipernik, 1473 ­1543) who was afraid to pulbliclypropound his theoryof helio-centricity, that the earth and other planetsrevolved on their axes whble orbiting the sun, which wasclearly quite contrary to Catholic belief, Galileo GalHei,an Italian scholar of the late 16th century, providedfurther sUiPport for Copernicus" theory with evidencebased on the use of his telescope. He then expanded thetheory until he came lip against the authorities (car",dinals and bishops) who threatened him with IQrosecu­tion (inquisition) if he did not recant. Another Italianscholar who supported Copernicus' theory was burnt todeath in 1600 on the charge of heresy.

The original title of oopemlcus' book was De Revo­lutionibus, hUit in 1543, just before 'his death, tlhe hookwas published under the title' The Revolutions of theHeavenly Spheres.

3. So the history of the growth of states such as weknow in the West went tihrough a long and bitter struggleduring the Renaiss8lnce and Re,formation to arrive atrationalism, individualism and lilberalism. Many fellvictim to the cruel actions of the authorities.

People who do not want to bother, or who are lackingin religious faith, or mentally lazy, often avo~d

with the excuse of "free' thinking", and 'so c~ll them­selves free-thinkers, (During the period prior to WorldWar II, mainly Indonesian intellectuals, who were actuallymost devout in their faith, because of an inferioritycomplex felt ashamed if they did not call themselvesfree- thinkers) .

4. Having been through such dreadful oppression fromthe Church, rationalism and modern science proceeded toadvance to their present level.

This oppresston in the end led to the growth of anidea - at first secretly hut later in the open, andeventually enacted in legislation --'- that is now famous,and practised with conviction: the separation of Churchand state.

We Muslims, knowing the history of Western Euro­pean states in the middle ages, would do best to leavethe views of people in. the Wiest alone. It is their basicrLght to hold to the principle of separation betweenChurch and state.

B. The question now arises, is there such a separationin. Islam? Were the writer to expound on the separationof religion and state, it could became a thick book, which,in fact, it has been the. wrtter's aspiration to write, itbeing an interesting topic for a thesis.

1. .The writer's main Idea on this matter is basicallythe .same as on the separation of politics and religion,and for this reason, it comes back to the same Hadith"It is you know best about secular affairs". '

The question then is' whether matters of state aresecular matters. The writer's reply to this i'8 yes, stateaffairs are secular just as political and other socialaffairs are.

In other words, matters involvtng the stateseparated, distinguished, from religion in itssense.

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This does not generally apply for those who do notbelieve in a life after death. For a believer, for a prac­tising Muslim (for whom understanding is not throughreason alone but also through the heart) , the problemis a little different. (in some ways relative, but still amatter of principle) , as in the case of the writer's point

of view.2. It should now be clear that in the writer's opinion,"er is toch weI enigzins scheiiding tussen staat en kerkin de Islam": there is in Islam, within certain Umits, aseparation between state and religion.

This separation, in the sense of difference, lies inthe differenc.e between two understandings of Islam :

_ purely as a religion in the narrow sense, and_ as a religion in the widest sense, like a culture,

a way of life both on earth and in heaven.

3. On the question of intellectuals who call themselvesfree-thinkers it is to be hoped that, both those who arerationalists and have no religion, and those Whose religionis not tslam will be tolerant towards those whose waysof' thinking' are different while still in harmony withthe state philosophy of Pancasila.

We too, who feel ourselves to be fai'thful, should betolerant towards those who hold a view similar to peopleof the West on the separation of church and state.

Finally, a call for mutual respect amongst.u~ all,amongst all groups, amongst all Indonesian cttizens.Once more the writer wishes to express his convi'Ctionthat the Haidith "It is you who .know best about secularaffairs" allows (leaves neutral) the standpoint: "InIslam there is, within certain limits, a separation betweenstate and religion", but with the' additional note that,in accordance with the principle of mutual respect, thisconviction will not, God willing, be imposed. on anyonewho does not believe it, let alone by force.

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4. In this context, for the benefH of readers who donot speak Dutch, the writer wishes to stress that he' isnot sayhl,g that "there is a separation between religionand state" (er isscheiding tussen godsdienst; en staat)as he has been publicly accused of saying.

In the Dutch, the word "enigzins" is used. This canbe translated as "rather, something of, somewhat, a littlebit of, slightly", so that the English sentence may run:

"In Islam there is something of a separation betweenreligion and state", or " there is, within certainlimits, a separatlon.; "

This dlscusslon is intended to show that Islamis truly relevant to the present, that it is appropriateto any time and place,and so is universal. It fLtted thepast and now fits the present, and so it wHl fit thefuture, to the end of time, Not only is it appropriate onearth, but also on the moon, on Jupiter, Saturn or anyother place in the universe. If it were only suited to theearth on which we live, Islam would not be universal innature, but only global.

Finally, ~t is the writer's hope that Islamic intellec­tuals who have considered Islam out of date and so havesuffered from varn inferiority complex because of theirfaith, will now be ruble to leave this behind, and evenfeel pride in their religion. However this pride should notbe allowed to become a superiority complex by overcom­persation, with the result that other religions be dispar­aged.

5. For the benefit of Muslim jurists (experts in Islamiclaw) ,.the writer now hopes to develop further his thinkingand study of the legal content or prlnciples embodiedin the sentence "it is you who know best about secularmatters".

a. The writer is going to make use of a tool gene­rally used in pure jurisprudence (de echte rechtsweten-

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schap) or applied jurisprudence (de wetenschap derrechtshanteri,ng). It is "hermeneutica juris" (legal her­meneuttcs). The science of interpretation (de leer der[nterpretatle), or hermeneutics, origin,ally arose in the fieldof theology for interpretation of sacred texts.

Judges in general use "hermeneutica tuns" in

application of law (rech1Jstoepassing).

creation of law (rechtsschepping), and

discovery of law (raohtsvinding, rechtsontdekking).

"Hermeneutica iuris" is discussed clearly in fulldepth and detail 'b\Y well-known Dutch legal scholarPaul SCholten in_ the General Section from the Asserseries of booms on civil law. This series is a standardwork on the Slulbj€ct. In the Anglo-Saxon tradition, asexpounded ,by the famous legal scholar Roscoe Pound,"rechtshantering" is included in questions of legalphilosoplhy. The term used for it is "the applfcation oflaw", applied jurisprudence.

b. For purposes of analysis and interpretation, thereare a number of schools in pure jurisp,rudence,the mostimportant being:

the legalist or positivist (legistenor pos~tivisten) ­school;the "Ibegriff" or "konstruktionsjurisprudenz" school;

the free law ("freie' rechtslehre") school,

the "interessenjurisprudenz" school, which attemptsto create a legal system based on the interplay ofsocietal interests, and1Jhe sociological jurisprudence school ~Anglo-Saxon).

For· the writer's purposes in discussing his thinking, hewill limit his attention here to the method's or systemspropounded by the posi,tivist school and the "begriffs"(principles) or "konstruktionsjurlsprudenz" school.

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The PosithnistjLegalistSchool. This school arose as aproduct of the view of codification as the complete andsystematic collecting and arranging of the law, or sectionsof it, in book-form. '

Thus according to this school, the law is found inlaws (codification), or in other words, the source of thelaw is legislation; legislation = the law. So codHication= the law = legislation, which must be complete. Toprove that legislation Is- complete, in Dutch, law thereis an article in Algemene Bepaling van Wetgevdng (acodification of basic general principles of legislat.i.on),article 22, which provides that a judge can be prosecutedfor refusing to g~ve a verdict in a case on the groundsof' there being rio relevant regulation and/or of the lawsbeing incomplete.

The "Begriff" or "Konstructionsju~isprudenz" School.This school, although it appears like .a reaction to thelegalist/positirvist school, was actually a continuattonof. it. It cerainly does state that legislation is not com­plete, but it maintains that the law is coffi\Plete (dasGesetz is Ltlokenvol, abel' das Recht ist Liickenlos).

What is meant by "Konstructionv v This can beclarified through the explanation of Gustav Radbruchaoout the duties of, a jurist Which, he says, are of threekinds:

- Interpretation (Auslegung),

- Construction (KooSitruktion), and

- Classification (Systematik).

Given a law, we of course make an interpretatdonof the articles of' that law, the content of which is arUl~ (the ~aw) .. Interp'retation can be philological, his­t?nC~I, ~oclOloglCal, teleological, etc, through "hermeneu­ttca runs" or analytical juriiSprudence.

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Interpretation using the construction method)~,doneby relating the articles of a law to each6thers'O that'a classification' of vartous principles (Begrloffs) is obtain­ed. Thus construction is actually a classlficationof pnri­ciples. These constructions (posSibly paragraph by para";graph), if collected together, constdtnte a collection ofconstructions which form a systematic unity.

c. Another famous DUtch legal scholar, E.M. Meyers,in his dissertation entitled Dogmatlsehe Itechtswetens­chap, fills outthe explanations of the legalist/positivist.and "begriff" or "konstructtonsjurisprudenz" schools,'which in' principle say that dogmatic jurisprudence(dogmatische -rechtswetenschapj is "a processing of re­gulations 'and legal principles on the basis of the rulesof. logtc •only" (bearbeidlng van rechtsvoorschriftenenrechtebeginselen uitslurtend met behulp van de wetten del"loglca):

There is; indeed; in jurisprudence, a saying in relationto the formation of principles (Begriff) , constructionsand classifications, that law:

besides being complete (luckenlos) ,

has' a .logtcal expansive capacity (elasticity or evenplasticity) ,as propounded by Prof. Karl Bergboomin his book Jurisprudenz lind Rechtsphilosophie(Jurisprudence and .the Philosophy .of LaW), 189,3 ;

asH has a system, .this has Inbuilt limits whichcircumscribe and close the system itself; ,

because 'of the existence of this.l1ystem; there willnot be any mconsisteneles;"

In, the original German, the saying (Sla,gworter) runsas rollows:

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110

} = des Recht.

LUckenlosheitLogtsche ExrpanttonskrartGesehlossenhejtWiderspruchlos system

An actual example of this in juriSiPrudence is asfollows: using construction with the aostractlon methodby analogy, actlcle 1576 of the Bugerlijk Wetboek (CiviiLaw Book) can :be expanded so that "koop" (sale) became"vervreemding" (change of hands); "koop breekt geenhuur" (sale does not mean the breakmg of a rentalcontract) thus becomes "vervreemdlng breekt geen huur",

Another example involves narrowing or refining ofmeaning, with the determination method. In Article 1365of the' Civil Law Book it is stated that "Volle schuld,volle schade" - damages or debts must be paid in fullby the person fully responslble. This can also be appliedby analogy in the case of partial payment for partialresponsibility - "Gedeelde sehuld, gedeelde sehade".

Let us return of the writer's thoughts on the quotationwhich we have been discussing from the Sunna, "it isyou who know best the affairs of your world". On the bastsof the above explanation, conclusions and prtnclples canbe drawn from this verse, provided they do not conflictwith either the construction or the system which theremust logically be in the' Qur'an and Hadlth (sunna).

In other words, the e~an:sion of the legal' basis ofan argumentbased on the surma, the writer's guldellneis possible, for it is of an elastic nature. So new princiPle~or rules may be found (rechtsvtndlng) , provided onlythat they are consistent with faIth and come within thelilmits of construction and the system of faith (Arkanultman ~ The 'PUlars of Faith).

So ends this technical and legal dtscusslon of thewriter's argument based on the legal principle in the

Sunna "that there is something of a separation betweenreligion and state".

The writer hopes that H is all comprehensible, andparttcular the und~rlyirig logic.

It is his hbpe'that there are Muslim jurists willingto discuss it. The writer would greet this with greatpleasure and equanhnity while hoping that, if possible,such discussion would be accompanied by arguments ofa positlve nature. Thus tor instance it should not stopat a negative proposition, such as "this is not so and thatis not, so" 'but rather reach a positive proposal in theform 'of "this should be like this and that should be likethat".

Finally, the writer Would like to remind readers thatlaw or legal prtnciples of any .sort, the very best law

. '

or legal principles according to any national jurispru-dence (as well as international law) in a democraticstate, a state based on law as is our state, the Republicof Indonesia, should fulfil three condittons :

It should have Iegal authority (juridische gelding),i.e. be made by the competent state tnstttutlons (theMPR and Parliament) and so be .eonstttuttonal ;

It should have social authorlty (soclologische gelding),i.e. be accepted by the whole society ;

It should have phtlosopmcal authority (phnosopmschegelding) , .meet criteria of good lww or legal, prtnci­pies; in our country this is exemplified in the statephilosophy, .Pancaslla.

The above explanation can be expressed in dtagra­matte form; the' following diagrams show the essenceof the writer's thlnkmg:

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113

possibLe widening through determination and nar­vowing through abstraction, provided that:.......;, it remains within thef'ramework of the legal sys-

tem,and.......;, there are no inc~lllsisten~ies (wIderspruch).

The Limits ofEarthly LaW

(Legislation,codification)

The Limits ofIslamic Religi­ousLaw. unt­

, versal law,based .on faithin the Qllr'a,n(and other ho­ly books) andIn tactunllm­ItOO In nature.

State Lawon earth(mondllll)

The Llmlts of Earthly Law- (Legislation, c<Xllfication)

Explanation:I', The Pillars of Faith (Arkanul1man.) for!bid a Muslim

to exceed or reduce the limits of faith, so he mustbelieve in an afterlife,

2, The Sunna quotation, that "it is you who know bestthe affairs of your world", gives Mu:sli:ms the freedomto consider and organize secular matters, but becauseof our faith, we are 'hound to the Qur'an and sunnawhich we can conceive as logically havin.g limits. Thefreedom must not exceed these limits.

3. The author's example, the separation of religion andstate, is based on this freedom. He, too, however, isbound by his faith Which must have limits, although

The Limitsof Legislation

'!'he Limits The Llmt.t.8of the Law 1"""_---4 -.....---4---;.. 1 of the Law

(aconceptwhich 'isactuallyurillmitetll.

'!'he UmitS of the -Law

The Limitsor l.egislation

DIAGRAM A.

The Limits ofthe Law

Explanation :

1. Although in thediag-ram the law appears as having"limits, this is. in fact only a- dlagramatlc represen­tation of the concept of the law which has no limits.

2. A law itself has limits, but that law contains regula­tlonsor legal principles in the form of articles.Thus,as the law On the unrestricted sense) is elastic, plas­tic and expansive in nature, a particular law can bewidened (an example being article 1576 of the CivilLaw Book; concerning "koop breektgeen huur" i.e.sale arid purchase cannot break a contract ofhi;e orrent) or narrowed (an example being article 1365 ofthe Civil Law Book, regarding compensation for

_damages, "volle schade, volle schuld").

3. - Thus in this dtagram, -the law (even though already .in the form of legislation) can be so cast as to make

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these are difficult to imagine, for we are merelyhuman, created by. God in whom we must have faith(wanahu a'lambtssawaae). Feeling thus bound, theauthor can only arrive at limited formulations (global,

.hot universal), and so has inserted the word "enig­zins" or "something of": "There is something of..aseparation between religion and state".

4. As an illustration of the breadth of Islamic .law in theQur'an and Sunna as the source of the law, and ofthere being no need for anyone to lay aside hisfaith, the writer wants to cite an example put for­ward by Prof. Dr. Hazairin of the University of Indo­nesia in an eXlpla:riat~on of the theory of Islamic lawon inheritance.

Accordmg' to this most. respected professor, Islamiclaw on inheritance, based on the Qur'an,isnot uni­lateral - patrilineal - as is that now in force (in­cluding in Indonesia). He says that the Qur'an infact states inheritance law to be bilateral. He goes

. on to point out that whatever is written In theQur'an: aibout inheritance law must of course beobeyed.

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C HAP TE:R VI.

ATTITUDES OF THE COMMUNITY TOWARDS THE·"NEW ORDER" GOVERNMENT

I. Up to theiPres~nt time, there are still a number ofIslamic leaders whose evaluation of government programsand, in particular, their implementation, is negative. Thisevaluation, however, only concerns matters which areactually trivial, such as what some leaders of the Islamiccommunity call "Vice projects" (nignt-cluns, casinos,lotteries, localization of prostitution, etc.) , Which arepurely matters of reltglous morality.

'I1his evaluatlon is sometimes made in such a wayas to appear as a matter of basic religious principle andtherefore unquestionable. Is this valid ? M\ust the-entireIslamic community regard the government in a negativelight if it does not eliminate the projects?

If we think albout the matter calmly, fit becomes clearthat this vice cannot simply be stopped entirely. Whynot? Because God ordained it to be; whether we likeit or not, it has never in the history of man been stopped.

Does it nat ajppear that God intentionally .createda devil whose task it is to constantly tempt man? "Itis certainly a great, pity that governments do not con­sist of angels", as Hamilton said in The Federalist No.VL, quoted by Prof. R. Kranenburg in his iboo~ Inleidingin de Vergelijkende Staatsrecbe-wetensehap (Intro­ductton to the Comparative study of Law) (1955). Forthis reason, what we must do as men is to reduce viceas much as possiJble,by a vartety of means.· .

On What basis iJs it best for the Islamic community.to determine its attitudes to the government? To the

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writer, the most fitting, sta~.dipOirnt is that found intheBura Mumtahinah (verses 8 and 9) . Verse 9 reads:

"God only fori})~ds -yeu- to be friendly towards per­sons who fight against you on religious grounds,throw you out of your birthplace or native land, orwho help (others) to obtain power over you' youmay not take them as your friends";' '

. <H. zaenuddin Ham~dy and H.Fachrudin translate"friend" . "1 d ". . .'. '.as ea er ; see their commentary on the Qur'-all, published by Pener'bit WliJdjaja, Jakarta, pa,ge820

"Anyone who. takes them as his leaders is likewisea cruel person".

. On the. basis of this verse, the Islamic communityIn Indonesia has no need to feeI negative towards thegovernment as long as the government does not :

fO~b~d or obstruct the Islamic community (or anyreliglous group) from practising ~ts religion, or

- evict the Islamic community from their birth-place. .

Has our present government (the "New Order", since1965) ever;

prohfbited Muslims from practising their religionor 0 ,

thrown them out of their birthplace?

.In the writer's opinion, the "New Order" governmenton the contra~y has re}-llY done some very positive things~or t:heISI3imW re~igion and Its followers, even bearingin mmdthatthe government hiasnochoice :but to carry.out the provlslons of the 1945 Constitution, in particular~aragraph 1 of article 29, the first principle of Panca­stla :

"A state based on belief in one God".

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The "New Order" government has in. practice gone

further than this:A. It has run, and continues to do so, (non-compulsory)

religious edUication in educational institutions fromprimary to untversity level.

The government - in particular the President per­sonally -'positivelY proposes:1. Central and!or regional level collection of the

religious tax (zakat) ;

2.. Giving aid to the extent of hundreds of thousandsof rupiah annuarlv to set Ulp or repair bu~ldings

such as the Istiqlal Mosque,~lamic centres, rell­gious training centres, Islamic schools and otherplaces of 'activities of the Islamic community,throughout Indonesia ;

3~ Leading and organielng, in the best way possible,. pilgrimages to Mecca ;

4. unity of the Islamic community in the field ofpnlitical democracy, which, praise be to God, hasalready been achievecr in the form of the PartaiPersatUian Pembarngunan.

Thus in the writer's evalUla/tion, the attitudes andructions of the "New Order" government up to this time,though not entirely gratifying due to the government'slimited ca,pacity, do not in principle disappoint the' hopesof the Indonesian Islami'c community.

II. It may be advisable here to put forward a compar­ison between the attitudes of the Islamic communitynow, and in the colonial period towards the govemmentunder the govea:nor-general. At that time, there was re.,­lattvely little opposition from the Islamic communitythrough its mass organizations such as the Nahdatul'Ulama, MUhammadiyah, and Al Washliyah.

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The government of that time, despite the matter 0

vice, received Uttle or no criticism from the Muslims,and there were in fact many organizations which accept­ed subsidtes for educatton and so on.

III. We should first gather facts to use as examplesand then consider and reflect a little; in this way wcan hopefully be wary about rumours which seem treflect negatively on the individuals who chance to bin Ieadership positions.

The following examples are imtendedto illustraterumours which personally concern General Soeharto andhis wife, Tien Hartinah, in the field of religion.

A. Mrs Tien Soeharto.

Several ex-leaders of he Islamic University StudentAssociation (HMI) once covertly asked the writer thfollowing question, "Mr. Mintaredja, many people 311'

saying, in all sincerity, that Mrs. Soeharto is a Catholic.Is that .true?" The writer explained that this was justa rumour, and, thanks be to God, especially after peoplesaw or heard about the funeral of Mrs. Soeharto's fatherin Solo in 1971, which was conducted absolutely accord­ing to Islamic rites, the rumour has disappeared.

So be cautious about rumours concerning thesonal affairs of General So~harto's family.

B. General soenarto :

One day in 1968 (after the writer' had becomeMinister of State) he was asked the following questloat a meeting with albout 50 to 60 Islamic university stdents. in Bandung : "Mr. Mlntaredja, why do you truSoeharto and work together with him? Isn't he

'mystic T",

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The writer was compelled to reply on the spot, .tothe accompaniment of taunts from the istudents, so hecalmly attempted to provide am sxplanatfon, nrst ask­ing the questioner just what it was he meant by. "mys-

tic".Not one of the students could give an answer.

The writer then proceeded more or less as follows :

"Now don't be over-eager to believe rumours or tom;ck pe~Ple and their beliefs. It is obvious that youdo not know or understand what mysticism is.

"Firstly, the essence of mysticism ils for man, throughconcentration and devotion, to make contact with Godhis Creator. Does Islam forbid a person to attempt tocome nearer to God?

"Does this come under 'hal'am' law?

, "You yourselves, I myself, we the Islamic community,are obliged by God to make contact with Him,in factfi~e Urnes a day, in the OIbligatory prayers. And, thisis not yet taking into account all the various non-obli­gatory ones. Within Islamic culture itself, furthermore,cannot the teachlngs of sufism (tasau!) be equated withmysticism?

"You may have heard that Soeharto prays in a roomfor days on end w~thout leaving that room. If you wantto pray inside, outeldeor on a housetop, at the top ofa cyprus tree or a coconut palm, or on the banks of ariver, it is allowed by Islam. It is clearly not prohib,ited.The whole of God's earth is a place for prayer.

"If you want to pray (i.e. bow yourself down beforeGod and in devotion, endeavour to make contact withHim) on the sea-shore, you may too. NOW, perhaps youhave also heard that Soehartomedita;tes by the sea,or even in a cave in the mountains. (Medita:tion means

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reflection on Him who created oneself and the universe,desire to express gratitude for all His blessings, and thusto endeavour- to Come nearer to Him, to know Him, andto try to make contact with one's Creator),

"MaYlbe you have heard people gosslpptng' that soe­harto is it follower of mysticism because of these stories.I want to ask you a question: Where was the firstverse of the Qur'an revealed by God to the ProphetMuhammad? In a cave, called Rita CaNa!

"It should now be clear to you all that sitting medi­tating before and after prayer (with devotion endeavour­ing to communicate wi·th God), in a cave or anywhereelse, is not fol'lb~d:den by our religion. Soeharto is a ex­student of a Muhammadiyah school and taJke note thereis no difference between him andusIn the perfo;manceof obligations as Mus,lims !".

Such was the writer's exoerience. Let us now hopethq,t the Islaenic community will notf>all easy prey toprovocatton and rumours from outside. There are indeedthose who are attempting to make us split away fromGeneral Soeharto and the armed 'forces.

IV. Mysticism.

A. To continue on the subject of mysticism, it is obviousthat many. young Muslims do not know the meaning 0

mysticism, or what it is that is referred to as mysticism,or whether mysticism is wrong or in conflict with Islamor .any other religion.

The word originated from the Greek words "mycin"(to close one's eyes) and "musterlon" (alone, closed ofand unknown to others), and implies the desire of mato become one with (to reach and perhaps to meet)God his Greater, along with teachings on how to achievthis state. This is generally in the context of Christia­nity.

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'11hereare slmjlar forms outside Christianity ­Taosm in China, YOgla in India,and Sufism within Islam.

B. A- brief summary of mystic teachings, from the lastpart of the teachings of Tasauf, is that man tries toreach (not yet meet with) God. Theorighl!al word for"reach" was "wusul", The ultimate aim is to meet withGod (llqaa) ,

Usually, if a personjneets with God in this way,he has become "istiqhraq", free from worldly influences,both spiritual and material. He eats whatever is avail­able and does' not seek food by work as we must do,either for himself or for his family.

If a person reaches the level of istiqhraq, the result. is that he becomes unconscious of self, and others maythink he i'8 insane.

People who are incapable of reaching a state of liqaa(not being strong enough) may, according to those whoknow, lose their minds and so appear to act strangely(wear odd clothing or excessive adornment, laugh tothemselves, etc).

In the Sufist teaching of Imam al Gazhali (l058 ­1111")', an attempt. was made to explain it as rationallyas possible, so that eventually a "bridge" could be buHtbetween orthodox Muslims and Sufists. What made AlGazhali do this? He saw that sufism sometimes appear­ed to be approaching pantheism (pan = all,theos =God), in which God is believed to be present in stones,trees, animals and so on, including man himself.

C. As stated before, mystic doctrines are found ~n allreligions. In each religion, hovewer, there' are of courseboth those for and those against them. There is also aschool of mysticism in Western philosophy. This is recog­ntsed by all its experts. Certainly mysticism sometimesappears peculiar because of the methods used. These in

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general are ecstasyfsuch' as intensive' recitation of theMuslim confession of faith- tahlilan or zikir), ascerticism(such as fasting for 40 days, not sleeping for a certainperiod of time) and medltatlon in certain places. As anexample, in our country (in Java) there isa sect .aimingtowardsjperfeetion. in life, "Manunggaling' Kawula IanGusti", Unif'ication of the Self with the Mysterious orGod. Whether this sect can be called a mystical one (ke­bathinan) , the writer' cannot say, but it is' certainlysimilar to groups which are pantheistic in nature.

Leaving aside the prejudice of uninformed people,what becames clear here is, that endeavours to relate to,communicate With, and thus to seek God, the Creatorof man and the entire universe - including those offollowers of all the world's religions - form the essenceof' the obHg;a.tions of those religions. Included of courseis Islam, which requires its adherents to pray to Godfive times a day.

D. To make the matter clearer to young people, anotherway of looking at it is through the language of logic:mysticism aims towards the union of subject and object;

Is ~tplausible for subject and object to become one?Whether this can, be accepted by man's reason dependson individual experience; what is clear is that youngpeople have no need to Ibe prejudiced a priori againsmystics. of any religious faith. Is not freedom of worshiguaranteed by the 1945 Constttution (article 29) on thbasis of belief in one God?

Finally, let us all, as Indonesian citizens andpeople of Indonesia, upholdmutual respect and tolerancand may the Islamic community remember that tinjuction "There is no compulsion in reltglonvcontlnuto be valid.

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'v. Note:

There is another point which the writer wishes tobring up, but he hopes thac it will not be taken in toomuch seriousness, but rather as If it arose in a conver­

. sation :

A. The writer often reflects on the matter and is in­clined to be of the opinion that .if the Islamic com­munity remains dogmatic and philosophically puritan,and even more if it tends towards utopianism,there will in the end. be practically no scope left forMuslims in Indonesia.

"B. Consider the following facts, which it .is difficult justto deny:

Our country, since colonial times, through the Ja­panese occupatdon, and up to the present as an in­dependent nation, has allowed the importation ofwhislk!y and brandy, despite the fact that liquor isconsidered absolutely forbidden (haram) by Islam.Such Imports are subject to import duty and salestax, both of which go into the government treasury.

Furthermore, the government has long permittedabattoirs for the slaughter of p~gs. This slaughteringis also taxed, and the proceeds again enter the trea­sury along with sales tax.

The government treasury's function is to financethe national !budget and development spending,which are called the National Routine and Develop­ment Budget. This finances the construction of go­vernment schools, religious schools from primaryteacher training' schools for teachers of religion touniversity-level Islamic institutes, and likewise roadsand bridges (vital and urgent infrastructure).

123

Are we going to deny ,that at the present time themajority of us struggle to get our children into go-

o vernment schools? And are not the treasury funds,if we are reallsttc aboutft, contaminated with theproceeds of liquor import duties ?Is not pork st~ll

prohibited by the Qur'an ?

If we remain dogmatie, puritan and utopian, weshall have to think first before stepping on roads (as­phaltedv.or not) which ,are built with state funds, asthese, are not pure, but contain forbidden elements. Ifthis comes about, imagine how little space the Islamiccommunity will have for movement!

Once again, please do not consider this as a writtenstatement, but rather as if it arose in a conversationbetween reader and writer.

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C HAP T E R'VII

FUTURE SHOCK FOR THE INDONESIAN PEOPLE

1. Many of us, including leaders and prospective leaders,are 'bewildered when faced by the pr-esent and itsproblems - political, economic and developmental- - letalone the future.

One way of describing this situation is by using theterm "future shock". What does this mean?

In Indonesia" since the 1960s,friends of the authorand other Indoneslans from the provinces who havenot been to the capital "city, Jakarta, to! some time,are utterly amazed, dazed and bewildered to see the citYso entirely different from when they last saw it - may­be 19, 5, 3 or 1 year ago; maybe only 3 to 6-months.

Such visitors no longer recognise the parts of thecity with wnichthey used to be familiar such as Konings­pletn ,(Tlliman Merdeka or Merdeka Square), with itsGambir. market. The old Rijswijk and Noordwijk area(now Jalan Insinyur Haji Juanda and Jalan Veteran)is now: unrecognizable 'to them,although there are stillone or two landmarks vtstole, such as the state Palaceand Sociteit Harmonie. It is even worse when they seeJalan Thamrin and its skyscrapers,

These people become more bewildered still whenthey see, the night..:clmsand steam-baths ; there is somuch, which conflicts strongly with thejr feelings of­custom and religion, be they Christians, Muslims orHindus.

Everything; in fact, seems' odd and incomprehen­sible.

125

Amazed, bewildered, disturbed, they at' last cannotstand it, want to run away, go home to their famili~renvironment.

It is not just people from the provinces who.are 'soaffected. Ev·en'·those who' come from the outskirts ofJakarta, such as the Pasar Minggu,Kebayoran Lama orOengkareng areas, are dazed, do not [{now the wasy, andso end up as if they were in a state of mental shock.

What is the reason' for all this? It is shock result­ing from exposure to a new environment and culture. Aperson suddenly arriving in Jakarta after years away,with virtually no preparation, feels as if he has beenthrown into a new environment and culture. He becomesconfused,feels like a stranger and as if he has suddenlylost the anchor and orientation which helped him tofunction tn society.

He is even more amazed when he sees the scantyclothes worn Iby young people, and the new mini andmaxi fashions, or couples holding hands or embracing inpublic, which he will never have seen in his home' dis­Met. This is even before he witnesses the hair-raisingscenes in night-clubs or steam-baths and massage par­lours. There will be emotional conflict, moral, religiousand cultural conflict.

However, although these people are affected byculture shock, they are not too baldly off, for they stillare ruble to calm themselves down when 'they return hometo their own environment. It is as if,this familiar envi­ronment can restore their faith in themselves.

It is a different, matter for those affected by futureshock. They cannot return to calm and tranquillity.Future shock is a symptom of very rapid change. It canalmost oe called' a disease, which then requires accuratediagnosis and treatment.

126

Future shock is a result or too-rapid technologicaladvancement. The world has shrunk, any distance can becovered in just a few hours by supersonic jet, and newscan be sent in a flash; both ordinary news and "liVing"television news by satellite, bringing very swift influen­ces. It is difficult for people to keep up, as it is for thoseseeing the physical changes in Jakarta. If for an instantwe do not follow developments, it is as if we have beencut off from world events, and we find it hard to catchup.

The same applies in the political field (even withinIndonesia) ; we can be left behind .and .then rieed monthsor years to get back: in tOUCh and to understand things.There are many Indonesians who Were overseas formonths or who were under detention for years duringthe "Old Order" period, and now, deep inside, still feelas if they were living in that period and situation, oreven one far earlier.

They may still feel as if they were living in a par­liamentary democracy, whereas our polrtdcal life is nowbased on pure "Pancasfia" democracy, implementedthrough a presidential crubinet system. These people donot realize that besides the foundation being different,so also are political methods and tactics.

The writer himself once experienced such politicalshock When, for [ust.one month.rhe left Indonesia to goon pilgrimage to Mecca. In that month (March 1968),a session of the MPRS was held, and it produced funda­mental political changes.

In all seriousness, it took months for the writer tocatch up on the information he had missed and thechanged political atmosphere.

As an example from mternattonal politics, the Visitof President Nixon to Peking was very difficult for, the

127

man-tn-the-street jo follow and understand; it led tochanges. in the pattern of international politics, a changefrom b~polar to multipolar policies.

II. The subject of shock (cultural, political, and aboveall, "future" shock:) warrants expounding further, sothat we shall be truly alert and not left behind, t.e, notbe affected by future shock. (Those who want to go intothis in greater depth should read Future Shock b~ Alvin

. Toffler, Bantam Books Inc., New York, 1971).

A. The most important thing in the polbtical field isthe reautydi'ScUJSsed in earlier chapters, the factthat the military' carry out socio-political functions,not only in Indonesia, but in more. than half theworld. In Indonesia, the armed forces, with theirdual functions, are the force behind development inall fields, to the rextent that both East and West,like it or not, have recognized thek achievementsand even expressed amazement and respect. Are wegoing to close our eyes and ears to this? Bury ourheads in the sand?

B. In facing the future, we should be ruble to act andthink like "futurists", people who study the posslbi­lities of the future. This does not mean. that we haveto be Irke the fortune-tellers who carry a padJdybirdina nest and command it to choose a card or otherobject; nor need we foretell the future with cards.What we should do is studY,analyse, then imaglnprobabilities and posstbiltles of what will happen ithe future. All this is perfectly rational in character

C. In earlier chapters, the political' life of the futurhas been discussed on the basis of past and presenexperience : what our planners (the National PlanningBody: BAPPEiNAS) are doing is deciding 0

probabilities in economic and other fields; thes

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have already been formed into the FirSt Five YearDevelopment Plan, thus are intended to. face thenext five year.

One extremely important thing to be mentioned ~s

family planning programs which, if not carrted outsuccessfully, wiJI lewd to a growth in Production ofbabies like that of raootts, Imagine the accumulatingproblems which will engulf us if the production ofbabies continues in such inoreasingabundance :

1. Food production (recall Malthusian theory),2. School accommodation and the sUipply of teachers,3. Employment and work opport-nttdes,4. Housing construction,5. Health and hospltal problems,6. And so on.

lf we do not consider the question of family plan­ning right now, the prospective consequences arehorrifying. The conceptualization of the consequen­ces is the result of our development planner's work,the task of "futurists" who are able to conceive offuture probabilities (for example for the year 2000AD), then study and evaluate what must be done byour government and people. Because of their know­ledge and skill,' these people can at one and thesame time be called artists, planning scientlsts, andaccountants. (Of great value to the population andfamily planning field has been Robert Malthus andhis theory that the growth in food production pro­ceeds according to an arithmetical progression, whilethe growth in the birth rate proceeds according toa geometrical progression).

Thi!s is indeed different from the thinking of theutopians and dreamers discussed in the first chaptersof this book. Non-economic fields too, such as morals,ethics, etiquette and custom, will certainly end up

129

in disorder and turmoil if we do not now imagineand examine carefully the future of our children andgrandJchitldren. Do we want to see them fall victimto drugs, to. see them petting in pUiblic like animals,as if we were returning to a stage of pre-civtlteatton!but one which is occurring now as a part of' theworld called "modern"? This is truly tragic, and asign of the times in all fields - in a positive sense,though, for there are posiJbilities for dynamic growth.Let us not, like sheep, just follow the negativistictrends.

On this topic a useful book is a collection of writingsby various scholars, collected and published hy MyronWeiner, Cambridge, Massachussets, 1966 in the seriesof Voice of America Forum Lectures.

D. If we continue to .bother over such matters as,

- in the fieLd of religion,

1. Whether or not it is right to use the "Qunut"prayer in the dawn prayer (sulbuh).

2. Whether or not "tahlilan" (recitation of theconfession of faith) and "talqin" (readinginstructions to the dead or dying) are correct,

3. Evaluation of the quality of other people'sfaith,

4. Etc.,

- and in the political field,

1. Whether it is necessary for the President toconsult with other socio-political forces inrormmg a cabinet, when we clearly have a pre­sidental caoinet system as in' the USA.,

2. Oriticism and debate over the appropriatenessof a certain person as minister, governor, partyIeader etc.,

130

3. Ridicule of the motto "slowly but surely" inthe implementation of policy,

4. and so on,

it will certainly be very hard for us to progress, whileother nations land on the moon and even reach Marsand other planets.'

Youth of Indonesia, let us be united on matters ofnational advancement, and other crucial questions inthe national and mtemattonal "chess game".

We have already been left far behind.

May you become heroes and champions in all fields,for the sake of humanity, sociJety, nattcn and religion.

Let us be united in the national interest, for futureshock in both economic and military fields presents ahorrHying prospect if we do not prepare ourselves fromthis very moment.

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eRA P TE R VIII.

CON C L U S ION.

Inclosing, the writer would like to summarize hisrecent re-thinking of future political life in our' nation.

1. For 25 years, the peoplevthrough their leaders, wast­ed -time and energy on a struggle over formal poli­tics, just to uphold the tdeological basis of eachparty.

2. The only results of this struggle were physical andmental suffering.

3. There is only one way to escape from- this situation, torealize the common, aspirattons of the people for ajust and prosperous. society; it -is for all parties andgroups to create a new political environment, inwhich the parties and the people refrain from ideo­logical conflict.

4. We are now mitdway through the First Five YearDevelopment Plan. Given a new political environmentwe could, God willing, be on the threshold of sucha just and prosperous society.

5. a. The Islamic community needs a group of youngleaders with moral courage (a term borrowedfrom the late John F. Kennedy's book Profiles inCourage), leaders who have the courage to changeand reform old patterns of thinking, both poli­tical and reltgious. The Islamic community canonly catch up through new patterns of thinkingwhich are dynamic, visionary, yet practical.

b. In this context, the writer wishes to quote thelamentation of an ex-commander of the D.I./T.I.I.in Wes,tJava.

132

"The Islamic community in Indonesia", he said,"has become split up into groups and parties just be­cause of the questions of madzhab andfuru'. The leadersof Islamic groups should not incite their members againstthose of other groups as H the'y were engaged hi cock­fighting. Those who are hurt, scarred,' who suffer, whobecome the victims, are riot the leaders, but the ordinarypeople in the groups - those Who might be called the'cocks'."

This is really worthy of deep consideration andreflection, by the leaders of all parties. To the youngergeneration Whose anger is easily inflamed by a leader'sprovocative cry of "Jihad fisrubilillah" (Holy war ! ),the writer would like to urge them to first listen tothose who have been in rebellions, such as the ex-com­manderof the D.I./T.I.I.

He continued, "Could the youth who now want torevolt go Without food, or for months and years beunsure of their next meal, as was the experience of theex-rebels ? Could they endure, 'for an indefinite period,living and sleeping in the open in the middle of virginforest, with a shortage of food and of everything else,always haunted by dangers from. the most trivial to themost immense? 'Have they the mental stamina to faceall this?

"Think deeply and throughly first, for clearly, toembark on a way of lifewhioh -is continually haunted bydanger means moving from a normal life, from normalpeople,to an abnormal existence without food, isolat­ed and cut off from the human social environment".

So there you are. Be wary of provocative tactics fromthe leaders of certain political parties, who at first mayseem the most daring but who, at the crucial moment,relinquish their responsibility.

133

Let us learn and benefit from the experiences ofhistory. May God the All Loving show us all theright path, "Ihdinas Shiraatal mustaqiem".

6, In the years to come, the Islamic community, unit­ed in the Partaf Persatuan Pernbanguan, will increaseits active participation in the physical and spiritualdevelopment of the nation and people of Indonesia.

7. Life as a nation.

If we visit various nations in Asia, Europe, Americaand so on, we shall see that many of the people whoform the populations of these nations have differentorigins, ethnic, national and religious.

In one nation may be gathered together people ofmany national origins - even up to a dozen or more- without considering ethnic differences. For exam­ple, in Switzerland there are people originating fromthree countries - Italy, France and Germany. Theirreligion is Christian: Catholic and Protestant, withall the various denominations. Then look at theUnited states, whose people originate from England,Gel1many, France, Norway, Japan, India, Afri<;a andso on and follow a variety of religions, includingChristtanity (Catholicism and Protestanism ), Juda­ism and Islam.

These nations, at any time, and especially whenfacing any threat to their freedom, want to remainunited, have "Ie desir d'etre ensemble", as ErnestRenan expressed it. Oertadnly, there have sometimesbeen 'external forces and pressures, from the super­powers; some nations in western Europe were even­tually forced to cede a proportion of their sovereigntyto people who were not their original inhabitants.

134

So let us, the people of tndonesta, advance together onthe basis of our own strength to <build a just and pros­perous nation.

It seems to be the time now for us to take up the motto"Right or wrong my country". We can also use a sentenceof John F. Kennedy's; "Ask not what your country cando for you, hut what you can do for your country".

Of great importance is the, moral support of religion ;let us hope that our religions will not become a "deadchurch", a "dead mosque", or a "dead temple", but ratherwill arouse our spirit to work for our nation, our peopleand our rellgion.

May we always consciously adhere to our national motto"Bhinneka TungJgal Ika", "Unity in Diversity", free ofconsiderations of ethnic origin, descent, level ofcivili­zation, language or religion.

135'

3. a. In essence, the writer was asked to join the Deve­lopment Calbinet.

b. For the reasons stated in the following dialogue,the writer tried to avoid accepting.

ication of an invitation from President Soeharto.The writer's wife had been given no explanation.

c. As he was to be received at 8 a.m., the writerwent straight to the President's house in JalanCendana, without having a bath or changing hisclothes.

Mr. Soeharto, I feel inadequate and notcapable of this. It is not to be taken lightly;

137

Dialogue:

After the President had explained his intention, heasked;

President: Well, Mr. Mintaredja, are you prepared tojoin the Cabinet and assist me ?

Wrrter Mr. Soeharto, I rum, I think, one of thosepeople who are easily disheartened. As aMuslim, before undertaking anything, how­ever small, I usually li'ke to ask God's guid­ance and pray the tahajrud prayers; if it,will !be of real benefit to my nation, peopleand religion, I wish my heart to be movedby God so that I will agree to it. If it is goingto cause difficulties for nation, people orreligion, ~t is better if I am not moved toagree.

President : I hope this will be so, God willing. I do thesame thing as you. Well, what do you think?

Writer

b. Feeling completely unconvlnced, the writer leftthat evening for YQgy,akarta to attend a meetingof the Muhammadiyah Central Executive.

lb. Quite unexpectedly, the writer was met by hisyounger brother who was not in the habbt of meet­ing him.

He was' most surprised to be told that on theSunday, the Cabinet Secretary had brought notit-

ON THE WRITER'S INCLUSION IN THEDEVELOPMENT CABINET

Bismfllahirahmarrirrahim,

2. a. The writer left Yogya on Sunday evening by theBima train and arrived hack in Jakaeba on Mondaysrd June at 7.15 a.m,

1. a. The writer first heard that his name had beenmentioned by President Soeharto from AgusSudono (Indonesian Association of Islamic TradeUnions, and First Chairman of Parrnust) , by tele­phone on the morning of Friday 31st May 1968.Agus Sudono just represented Parmusi at a meet­ing, as both the General Chairman and SecretaryGeneral were out of Jakarta.

136

The wrtter wishes to :give an outline, without com­ment,of the circumstances surrounding his entry intothe Deve'lopment Cahinet, to clarify the situation forall supporters of Parmusi and especially for Muhammad­iyah members in Jakarta and elsewhere :

it is a very serious matter. Do you considera person such as I to have the necessaryllJbility?

President: With God's help, you will. Just look at thedifference in our education. You are an aca­demic. Master of Law? And I ? I only wentto Muhammadiyah primary school; I'll neverforget the teachers of religion such as Mr.Kamto and Mr. Wasu!. Take ~t a step at atime and, God willlng, you will have thecapacity. Well, then?

Writer I know thac according to the 1945 Constitu­tion, you have the prerogative to take who­ever you wish as an assistant, and so donot choose party elements, the Caibinet be­ing a presidential one and its memberschosen on the basis of aJbility in theirfields; however if I was partly chosen for,political reasons, which element do I rep­resent?

President: Parmusi.

Writer Through the Muhrummadiyah?

President Yes. The Muhammadiyah is Parmusi's big­gest supporter, isn't it?

Writer Mr. Soeharto, may I mention something verypersonal? '

President: Of course.

Writer I have a friend whom I have known formany, many years. We are in many waysmore like brothers than friends and if oneof us is appointed as minister, the other will

138

of course he pleased and most certainly givehis assistance. He is, though, I feel sure,cleverer, more Ibrilliant than I. I'm talkingabout Ir. Sanoesi.

I think first preference should go to him orDr. Koesnadi. And actually, it happens thatI've been requested by the Muharnmadiyah

Central Executive to ask you to retain Ir.Sanoes~ in the Cabinet. That of course wasthe reason for the letter I sent you lastThursday, via General Sudharmono, on be­half the Muhammadiyah Executive,

President: After 'his accident in Medan, and subsequentillness, Ir. Sanoesi is no longer as quick andstrong as before. 'Now, then Mr. Mintaredja,will you assist me ?

As it seemed I could no longer avoid it, I replied,"It's up to you, Mr. soeharto",

4. a. From Mr. Soeharto's home, the writer wentstraight to J!. Menteng Raya No. 62, where hemet the Chairman of Parmusi, Djarnawi Hadi­kusumo, and the Chairman of. the Muhammadi­yah Council on Religious Law, Marzuki Jatim. Thewriter recounted what had just happened, andhanded the matter over to them, saying "It is upto you, Mr. Djarnawi,as General Chairman ofParmusi, and Mr. Marzuki Jatim -as Chairman ofthe Council on Religious Law, whether I acceptthis offer or not. If the decision is "no", I'll im­mediately write a letter of refusal to Mr. Soeharto".

139

Jakarta, 10th November 1968.

The writer hopes that he may be of use to his nation,people and religion.

(signed)

(H.M.S. Mintaredja SH).

"As God's servant, like you too Mr. Natsir, I shallnot, God willing, forget the laws and regulations inforce in our Pancasila state, and I shall not deviatefrom them. I hope I shall never have to be orderedin this matter. I place my trust in God".

Such was the writer's admission into the DevelopmentCabinet. Long Ibefore the estrublishment of Parmusl, thewriter had often said to the late Faqih Usman, "AlthoughI am struggling hard for the estaolishment of a party,I do not want to be a member of its central committee;I am determined to undertake religious service only, incadre-forming through the Muhammadiyah University.I do not want to be involved 1n politics, in Islamic poli­tical parties. I want to work for the whole Islamic com­munity, through the Muhammadiyah".

7. The writer did not forget to inform Moh. Natsir andPrawoto. In reply to Mr. Natsir's question as to thewriter's aims, he replied.

- "If you, want to press for Ir. Sanoesi and Dr.Koesnllidi's inclusion too, ask for these to be addi­tional. Don't lose what you already have.

- "I give you my blessing, and I'll support you withconstructive ideas.

- "I'll give you the first idea right now: It's this:let everyone, including Mr. Soeharto, know thatthe Islamic community is satisfied with the 1945Constitution, and in particular, article 29, para­gra.ph 1 ; ,this is in fact already embodied in theJ'akarta Charter, which no longer needs to bedisputed Iby anyone, including the Islamic commu­nity, so there is no longer any need to be worriedabout the Islamic attitude.

- "Please inform Mr. Badawi in Yogya:karta aboutthis matter".

b. Up to the present moment, the writer has had nosuch word from either of these people.

5. Next, the writer went to the home 01' the late FaqihUsman. He related the dialogue with Mr. Soeharto,and his meeting with Djarnawi Hadikusumo andMarzuki Jatim. Mr. Faqih's advice was as follows:

- "Mr. Mintaredja, don't let go of what you havein your hand. It is too important for the Muham­madiyah, for the Islamic community, the nationand people.

6. K.H.A. Badawi (General Chairman) and Haji Hasjimagreed with Mr. Faqih's advice, and Mr. Badawi senta letter with his good wishes, which the writer haskept.

140 141

CENTRAL EXECUTIVE,

PARTAI MUSLIMIN INDONESIA

JI. K.H.A. Dahlan No. 21,

Kebayoran..Baru - Jakarta.

Telephone 71216.

STATEMENT

OF THE CENTRAL EXECUTIVE OF THE

PARTAI MUSLIMININDONESIA

BISMILLAHIRAH~NIRRAHIM,

Bearing of mind the, approaching general elections,the Central Executive of the Partai'Muslimin Indonesia,to prevent attempts to obscure its attitudes and stand­point, which could result in negative attitudes towardsthe Party, has reached the decision in a meeting thatit is necessary again to set out and clarify its politicalruttitude to present national problems, as a guide to the

, entire Partai Muslimin tndoneaia. The text follows:

1. In accordance with the intention of the New Ordergovernment and its national leader President Soe­harte, as embodied inPresiderrtial Decree No. 70,1968, for the party's legalization, the Partai Musli­min Indonesia was formed as a party, a party forthose fnemlbers of tslerntc organizations and indi­viduals from the Islamic community whose politi­cal aspirations were not channelled in to one of theexisting political parties.

':Dhe birth of the Parta} Muslimin Indonesia was es­sentially a response to efforts to rehabilitate the Mas-

142

yumi Party and to establish new Islamic parties(Indonesian Islamic Democratic Party - "PartaiDemokrasi Islam Indonesia - and the IndonesianIslamic Party - Partar Islam Indonesia).

Thus the Partai Muslimin Indonesia is not a conti­nuation of 'the Masyumi Party.

2., The Party is determined to maintain the stand­point and attitudes set out as the attitude of thePartat Muslimin Indonesia fraction (together withother fractions in Parliament) in the explanationof Act No. 15, 1969, as follows: It

a. will not form or establish a new state;

b. will not alter the 1945 Constitution;

c. will not alter the state PhilosophY,Pancasila.

3. The role of the armed forces in the life of Indonesiansociety has already been beneficial in saving thenation and people from destruction resulting fromthe deviations of the OLd Order and from the 30thSeptember Movement revolt, so must heLp in bringingthe dual functions of' the armed forces to fulfilment,to ensure success and avoid negative occurrences.It would be appropriate for this role to be enactedin a national defence and security law.

4. Success in the five year development plans will, forthe people, mark the distinction between the Oldand New Orders, and at the same time will makean objective guarantee that the Old Order and thePKI will not rise again.

The Partai Muslimin Indonesla, as a socto-poltticalforce in the New Order, has an interest in the success

143

of the five year plans and so.rtogether-wlth the otherNew Order forces, it part~ciprutes actively in develop­ment.

5. To maintain contmutty in struggle and politicalstaolltzatton, the Partai Muslimin Indonesia is firmlyresolved to reappoint Gen. Soeharto as President inthe next session of the MPR.

(signed).

H.M.S. Mintaredja, SH,

General Chatrman

144

CENTRAL EXECUTIVE,PARTAI MUSLIMIN ~NDONESIA

(signed)

Dr. Sulastomo

Secretary General.

Jakarta, 20 Muharram 1391 H.

17th March 1971.

CENTRAL EXECUTIVE,

PARTAI MUSLIMIN INDONESIA

JI. K.H.A. Dahlan No. 21,Kehayoran' Baru -Jakarta.

Telephone 71216.

STATEMENT

BISMILLAHIRAHMANIRRAHIM,.

.The Partai MuslfmtnJndonesta feels the necessity toset out its opinion regarding the filling. of the positionof Vi,ce-President, as follows:

1. According to the principles of the 1945.Constitutionto which we adhere, the posttton of Vice-Presidentshould be filled.

2. The 1945 Constitution does not stipulate criteria fora Vice-Presidential candidate, such as civilian ormilitary, Javanese or non-Javanese, religious affilia-

.c$ion and. so on.

The Partai Muslimin Indonesia will prepare its mem­bers mentally to accept and carry out the spirit ofthe 1945 Constitution, as referred to above.

3. Without dlvergtng from the purpose ands:piritofthe 1945 const~tution, but on the basis of the obj ec­tive situation of the Indonesian people, it is neces­sary to / heed the- f()llowing points in the choice ofa Vice-President:

a. The Vice-President must be able to work in coope­ration with the President (General Soeharto), toensure unified national leadership.

145

Wllibillahit Taufiq Walhid'a'Yah.

'b. The choice should reflect the "unity in Diversity"character of. the Indonesian people, with attentionto the chosen person's integrity.

c. The person's Iback@roundshould leave no doubt asto his loyalty to the a~Ilrations of the August1945 Proclamation.

d. The person chosen should show evidence of abilityin harmonious coopen1tion between civil and mili­tary sectors.

4. The Partai Muslimln Indonesia win naturally givepreference to an Islamic candidate.

5. The' PartaI Muslimin Indonesia ts of' the opinion thatit is at present too premature to mention namesof possible candidates.

6. Concluded.

(signed)

H.M.S. Mintaredja, SH.

General Chairman

146

CEN'IlRALEXECUTIVE,PARTAI MUSLIMIN INDONESIA

(signed)

Drs. Roroli Harahap

Secretary.

Issued in Jakarta'

22nd March 1971.

BISMILLAHIRRAHMANIRRAHIM.

RESULT OF A MEETING OF THE PRESIDIUM,

WORKING GROUP AND LEADERS OF THE

UNITED DEVELOPMENT GROUP FRACTION

The four Islamic parties, the Religious Scholars Party(N.U,), the Indonesian Muslim Party (Parmusi) , the

Indonesian Islamic Union Party (PSSI) and the Sarekat. Islam Party (PERT!), which up to now have been group­

ed together in the United Development Group Confeder­ation, in a meeting of the Presidium, Working Group and

Fraction-leaders, on 5th January 1973, unanimously

agreed to fuse their political activities in one politicalparty under the name PARTAIPERSATUAN PEMBA­NOUNAN (UNITED DEVELOPMENT PARTY).

All non-political actirvities will continue, as in the

past, to ibe undertaken by the mdtvtdual organizations,

and will even he increased with our participation in spi­ritual and material development.

For the implementation or this agreement, a team

has been formed to make all necessary preparations forthe Partah Persatuan Pembangunan, both organizational

and poltttcat.

The results of the team's work will be reported to

the Presidium, then handed over to and ratified by amore representative deliiberative meeting which, God will­ing, will be held at the 'beginning of February 1973 at

.the latest.

Jakarta, 5t~ January, 1973.

148

MaY God grant us His help, guidance and blessing.

149

H.M.S.. Mbntaredja, SH.H. Nurdtdin Lubis.Drs. H. Th. M. Gobel.Nur Hasan IbnuHadjar.K.H. Syarifuddin Zuhri.

Dr. K.H. Idham Chalid.HMS. Mintaredja, SH.H. Anwar Tjokroaminoto.Rusli Halil.K.H. Masjkur.

PresidentVi'ce President :ViCe President :Vice President:VicePresident :

1. General Chairman :2. Vice. Gen. Chairman:3. Chairman4. Chairman5. Chairman

II. CENTRAL EXECUTIVE.

1. PRESIDENT OF THE PARTY.

THE PARTY EXECUTIVE BOARD AND ADVISORYCOUNCIL ON RELIGIOUS'· LAW OF TilE

PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN(UNITED DEVELOPMENT PARTY)

on 13th Felbruary 1973 the First Executive of the PartaiPersatuan Pemoangunan Was established, as follows ;

As the result of joint deliberation among

1. Members of the Presidium of the United DevelopmentGroup,

2. Members of' the Working Group of the United Deve­lopment Group,

3. The Chairman of the United Development GroupFraction, and .

4. The leaders ofthe United Development Party Prepa­ration Team,

COMPOSITION OF :

(signed)(signed)(Signed)(signed)

. (signed)

PRESIDIUM OF THE UNITED

DEVELOPMENT GROUP

1. Dr. K.H. Idham ChaHd2. H.M,S. Mintaredja, SH.3. H.Anwar Tjo~roaminoto

4. RusH Halil.5. K.H. Masjkur

Jalmrta, 13th February, 1973.

150

K.H. Masjkur.Drs. M.A. Gani MA.Djadil Abdullah.T.M. Saleh.Drs. Syahmanap.K.H. Gozali. -Ali Tamin SH.H.~. Munasi~.

Ismail MOkCibombang.Ny. Mahmudah Mawardi,Ny. Syarkawi Mustafa.H.A. Muiz" Ali.

1. General Chairman :2. Vice Gen. Chairman:'3. Vice oen. Chraiman:4. Vice Gen. Chairman:5. Chairman6. Member7. Member8. Member9. Member

10. Member11. Member12. Member

III. CENTRAL· ADVLSORY COUNCIL .

151

IV. ADVISORY COUNCLL ON RELIGIOUS ,LAW.

1. General Chairman: K.H. Bisri Samsuri.2. K.H. Daohlan. 11'3. K.H. Moh. Syafei Wirarkoesoemah.4. K.H. Rusli A. Wah~d.5. H.A.Balya Umar.6. K.H. Zaeni Miftah.7. K.H, Syuhai'l'i Chat~b.

8. K.H. Aiz Halim.9. K.H. Mustar! Yusuf.

10. K.H. Achlnald Siddiq.11. Dr. MUh~budidin WaH.12. K.H. Mis ib a h

. 13. K.H.Aini Chalik.14. K.H, Usman Abidi!n.

1. Dr. K.H. J:dham Chalid (signed)2. H.M.S.Mintaredja, SH. (signed)'3. H. Anwar Tjokroaminoto (signed)4. RusH Halil (si!gried)5. K;H, Masjkur (s~gned)

Jaroarta, 13th February, 1973.

(signed)(signed)(signed)(s~gngd)

. (signed)

J. Naro, SH.H. Imam Sofwan.Yahya Ubeid, SH.Drs. M. Husnie Thamrin.Drs. Syarifuddin Harahap.Yudo ,ParipiUrno, SH.H. Mahbub Djunaedi,Drs. Darussamin AS.'H.A. ohaltd- Maward],

• M. Yusuf Hasyim.Dr. Sulastomo.Djohan Burhanuddin, SH.Rusnaizur.

.' HM. Dahrif Nasution.Ismail Hasan Metareum, SH.Ishak Moro.AU Hanafiah.Ny. WahidHasyim.Drs. Sudardji.

. AchffiaJd Daenuri.. Amir Huseim.

Zein Badljeiber..H. Muhammad Fachrurrozi.Ny. Dra. Sjamsiar Adnoes.Moh. Hartono, BA.Ny. Chadidjah Razak,Drs. A. Chaliq Ali.'Anshory Syams.

1. Dr. K.H. Idham ChaUd2. H.M.S. Mintaredja, SH.3. H. Anwar Tjokroaminoto4. Rusli nam5. K.H. Masj,kur

6. Chairman7. Chairman8. Secretary General9. Assistant8ec. Gen.

10. Assistant Sec. Gen.11. AssislJant Sec. Gen.12. Assistant Sec. Gen.13. Assistant. Sec. Gen.14. Assistant Sec. Gen.15. Member16. Member17. Member18. Member19. Member20. Member21. Member22.· Member23. Member24. Member25. Member26. Member27. Member28. Member29. Member30. Member31. Member32. Member.33. Member

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, "

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153

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157

GLOSSARY.

Islamic Scholars' League.

159

The Fi've Principles, the IndonesianState Philosophy.

Indonesian Muslim Party.

SoclalilSt Party.

United Development Party.(Merger of tslarmc political partiesin Indonesia).

(Majelis Permusyawaratan RaJkyat sementara)Provisional People's Consultative Assembly.

Parmusi (PartaiMuslimin Indo­nesia)

Partai Sosialis

Partal PersatuanPemhaugunan

Pancasila

(Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat)People's Consultative Assembly.

N.U. (NahdatulUlama)

D.!. (Daru'l Islamr:: a fanatical guerilla movementdemanding an Isla;rnicState.

D.P.R. ( Dewan Perwakllan Ra;kyat )People's Representative Council (Parliament).

Hadith Traditions of what the Prophet :LVI;uhammadsaid or did.

H.M.!. ( Hin1punan Mahasiswa Islam)Islamic University Students Association.

Ijtthad 'The right of individual interpretation' andjudgement.

K i Ya i Islamic religious teacher and leader.

M.!.A.!. (Madjlisul Islamil A'laa Indonesia). Indonesian Islamic Organization.

, M.P.R.S.

Ii~ M.P.R.

158

85. Clement C.J.Webib--'-A History of Philosophy;ford universUyPress (1959).

86. H. AibubakarAtjeh - Pengantar I1mu Tarekat(Uraian tentang Mistik) cetakan ke-dua, PenerbitF,a. Ta,wi & Son, .Jakarta (1966).

87. Z.A. AhmaJd - Membentuk Negara Islam, PenerbitWidj'a,ya, Jakal'1ta (1956).

88. Dr. oemar Almin' Hoesein - Kultur Islam; P.enerbit. Bulan .Bintang, Jakarta (1964).

89.. Rom Landau -The Arab Heritage of Western Civil­ization, (Terjemahan H.M. Baehrum) , Ara.b Informa­tion Center, New York.

\

Persis (PersatuanIslam)

Perti (PersatuanTarekat Islam)

P.K.I.·(PartaiKo";mums tndonesia)P.S.I. (Partai So-

. stalls Indonesia)

P.S.I.!. (Partai8yarekat IslamIndonesia) .

P.U.I. (PersatuanUmmat Islam)

Sunna

T.I.I. (Ten taraIslam Indonesia)

160

Islamic Associatton ; an educa­tional organization.

Tarekat Islam Party;

Indonesian Communist Party.

Indonesian Socialist Party.

Islamic Association Party of Indo­nesia.

Indonesian Muslim Unity; an edu­. eattonaliorgamzatton.

Traditions of what the Prophet Mu­hammad said or did.

Indonesian Islamic Army.

SILIWANGI - JAKARTA