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MUSLIM TEACHERS – ISLAMOPHOBIA AND PROFESSIONAL IDENTITY

Muslim Teachers’ Experiences and Responses to Islamophobia in Schools within the

Greater Toronto Area, and the Impact on their Professional Identity

By

Nosheen Chowdhury

A research paper submitted in conformity with the requirements

For the degree of Master of Teaching

Department of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning

Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs

CC BY-NC-ND license

© Copyright by Nosheen Chowdhury, April 2016

MUSLIM TEACHERS – ISLAMOPHOBIA AND PROFESSIONAL IDENTITY 2

ABSTRACT

Sparked by the international rise of Islamophobia in a post 9/11, anti-Islamic political climate,

the purpose of this study is to learn how a sample of Muslim teachers are experiencing and

responding to Islamophobia in schools, and what impact these experiences have on their

professional identity. The study was conducted using a qualitative research study approach,

including a review of the existing literature pertinent to the research questions and purpose of the

study, as well as the conduction of semi-structured, face-to-face interviews with two teachers.

The participants were both male and female, immigrant and non-immigrant teachers from the

Greater Toronto Area, who have been working in the field of Education since before the events

of 9/11. Findings obtained from this study revealed that participants experienced Islamophobia in

diverse ways, and in varying degrees, depending upon several factors such as the religious

garments they wore, or the types of individuals in their communities. These Islamophobic

encounters continue to influence their professional relations and identities, which change and are

re-established, depending upon their existing conditions. Information acquired from this study

may be beneficial for not only teachers and administrators, but also policy-makers and leaders in

the promotion of anti-racism within the educational community.

Keywords: Muslim, Teacher, Identity, Islamophobia, Post-9/11


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my course instructors Dr. Angela MacDonald-Vemic and Dr. Eloise

Tan, for their guidance, assistance, and feedback over the last two years. Your kind words have

been validating and have encouraged me to pursue further work in academia. I also wish to thank

my cohort J/I 252, who have been readily available and supportive throughout this entire process.

I must also acknowledge my research participants, whose accounts were honest, enlightening,

and powerful. It was a privilege to be able to share your stories. Lastly I would like to thank my

family and friends, who have unwaveringly been there for me throughout my challenges and

endeavours.


TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................... 2

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................................... 3 Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................... 6

1.0 Research Context .................................................................................................................. 6 1.1 Research Problem ............................................................................................................... 10 1.2 Purpose of the Study ........................................................................................................... 11

1.3 Research Questions ............................................................................................................. 11 1.4 Background of the Researcher ............................................................................................ 11 1.5 Overview ............................................................................................................................. 13

Chapter 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ....................................................................................... 14 2.0 Introduction to the Chapter ................................................................................................. 14

2.1 Islamophobia ....................................................................................................................... 14

2.1.1 Immigration.................................................................................................................. 15

2.1.2 Post-9/11 ...................................................................................................................... 16 2.2 Negotiating Identities .......................................................................................................... 18

2.2.1 Internal Functions ........................................................................................................ 18 2.2.2 External Perceptions .................................................................................................... 19

2.2.3 Social Integration......................................................................................................... 21 2.3 Islam in the Workplace ....................................................................................................... 23

2.3.1 Discrimination ............................................................................................................. 23 2.3.2 Accommodation............................................................................................................ 24 2.3.3 Work Culture ................................................................................................................ 25

2.4 Muslim Teachers ................................................................................................................. 27 2.4.1 Concealed Identities..................................................................................................... 27

2.4.2 Relationships and Fit ................................................................................................... 28

2.4.3 Professional Development ........................................................................................... 29

2.4.4 Educating Staff ............................................................................................................. 30 2.4.5 School Leaders ............................................................................................................. 31

2.5 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 32

Chapter 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ........................................................................... 34 3.0 Introduction to the Chapter ................................................................................................. 34

3.1 Research Approach and Procedures .................................................................................... 34 3.2 Instruments of Data Collection ........................................................................................... 36 3.3 Participants .......................................................................................................................... 37

3.3.1 Sampling Criteria......................................................................................................... 38 3.3.2 Participant Recruitment ............................................................................................... 39 3.3.3 Participant Biographies ............................................................................................... 40

3.4 Data Analysis ...................................................................................................................... 40

3.5 Ethical Review Procedures ................................................................................................. 41 3.6 Methodological Limitations and Strengths ......................................................................... 43 3.7 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 44

Chapter 4: FINDINGS ............................................................................................................... 46 4.0 Introduction to the Chapter ................................................................................................. 46 4.1 Impact of religious identity as a Muslim on professional identity as a teacher .................. 47 4.2 Impact of Islamophobia on professional relations .............................................................. 48


4.3 Impact of community members on experiences of Islamophobia ...................................... 50

4.3.1 Cultural background/ethnicity of community members ............................................... 50 4.3.2 Language and linguistic traits of community members ............................................... 52

4.4 Challenges with administration due to religious discrimination......................................... 53

4.4.1 Hindered progression into positions of greater responsibility .................................... 53 4.4.2 Difficulties obtaining religious accommodations ........................................................ 56

4.5 Persistence and perpetuation of Islamophobia in schools ................................................... 58 4.5.1 Ignorance about the religion of Islam ......................................................................... 58 4.5.2 The impact of societal conditions on experiences of Islamophobia ............................ 61

4.6 Responses to Islamophobia in schools ................................................................................ 64 4.6.1 Acting as representatives of the religion of Islam ....................................................... 64 4.6.2 Initiating discussions about Islamophobia .................................................................. 66 4.6.3 Lack of resources about and in response to Islamophobia.......................................... 69

4.7 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 70 Chapter 5: IMPLICATIONS ..................................................................................................... 73

5.0 Introduction to the Chapter ................................................................................................. 73 5.1 Overview of Key Findings .................................................................................................. 74

5. 2 Implications........................................................................................................................ 75 5.2.1 Broad: The Educational Research Community ........................................................... 75 5.2.2 Narrow: Professional Identity and Practice ................................................................ 77

5.3 Recommendations ............................................................................................................... 80 5.4 Areas for Further Research ................................................................................................. 83

5.5 Concluding Comments........................................................................................................ 85 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................ 87 APPENDICIES ........................................................................................................................... 95

Appendix A: Letter of Consent for Interview ........................................................................... 95

Appendix B: Interview Protocol ............................................................................................... 97


Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION

1.0 Research Context

September 11th

, 2001 is a significant date in history for not only the many Americans

who lost their lives and loved ones when the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center heinously

fell, but also for the many Muslims within and beyond North America, who have unremittingly

endured the aftermath of what the world will forever know as 9/11. Within the Western world,

Muslims have long been aware of their negative and biased portrayals within mass media and the

news as “The Other”, particularly the tendency to stereotype Muslim women as oppressed and

submissive and Muslim males as extreme and violent (Norris, Kern, & Just, 2003). Prior to 9/11,

one example of the extent of this bias occurred in the aftermath of the bombing of Oklahoma

City’s Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building, when Middle Eastern suspects, or “Muslim terrorists”,

were quickly identified by news organizations as the culprits (Norris et al., 2003). These news

agencies reported that the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and law enforcement authorities

were specifically on the hunt for two males with dark hair and beards (Norris et al., 2003).

Within hours of these reports, Muslim and Arab-Americans became the targets of physical and

verbal assaults. It was later determined however, that the individuals who committed the crime,

Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, were two white, Christian-Americans of European descent

(Winter, 2010).

Remarkably, with regards to domestic terrorism in the United States, between the years

1954 and 2000, 31.2% of terrorist incidents were perpetrated by ‘White Racist/Rightists’, 21.2%

by ‘Revolutionary Left’, 14.7% by ‘Black Militants’ and 3.6% by ‘Jewish terrorists’ (Winter,

2013). Islamist terrorism only accounted for 1.1% of the incidents during this period (Winter,

2013). Statistics such as these demonstrate the profound impact of the media in perpetuating


particular views and ideas, as they appear to contradict the persistent association of Islam and

Muslims with terrorism and violence. Zelman (2003) insists that there is a severe lack of

information, and a great abundance of misinformation, with regards to Islam within the media

and that this ignorance is what has led to the intensity of racism towards Muslims. Since the

events of 9/11, these issues and stereotypical representations have significantly intensified.

Zelman (2003) argues that stereotypes today surrounding Muslims and Arabs parallel those

attributed to the Jews in pre-Nazi Germany, when various agents such as films and newspapers

were being used in order to present the Jews as dark and threatening. He highlights that this

portrayal of the Jews was indisputably unacceptable, and yet this characterization has now been

tolerably transferred onto Muslims (Zelman, 2003).

Given the extent that incidences of racism and Islamophobia occur within society, it is

not surprising that such incidences translate into schools as well. According to the Ontario

Ministry of Education (2009), there has been a documented rise in reported cases of

Islamophobia in Canada, and it is an issue that continues to persist in schools today. In 2003, the

National Union of Teachers in Britain advised that schools be watchful for an increase in

Islamophobic attacks and bullying towards Muslim students (MGN Ltd., 2003). As a result of

the primarily negative and stereotypical portrayals of Muslims within mass media and pop

culture, broaching the topic of Islam within schools poses difficulties for teachers (Jackson,

2009). Jackson (2009) investigated the major challenges that many public school teachers

encounter in representing minority groups such as Muslims, impartially, and substantially in their

classes. She determined that the ability of educators to provide students with balanced and

accurate understandings about Islam were impeded by limitations present in traditional

approaches to multicultural education, which she refers to as “assimilation” and “pluralism”


(Jackson, 2009, pg. xv). She insists that critical media literacy is crucial for students to be able to

produce impartial perceptions of their peers within a multicultural classroom (Jackson, 2009).

Other studies among the literature have focused on the experiences of Muslim students

within schools and various educational settings. Ali (2012) for example, looked specifically at

the experiences of both hijabi (veiled) and non-hijabi, Muslim girls of diverse backgrounds,

within public secondary schools in Ontario. In her study she determined that although these girls

faced certain challenges as Muslims in their schools, it did not undermine their overall positive

experiences of public schooling in Ontario (Ali, 2012). In fact, she concluded that her

participants felt validated and respected as individuals in these schools. They were also very

optimistic about their futures as Muslim-Canadian women (Ali, 2012). In her work, Zine (2008)

conducted an ethnographic investigation of the schooling experiences of Canada’s Muslim

youth, particularly their experiences of racism, peer pressure, and Islamophobia in schools. Her

study details how Muslim students, who are committed to preserving an Islamic lifestyle, were

able to maintain and negotiate their religious identities while attending these secular public

schools.

Alternatively, Goforth, Oka, Leong, and Denis (2014) recently conducted a study to

examine how acculturation, acculturative stress, and religiosity are associated with the

psychological adjustments of Muslim Arab adolescents in the United States. Acculturation can

be described as the process by which a person must negotiate a new culture while simultaneously

deciding whether to maintain the beliefs and practices of their heritage culture (Goforth et al.,

2014). Acculturative stress in turn is the psychological impact of adapting to the new culture

(Smart & Smart, 1995). Goforth et al. (2014) describe that issues of prejudice and acculturation

become increasingly complicated as Arab American youth develop into adolescents, a critical


stage of identity development for them. These negotiations of identity and culture are further

complicated when positioned within the context of North America’s current social-political

climate (Goforth et al., 2014). The study revealed that many of the young individuals faced daily

discrimination in their general communities and school environment. Moreover, these

experiences of discrimination were greater for females as a result of wearing the (Goforth et al.,

2014). According to Goforth et al. (2014) the degree to which Muslim youth identify with a

particular culture can influence their psychological adjustment. Specifically, they stress the

importance of trying to preserve a student’s cultural heritage, while also assisting with their

integration into the mainstream culture they are surrounded by (Goforth et al., 2014).

Unfortunately however, issues of Islamophobia can limit the extent to which students choose to

identify with their cultural heritage.

Due to Canada’s evolving demographics, various schools boards in the Greater Toronto

Area are making a push towards equity and the inclusion and appreciation of diversity in their

classrooms. The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (2014) delivered a workshop last

year titled ‘Addressing Islamophobia: A Discussion for Educators’, aiming to create awareness

of the rising concerns of Islamophobia, critically examine biases, explore available resources,

and encourage actions that promote inclusion in classrooms and surrounding communities.

Another example includes an ‘Equity Issues in Teaching’ workshop that was conducted by the

Antiracist Multicultural Education Network of Ontario (2005), in which one session discussed

faith accommodations in our schools, and was delivered by Zubeda Vahed, an educator from the

Peel District School Board who is actively involved in doing workshops about Islamophobia.

Identifying with ones’ culture and religion within the borders of a school often requires

accommodations for certain faith based practices. According to TDSB policy, schools should


accommodate students who make special requests with regards to their faith or religion (Toronto

District School Board, 2011). This religious accommodation policy was introduced in the year

2000, in compliance with Canada’s human rights legislation (Hammer, 2011). How these

accommodations are met is open to interpretation however (Fatah, 2012), and the policy also

outlines limitations to accommodation in which the board will not compromise on certain issues

that may affect public health or safety (Hammer, 2011). In a study conducted by Jamil (2012),

most individuals had positive views about the school policies that were in place with regards to

religious accommodation for Muslim students in Ontario (such as those for holidays, fasting and

prayer). A few of the participants however were members of the Toronto District School Board

who were involved in the creation and implementation of these policies (Jamil, 2012).

1.1 Research Problem

Although there has been some focus on students and their experiences of Islamophobia,

less attention has been paid to teachers’ experience of this, nor the impact that it has on their

professional identity. Certainly, this topic has received some attention in popular news media,

such as when a teacher in Quebec temporarily left his job after being told that he could not

perform his prayers in the school building (Rogers, 2008). In another example, a Muslim woman

went to court in Karlsruhe after being denied a job in a school due to her hijab, a result of the ban

on headscarves for teachers in Germany that was ruled in 2003, and later reversed by the

constitutional court in 2015 (Reuters in Berlin, 2015). There is a great need however, for further

empirical work in the area, not only because it is important to understand the impacts of teacher

experiences, but because it is also necessary to determine the types of support systems that can

be produced in order to address these kinds of issues.


1.2 Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study will be to learn how a sample of Muslim Canadian teachers

experience Islamophobia in schools, and to learn how these experiences impact their professional

identity. A further purpose is to learn how teachers cope and respond to these incidences.

Findings obtained from this study may be informative for not only current and pre-

service Muslim teachers, but also equity policy-makers, and leaders in the promotion of anti-

racism within the educational community.

1.3 Research Questions

The central question guiding this research is:

How is a sample of Muslim teachers experiencing and responding to Islamophobia in

schools, and what impact do these experiences have on their professional identity?

Subsidiary questions include:

How does Islamophobia manifest in these teachers’ everyday life in schools?

How do these teachers cope with these experiences? What range of resources and factors

support them?

What outcomes have these teachers observed on their professional practice?

1.4 Background of the Researcher

Born and raised within the Greater Toronto Area of Ontario, Canada, my childhood

provided me with the opportunity to live in several ethnically and culturally diverse

neighborhoods. During my time in these differing communities and schools however, I did

encounter varying levels of racism over the years. Nevertheless, as a young child, I do not recall

any of these occurrences being significantly extreme, and rather than targeted towards my


religion, any harassment, or negative comments I faced were more often associated with my

ethnicity as a South Asian at the time. Even so, I was always very patriotic about growing up in

an accepting and diverse country such as Canada, and felt that for the most part I had

experienced a very sheltered and safe upbringing.

As I got older however, racism became a more prominent discussion at home. One of the

most significant of my experiences was during a vacation that I took with my family to the

United States, after the events of 9/11. Before reaching the main gates, paranoia ensued within

our vehicle as we all wanted to ensure that we did not say anything “wrong” that could “get us in

trouble”, even though we had nothing to hide. The incidences of 9/11 had drastically impacted

the experiences of Muslims entering the U.S. and we had heard the horror stories about random

searches and individuals being detained under ambiguous grounds for hours at the border. Upon

reaching the gate, as expected we were met with hostility from the officer. Whether this behavior

was targeted specifically towards us however is unknown. Perhaps he had behaved this way with

all of the vehicles that had passed before us, and continued to do so with those that came after,

whether the individuals within the vehicles appeared Muslim or not. Regardless, the entire

experience, from the paranoid preparation for the encounter, to the aggressive encounter itself,

was extremely distressing.

These issues continue to impact us (my family members and I) today. A few years ago

when my mother returned from Hajj (the Islamic pilgrimage), she decided to start wearing a

hijab regularly. Although it was a decision that altered only her physical appearance, it impacted

the rest of the family greatly. Suddenly we were visibly identifiable as a Muslim family and this

caused me to develop a heightened awareness of how people may perceive or behave with us.

Ironically my father was not very enthusiastic about her decision to begin wearing the hijab. He


insisted that it was her choice, but he was worried it would cause people to look at him

differently as well, stating that people may think he had forced her to wear it and that he was an

oppressive husband.

As a current student studying to become a practicing teacher within this society, how

these issues affect individuals in the workforce, particularly school systems, greatly concerns me.

More importantly, exploring the ways that teachers may cope with some of these negative

encounters that they face, could perhaps inform and provide Muslim teachers with potential

tools, methods, or resources to help combat similar issues. As a Muslim, I have a self-evident

interest in the subject and purpose of this study, and as a result of my own experiences,

understand the need for it.

1.5 Overview

Chapter 1 includes the introduction and purpose of the study, the central and subsidiary

research questions, as well as how I came to be involved in this topic and study as a result of my

personal experiences. Chapter 2 contains a review of the existing literature surrounding the topic

of Islamophobia, its effects on identity, its occurrence in the workplace, and its impact on

Muslim teachers. Chapter 3 provides the methodology and procedure used in this study,

including information about the sample participants and data collection instruments. Chapter 4

reports on the findings, describing the data as it addresses the research questions and purpose of

the study. Chapter 5 presents implications of the findings, recommendations for practice, and

areas for further reading and study. References and a list of appendixes follow at the end.


Chapter 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 Introduction to the Chapter

In this chapter I review the literature on the subject of religious discrimination against

Muslims, predominantly in the workplace. I start by exploring the general area of Islamophobia,

examining the effects of immigration in the West and its impacts on the occurrences of religious

discrimination. I break down instances of Islamophobia further by focusing on the increase of

cases after the events of 9/11. Next, I review the research on the negotiated identities of minority

groups such as Muslims, discussing reoccurring themes of internal functions, external

perceptions, and social integration. I then study the present literature regarding Islam in the

workplace, taking a closer look at the topics of discrimination, accommodations, and work

culture. Lastly I focus specifically on the experiences of Muslim teachers within public schools,

organizing my findings into the areas of concealed identities, relationships and fit, professional

development, educating staff, and school leaders.

2.1 Islamophobia

An investigation into the experiences of Muslims brought about numerous cases and

incidences of Islamophobia. A further look into its definition, prevalence, and impact is therefore

required. Functionally similar to xenophobia (Sheridan, 2006), Islamophobia can be described as

a hatred or fear of Islam which results in ideological, individual, and systemic forms of

discrimination and oppression (Hanniman 2008). Among the literature, a re-occurring and

prominent subject that arose during discussions and explorations of Islamophobia was the impact

and aftermath of the September 11th

terrorist attacks, on not only individuals in Canada, but on

Muslims around the world.


2.1.1 Immigration

As a country that has been established on immigration from around the globe, instances

of Islamophobia occurring within Canada are not overly surprising given that citizens with

various backgrounds must come together and co-exist. In recent decades, Canada’s cultural

diversity has increased significantly as a result of sustained immigration from non-European

countries (Hanniman, 2008). The national target for the number of immigrants to be achieved in

Canada for 2015 alone, had been set to fall between 240 000 – 265 000 by the federal Minister of

Citizenship and Immigration (Queen’s Printer for Ontario, 2015). Consequently, Canada’s

minority populations have increased in size, particularly its Muslim inhabitants (Hanniman,

2008). Hussain (2004) examines the major challenges and opportunities that influence the

identities of Muslims in Canada and argues that in comparison to Muslims in the United States,

Canadian-Muslims are less alienated and much closer to each other, as well as to other non-

Muslims. He accredits these opportunities to Canada’s Multiculturalism Act (1988), and its

willingness to participate in interfaith dialogue (Hussain, 2004). Religious discrimination in the

United States has doubled over the last fifteen years and it can be partly attributed to the changes

in immigration patterns and demographics within the country (Mujtaba & Cavico, 2012). Ruby

(2004) insists however, that despite Canada’s multiculturalism, many Muslims in Canada also

face various hardships. According to Tindongan (2011), immigrant Muslims within the West are

living in diaspora, and the adversities that come as a result of this are experienced by succeeding

generations as well. In these situations, Muslims, particularly those born in the West, can be left

feeling rejected by their own countries (Tindongan, 2011).


2.1.2 Post-9/11

Since the attacks of 9/11, many ethic and human rights organizations have begun to

systematically monitor various acts of discrimination. According to the Canadian Islamic

Congress (CIC), there was a 1600 percent rise in hate crimes against Muslim places or

individuals within the year following the attacks (Denise, 2004). The congress received 173

complaints, an immense increase from the 11 that were reported just the year before (Denise,

2004). These numbers also coincide with values determined in the United States, as reported by

the FBI. In 2001 the annual Hate Crimes Statistics indicated a significant increase in intimidation

and assaults towards Muslims and individuals who were, or appeared to be, Middle Eastern or

South Asian (Abdelkarim, 2003). The report further indicated that crimes targeting businesses

and institutions identified with the Islamic religion magnified from 28 in the year 2000, to 481 in

2001 (Abdelkarim, 2003). Moreover, these alarming statistics based on reported cases greatly

underestimates the actual number incidences that perhaps occurred, but were not reported, both

in the United States and in Canada (Abdelkarim, 2003). The anti-Muslim reactions to the

September 11th

attacks have resulted in the marginalization and isolation of Canada’s Muslim

residents and citizens (Hanniman, 2008). Hanniman (2008) states that, “By the next day, long-

time, peace-loving, contributing citizens and residents were being viewed as potential enemies

and terrorists by virtue of their race, ethnicity, and religion” (p. 273). Denise (2004) describes

with regards to the Multiculturalism Act (1988), that the discrimination of Muslims is a subject

of national interest, particularly after the incidences of 9/11. Perry (2006) outlines that this anti-

Muslim racism has erupted in Canada as a result of discriminatory discourse, policy, and

practices at the level of the state, which have created an ideological and political climate that

grants the public ‘permission to hate’. Hanniman’s (2008) work explores this area by examining


the responses of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), to the concerns of Muslim-

Canadian communities regarding topics such as Islamophobia, racial profiling, national security

measures, the Anti-terrorism Act of 2001, and the societal-wide scrutiny, surveillance and

suspicion of Muslims after 9/11. Examples of the ways in which Islamophobia has manifested in

Canada over the last 14 years, include recent events such as the Ottawa shooting of 2014. Initial

reports described the shooter as “looking Muslim” or wearing an “Arab looking scarf”, and

Muslims faced immediate backlash when the RCMP eventually connected the shooter to an ISIS

twitter account (Fitzgerald, 2014). Alarming statements from the Canada’s former Prime

Minister, Stephen Harper (2014), such as “Our government has never hesitated to call jihadi

terrorism what it is” and “It doesn't matter what the age of the person is, or whether they're in a

basement, or whether they're in a mosque…” implied that Canadian mosques are sites where

terrorism is promoted and supported (Mastracci, 2015). Furthermore, with regards to a law that

was introduced by Harper’s immigration minister in 2011, which required Muslim women to

take off their niqabs (face coverings) during citizenship ceremonies, the front page of the

Conservative Party’s website stated “It is offensive that someone would hide their identity at the

very moment where they are committing to join the Canadian family” (Harper, 2015).

Although there is a great deal of a research that addresses racism in various contexts and

forms, comparatively, religious discrimination is an area that has not received much focus

(Sheridan, 2006). My research aims to add to this relative absence in the academic literature, by

focusing on the experiences of a particular religious group. With the prevalence of issues

surrounding Islamophobia, there is a need for further investigations of Muslims and their

experiences, particularly in Canada as it is the country’s second largest religious denomination.

A general health questionnaire answered by a group of Muslim individuals in Britain indicated


that 35.6% of participants likely suffered from mental health issues, which were significantly

associated with 9/11-related experiences (Sheridan, 2006). Given the extensive impacts on the

lived experiences of Muslims, studying the post-9/11 era is crucial and required (Tindongan,

2011), not just in the United States but around the world. The participants that I will interview

therefore will ideally have been working in the field of Education since before the occurrence of

9/11, in order to investigate potential changes in their experiences, prior to and after the events.

2.2 Negotiating Identities

During circumstances of dislocation and cultural change, Muslims often find themselves

negotiating their identities as they strive to integrate into their current communities, while still

trying to preserve their cultural identities (Sartawi & Sammut, 2012). An individual’s cultural

identity can consist of many facets, including ethnicity, race, religion, and language (Cristina-

Georgiana, 2013). In the following literature I examine the various elements of negotiating one’s

identity, which include individuals’ internal functions, how they are perceived externally, and the

ways these effect their social integration.

2.2.1 Internal Functions

Sartawi and Sammut’s (2012) study of a group of Muslims who attend a local mosque

and seek religious advice from the imam (the mosque’s leader) in order to resolve everyday

challenges, demonstrates the negotiations of Islamic identities. They move beyond speaking

broadly about identity negotiations by specifying exactly what is being negotiated during these

challenges. They identify and define the confrontation between two identity functions:

ontological and pragmatic. Ontological functions require loyalty or adherence to a specific way

of being, and individuals who choose to observe Islamic teachings, despite the difficulties in

implementing them into their everyday lives, attempt to maintain their ontological identity

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functions (Sartawi & Sammut, 2012). A person who takes breaks during work according to

prescribed prayer times for example, attempts to preserve this ontological identity function. In

contrast, pragmatic functions provide a need to recreate alternative and new ways of being, and

so individuals who choose to disrupt Islamic teachings in order to make their lives easier in

certain situations, adhere to pragmatic identity functions (Sartawi & Sammut, 2012). An

individual engaging their pragmatic identity function therefore, might decide that it is not

necessary to pray at all as it interferes with important daily tasks and routines, such as being at

work. A large number of the issues raised during the study found participants negotiating divine

will (Islamic prescriptions) with their human will (personal desires). These functions however

are not mutually exclusive and individuals often engaged in onto-pragmatic pursuits (Sartawi &

Sammut, 2012). An individual who decides not to pray while at work, but makes up for these

missed prayers by doing them once they come home, would then be participating in onto-

pragmatic pursuits. All individuals within the study considered themselves to have somewhat

integrated into a ‘Western way of life’ (Sartawi & Sammut, 2012). Positioning oneself in a

Western society as a Muslim brings up critical concerns as individuals negotiate their place in

their own Muslim communities as well as the dominant Western culture and society (Ruby,

2004). Tindongan (2011) looks particularly at identity issues that may be applied to Muslim

youth, with a focus on post 9/11 concerns within U.S. Schools. In her study she identifies a

group of Yemeni girls, who felt as though they were never able to balance their identities

appropriately, failing either at being Americans or at being ‘good Muslims’.

2.2.2 External Perceptions

Identity formation is not limited to the ways in which we present and relate ourselves to

others, but is also dependent upon how others perceive us (Ruby, 2004). The events of 9/11 have


affected how Muslims identify themselves, as well as how others identify them. Although

Muslim immigrants residing within the West can be considered transnational, because of the

ways that they are misunderstood, they are more often considered to be ‘foreigners’ or threating

outsiders (Tindongan, 2011). Ruby (2004) describes the experience of a woman which

demonstrated that despite her Canadian citizenship, she was viewed as an ‘Other’. This

‘Othering’ can be established in many ways within society, such as through movies, political

speeches, and news coverages, which usually include overrepresentations of negative events that

are then associated with Islam (Tindongan, 2011). The media assists in suggesting, perpetuating,

and shaping certain views on personal and national identities (Ruby, 2004). The hijab for

example, is often associated with the oppression of Muslim women who are stereotyped as being

passive, backwards, non-professional, and subjugated (Ruby, 2004). Stereotypes concerning the

hijab are closely connected to issues of voice within the West, which are expressed through the

colonial affiliation between the ‘Orient’ (Asia) and the ‘Occident’ (Europe) (Ruby, 2004). This

association between Orient and Occident is a relationship of power and domination, where the

Occident speaks for and defines the Orient (Ruby, 2004). Tindongan (2011) refers to this subject

in her study as she discusses Orientalism, a style of thought built on the ontological and

epistemological distinction between the Occident and the Orient. She also touches upon the

concept of ‘double consciousness,’ and applies it to Muslims in the U.S. Double consciousness

can be described as an experience in which an individual’s perception of their self is affected by

their subordination (Tindongan, 2011). An example of this occurred in Ruby’s (2004) study

when a participant described her negotiation of clothing in order to fit into the dominant culture

that would not view her as normal if she wore a hijab. In fact, many of the women her study

chose not wear it in order to remain anonymous within the mainstream society (Ruby, 2004).


Participants argued that being accepted in Canada meant looking a certain way, suggesting that

only European individuals represented the Canadian image (Ruby, 2004).

2.2.3 Social Integration

Many of the conflicts reviewed in Sartawi and Sammut’s (2012) study arose for the

participants out of the social order of living in an area such as Britain. In Ruby’s (2004) study

conducted in Saskatoon, Canada, all participants reported struggling to fit into the mainstream

community while still maintaining their Muslim-cultural values. Ruby (2004) discusses that

Muslim traditions are not a part of the larger Canadian society and so individuals, whether they

wore the hijab or not, frequently faced hardships determining their female Muslim identities.

During these instances, Islam as a cultural system and belief, and life in the West, were at odds, a

dichotomy between public and private that would differ or perhaps not occur in the context of an

Islamic country (Sartawi & Sammut, 2012). Islam continues to be depicted as a threat to

integration and social unity of the ‘Western way of life’ and British society (Shah & Shaikh,

2010). According to Sartawi and Sammut (2012), British Muslims who have chosen to embrace

British values and cultural representations have created a ‘secular Muslim’ identity. The

particular individuals from their study who sought help from the mosque revealed compelling

binds to Islam in private, despite their tendencies to detach themselves from it in public (Sartawi

& Sammut, 2012). Marginalized individuals must continually negotiate their identities against

the setting of the dominant society (Tindongan, 2011). Tindongan (2011) states, “Keeping a foot

in each of two worlds is the job of a minority; the dominant group has no such burden” (p.75).

These identity negotiations can create inner turmoil in which individuals raise questions about

who they are and where they ‘come from’ (Tindongan, 2011) or where they belong.

Interestingly, participants of Ruby’s (2004) study indicated that individuals who maintained


wearing the hijab in Canada were often stricter than those ‘back home’, as a result of becoming

more loyal to their customs and traditions when their identities were threatened by the dominant

society. Many women did however comment on the fact that they lived more autonomous lives

as females in Canada, as they felt that women did not have as much control of their lives in

various Muslim states (Ruby, 2004).

As Sartawi and Sammut’s work was conducted in London, Tindongan’s in the United

States, and Ruby’s in Saskatoon, I seek to add to the literature by further exploring the negotiated

identities of Muslims in Canada, but within Ontario, particularly around the Greater Toronto

Area. Although Sartawi and Sammut examined the general population of a certain area, her

participants were restricted to individuals who were connected to their faith to some degree, as

the participant pool was taken from individuals who contacted the imam at the mosque at some

point. While Ruby’s focus group nurtured interaction and stimulation among group members,

their familiarity with each other made it difficult at times for some individuals to express certain

views. A few of the women were therefore reluctant to voice their opinions during discussions

and had succumbed to group pressures (Ruby, 2004). Individuals in my study will be interviewed

privately, and aside from the fact that they somehow identify themselves as Muslim, the degree

to which they are connected to their faith will be unknown prior to these interviews.

Additionally, many of the existing studies focus on the experiences of Muslim women. I will be

examining the differences in experiences between genders, by interviewing both male and

female participants. Lastly, although Ruby’s study is situated within a school, she focuses on the

experiences of students. I instead will be exploring the effects of these issues on teachers, from

both elementary and secondary public schools.


2.3 Islam in the Workplace

In order to study the experiences of Muslim teachers within public schools, it is necessary

to investigate the current literature on the experiences of Muslims in the general workplace, and

to examine the various religious accommodations that have or have not been provided for them.

In the following research I examine the legal requirements of institutions and organizations to

accommodate for religious needs, and discuss examples of cases where Muslim workers and

employees either felt accepted and accommodated, or faced religious discrimination.

2.3.1 Discrimination

Since 1997, religious harassment and discrimination in the United States has increased by

223 percent (Findley, Hinote, Hunter & Ingram, 2014). The events of 9/11 brought about many

of these attacks onto Muslim employees (Mujtaba & Cavico, 2012). Specifically, between

September 2001 and March 2008, various agencies in the United States received a total of about

1016 charges claiming employment discrimination as a result of post-9/11 backlash (Mujtaba &

Cavico, 2012). According to the Civil Rights Act, religious discrimination is not only prohibited

in the United States, but religious beliefs must be attempted to be accommodated when it does

not create undue hardship (Findley et al., 2014). Among various cases of religious discrimination

charges, the research concluded that religious bias throughout the justice system was

significantly associated with unfavourable decision outcomes for Muslims seeking religious

accommodations (Findley et al., 2014). These biases were very likely associated with the overall

increase in Islamic discrimination since 2001 (Findley et al., 2014). Unfortunately, much of the

discrimination experienced by various individuals is often very subtle and therefore challenging

to prove (Shah & Shaikh, 2010). Discrimination does not only occur within employment settings

but also during hiring practices. Such occurrences against Muslim women have been quite


common in Toronto (Shannon, 2006). Persad and Luka’s (2002) study that began before 9/11,

but was concluded after, determined that discrimination against Muslim women in the workforce

worsened after the events of 9/11. Denial of employment opportunities can occur as a result of

various factors that many Muslims may be vulnerable to, such as ancestry, birthplace, culture, or

linguistic characteristics (Mujtaba & Cavico, 2012). The most vulnerable are women who wear

hijabs, often facing more difficult experiences of religious discrimination than males (Benn,

1998). Findley et al. present various examples of these incidences of discrimination in the

workplace, such as individuals who were denied certain positions because their looks did not

comply with the policy of the company, which included women in hijabs or men with long

beards (Findley et al., 2014). Issues also arise during discussions of prayer in the workplace. It

can be argued that employees are able to take private washroom breaks at their own leisure and

that the time required for this is not particularly examined or recorded, yet Muslims taking short

segments of their day in order to pray once or twice receives much scrutiny (Findley et al.,

2014).

2.3.2 Accommodation

Recommendations for dealing with religious accommodations according to sound

management practices and legal requirements are provided by Findley et al. (2014). Similarly,

Mujtaba and Cavico (2012) offer suggestions on how to avoid legal liabilities according to

harassment and anti-discrimination laws, with regards to Muslims in the workplace.

Accommodations can involve many elements that may need to be addressed by management,

such as dietary restrictions, prayer options, grooming concerns, particular clothing and attire, and

time off for holidays (Findley et al., 2014).The main purpose of their paper was to educate

management about the basic practices of Islam, in order to better accommodate for them


(Findley et al., 2014). They insist that the area requires attention as no matter how minor an

offence may seem to the perpetrator, individuals are often easily offended when something is

directed at their religious beliefs (Findley et al., 2014). Mujtaba and Cavico (2012) also stress the

need for employers to educate and train employees, particularly supervisors and managers, to act

in legal manners, allowing them to avoid potential consequences of discrimination. They instruct

that employees need to be culturally cognizant and competent of fellow colleagues’

backgrounds, beliefs, and practices (Mujtaba and Cavico, 2012). Shannon (2006) describes that

this task is one of the greatest difficulties that companies face. Findley et al. (2014) do however

present some examples of employers who provided their workers with accommodations and/or

met their Muslim employees’ basic religious needs, such as a Muslim teacher in New York who

was provided with early unpaid leave on Fridays in order to attend prayers at the mosque.

Shannon (2006) also compiled a list of the ‘best practices’ that were occurring across various

workplaces in Toronto, which were addressing Muslim worker needs. Finally, because of the

diversity among individuals who identify themselves as Muslim, due to different cultures,

heritages, or degrees of beliefs, developing standard polices that apply equally to everyone

within an organization can undoubtedly have its difficulties (Shah & Shaikh, 2010).

2.3.3 Work Culture

In an example presented by Findley et al. (2014), a Muslim woman was accommodated at

her work by being provided with prayer time, but often interrupted and/or ridiculed by her co-

workers during her prayers. Furthermore, management did not intervene or correct the situation

and instead she was told to ignore the comments. Similarly, in a case where a Muslim man was

accommodated by being allowed to dress traditionally and keep a beard, he was tormented by the

other workers and neglected by management when he filed complaints (Findley et al., 2014).


Findley et al. (2014) describe that although these companies had accommodations in place, a

sense of cultural tolerance and understanding had not been created in order to reflect the policies.

Although accommodation may be provided to individuals with religious requirements, the

appropriate implementation of them is crucial. Management must generate an atmosphere of

acceptance and inclusion. There was a stressed need in their study for organizations to

understand the religion practiced by their workforce in order to prevent discrimination, which

can often occur unintentionally as well (Findley et al., 2014). In an interesting example

concerning halal meat, it is suggested that even if acquiring such meat results in undue hardship,

employers may want to incur the additional cost and consider the added benefits of promoting

and maintaining employee morale and appreciation, which is often one of the main reasons that

meals are provided to workers in the first place (Findley et al., 2014).

Upon reviewing the literature related to Islam in the workplace, it appears that rather than

focusing on the potential impacts of religious discrimination on individuals, the articles had a

predominant focus on recommending ways in which employers could avoid legal issues and

allegations. My study in contrast, aims to inquire into the lived experiences of a small sample of

Muslim individuals. Moreover, I would like to examine the influences of these experiences on

their current circumstances in the workforce. Aside from Persad and Lukas’ study titled “No

Hijab is Permitted Here,” from 2002, which looked at Muslim women of the workforce in

Toronto, much of the literature surrounding workplace experiences and discrimination against

Muslims is heavily situated within the United States. My research aims to add to the literature by

discussing the experiences of individuals in a workplace setting within Canada.


2.4 Muslim Teachers

Although there has been some focus on Muslims students and their experiences within

educational settings, there appears to be a void in the research on religious discrimination in

relation to teachers and their experiences of Islamophobia within schools. A few contributors to

the field include Brooks (2014), whose research on the experiences of a female Muslim teacher

took place in a public school located within the United States. In the study by Shah and Shaikh

(2010) on Muslims male teachers in London, religious discrimination was determined to have

affected their career progressions towards leadership positions, particularly after 9/11. Their

paper brings forth issues of equal opportunity and the marginalization of minority groups in the

workforce (Shah & Shaikh, 2010). Lastly, Benn (1998) takes an in-depth look at the experiences

of Muslim women in teacher training programs within the UK, as well as their experiences

during their early years of working. The details of these various studies will be reviewed below.

2.4.1 Concealed Identities

Although a few teachers knew that Natalie (the main participant in Brooks’ study) was

Muslim, she felt the need to keep her faith a secret from the students and their parents. She

would pray in secrecy to avoid the negative repercussions of people finding out about her

religion. Teachers in Shah and Shaikh’s (2010) study felt alienated and constantly watched,

unable for example to join Muslim teachers’ networks, or communicate with other visible

Muslims within public settings. Many individuals were also reluctant to be a part of these studies

and throughout the process some withdrew themselves. Participants revealed that they did not

want to partake due to the sensitivity of the subject and the potential ramifications they may have

had to deal with at work (Shah & Shaikh, 2010). These teachers expressed a constant fear of

being associated with so-called Islamic extremism (Shah & Shaikh, 2010). Muslim teachers


often felt as though they could not confide in their non-Muslim colleagues because they would

not be able to understand their point of view to problems. They were worried that they would

present themselves as overly sensitive or negative (Shah & Shaikh, 2010). Benn (1998) describes

that many teacher candidates on practice made the intentional choice not to voice their opinions

or discuss matters relating to Islam. Furthermore, when they obtained long-term positions it

increased pressures to ‘stay quiet’ as they would now be working with the rest of their colleagues

over longer periods of time and did not want to risk creating confrontation (Benn, 1998).

2.4.2 Relationships and Fit

Relationships that are produced in the workplace occur as a result of whether a teacher is

able to fit into the community of the school (Brooks, 2014). Being a religious minority in a

school can produce challenges for teachers that hinder their ability to fit into the workplace. All

authors mentioned that it was often difficult for Muslim teachers to integrate into social

gatherings due to faith or culture based restrictions, which varied among the individuals. Social

events often occurred among single teachers, at places such as pubs or venues that multiple

Muslim participants did not feel comfortable going to. Even meetings or parties that were held

within the school building often contained alcoholic beverages which deterred certain Muslims

from joining. These issues not only prevented the teachers from being able to attend and

therefore miss out on opportunities to build their professional relationships, but it further

intensified the non-Muslim and Muslim divisions within the school climate (Shah & Shaikh,

2010). Teachers with culturally different backgrounds also struggled to integrate themselves or

even produce casual conversations with their colleagues as a result of their differing views and

ideologies on life style choices, clothing, relationships, etc. (Benn, 1998). These issues ultimately

created groups in which some members were ‘in’ and others were ‘out’ among the social circles


(Shah & Shaikh, 2010). Brooks (2014) reports that Natalie (the main participant of her study)

had a great connection with her students but sensed that her colleagues did not accept her and so

felt ‘out of place’. Some students in teacher training programs in the UK found themselves

having to defend their religion and identities as Muslim women. During their placements

however, as a result of the power differentials with associate teachers, and the general isolation

felt by teacher candidates in a new environment, many often retreated rather than challenged the

issues they were facing. They felt forced to cope with uncomfortable situations and put up with

prejudiced comments in order to make it through their courses (Benn, 1998).

2.4.3 Professional Development

Professional roles are often described as prestigious and provide the people in these

positions with autonomy and power (Slay & Smith, 2011). Slay and Smith (2011) describe

professional identity as a person’s professional self-concept, which is based on their values,

beliefs, motives, attributes, and experiences. The construction of a person’s professional identity

can be undermined however, as a result of one’s stigmatized cultural identity. Slay and Smith

(2011) insist that stigmatized individuals are permitted diminutive privilege and/or prestige

because their identities are stained.

As Muslim teachers were often perceived as being different from the norm of individuals

in positions in power, they felt that they were not viewed as potential school leaders (Shah &

Shaikh, 2010). Shah and Shaikh (2010) discuss how applicants from minority groups are often

excluded from consideration due to a ‘perceived incompetence’, where ‘leader prototypes’ are

created and an unconscious stereotype of what a leader should look like is developed. Leaders

often tend to hire individuals who are similar to themselves or who they can relate to, and so

discrimination can occur without them realizing (Shah & Shaikh, 2010). This becomes a clear


issue when a minority individual is attempting to penetrate a workforce that contains a dominant

group. Benn (1998) describes that the demographics of the school in terms of race however, had

less impact on the success of Muslim teachers within schools, than did the actions and styles of

the leaders at the school. In fact, within areas where there was a much larger demographic of

Muslims, there seemed to be an even stronger resistance to promote these teachers to higher

positions. Rather than being viewed as mainstream staff, they were perceived to be best suited to

handle particular minority groups within the school (Shah & Shaikh, 2010). Similar barriers are

faced by individuals before they even become teachers and are in teacher training programs

(Shah & Shaikh, 2010). Overall, Muslim teachers felt that they had to work harder and perform

better than the rest of their colleagues in similar positions and at times were overqualified for the

current positions that they were working in (Shah & Shaikh, 2010).

2.4.4 Educating Staff

Most educators within America do not know much about Islam, and teacher training

programs do not necessarily include mandatory courses on religion (Brooks, 2014). Thus,

avoiding the topic of religion is often how educators manage religious difference within their

schools (Brooks, 2014). Shah and Shaikh (2010) had participants who criticized their leaders for

having very little knowledge of the culture and faith associated with Islam. Leaders who ignore

the complexities of their teachers’ identities and are unsuccessful in valuing individuality,

produce schools that function from a ‘stuck’ position, in which there is a lack of communication,

teacher isolation, ineffective instruction, and an absence of teacher involvement (Brooks, 2014).

Brooks (2014) suggests that school leaders should provide professional development programs

which require faculty members to educate themselves about these provocative issues and

challenge ‘deficit thinking,’ in order to build a school environment that is safe for not only


students but for teachers as well. Natalie (the main participant in Brooks’ study) explained that

“Our schools aren’t as religiously tolerant of their teachers as they teach us to be religiously

tolerant of our students” (Brooks, 2014). A teacher-friendly atmosphere is one that encourages

collaboration, communication, and the acknowledgement of all individuals, students and teachers

within the school community (Brooks, 2014). A considerable number of the reported cases of

discrimination were covert in nature and the absence of an understanding of concerns relating to

diversity and religious identities, particularly Islamophobia, were large factors contributing to

this discrimination (Shah & Shaikh, 2010).

2.4.5 School Leaders

The culture of the work environment has an immense impact on the effectiveness and

commitment of a teacher to his or her work (Brooks, 2014). School leaders are the main

instruments in building harmonious relationships and ensuring that equal opportunities are

present within schools (Shah & Shaikh, 2010). It is critical for leaders to reflect on their own

preconceived notions, personal biases, and unspoken assumptions (Brooks, 2014). Brooks (2014)

insists however that the blame cannot be placed solely on the school as Natalie (her main

participant) did not actively seek out accommodations or attempt to provide the school with any

direction regarding her religious needs. After analyzing the data produced in her study however,

Brooks (2014) asserts that Natalie’s struggle to fit in at her school was a result of her Muslim

identity, and her sense of belonging was affected by the indirect or direct actions of

administrators. She insists that it is crucial for principals and other authoritative figures in

schools to recognize the obstacles that avert positive workplace relationships, and that they act

towards breaking these barriers down by creating supportive and beneficial connections,

particularly for educators of religious minorities (Brooks, 2014). These movements can facilitate


collegial trust and the integration of minority educators such as Muslim teachers into the

community of the school, providing them with opportunities to locate their professional ‘fit’. In

Benn’s (1998) study, when leaders were supportive and open towards their Muslim employees,

they felt valued and consequently felt more confident and competent. In contrast, when leaders

were distant, the Muslim women from the study felt unwelcome and undervalued (Benn, 1998).

According to Shah and Shaikh (2010), there is an evident gap in the literature regarding

how religious associations affect career progressions among people from minority groups. The

reluctance of individuals to participate in Islam-related studies provides a partial explanation for

this gap in the overall research. Brooks (2014) also raises the questions, “What do members of

minority religions experience working in schools? How does locale or geographic location

influence school culture and religious difference?” (p. 46). Shah and Shaikh’s (2010) study was

specifically situated within London due to its demographics. My research strives to provide

additional answers to these questions by exploring the experiences of a minority religion in the

context and demographics of the Greater Toronto Area.

2.5 Conclusion

In this literature review I looked at the research on religious discrimination against

Muslims in the workplace, particularly on teachers. Specifically, I looked at the subjects of

Islamophobia, the negotiated identities of Muslims, Islam in the workplace, and the experiences

of Muslim teachers. This review elucidates the extent to which attention has been paid to Muslim

teacher experiences and topics related to it. The undeniable increase in religious discrimination

against Muslims in recent times, demonstrates the need for further investigation and intervention

in the area. Although some research has been done in the field of Education regarding

occurrences of Islamophobia, most of these studies focused on student experiences. Furthermore,


the few teacher-focused studies that were examined in this review were situated outside of

Canada. Situations differ depending upon the context in which they are located, and therefore

further research, positioned within Canada, is required in order to fill this void and provide better

insight on the subject. In conclusion, greater levels of analysis and sociological understanding in

these areas are required, in order to predict and possibly prevent, the potential dangers associated

with the current instances of marginalization and discrimination of Muslims within Canada

(Shah & Shaikh, 2010).


Chapter 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY


In this chapter I explain the research methodology, identifying the various

methodological decisions that I have made, and my rational for these choices, given the research

purpose and questions. I begin with a discussion of the research approach and procedure, before

describing the main instrument of data collection. I then identify the participants of the study,

listing the sampling criteria, describing the sampling procedures, and providing some

information on the participants. I proceed to describe how I have analyzed the data, before

recognizing relevant ethical issues that have been considered and addressed. Lastly, I speak to

some of the methodological limitations of the study, while also highlighting and acknowledging

the strengths.

3.1 Research Approach and Procedures

The study was conducted using a qualitative research study approach, including a review

of the existing literature pertinent to the research questions and purpose of the study, as well as

the conduction of semi-structured, face-to-face interviews with two teachers. Carr (1994) insists

that qualitative research has had to overcome many obstacles in order to achieve recognition for

its current contribution to knowledge and information. In response to the historically negative

bias towards qualitative research, Carr (1994) argues that neither approach (quantitative or

qualitative) is superior to the other, and that they serve diverse purposes. Part of this bias stems

from the misapprehension that the ultimate goal of all research is generalizability, often a result

of quantitative (or positivist) research, as opposed to transferability, a characteristic of qualitative

research (Marshall, 1996).


Broadly, all qualitative research can be classified as the exploration of meaning and

understanding (Merriam, 2002). Qualitative research attempts to comprehend phenomena from

the perspective of the participant, instead of that of the researcher’s (Jones 1995), from an

interpretive and humanistic approach (Jackson II, Drummond & Camara, 2007).

Merriam (2002) argues that meaning is constructed by human beings in social interaction

with their world, a reality that is not a single, fixed, agreed upon phenomenon which is assumed

by quantitative research. Rather, there are several interpretations and constructions of reality that

are fluid and alter over time (Merriam 200), as social experience is always occurring and

unending (Jackson II et al., 2007). Qualitative research aims to understand what these

interpretations and constructions are, at a specific point in time, within a specific context,

(Merriam, 2002), by studying subjects in their natural settings (Jones, 1995). Furthermore, it is

concerned with discovering knowledge about how people feel and think about the conditions that

they are in, rather than making judgements about whether these feelings or thoughts are valid

(Thorne, 2000). The investigator’s interpretation of these experiences is referred to as an emic

perspective (Orb, Eisenhauer & Wynaden, 2000).

Unlike in quantitative research, where the researcher relies on numerical data, and fixed

questions to produce sorted, forced-choice responses, qualitative research relies on in-depth

responses involving constructions and reflections of richly textured experiences (Jackson II et al.,

2007). Therefore, given the purpose my research and the questions that I posed, a qualitative

research study was an appropriate approach for me, as it provided me with a platform to inquire

into the lived experiences of a small sample of Muslim teachers. Furthermore, unlike quantitative

studies which are beneficial for answering mechanical ‘what?’ questions, qualitative studies

delve into answering humanistic ‘how?’ and ‘why?’ questions (Marshall, 1996). Suitably, I not


only looked at how a sample of Muslim teachers are experiencing and responding to

Islamophobia in schools, but how these teachers are coping with their experiences.

3.2 Instruments of Data Collection

Documents, observations, and interviews are the three main sources of data for a

qualitative research study (Merriam, 2002). The particular strategies used are established by the

purpose of the study, and by determining which sources will produce the best data to answer the

research questions. When possible, the use of multiple methods can improve the validity of the

findings (Merriam, 2002).

According to DiCicco-Bloom and Crabtree (2006), in-depth interviews are employed to

determine shared understandings of a certain group. As I was most interested in teacher’s

experiences of Islamophobia, interviews with a sample of Muslim teachers therefore yielded the

most relevant information. Interviews can range in design from highly structured (often

producing quantitative data) (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006), to unstructured, with most

falling somewhere in between as semi-structured (Merriam, 2002). Open-ended interviews in

which the subject is more than just an instrument from which information is retrieved (DiCicco-

Bloom & Crabtree, 2006), allow for more flexibility and responsiveness for both the interviewer

and interviewee (Jackson II et al., 2007). Thus, the semi-structured interview protocol was the

main instrument of data collection used in this study.

Unstructured interviews are often conducted in conjunction with the retrieval of

observational data, whereas semi-structured interviews are typically the singular source of data

in their studies (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006). The time and location of these interviews are

usually pre-determined and accordingly, will occur outside of everyday events (DiCicco-Bloom

& Crabtree, 2006). Semi-structured interviews typically include a set of pre-determined


questions, but allow for additional questions to emerge though dialogue during the interview

(DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006). This is advantageous as it can bring up subjects that were

not anticipated. Furthermore, this digression can produce more meaningful data as it can

coincide with the participant’s knowledge and interests (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006). I

was therefore prepared to slightly depart from the planned protocol if it was not effective in

eliciting the required information. Lastly, although these interviews can be conducted in groups,

I conducted individual, face-to-face interviews. This allowed me to delve deeper into more

personal matters (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006). I organized my protocol (located in

Appendix B) into 4 sections, beginning with the participant’s background information, followed

by questions about their encounters with Islamophobia as a student, then their experiences and

beliefs related to Islamophobia, and concluding with questions regarding supports, challenges,

and next steps for teachers. Examples of questions include:

How does your identity as a Muslim affect your professional identity as a teacher?

What does Islamophobia mean to you?

o What kinds of attitudes and behaviours are indicators of Islamophobia, in your

view?

3.3 Participants

Determining a study sample is a crucial step in any research project as it often

impractical, inefficient, and unethical to study whole populations (Marshall, 1996). The

following sample of participants shared critical commonalities in relation to the research

question (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006), and adhered to specific sampling criteria. Below I

address all methodological decisions related to the research participants.


3.3.1 Sampling Criteria

The following criteria were used to select teacher participants:

1. Teachers have experienced Islamophobia in schools.

2. Teachers have been working in the field of Education, or enrolled in a pre-service

teaching program, previous to Sept 2001.

3. One participant is Canadian-born and one is an immigrant to Canada from another

country.

4. Teachers are working in the Greater Toronto Area.

5. There are both male and female participants.

Due to the in-depth nature of these studies, qualitative research usually comprises of a

small, selective sample (Carr, 1994). In order to address the main research question, the

participants that were interviewed had experienced some degree of Islamophobia in schools.

Additionally, participating teachers had been working in the field of Education since before the

occurrence of 9/11. This criterion was used in order to learn about potential changes in their

experiences, prior to and after the events. Furthermore, to explore the impact of immigration on

teacher experiences of Islamophobia, both immigrant and non-immigrant teachers were

interviewed. In order to maintain a geographical focus, teachers were employed within the

Greater Toronto Area. Lastly, I worked with both male and female participants, varying in age

and teaching specialty, in order to increase the potential richness of the data obtained from this

small sample.


3.3.2 Participant Recruitment

The strategy employed in recruiting participants for a study depends on the aim of the

research and questions being answered (Marshall, 1996). Working with a random sample offers

an opportunity to generalize information to the population, but may not be the most effective

way to develop an understanding of in-depth issues about human behaviour (Marshall, 1996).

Therefore, as generalizability was not the key goal of this qualitative study, probabilistic

sampling would not have been efficient or useful, and so alternative methods were used

(Marshall, 1996).

The three over-arching methods to selecting a sample for a qualitative study include

convenience, purposeful, and theoretical sampling. Convenience sampling refers to selecting the

most accessible participants, and is the least challenging technique of the three (Marshall, 1996).

Purposeful (or judgement) sampling instead, seeks out the most productive participants that are

likely to provide deeper insight and understanding to a subject (Marshall, 1996), a ‘richer’

sample from which the most information can be learned (Merriam, 2002). Lastly, theoretical

sampling involves building interpretive theories from the data that emerges, and then obtaining

new samples to elaborate on these theories (Marshall, 1996). Due to the methodological

parameters of my research study, I employed a combination of both convenience and purposeful

sampling. The sampling procedure was purposeful in that participants of this small sample

needed to meet a set of defined criteria in order to provide the richest possible data. As a pre-

service teacher who completed both elementary and secondary education within the Greater

Toronto Area, convenience sampling was employed as participants were obtained through

existing connections with other pre-service and working teachers within the region. Furthermore,


I utilized snowball sampling by asking participants to recommend other individuals who may be

appropriate or interested in partaking in the study (Marshall, 1996).

3.3.3 Participant Biographies

Participant 1 – Abdul

Abdul was born in India, but lived in Zambia before immigrating to Canada about 28

years ago. He has been working as a teacher since 2001 and is currently a part of the Peel District

School Board. He has taught in both elementary and secondary settings, and is currently teaching

General Science, Earth Science, and Physics from Grades 9 to 12. In addition to his role as a

teacher, he works as a coach for the school’s cricket team, and is the staff advisor for the Muslim

Students’ Association. Abdul regularly wears an Islamic cap and so is visibly identifiable as a

Muslim.

Participant 2 – Amina

Amina’s parents immigrated to Canada from India, and she was born and raised in the

Greater Toronto Area. She has been working as teacher since 2001 and is currently a part of the

Toronto District School Board. She has taught in various settings at the elementary level, but

primarily teaches Intermediate Science on rotary. In addition to her role as a teacher, she runs the

school’s eco-team, science committee, and facilitates the Gauss math competition. Amina

regularly wears a hijab and so is visibly identifiable as a Muslim.

3.4 Data Analysis

Data analysis is fundamentally an inductive strategy (Merriam, 2002), and can be

summarized as the way in which the data is arranged, conceptualized, refined, and understood

(Thorne, 2000). Specifically, all qualitative analysis includes understanding the phenomenon


being studied, formulating a depiction of the phenomenon that considers connections and

associations, theorizing about why and how these connections and associations appear, and then

re-contextualizing (Thorne, 2000). Ideally, data analysis occurs simultaneously alongside data

collection, allowing researchers to develop an evolving understanding of the research questions,

in order to better inform the interview sample and protocol (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006).

As a result however, the processes of data analysis are not always completely distinguishable

from the actual data obtained (Thorne, 2000).

During data analysis, researchers begin with a unit of data such as a word, narrative, or

phrase, which is then compared to other units of data, while looking for common patterns

throughout the information (Merriam, 2002). These patterns are given codes which are sorted

into categories and then further redefined into major themes, a procedure that DiCicco-Bloom

and Crabtree (2006) refer to as template approach. During my analysis I drew upon this

procedure, which involved transcribing interviews and coding the data, as it related to my

research purpose and questions. Subsequently, I identified and categorized frequent themes or

discrepancies in the findings, while also recognizing null data in the research, and discussing the

significance of it.

3.5 Ethical Review Procedures

According to Orb, Eisenhauer, and Wynaden (2000), ethical issues exist in any form of

research. The awareness and use of appropriate ethical principles, including autonomy,

beneficence, and justice, is therefore crucial in order to minimize the occurrence of these issues

(Orb et al., 2000). DiCicco-Bloom and Crabtree (2006) elaborate on four ethical issues

specifically associated with the interview process, including decreasing the risk of unforeseen


harm, safeguarding participants’ information, appropriately informing participants about the

study, and decreasing the risk of exploitation.

Given the topic of Islamophobia guiding the research questions, a minute risk with

partaking in the study was that questions could produce emotional responses, which could cause

the interviewee to feel vulnerable. I reduced this risk by providing participants with the interview

questions ahead of time. Furthermore, I informed participants before beginning, and throughout

the duration of the study, that they had the right to refuse to answer any questions that they did

not feel comfortable with, and could remove themselves from participation at any point. Orb,

Eisenhauer, and Wynaden (2000) speak to the significance of seeking this on-going consent, a

negotiation of trust that needs continuous re-negotiation. Furthermore, member-checks allowed

participants to review, clarify, and/or re-tract any statements in the interview transcripts before

data analysis commenced. This also enhances the validity of the data by ensuring that it has been

transcribed without subjective iterations by the interviewer.

Effective qualitative research employs standards of trustworthiness (Jackson II et al.,

2007). This results in the establishment of a safe and comfortable environment for the participant

to discuss their attitudes and experiences genuinely and truthfully (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree,

2006). DiCicco-Bloom and Crabtree (2006) explain however, that the information shared by a

participant could jeopardize their position in a system, and so interviewee anonymity is crucial.

Participants in my study have been provided with pseudonyms and their identities and any

identifying indicators have not been released. Data will remain on a private, password protected

external hard-drive and will be erased after five years. Participants were appropriately informed

of the study in person and/or written documentation. Interviewees were also provided with a

summary of the purpose of the study, the associated ethical implications, and the expectations of


participants, within a consent form in which they will granted permission to be interviewed and

audio recorded (located in Appendix A).

DiCicco-Bloom and Crabtree (2006) emphasize that participants should not be exploited

for personal profit, and that the outcome of the research should enrich the freedom of the

participants, more so than it advances the researcher’s career. As interviewees disclosed

controversial stories related to racism, being able to express opinions or experiences that

ordinarily might be suppressed may have been beneficial for them. Orb Eisenhauer, and

Wynaden (2000) describe a few of the advantages of qualitative interviews, including self-

acknowledgement, empowerment, catharsis, and healing. Lastly, the relationship between the

researcher and participant can also affect a qualitative study (Orb et al., 2000). As a student in a

teacher education program who is yet to be employed, interviewing established teachers who

have been working for many years, there was a minimized power differential between

interviewer and interviewee.

3.6 Methodological Limitations and Strengths

The largest drawback to this study is that the data was not generalizable to the population

due to the limited number of participants (Jackson II et al., 2007). As discussed above however,

this is not always the intention or most crucial aspect of all research. The strength of this

methodology is that it allowed for a much deeper understanding of the subject of Islamophobia,

than a more rigid approach would have (Carr, 1994). Specifically, the ethical parameters of the

study allowed me to interview teachers and obtain first-hard accounts. These interviews were

able to validate teacher voice and experience, providing them with a platform to address what

matters most to them and make meaning from their own lived experiences.


As the researcher plays a key, interpretative role in a qualitative study as a ‘human

instrument’, it may result in biases and shortcomings within the data (Merriam, 200). Merriam

(2002) insists however that rather than attempting to remove these subjectivities, it is more

valuable to be able to identify and monitor the ways in which they may be influencing the data

collection and interpretation. Depending on the abilities and insights of the researcher can also

make the assessment of reliability problematic (Carr, 1994). Alternatively however, qualitative

researchers have less difficulty with validity than quantitative researchers do, as it becomes more

difficult to confirm that a research condition resembles real life when the controls on a study

increasingly become tighter (Carr, 1994).

Carr (1994) suggests that a limitation to qualitative methodology is that the relationship

between the participants and researcher could potentially distort findings. She argues however

that these risks are worth taking due to the high levels of validity that are achieved by using and

applying qualitative methodologies. Researchers who spend prolonged periods of time and

integrate themselves into a research setting however, could face challenges in unravelling their

own experiences from the experiences of their participants (Carr, 1994). At its most intensive

form, the researcher can lose awareness of being the researcher and become a participant

themselves, referred to as ‘going native’ (Carr, 1994). As I conducted short, 45-60 minute

interviews, at a pre-determined time and location outside of the participant’s day to day

activities, this risk was minimized.

3.7 Conclusion

In this chapter I explained the research methodology. I began with a discussion of the

research approach and procedure, delving into the meaning and significance of qualitative

research, and highlighting some its major differences from quantitative research. I then described


the instruments of data collection, identifying interviews as the primary source of data. I

explored the various types of interviews conducted in qualitative research, and spoke to some of

the benefits of semi-structured interviews. I then identified the participants of the study, listing

the criteria applied to all interviewees, and providing brief introductions for those selected. I also

described recruitment procedures which entailed purposive sampling in order to maximize the

richness and depth of data obtained, as well as convenience and snowball sampling due to the

overall extent and scope of the research study. I proceeded to describe how I have analyzed the

data, examining individual interviews before looking for common patterns and themes across the

data. Ethical issues such as consent, risks of participation, member-checks, right to withdraw,

and data storage were also considered, and ways to address these potential issues were

recognized. Lastly, I discussed the methodological limitations of the study, such as the

interpretive abilities and biases of the researcher, while also highlighting some of the strengths,

such as first-hand accounts with teachers. In the next chapter, I report on the findings of the

research.


Chapter 4: FINDINGS


In this chapter I report and discuss the findings obtained from two participant interviews.

I describe the data as it addresses the research questions and purpose of the study. The central

question guiding this research is: How is a sample of Muslim teachers experiencing and

responding to Islamophobia in schools, and what impact do these experiences have on their

professional identity? Subsidiary questions include: How does Islamophobia manifest in these

teachers’ everyday life in schools? How do these teachers cope with these experiences? What

range of resources and factors support them? What outcomes have these teachers observed on

their professional practice? The participants of this study are Abdul and Amina (pseudonyms),

two Muslim teachers who have been working in the field of Education since before 9/11, and are

currently employed at public schools in the Greater Toronto Area. Abdul immigrated to Canada

from Zambia 28 years ago, while Amina was born in Canada to immigrant parents. The findings

obtained from their interviews have been organized into six main themes:

Theme 1: Impact of religious identity as a Muslim on professional identity as a teacher

Theme 2: Impact of Islamophobia on professional relations

Theme 3: Impact of community members on experiences of Islamophobia

Theme 4: Challenges with administration due to religious discrimination

Theme 5: Persistence and perpetuation of Islamophobia in schools

Theme 6: Responses to Islamophobia in schools

Among these main themes, multiple sub-themes were also identified. I discuss each theme and

sub-theme in greater detail below.


4.1 Impact of religious identity as a Muslim on professional identity as a teacher

According to Johnson (2003), the identity of a teacher is not singular or static, but is

constantly changing and can contain multiple components. When asked about how they defined

themselves, both Amina and Abdul were adamant about the religious aspects of their identities

taking precedence over all other facets. Amina described that it is a “central focus” in her life.

Specifically, every decision that she makes revolves around and is in accordance with her

religion and its prescriptions. Similarly, Abdul stated that his religious identity is his “core” and

how he “quantifies” himself, and that he lives his life according to this identity. He described that

he sees himself as a Muslim first, and all other identities, such as ethnic or nationalist, after.

Abdul clarified however, that although religion is central to his identity, he does not

approach teaching with his religious perspectives, or allow his faith to interfere with his

professional duties as a teacher, such as imposing his views onto his students. Overall he spoke

about these two identities (religious and professional) as separate from each other, where he

makes a conscious effort to maintain a distinction between them. Alternatively, Amina spoke

about how they overlap, and emphasized the compatibility between her religious and

professional identities. Specifically, she spoke to the qualities and skills required of teachers,

such as on-going self-learning and perseverance, and highlighted that her religion expects the

same of its followers. Furthermore, she shared “Being a person who is, you know, guiding young

people, and, encouraging them, and making them better, is something that's you know, the best

of us do, […] like, I'm so lucky that I get this opportunity to do this.” Here Amina made it

apparent that her professional duties as a teacher also allow her to bring aspects of her religion

into realization. Additionally, she shared that her religion is a source of motivation for her, and

allows her to remain authentic and genuine in her actions as a teacher, as it requires her to


continuously question her intentions. Her responses here differ from some of the findings

obtained by Ruby (2004) and Sartawi and Sammut (2012), where Islam as a cultural system and

belief, and life in the West, were at odds, resulting in a dichotomy between participants’ public

and private identities. The participants in these studies however, did not identify as educators,

and so Amina’s particular profession as a teacher might account for this discrepancy in the

findings.

According to the literature, a person’s professional identity is based on their values,

beliefs, motives, attributes, and experiences (Slay & Smith, 2011). Described above, Amina and

Abdul both touched upon how their values and beliefs construct their professional self-concept,

specifying how they negotiate their religious identities as Muslims with their professional

identities as teachers. As discussed previously however, construction of identity is not only

autonomous, but also dependent, as it is formed in relation to others, and maintained in a social

context (Johnson, 2003). Identity construction therefore, is also reliant on external factors such as

one’s professional relationships and settings, which will be discussed in further detail across the

themes below.

4.2 Impact of Islamophobia on professional relations

Amina believes that her religious identity has not had a negative impact on the

professional aspects of her relationships with colleagues, though they do take some time to

develop as her colleagues get to know her better. She did indicate however, that it has obstructed

her social relationships within schools. She makes a distinction therefore, between the social and

professional aspects of these collegial relationships. Amina spoke predominantly about her

religious garments, stating that her hijab creates a barrier between her and others who are not

Muslim. She perceives that teachers and even parents are not always comfortable being


themselves around her. Specifically, she feels that these individuals make assumptions about her

character due to her religious garments, and so engage with her accordingly, such as assuming

that she is particularly religious and in turn, conservative.

Amina also mentioned however, that she does not always initiate or pursue these social

relationships at school, in order to avoid attending certain events and activities. For example, she

evades going to the bar afterschool with colleagues due to her religious restrictions, as alcohol is

widely considered to be forbidden for Muslims (The Economist, 2012). Her experiences relate to

the literature as many authors spoke about the difficulties that Muslim teachers often faced while

trying to integrate into social gatherings, both inside and outside of school, due to cultural or

faith based restrictions (Benn, 1998; Brooks, 2014; Shah and Shaikh, 2010). Shah and Shaikh

(2010) specified that although these gatherings often occurred outside of professional settings,

Muslim teachers missed out on opportunities to build their professional relationships.

Abdul began his first practicum for teacher’s college in September of 2001. One week

into his placement, the events of 9/11 took place. He shared, “I remember teachers looking at me

weirdly… It was like, as if, I was guilty by association […]. Pre-9/11 you were just [the] same

brown guy in the school. Post 9/11, you’re the Muslim guy in school.” He described here the

judgement that he perceived from his colleagues, relating him to the perpetrators of the event due

to his religion, and the impact that this had on his professional identity formation. Similarly to

Amina, Abdul also addressed his religious artifacts in influencing the types of relationships he is

able to develop in schools, stating that as soon as people see him, they have preconceived notions

about who he is. According to Abdul, wearing a kufi (Islamic cap) or a hijab causes people to

view Muslims as “Others” instead of educators. His sentiments relate to those of participants in

Ruby’s (2004) study, who felt that being accepted meant looking a certain way, implying that


only European individuals represented the Canadian image. Issues relating to Islamophobia

therefore had inhibiting influences on participants’ professional relations and social interactions

within schools.

4.3 Impact of community members on experiences of Islamophobia

Both interviews indicated that members of the community affected the types of

Islamophobic encounters that participants had. These community members include the student

body, parents and families of students, teaching staff, administration, as well as individuals

living within the area surrounding the school. Two subthemes that emerged from the data in this

area are the cultural background and/or ethnicity of the community within and around the

participants’ school, as well as the language and linguistic traits of these community members.

4.3.1 Cultural background/ethnicity of community members

The community around Amina’s school is comprised primarily of Tamil-Hindus, with

only a very small percentage of Muslims. Although these Tamil students may not interact with

hijabi women often, according to Amina veiled women are not unfamiliar to them. She described

that even though they have different religious beliefs, she is able to relate to most of her students

and their families as they come from geographically close areas of South Asia. Furthermore,

although she was born in Canada, her parents were immigrants, much like the parent community

of her school. She stressed therefore that she understands the values and views these parents,

allowing her to better connect with them. Overall, Amina presented a fairly congenial

environment in which the cultural and ethnic make-up of the community does not intensify her

experiences of Islamophobia.

With respect to the cultural background of his students and the surrounding community,

Abdul shared that the majority are of South Asian descent, from the Punjab area of India. Abdul


spoke similarly to Amina about being able to relate to his students as a South Asian, and

understanding the negotiated identities that they encounter as Canadians, with South Asian

heritage. He recounted that as a young adult in Canada, he also grew up with a “dual identity” in

which there was a conflict between his identity at home and his identity at school. His

experiences relate to concerns brought up by Ruby (2004), who discussed that positioning

oneself in a Western society as a Muslim can be difficult as individuals negotiate their place in

the dominant Western culture surrounding them, as well as in their own Muslim communities.

Tindongan (2011) also touched upon this, insisting that identity negotiations can create inner

turmoil in which individuals raise questions about who they are and where they ‘come from’

and/or where they belong.

Abdul specified that the religious make-up of his school is comprised of Sikhs, Hindus,

and Muslims, with Muslims being the smallest, of these three majority groups. Interestingly,

Abdul described that the climate of Islamophobia at his school is impacted by historical conflicts

in Punjab, where these three major religious groups have been at odds. He detailed that many of

these contending views are passed onto generations who grow up in Canada, and so influence the

ways in which they interact with each other in schools. As a Muslim, he shared that many of his

Sikh students have made disparaging comments to him, and towards other Muslims students at

his school. In one example, he expressed “We're called […] terrorist by other (stress)

immigrants, other people of colour. That’s the saddest part.” He emphasized here the irony in

being discriminated against by citizens of other minority groups in Canada, who happen to be a

majority in this particular community. He does try to build awareness and understanding with

these students however, by explaining to them that as they proceed to post-secondary

institutions, they will likely become minorities again, and face discrimination themselves. In


contrast to Amina therefore, Abdul’s experiences of Islamophobia were heightened due to the

cultural background of the school community. A great deal of the literature that was reviewed

focused heavily on the integration of Muslims in a Western society within Canada, which

typically, is comprised of the ‘Occident’, or individuals of European decent. It is intriguing to

examine therefore, the effects of ethnically diverse communities on participants’ experiences of

Islamophobia, within this larger Western context, as they appear to have had significant impacts.

4.3.2 Language and linguistic traits of community members

Amina believes that if she was an immigrant, her experiences of discrimination would

have been intensified. Specifically, she referred to her ability to communicate in English as a

native speaker without any particular accents. In her current school environment, she described

that the teachers who do not have accents tend to group together, while those that do have

accents are along the “periphery” of certain social circles, and so form their own groups. Shah

and Shaikh (2010) commented on these different social groups that can be created in schools,

where some members are “in” and others are “out.” Interestingly, Amina mentioned that the

impact of language also creates a power differential when communicating with parents, as they

are predominantly immigrants but can determine that she is not, and so feel more nervous around

her than they perhaps would with an immigrant teacher. A great deal of the literature I examined

focused on divisions that were created in schools as a result of religious identity, between

Muslims and non-Muslims (Shah and Shaikh, 2010). Findings from these studies differ therefore

from Amina’s experiences, as she instead elaborated on partitions that have been established in

her school between immigrants and native-born Canadian citizens.

Although Abdul is an immigrant, he spoke to the impact of language as well, stating that

because he speaks English with an African-British accent, his encounters with racism were not as


pronounced as some of his other colleagues. He shared that from what he has observed and heard

from co-workers during his time in schools, having an accent, particularly an Indian one, is a

detriment to moving up in a school environment. Mujtaba and Cavico (2012) spoke to these

issues and the influence of factors such as ancestry, birthplace, culture, or linguistic

characteristics on the denial of employment opportunities. Abdul specified that people lose

respect when they hear these types of accents, and associate it with being unqualified and/or

incompetent. His views mirror findings obtained by Shah and Shaikh (2010), as they suggest that

minority groups are often excluded from consideration during interviews due to a ‘perceived

incompetence’, where ‘leader prototypes’ are created and an unconscious stereotype of what a

leader should look or sound like is developed. I found this part of the data particularly interesting

and revealing as oral communication is an element of religious discrimination that I had not

considered in depth during the literature review.

4.4 Challenges with administration due to religious discrimination

Each participant faced various challenges with administration, which they attributed to

religious discrimination. Additional sub-themes were identified in this area of the data, as these

challenges manifested in two prominent ways: hindered progression into positions of greater

responsibility, and difficulties obtaining religious accommodations.

4.4.1 Hindered progression into positions of greater responsibility

Both participants spoke adamantly about the impact of religious discrimination on their

progression into positions of higher responsibility. They each echoed feelings of being

undervalued and unrecognized by their principals, as both were very qualified candidates for

various positions that they did not receive. During a time when her principal was gathering a

committee of “aspiring leaders” who would want to pursue leadership roles such as


administration, Amina disappointedly disclosed that she was not chosen. She spoke here to her

multiple roles within the school in order to demonstrate that she has been unacknowledged and

underappreciated. Amina spoke to the intersectionality of identity, and how her gender as a

female, along with her religion as a Muslim, had hindering impacts on her ability to advance as

admin made assumptions about her based on these identities (addressed in theme 2). For

example, she recounted feeling offended on many occasions after getting married when admin

would ask her if she was pregnant, because it would presumably be the next step for her as a

Muslim woman. She states “I just felt like… it was because I was married, and I was Muslim,

and, that was supposed to be in my horizon right.” Overall she felt a lack of support from

administration in pursuing these types of positions because they felt that her priorities were

elsewhere.

Abdul faced similar difficulties in pursuing positions of greater responsibility, and

attributed a great deal of this hindrance to his religious garments. In one example, Abdul referred

to his thawb, a traditional Islamic gown that he wore regularly in university. He recounted,

So once I finished my university, and started going into the workplace, I came to

understand, that to go in that dress, I may not be able to get a job. So then, that’s

when I started, uh, wearing, uh, I guess you could say, Western clothes, or normal

clothes, or you know, uh, I guess business clothes, business attire. […] Many

years of my life I had been wearing it, it was a part of me, so for me to take it,

take if off was actually unnatural to me, to me when I started wearing, school

attire, business attire, I didn’t feel as comfortable. Um, because to me, my thawb

was my, that was my, what I, identified with.

Abdul therefore believed that his physical appearance would impede his ability to find

employment. He spoke here to the pressures that he encountered early on in his career, where he

felt the need to sacrifice part of his religious identity in order to develop his professional identity


(relating to theme 1). It is interesting, and unfortunate, that although they were unnatural to him,

due to societal norms he still described his newly adopted Western clothes as “normal.” Similar

issues were brought up by Findley et al. (2014) who presented examples of individuals that were

refused certain positions because their looks, which included wearing a hijab or maintaining a

long beard, did not comply with company policies.

Although Abdul gave up wearing his thawb regularly, he has since maintained growing a

beard and wearing a kufi. He described a situation in relation to this religious garment, where the

principal at his school would confuse him with three other South Asians that were Sikh and wore

turbans. He asserted that this hindered his ability to advance at the school, specifying that if his

principal did not even know who he was, then surly she would not have the confidence to give

him a position of greater responsibility. Muslim women in Benn’s (1998) study similarly felt

undervalued and unwelcome when their leaders were distant and did not take the time to get to

know them. Abdul spoke to multiple circumstances while working as a teacher, where he has

tried to pursue positions of higher responsibility and although amply qualified, has never been

provided with the opportunity. Abdul bluntly expressed that teachers who were much younger

than him, had less experience and fewer qualifications, but were Caucasian, were given positions

that he has applied to over the years. He reiterated that administrators’ perceived impression of

him is not that of an educator, due to the way he looks (as mentioned in theme 2). Shah and

Shaikh (2010) resonated similar findings in which Muslim teachers were often perceived as

being different from individuals in positions in power, and so were not viewed as potential

school leaders. They spoke specifically about Muslim male teachers in London, whose career

progressions towards leadership positions were negatively impacted by religious discrimination

(Shah and Shaikh, 2010). These participants felt that they had to work harder and perform better


than the rest of their colleagues in similar positions (Shah and Shaikh, 2010). The issues

presented by Abdul and Amina therefore also reinforce Brooks’ (2014) reports, where she insists

that it is critical for leaders in schools to reflect on their personal biases, unspoken assumptions,

and preconceived notions.

4.4.2 Difficulties obtaining religious accommodations

Abdul spoke about various challenges with administration that occurred as a result of

trying to obtain religious accommodations, beginning with his first practicum. Each time he

started a placement, Abdul notified his principals that on Fridays he would need to leave for a

short period of time in order to attend compulsory Jumma prayers at the local mosque. Salaat-ul-

Jumma or Friday Prayers, occur in congregation and at different times during the year as the

seasons change (Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, 2001). Consequently, during a few months in

the year, it can conflict with an individual’s working hours. Abdul clarified however that he

would make up the missed time and do any extra work that was required of him, such as staying

back late or coming in for extra days. In response to his request, he recalled,

The principal called me to her office, and said uh, ‘As a teacher you have to

decide, whether you wanna do your prayers, or you wanna be a teacher’. She

actually said that. She said, ‘Your responsibility as a teacher is a teacher first’ I

said, ‘I don’t think you understand, that these are compulsory, I have to go, it’s

not like I can give em up. And I choose to (stress), I want to (stress). If [they

were] any other prayers, yes I can do them at any other time, but these I have to

do them in congregation, and, […] in a place of worship. Um, so she said, ‘Well,

if that’s the case, then, you’re not gonna get [a pass for] your practicum.’

Participants in Benn’s (1998) study found themselves in similar situations during teacher training

placements, where they felt the need to defend their religion and identities as Muslims. Due to

power differentials as teacher candidates, and given that they were outsiders in these


environments, most decided to retreat rather than challenge the issues that they were

encountering in order to pass their practicums. Alternatively, Abdul was able to seek help

because a family member of his knew an individual working in the human rights division of the

board at the time, who coincidently, was also Muslim. This person was able to help him rectify

the situation, which eventually resulted in him receiving an apology from the principal of the

school. In this experience, Abdul provided an example of his will to maintain certain ontological

identity functions, where he chose to observe Jumma prayers, even though there were difficulties

associated with doing so (Sartawi & Sammut, 2012). In many schools now, within larger Muslim

communities, Jumma also occurs on-site with the Muslim students and teachers at the school,

particularly in high schools where students are older. Abdul disclosed however, that there is

currently a proposal that has been presented to the Peel board, for these prayers to be recited in

English instead of in Arabic. Concerning this he voiced very firm disapproval, stating that it was

an act of fear mongering and a result of the anti-Islamic rhetoric present within society today

(discussed further in theme 5).

Amina in contrast to Abdul did not ask for any accommodations. She did notice however

that many of her colleagues were Islamophobic toward students who would request to be

exempted from particular activities. For example, when they would ask to be excused from tasks

that involved music and/or dance, she would often hear comments such as “If this student or if

these parents don't want their child to participate in this, then why don't they send their kid to

Islamic school?” She explained that accommodations have always been made for these students,

but not happily, and that in schools it is during these types of circumstances when Islamophobia

starts to appear. As stated previously, schools are expected to accommodate students who make

special requests in relation to their religion or faith (Toronto District School Board, 2011).


According to the literature, most individuals had positive views about the policies that are

currently in place for Muslim students in Ontario, who seek these types of religious

accommodations (Jamil, 2012). Amina specified however, that accommodations are made as

long as they do not interfere with the existing culture of the school. For example, if a student

asked to sit out of an activity relating to Christmas, the accommodation would likely be granted.

If the child’s parents contacted the school to complain however, suggesting that the activity

should not have even occurred because their child was a member of the class, then the Muslim

community would receive push-back and criticism. Amina shared that when Muslims assert

themselves, it is often interpreted as them trying to impose their “backwards” views on to the

school. Consequently, Amina expressed that school members then begin to feel as though they

have in fact over-accommodated, harbouring feelings such as “That's what happens when you

[…] accommodate people, then they like begin to ask for too much.”

4.5 Persistence and perpetuation of Islamophobia in schools

Islamophobia continues to persist and be maintained in schools today as a result of

various factors, which Amina and Abdul touched upon in several parts of their interviews. Two

prominent aspects of this theme were arranged into the sub-themes: ignorance about the religion

of Islam, and the impact of societal conditions on experiences of Islamophobia.

4.5.1 Ignorance about the religion of Islam

Abdul accredited much of the Islamophobia that currently exists in schools to the

ignorance of most staff and students about the religion of Islam. He insisted that misconstrued

views by both teachers and students are being recycled time and again. In one example, he

shared that teachers in various social studies classes at his school often portrayed Islam

negatively in their lessons, as a result of their own views, as well as a lack of knowledge about


the religion. He pointed to the paradox in this as education systems are supposed to be places

where balanced perspectives are presented. Furthermore when students did assignments in these

classes, they often presented material from anti-Muslim websites with inaccurate information,

which then went unquestioned by their teachers. He underlined his disappointment in these

teachers who “should know better” but have not taken any steps to educate themselves or even

pose questions to their Muslim colleagues. In their study, Mujtaba and Cavico (2012) reported

the need for individuals in a workplace to be culturally cognizant and competent of fellow

colleagues’ backgrounds, beliefs, and practices. It is worth noting, that perhaps these teachers

remain ignorant in order to avoid dealing with the complexities that come with challenging such

issues. Brooks (2014) touched upon these difficulties, insisting that avoiding the topic of religion

altogether is often how educators who do not know much about Islam manage religious issues

within their schools (Brooks, 2014). Abdul also highlighted that when students are aware of

inaccuracies being presented by a teacher, it is difficult for them to intervene or clarify things. He

stated “The students feel powerless, if, you know, they don't have power, when teachers are

talking like that.” I found this comment particularly interesting and relatable as it reminded me of

an encounter that I had in high school with my own history teacher.

In relation to accommodations and challenges with admin (in theme 4), Abdul shared a

situation that occurred many years ago, when he wanted to take some time off from work for

hajj, a pilgrimage to Mecca that Muslims are required to make at least once in their lives (BBC,

2009). Hajj occurs at different times each year, in accordance with the Islamic lunar calendar (Al

Jazeera Staff, 2009). In order to limit the amount of time he would need to be away from work,

Abdul strategically planned his trip to occur alongside the winter holidays in North America.

Unfortunately however, his approval for a leave of absence for one week, which he thought


would be a simple procedure, took six months to process. During these six months, his request to

the principal was sent to multiple superintendents at the board, who then required him to obtain a

letter from an imam (the leader of a mosque) to describe what hajj was. He shared “I'm like this

is 2006. This is the Peel District School Board; you're telling me you don't know what hajj is?”

He expressed his astonishment at the way in which his request was handled, and pointed to the

ignorance of a board that supposedly advocates for diversity. He spoke specifically about board-

wide calendars that are printed yearly, where holy dates and/or religious holidays are clearly

marked, and yet administrators and board members are unaware of what these events actually are

or entail. Shah and Shaikh (2010) had participants who similarly criticized their leaders for

having very little knowledge about Islam. He emphasized his disappointment in the principal at

his school, detailing that he had not taken any sick days prior to this request, and was not asking

to be paid during his leave. Although his request was eventually approved he referred to it as

“grudging permission”, where it was clear that there would be consequences if he asked for

anything beyond his initial appeal. This relates to the observations made by Amina in relation to

student accommodations (in theme 4), that were usually provided, but not happily.

Ironically, Amina shared that when individuals such as Muslims have opinions or

perspectives that oppose typically liberal views, people assume that these attitudes come from a

place of ignorance. This opinion in itself however, is a judgement that is formed from ignorance

about the religion and its prescriptions. She shared that some immigrants, such as the Tamil

community that she works with, are very insistent on integrating into society and adopting

intercultural customs. Others however, particularly new immigrants from Muslim communities,

can isolate themselves as they try to preserve their cultural practices. She insisted therefore that

teachers need to be able to empathize with their students and try to understand where they are


coming from. She suggested that educators who work in areas that contain large concentrations

of a particular group, where aspects of their culture will manifest in various ways at school,

should be required to under-go some form of “sensitivity training”, and learn about the group’s

customs and practices.

4.5.2 The impact of societal conditions on experiences of Islamophobia

When Amina first began wearing the hijab in school, coincidently, it was when the movie

Malcom X came out. Due to the popularity of the movie, and because Malcom X was Muslim, it

was in fact, “cool” to be Muslim at the time. As a result of this, she did not receive any intense

backlash from wearing the hijab. Pop-culture therefore had a positive impact on her experiences,

as it created an accepting environment for Muslims. Amina did disclose however, that her

earliest encounter with religious discrimination in schools occurred when she was in Grade 8,

during the time of the first Iraq war. She detailed that one of her teachers humorously made a

comment that associated her brother with Sadaam Hussain, implying that the members of her

family were all violent. She described feeling shocked and insulted, particularly because it was a

teacher that she was fond of. Her experience demonstrates the impact of international events on

occurrences of Islamophobia, and the associations that can be created from them.

Amina and Abdul both insisted that Islamophobia around the world intensified after the

events of 9/11. Amina expressed that before 9/11, being Muslim was not a significant trait. After

9/11 however, being Muslim “became a thing.” Abdul also spoke to Islamophobic occurrences

being particularly intense immediately after 9/11, as the incident was still very “raw.” Since this

date, the association of Muslims to acts of terrorism has become a societal norm. Their notions

affirm findings from Tindongan (2011) who suggests that the September 11th

attacks have

resulted in the isolation and marginalization of Muslims, who are now perceived as potential


enemies. Abdul recounted stories of being stopped at airport and border crossings when flying or

driving to countries such as the United States, stating that he and his family members are always

singled out due to their names or physical appearance. He shared that when the events of 9/11

took place, he was unable to attend his teacher education classes, which were occurring on

weekends in Buffalo, for weeks as it was not safe for him to cross the border at the time.

Furthermore, when his full-time classes resumed, he made sure to travel with other classmates

who were also driving from Toronto to Buffalo, in order to appear less threatening and

conspicuous. These were measures that he felt needed to be taken, despite the fact that he was

not guilty of anything. He insisted that because of his religious artifacts, people see him as an

“Other”, and not as a Canadian. He echoed sentiments from above (in theme 2) about feeling as

though his religious artifacts keep leaders from viewing him as an educator. Abdul articulated

that Muslims have become the “new Jews of the Western world.” His statements correspond to

those by Zelman (2003) who insists that stereotypes surrounding Muslims today parallel those

attributed to the Jews in pre-Nazi Germany. Abdul specified “It’s, it’s okay (stress). It's totally

okay, to pick on them, you can say what you want, you can draw what you want, you can make

films with, of what you want, about Muslims, and nobody will say [anything because] that's

freedom of speech.” He drew attention here to an atmosphere of tolerated bullying that has been

established and maintained, where treating Muslims in a negative manner has become acceptable

behaviour. Perry (2006) similarly points to a political climate that has been created in which the

public has been granted ‘permission to hate’.

Abdul criticized the media for the persistence and perpetuation of Islamophobia in

society, which continues to present unbalanced perspectives concerning Muslims. Ruby (2004)

similarly describes that the media assists in suggesting and perpetuating particular views.


Tindongan (2011) further reinforces that this ‘Othering’ of Muslims is established in various

ways, which include news coverages in the media. Abdul specified,

So every time a Muslim does something, they're religion is […] at the front. […]

A Muslim goes to a, uh the Fort Hood, and shoots up […] soldiers, it’s because of

his religion. Somebody also goes to a church and kills, uh 6 black people, or 10

black people, nothing to do with their religion. Or he was just mentally disturbed.

[…] But Muslims it was their religion that made them do it.

In reference to the Charleston church shooting (Ellis, 2015), he expressed here that issues

relating to Muslims are always highlighted, amplified, and linked back to Islam. Furthermore,

when non-Muslims commit similar acts, they’re stories are told using an alternative narrative that

is not associated with religion or the ideals of a particular group of people. Rather, it is more

often identified as a singular incident that has occurred as a result of an irregular factor such as

an illness.

Both Amina and Abdul also addressed the impact of a Canadian context on their

experiences of Islamophobia. Amina referred to Canada’s “cultural mosaic” where individuals

make an effort to understand and familiarize themselves with other cultures. Within the

literature, Hussain (2004) also argues that in comparison to the United States, Canadian-Muslims

are less alienated and have better relationships with non-Muslims, due to Canadians’ willingness

to participate in interfaith dialogue. Amina re-insisted however, that this acceptance by

Canadians only occurs to a certain extent. Specifically, other cultures are tolerated, and even

celebrated, as long as these other values do not disturb their own (as mentioned in theme 4).

Abdul spoke to the actions of Canada’s former Conservative government and their influence on

fueling Islamophobia in the country. Specifically, he addressed recent policies of divide that

“look down at the Other”, such as bill C-24, which currently grants the Canadian government the

ability to revoke citizenships (Mcquigge, 2015). Abdul did mention however, that media outlets


in Canada have been better than others around the world, in the coverage of news and various

events, where dual sides of a story have usually been presented. He used the example of the 2014

Ottawa shooting, where the media did not just focus on the attacker’s association with Islam, but

also his mental illness (Stone, 2015). Abdul and Amina therefore describe a relatively less hostile

environment in Canada, in comparison to countries such as the United States, where experiences

of Islamophobia are lower in frequency as well as in severity, but nonetheless, still occurring.

4.6 Responses to Islamophobia in schools

The interviews not only revealed how participants were experiencing Islamophobia in

schools, but whether and how they were responding to these Islamophobic occurrences. Several

sub-themes emerged in this area of the data, including the ways in which participants acted as

representatives of Islam, as well as initiated discussions about Islamophobia and its related

issues. Deficiencies in the resources available to teachers, concerning and in response to

Islamophobia, were also identified and examined.

4.6.1 Acting as representatives of the religion of Islam

Upon embracing his identity as a Muslim during his high school years, Abdul felt that he

had to “look the part” of a Muslim. He expressed that at this point, religion was no longer

something that he simply hid inside. Religion instead became something that was on his body, as

well as in his personality. As mentioned previously, Abdul has been adamant about wearing a

kufi and keeping a beard, as a way of externally maintaining his identity. Participants in Ruby’s

(2004) study were similarly insistent on maintaining their religious artifacts and garments, as

they became more loyal to their customs and traditions when their identities were threatened by

the dominant society. Once he began working full time, Abdul did make a few attempts to re-

introduce his thawb. Specifically, while teaching at a school located in South Mississauga, he


chose to wear it on Fridays for Jumma. Because South Mississauga has a large Muslim

population, he described that his students at the school appreciated his attire, and that it was a

source of pride for them. In this situation, he acted as a representative of Islam, not only for

himself but for his students as well.

Amina feels that the more exposure students and teachers receive to religious artifacts

such as hijabs, the more they will become accustomed to them. She indicated that there has

already been a great increase from the number of people who wore hijabs in schools when she

first entered the profession, to the number of hijabis, both students and teachers, seen in schools

today. She also stressed the importance of building relationships in order for others to get to

know Muslims better, as her current colleagues have gotten to know her over nearly a decade.

She expressed that over time they can see “beyond the hijab”, and that the stereotypes which

typically accompany these artifacts, such as women under oppression, slowly dissipate. She

described that eventually her colleagues began to see her as a “regular Canadian” with similar

hobbies and values as them. She feels that it is through these types of connections, and getting to

know Muslims on a personal level, that people outside of the faith will be able to understand

what being a Muslim is really about. She did stress however that these understandings take time

and effort, most of which she must initiate. She specified,

And that's also like something that I kind of feel like I have to make the, I have to

make an effort to get, […] to you know, erase those stereotypes for myself. Um,

so, […] every time like when there’s somebody new to staff, or if I […] face like,

the challenge of going somewhere new, like in a professional setting, like a

workshop or whatever, then I always know that, okay, here we go again, I'm

gonna have to... you know, I'm gonna have to put my hand up and speak, so that

everybody can know, that I don't have an accent.


She spoke here to the pressure that she is often put under to prove herself as a “regular

Canadian.” It is noteworthy that her statement again indicates the impact of accent as an

unfavourable trait that she feels the need to continuously dispel from herself (as discussed in

theme 3).

4.6.2 Initiating discussions about Islamophobia

In response to Islamophobia in schools, both Amina and Abdul spoke about initiating

discussions as a way to create awareness, share knowledge, and clarify misconceptions. Abdul

referenced various examples where he took the time to address issues that arose in his classroom,

such as when a student shared that he got into a fight with a group of “white kids” at

Wonderland. Again, because Abdul has encountered similar situations as a student himself, and

is also South Asian, he shared that he is able to have more meaningful conversations with his

students. Specifically, he feels that they appreciate his opinion on these matters, because they

come from a perspective which they can relate to. He also stressed that these types of discussions

are particularly important at his school, given the historical context of its community members

(as mentioned in theme 3).

Although Abdul has not confided much in his colleagues, upon entering his Master’s

program (which is he currently completing), he has brought up his experiences in class. He

conveyed that in a workplace environment, there is not much opportunity or time to bring up

these kinds of conversations. In a graduate level class however, it has become acceptable to talk

about and share these kinds of experiences, as various points of view and perspectives are

encouraged and acknowledged. He stated,

So, for me I feel, for me to talk about it is uh, not only for myself but also at the

same time, because there is no voice out there. So I’m like, I mean to me I feel

like, there has to be somebody who presents this voice because otherwise the


majority does not see us. Right, we don’t count. […] And that’s why I point it out

because I wanna make sure they know, that this is not something that, is just

somebody that made it up. This is, these are real experiences that have actually

happened to people, and that’s, that’s why I present them and actually talk about

it.

Abdul stressed here the need for discussion in order for Muslim experiences to be recognized. He

therefore is using his Master’s program as a platform to establish a Muslim voice, and is again,

acting as a representative on behalf of his religion.

Amina also feels that there is a need to stimulate discussion around topics relating to

Islamophobia. She pointed out however, that as a Muslim, it is often difficult for her to do this.

As a teacher she feels a responsibility to make her students aware of various issues occurring

around the world, but finds it challenging to do so without sharing her own opinions and

frustrations. She feels being Muslim entails that she can no longer provide an unbiased opinion

on matters relating to Islamophobia. Furthermore she feels that it takes weight and significance

away from the subject, appearing as though she is only interested and addressing these issues

because she herself is Muslim, not because they are indeed important. Abdul echoed similar

sentiments stating “It’s like, oh Islamophobia, that’s something that Muslims talk about.” As a

result, Amina intentionally chooses not to talk much about Islamophobia in her classrooms.

Participants in Benn’s (1998) study similarly chose not to voice their opinions on matters relating

to Islam.

In reference to discussions with colleagues, Amina described an incident during a school

field trip when she was in Ottawa and Omar Khadr had been released on bail. Omar Khadr is a

Canadian citizen who in 2002, at the age of 15, was captured by American forces and charged

with war crimes (Howell, 2015). In her description, she emphasized the magnitude of the event,

and expressed that she had been eager to talk to someone about her stance on the situation. While


speaking to another teacher on the trip however, she found herself holding back. She clarified

that it has been like this for her since 9/11, where she cannot speak openly about how she feels

because her views might be misconstrued, especially when she is questioning the justness of

certain actions towards Muslims. She also feels that being Muslim causes her statements to lose

credibility. She specified,

Like, I've read it in the newspaper, I've seen it on TV, but, I feel like if I openly

state that within like the school community... I feel, like two things, I feel number

one, not many teachers are informed enough to even understand where my

position is coming from. And, number two, I feel like, it would, um, like forever

categorize me as like, militant. […] Another teacher could […] voice the same

um, you know the same opinion, but because she’s not Muslim, or […] visibly

Muslim, it would be just like […] she’s just, seeing it as a humanitarian, you

know from a humanitarian point of view, whereas like, I'm coming from, like a

Muslim point of view. Right, so it's like threatening, it's a little bit threatening

when, um, I feel like when a Muslim challenges, you know, other peoples'

challenging of Muslims.

She again pointed to the ignorance of teachers at the school, who would not be able to

understand her opinion because they were not informed enough about the subject. Furthermore,

although other teachers may share the same views as her, she insists that theirs would be

considered philanthropic whereas hers would be interpreted as aggressive or confrontational.

Shah and Shaikh (2010) had similar findings in which Muslim teachers felt as though they could

not confide in their non-Muslim colleagues, because they would not be able to understand their

point of view regarding these types of issues. Moreover, they were concerned that they would be

perceived as exceedingly sensitive or negative (Shah and Shaikh, 2010). It is also worth noting

that she made a distinction between how her views might be interpreted, in comparison to how a


Muslim who does not wear a hijab might be construed, re-emphasizing the impact of religious

garments.

4.6.3 Lack of resources about and in response to Islamophobia

Abdul and Amina shared that there are not many resources available for teachers about or

in response to Islamophobia. Abdul indicated that occasionally there are anti-discriminatory

workshops available for teachers, but that these are usually very general and lately more focused

on LGBT-related issues. As mentioned earlier, The Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario

(2014) did deliver a seminar this year titled Addressing Islamophobia. It received some backlash

however, from critics such as the Toronto Sun, who made judgmental comments about the

religion and questioned the necessity of the workshop (Kent, 2012). Ironically, this negative

reaction is in itself Islamophobic, and so demonstrates the need for these types of workshops to

take place. Amina re-called that after 9/11, there were a few resources available to help students

from feeling blamed or ostracized due to the events, but nothing was available for teachers.

Interestingly, she noted that for boards to put out these types of resources, they would be

admitting that Islamophobic occurrences against teachers are in fact happening in their schools,

something that principals would likely not want to acknowledge or take ownership of. Both

remarked that some mosques in their local communities are creating discussions around these

topics. This resource however needs to be sought out separately (outside of school) and may not

be directly relevant for issues pertaining to teachers. Abdul feels that resources are not available

because the board does not recognize Islamophobia as a problem that needs addressing anymore,

as racism has supposedly “been erased in Peel.” His decision to enter a Master’s program

therefore, was fueled by a desire to challenge these existing issues and bring them to the

attention of the board, so that appropriate resources can in turn be established.


4.7 Conclusion

In this chapter I reported and discussed the findings. I organized the data into six main

themes, beginning with the impact of religious identity as a Muslim, on professional identity as a

teacher. In the next theme I discussed the impact of Islamophobia on participants’ professional

relations. Following this I examined the impact of community members on participants’

experiences of Islamophobia, where two sub-themes emerged, including the cultural background

and/or ethnicity of the community around participants’ schools, as well as the language and

linguistic traits of these community members. The next theme reviewed various challenges that

participants encountered with administration, which they attributed to religious discrimination.

These challenges were apparent in two prominent ways, including a hindered progression into

positions of greater responsibility, as well as in difficulties obtaining accommodations. The

persistence and perpetuation of Islamophobia in schools was then considered, where sub-themes

of ignorance about the religion of Islam, as well as the impact of societal conditions on

participants’ experiences of Islamophobia, were determined. Lastly I discussed the ways in

which participants are responding to Islamophobia in schools, which included them acting as

representatives of the religion, as well as initiating discussions about the subject and its related

issues. The lack of resources available in schools about and in response to Islamophobia was also

identified and examined.

As noted throughout, many of these themes overlapped and emerged alongside each other

in the data, such as difficulties obtaining accommodations that resulted from ignorance about the

participants’ religion (themes 4 and 5). A re-occurring notion brought up by Abdul, was that

people viewed him as an “Other”, which in itself is a form of discrimination, but was also a

cause of the discrimination he faced. Amina instead spoke consistently about the assumptions


that were made about her as the root of the religious discrimination that she experienced. Both

participants insisted throughout the themes however, that these actions of Islamophobia are

rarely explicit in schools, and instead are subtle and covert in nature, positions that resonated

with those determined in the literature (Shah & Shaikh, 2010). Both also attributed most of their

experiences of Islamophobia to their religious garments. Overall, findings confirmed the

conclusions established in chapter two, particularly with regards to heightened encounters of

Islamophobia after 9/11, and the deep influence of an anti-Islamic rhetoric that exists in society

today, on these Islamophobic experiences. A discrepancy with the literature did occur however,

in the intensity of these experiences between the genders of the participants. According to the

literature, Muslim females are often more vulnerable to encounters of Islamophobia, as reported

by Benn (1988) and Goforth et al. (2014). Amongst the participants however, Abdul’s

experiences of religious discrimination appeared to be more severe and had a greater impact on

his attitudes towards Islamophobia in schools. Alternatively, although Amina did encounter

religious discrimination in schools, she described her experiences as less extreme and often short

term. A factor that may have contributed to this is the influence of immigration on participant’s

experiences of Islamophobia, as Amina was born in Canada, and Abdul is an immigrant. Amina

repeatedly spoke to being viewed as a “Canadian”, in which she clearly determined distinctions

between herself and other immigrants at her school. This was in stark difference to Abdul’s

statements, in which he frequently referred to being viewed as an “Other” instead of a

“Canadian.” An additional unexpected result was the impact of linguistic traits on experiences of

Islamophobia, which both participants spoke adamantly to. In conclusion, participants

experienced Islamophobia in diverse ways, which were impacted by several factors such as the

religious garments they wore or the types of individuals in their communities. They took various


approaches in their responses to Islamophobia, such as through initiating discussions, while also

refraining from responding at times, due to particular circumstances. These Islamophobic

encounters continue to influence their professional relations and identities, which change and are

re-established, depending upon their existing conditions.


Chapter 5: IMPLICATIONS


The events of 9/11 have had profound impacts on the lived experiences of Muslims

around the world, who since this date have unremittingly endured an aftermath of socially

established, tolerated, and preserved Islamophobia. Put simply, Amina states, “Before 9/11,

being Muslim was not really at the forefront. But after 9/11, being Muslim was a thing.” As a

Muslim teacher candidate studying to become a practicing teacher within a society where

Islamophobia persists, how these issues affect individuals within school systems is of great

concern to me. Sparked by this international rise of Islamophobia in a post 9/11, anti-Islamic

political climate, this research therefore began with the intent to explore how a sample of

Muslims teachers are experiencing and responding to islamophobia in schools, and the impact

that these experiences have on their professional identity. Subsidiary questions included: How

does Islamophobia manifest in these teachers’ everyday life in schools? How do these teachers

cope with these experiences? What range of resources and factors support them? What outcomes

have these teachers observed on their professional practice? A review of the existing literature

pertinent to the research questions and purpose of the study elucidated the extent to which

attention had been paid to Muslim teacher experiences, and so demonstrated the need for further

investigation and interrogation in this area, particularly in a post-9/11 Canadian context.

The study was conducted using a qualitative research study approach, through the use of

semi-structured, face-to-face interviews with two teachers, Amina and Abdul. The use of a

qualitative methodology provided a platform to inquire into the lived experiences of these

Muslim teachers. These interviews were conducted in participants’ classrooms within the Greater

Toronto Area, with both male and female, immigrant and non-immigrant Canadians, who have

been working in the field of Education since at least September 2001. Upon analyzing the data, it


was determined that participants experienced Islamophobia in various ways and in varying

degrees, as a result of several contributing factors such as the religious garments that they wore

or the types of individuals in their local communities. They took various approaches in their

responses to these experiences of Islamophobia, including the initiation of discourse and

dialogue, while also refraining from responding at times, due to certain difficulties in doing so.

These Islamophobic encounters continue to influence their professional identities and relations,

which alter and are re-established according to their surrounding conditions. These findings have

various implications on multiple stakeholders, such as students, teachers, parents, administrators,

and schools boards, as their roles are interdependent and an impact on one individual or group

causes a ripple effect along the entire educational community at large. In this chapter I will go

into further detail about these implications, as well as make recommendations to address some of

the concerns that have been brought to attention.

5.1 Overview of Key Findings

The key findings from participant interviews were organized into six main themes as well

as several sub-themes, and have been outlined and detailed in the preceding chapter. Many of

these themes emerged together in the data, occurring simultaneously or influencing the

occurrence of one another. Re-occurring notions included the impact of assumptions on

experiences of religious discrimination, as well as the perception of being viewed as an “Other.”

Participants also spoke to the influence of an anti-Islamic rhetoric in society, which has inflated

since 9/11, on their experiences of Islamophobia. Additional significant factors that influenced

the intensity of participants’ Islamophobic encounters included their linguistic traits, the type of

religious garments they wore, and whether they were immigrants to Canada. A lack of

knowledge about the religion of Islam was identified as one of the major causes of participants’


experiences and the overall persistence of Islamophobia in schools. Specifically, administration

and colleagues were ignorant of Islam and its prescriptions, which resulted in the perpetuation of

misinformation, as well as in difficulties obtaining accommodations. Furthermore, religious

discrimination had negative impacts, largely on participants’ professional development. In

particular, it obstructed participants’ social relationships with colleagues and hindered their

progression into positions of greater responsibility, as they did not fit the established ‘leader

prototype’. Additionally, the nature of these Islamophobic occurrences and encounters in schools

were often covert and surreptitious. Lastly, due to a lack of resources, a loss of credibility, and

difficulties associated with presenting an opposing opinion or view, participants faced various

challenges in coping with and responding to Islamophobia in schools.

5. 2 Implications

Below I present both broad and narrow implications of the research findings. I begin by

addressing the implications for various members of the educational community, such as students,

parents, teachers, administrators, and schools boards. I then discuss the implications of the

findings for my own professional identity and practice, as both a teacher and a researcher.

5.2.1 Broad: The Educational Research Community

Findings obtained during data analysis have various implications on several stakeholders

within the educational community. Firstly, a lack of knowledge about the religion of Islam can

have negative impacts on many individuals within and associated with a school. If administrators

are not informed about their teachers’ religious and cultural needs, they may be unable to

appropriately deal with the complexities and requirements of their Muslim teachers. As

expressed by Amina, Muslim teachers can be put under pressure to dispel certain misconceptions

and stereotypes from themselves. As presented by Abdul, these teachers can also face difficulties


when trying to obtain accommodations. Furthermore, a state of being uninformed can cause

administrators to be insensitive about certain issues, and so teachers can feel unsupported or even

insulted. Similarly, Muslim students can be seen as a burden when their teacher do not

understand the need for their accommodations and are only providing them because they have to.

Muslim parents can also receive backlash from staff and administration when asking for

accommodations for their children that do not coincide with the norms of the dominant Western

society; criticism which is then attributed to the entire Muslim religion and/or community in the

area. Consequently, parents may be unable to engage with teachers and administration in ways in

which they feel understood and comfortable. Specifically, they may avoid raising concerns

because they feel that they will be disregarded or criticized. Moreover, a lack of knowledge

about the religion contributes to the perpetuation and persistence of Islamophobia in schools, as

misconstrued views are sustained and recycled by administrators and teachers who then

influence their students, imparting them with false information.

Religious discrimination also had negative impacts on participants’ professional

development, such as when establishing professional relationships, or seeking to advance to

positions of greater responsibility. As demonstrated by examples brought up by Abdul from his

Teacher Education placements, teacher candidates, who are already in a vulnerable position, can

feel further isolated and ostracized in schools as a result of religious discrimination, making it

difficult for them to build these professional relationships. In order to advance to positions of

responsibility, teachers may feel pressured to sacrifice parts of their identity to fit societal norms,

as Abdul did in order to be hired with a public school board. Furthermore, Muslim teachers can

feel compelled to constantly dispel unfavourable and underprivileged traits from themselves, as

Amina regularly felt the need to clarify that she did not have an Indian accent. Overall, teachers


can feel undervalued and unrecognized by administration. These encounters may impair teacher

performance, resulting in administrators who will be receiving insufficient work from their

employees. Consequently, the quality of education that students are receiving in these teachers’

classrooms may also suffer. Lastly, if Muslim teachers are not advancing to higher positions

within schools, minority students are not able to see themselves represented in these positions of

greater responsibility.

Given that many of these Islamophobic encounters are often covert in nature, various

Islamophobic actions will likely go unnoticed by administration. Furthermore, teachers and

administration can go without reprimand for inappropriate or discriminatory behavior, as Muslim

teachers may have difficulty proving these indirect offenses, particularly with admin due to a

power differential. Students may also pick up on and learn certain discriminatory behaviours,

causing them to be Islamophobic towards their Muslim peers or teachers. These factors can

accumulate to create an environment where there is an underlying permission to hate (Perry,

2006). As participants faced various challenges in addressing and responding to Islamophobia in

schools, they are limited in their ways to cope with Islamophobia. Furthermore, they may feel

that their voices are being suppressed. If Muslim teachers feel unable to initiate discussions

about these types of issues, students in turn will be missing out on valuable conversations.

Moreover, if anti-discriminatory education is not valued by admin, teachers will lack the

motivation to implement these kinds of concerns in their lessons. Through a domino-effect,

Islamophobia and issues related to it will not be addressed in schools.

5.2.2 Narrow: Professional Identity and Practice

The data gathered from participant interviews also has implications on my religious

identity as a Muslim and professional identity as a teacher. Specifically, these findings inform


the types of experiences that I may encounter in current and future school settings. The degree to

which I relate to certain findings however is impacted by intersectionality, as identity is multi-

faceted, and certain aspects of my identity differ from my participants. Furthermore, certain

elements of one’s identity are more, or less privileged than their others, which can influence the

types of experiences that they encounter. For example, although both Amina and Abdul are

Muslims who wear religious artifacts, Amina’s identity as a native-born Canadian provided her

with a more privileged position in her school, which seemed to result in less hostile experiences

of Islamophobia in comparison to Abdul. Thus, as a non-immigrant who does not regularly wear

religious artifacts which are commonly associated with Islam, findings such as religious

garments creating a barrier between participants and non-Muslims, do not necessarily resonate

with my current experiences in schools. They do however inform issues that I may face, should I

choose to start wearing religious attire such as a hijab in the future, as identity is not stagnant, but

always shifting and changing (Johnson, 2003). Moreover it might also lead me to restrict how I

give myself permission to evolve, and so these findings certainly influence my continuously

developing identity as a Muslim.

With respect to the finding that participants were able to relate to their students because

of the ethnic, cultural, and religious makeup of their communities, I would also prefer to work in

an area that is similarly diverse and relatable to various facets of my identity. My approach to

teaching is often rooted in my own experiences as a South Asian, Muslim, growing up in the

Greater Toronto Area with immigrant parents. I feel that in these types of communities I can

have the greatest impact on my students, as I can understand and engage with them in more

authentic and meaningful ways. Moreover I believe strongly in providing role models for


students who are representative of their culture and faith, in order for them to be able to see

themselves in these individuals.

An additional finding that impacts my future work as a teacher is the need to initiate

discussions about and related to Islamophobia in schools, particularly in response to societal

conditions and media representations of anti-Islamic rhetoric. According to Soloman and Daniel

(2009), oppression requires those who are being oppressed to be complicit to some degree. Due

to a lack of critical awareness prior to entering this program, I have unintentionally assisted in

upholding some of these discriminatory constructs, by not challenging or confronting them. Part

of this can be attributed to the fact that we (minoritized individuals in Canada) have rarely been

made aware of information which exposes the systemic nature of dominant race-based practices

that have been so ingrained into society, they are often invisible (Soloman & Daniel, 2009).

Entering into the Master of Teaching program and choosing to do my research around the subject

of Islamophobia therefore has been a step in this direction for me. The research element of this

program provided me with an opportunity to probe the subject of Islamophobia in a rigorous and

invested manner, as well as allowed me to present and academically validate minority Muslim

voices and perspectives. My journey through this MTRP has heightened my interest, as well as

exposed me to the necessity of anti-discriminatory education in schools, which I now intend on

making a foundational part of my educational programs. A few of the findings however brought

up concerns that may hinder my ability raise these types of discussions in schools. For example,

Amina felt that being Muslim caused her to lose credibility when bringing up topics related to

Islamophobia, whether with colleagues or in her classrooms with students. This finding points to

the importance of locating allies in schools, particularly those who are not Muslim. These allies


however are not meant to provide Muslims with a voice; they are instead intended to provide

Muslims with support in raising their Muslim voices.

As a researcher I have come to appreciate the significance of qualitative research and the

contribution to knowledge and information that it can make. As a student with an undergraduate

degree in the field of science, most of my experiences with research, up until last year, had been

with quantitative studies. As a result, I contributed to the historically negative bias towards

qualitative methodologies (Carr, 1994). I have come to understand however that these two forms

of research serve diverse purposes, and that the ultimate goal of all research is not

generalizability, as there is also value in transferability. The qualitative approach of this research

study provided an opportunity to obtain first-hard accounts, and allowed for in-depth responses

involving constructions and reflections of participants’ richly textured experiences. Furthermore,

these interviews were able to validate teacher voice and experience, by providing participants

with a platform to address issues that matter most to them, and make meaning from their own

lived experiences.

5.3 Recommendations

In response to the lack of knowledge about the religion of Islam, members at a school

need to take the time to get to know about the various cultures and religions that are represented

in their community. Teachers and administration should seek out authentic sources about Islam

by approaching their Muslim colleagues for information or recommendations on resources.

Rather than ostracizing these members of a school because of their differences, they should be

valued as sources for greater knowledge. Accordingly therefore, if there are Muslim individuals

within a student body, there should also be Muslim teachers on staff who can aid in providing

information to the school about the religion and its practices. Administration should also be


required to take workshops and information sessions provided by their boards, on the

background of their staff and students, in order to approach matters with greater understanding

and confront misconceptions. Amina referred to this as “sensitivity training”, where

administrators need to be able to empathize with their staff, as teachers needs to be able to so

with their students. This recommendation is supported within the literature, as Mujtaba and

Cavico (2012) stressed the need for individuals in a workplace to be culturally cognizant and

competent of fellow colleagues’ backgrounds, beliefs, and practices. To address the covert nature

of Islamophobic occurrences in schools, specific examples of covert actions that are

inappropriate, such as what discriminatory hiring or promoting practices look like, should be

identified and discussed during these recommended workshops. According to Brooks (2014), it

is critical for administrators to reflect on their personal biases, unspoken assumptions, and

preconceived notions. They should therefore be formally required to reflect on these aspects of

their practice, regularly throughout the year. Lastly, discriminatory behaviour at any level needs

to be recognized, addressed, and regarded as significant by boards and administration.

Concerning difficulties in obtaining accommodations, certain practices should be

explicitly implemented into Ministry policies, such as pre-established prayer spaces within

school buildings, pre-determined schedules for individuals who want to participate in Jumma,

and pre-determined days off for Eid (a religious holiday in Islam). Asking for these types of

accommodations should not be infringing on the existing culture, but should be a part of this

culture as normalized procedures. Specifically, they should not be viewed as “special requests”

or accommodations to begin with. In a secular institution where Christmas break is a

standardized holiday, Eid should be too. These procedures would also help save time for

administrators that approach and inquire about certain accommodations individually, each time


they are presented. Lastly, Teacher Education programs need to deliver more information on

various religions within their programs beyond Catholicism, particularly those in high frequency

in the GTA.

To address the finding that religious discrimination had negative impacts on participants’

professional development, administration should take proactive measures to build a sense of

community among staff, providing them with frequent opportunities to build their professional

relationships. Furthermore, they should make an effort to have alcohol free events and order

halal food, as Muslims are often forced to have vegetarian dishes even though they are able to eat

meat. This recommendation relates to a suggestion in the literature by Findley et al. (2014) who

insist that even if abiding by certain dietary restrictions results in undue hardship, employers may

want to consider the added benefits of promoting and maintaining employee morale and

appreciation, which is often one of the main reasons that meals are provided to workers in the

first place. Teacher Education programs should also spend more time fostering and encouraging

inclusive teacher-teacher relationships. There is a large focus in both Teacher Education and in

practice on building a sense of inclusion in our classrooms with our students, but these notions

do not necessarily reflect our own attitudes and behaviours towards other teachers.

With regards to minority representation among staff members and leaders in schools,

educational institutions need to continue to develop what it means to look and sounds like an

educator or leader in a position of responsibility. Further action needs to be taken to disrupt the

typical image of who is in power within schools. Specifically, there needs to be a removal of the

European educator prototype. As Amina suggested, greater exposure to individuals of colour

who wear religious attire, is required in order to normalize their existence in schools. Although

many Teacher Education programs have admission policies concerning equitable representation


of groups which are underrepresented in the profession of teaching (Trent University, 2016),

further action needs to be taken during hiring and promoting procedures within schools. These

initiatives should therefore be extended to school boards, who should be required to hire, as well

as promote to positions of greater responsibility, a minimum percentage of visible minority

persons. Moreover these proportions should be differentiated to meet and reflect the needs of

schools in various communities which have a higher frequency of certain ethnic or religious

groups. As determined by the findings, this recommendation is particularly important given that

Canada’s Western construct is continuously changing and its demographics are no longer solely

comprised of the ‘Occident’, but rather in some cases heavily comprised of minority groups.

Lastly, as participants faced various challenges in coping with, addressing and

responding to Islamophobia in schools, school boards needs to produce additional and relevant

resources, for not only Muslim teachers, but all students and staff. These resources should be

able to build a greater awareness of issues surrounding Islamophobia in the society at large,

provide ways to prevent and address occurrences of Islamophobia in schools, and lastly help

those who are encountering these types of issues cope with their experiences. Administrators also

need to create more space for these types of discussions to occur in schools, such as during staff

meetings. Furthermore they need to establish an environment where Muslim teachers are able to

present potential problems to their leaders, who then validate as well as help resolve these issues.

5.4 Areas for Further Research

Due to the in-depth nature of this qualitative study, the research methodology was limited

to two participant interviews. In order to increase the potential richness and depth of the data

obtained from this small sample, recruitment procedures entailed purposive sampling in which

participants shared critical commonalities in relation to the research question, as well as adhered


to specific sampling criteria. Specifically, to address the main research question, participants had

experienced some form of Islamophobia while working in schools since 9/11, and were currently

employed within the Greater Toronto Area. Furthermore, both male and female participants, as

well as immigrant and non-immigrant teachers were selected. Although these participants

provided a plethora of data on their experiences in relation to Islamophobia, they also raised

further questions that could not be addressed by the scope of this study. Some of these questions

include: How might experiences of Islamophobia have differed for religiously ambiguous

individuals, such as those who do not wear religious garments? How might individuals of

different races, such as Muslims who are Caucasian, encounter religious discrimination?

Furthermore, as participants in this study were both of South Asian decent and situated in

communities highly comprised of South Asian families, how might experiences differ if teachers

were racially different from their community members? Lastly, given that the impact of language

was highlighted often, how might experiences differ for individuals who have distinct and

stereotypically less favourable accents? These questions point to the intersectionality of identity,

as although gender and immigration were addressed, many aspects of identity aside from religion

certainly had an impact on participants’ experiences and encounters with Islamophobia. Given

the multicultural nature of Canada’s society, particularly the GTA, these are areas that will

continue bring up concerns in schools and so require further attention from the research

community. Additional qualitative research studies, with altered sampling criteria to reflect the

unanswered questions above, would augment and enhance the data and findings determined from

this study.


5.5 Concluding Comments

In review, findings from this research study revealed that various factors influenced and

contributed to participants’ experiences of Islamophobia in schools. A major cause of these

Islamophobic occurrences was a lack of knowledge in schools about participants’ religion and its

prescriptions. As a result of these incidences, participant’s professional developments, which

include building collegial relationships and progressing into position of greater responsibility,

were often negatively impacted. These encounters were usually covert in nature and although

participants were responding to Islamophobia in schools in various ways, they often faced certain

difficulties and hardships with their endeavors. Information obtained from this study may be

beneficial for various members of the educational community, including teachers, administrators,

policy-makers, and leaders in the promotion of anti-racism.

As a Muslim teacher candidate who has experienced Islamophobia in schools, I had a

self-evident interest in the subject and purpose of this study. Although my experiences of

religious discrimination have persisted since the events of 9/11, they further intensified during

the latter end of Stephan Harper’s position as Canada’s Prime Minister, as well as during the

Conservative government’s 2015 electoral campaign. Harper’s policies of divide (such as bill C-

24), and approach towards Muslims during this campaign, undoubtedly fueled the anti-Islamic

rhetoric that has persevered in society today. It was during this time that I began to take more of

an interest in the areas of politics and critical discourse around systemic discrimination,

particularly within a Canadian context. Moreover, since presidential candidate Donald Trump

proposed a ban on all Muslims from entering the United States (Diamond, 2015), the subject of

Islamophobia has continued to draw international attention.


Inevitably, these issues in society translate into our schools and as demonstrated by this

study, impact our teachers. Given the interdependent configuration of educational institutions,

concerns being faced by teachers ultimately have harmful ramifications on the entire educational

community. Schools therefore need to take an invested approach towards anti-discriminatory

education for not only students, but also teachers, staff, and administration. As teachers we are

responsible for nurturing unprejudiced and active citizens of the future, but cannot justly do so

without dismantling our own discriminatory attitudes and behaviours.

Islam is currently the fastest growing religion in Canada (Press, 2013), and given the

political climate around Islamophobia, as well as the multicultural make-up of the Greater

Toronto Area, the issues brought up in this study will surely persist without greater attention,

interrogation, and action. Moreover, there is still much to be learned from further qualitative

studies with Muslim teachers whose identities are comprised of complex facets and

intersectionality. Regarding these issues, I feel as though I have a responsibility to use the

privileged positions of my identity, to speak to the underprivileged aspects, and bring these

concerns to an academic audience. This MTRP therefore, which began with a general interest in

a topic related to my identity and experiences, acquired greater societal significance, and has

become a form of social action for me. One can hope that others are inspired by studies such as

this to take further action and bring minority issues to the forefront in educational discourse. As

expressed by Abdul, in order for social change to occur “there has to be somebody who presents

this voice because otherwise the majority does not see us.”


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APPENDICIES

Appendix A: Letter of Consent for Interview

Date: July 14, 2015

Dear ___________________,

I am a graduate student at OISE, University of Toronto, and am currently enrolled as a Master of

Teaching candidate. As a Muslim student in a pre-service teaching program, I am interested in

learning how a sample of Muslim teachers is experiencing and responding to Islamophobia in

schools. Findings obtained from this study may be informative for not only current and pre-

service Muslim teachers, but equity policy-makers, and leaders in the promotion of anti-racism

within the educational community. I think that your knowledge and experience will provide

insights into this topic.

I am writing a report on this study as a requirement of the Master of Teaching Program. My

course instructor who is providing support for the process this year is Dr. Angela MacDonald-

Vemic. The purpose of this requirement is to allow us to become familiar with a variety of ways

to do research. My data collection consists of a 45-60 minute interview that will be audio-

recorded. I would be grateful if you would allow me to interview you at a place and time

convenient to you.

The contents of this interview will be used for my assignment, which will include a final paper,

as well as informal presentations to my classmates and/or potentially at a conference or

publication. I will not use your name or anything else that might identify you in my written

work, oral presentations, or publications. This information remains confidential. The only people

who will have access to my assignment work will be my research supervisor and my course

instructor. You are free to change your mind at any time, and to withdraw even after you have

consented to participate. You may decline to answer any specific questions. I will destroy the

audio recording after the paper has been presented and/or published which may take up to five

years after the data has been collected. Given the topic of Islamophobia guiding the research

questions, a minute risk with partaking in the study is that questions may produce emotional

responses, which could cause the interviewee to feel vulnerable. To address this, you will be

provided with the questions ahead of time. There are no other known risks to you for assisting in

the project, and I will share with you a copy of my notes to ensure accuracy.

Please sign the attached form, if you agree to be interviewed. The second copy is for your

records. Thank you very much for your help.

Sincerely,

Nosheen Chowdhury

E-mail: [email protected]

Instructor’s Name: Dr. Angela MacDonald-Vemic

E-mail: [email protected]


Consent Form

I acknowledge that the topic of this interview has been explained to me and that any questions

that I have asked have been answered to my satisfaction. I understand that I can withdraw at any

time without penalty.

I have read the letter provided to me by _______________________ (name of researcher) and

agree to participate in an interview for the purposes described. I agree to have the interview

audio-recorded.

Signature: ________________________________________

Name (printed): ___________________________________

Date: _____________________


Appendix B: Interview Protocol

Thank you for participating in my research study. The aim of this research is to learn how a

sample of Muslim teachers is experiencing and responding to Islamophobia in schools. This

interview should take approximately 45-60 minutes, and is comprised of approximately 22

questions. The interview protocol has been divided into 4 sections, beginning with the

participant’s background information, followed by questions about their encounters with

Islamophobia as a student, then their experiences and beliefs related to Islamophobia, and

concluding with questions regarding supports, challenges, and next steps for teachers. I want to

remind you that you can choose not to answer any question, and can remove yourself from

participation at any time. Do you have any questions before we begin?

To begin can you state your name for the recording?

Section A – Background Information

1. How long have you been living in Canada?

a. (If born here) Where did you grow up?

b. (If not born here) Which country did you immigrate from?

2. How many years have you been working as a teacher in Canada?

3. What grades and subjects do you currently teach? Which have you previously taught?

4. In addition to your role as a teacher, do you fulfill any other roles in the school (e.g.

coach, advisor, resource teacher etc.)?

5. Can you describe the community in which your school is situated (i.e. diversity,

socioeconomic status)? How long have you taught in this school?


6. As you are aware, I am interested in learning about Canadian Muslim teachers’

experience of Islamophobia in schools. You have self-identified as Muslim and hence are

participating in this study. Can you tell me more about what your religious identity means

to you/what role it plays in your life?

7. I observe that you wear (specific Islamic dress). Can you tell me more about how you

think this material indicator of your Muslim identity impacts your experience in schools?

OR

I observe that you choose not to wear (specific Islamic dress), what impact do you

believe this has on your experience of Islamophobia in schools?)

Section B – Encounters with Islamophobia as a Student

8. (If applicable) Tell me about your experiences as a student in the Canadian public school

system. How, if at all, did your identity as a Muslim interact with your experience of

schooling?

a. Did these experiences effect your decision to become a teacher?

9. Have you ever shared these experiences with students? If so, why/in what context? And

how did they respond?

10. How do you think the experiences of your students compare or contrast with those of

your own as a teacher? Does it affect the way you teach them?

11. Have you ever shared your experiences with colleagues? If so, in what context? And how

did they respond?

Section C – Experiences and Beliefs

12. How does your identity as a Muslim affect your professional identity as a teacher?


13. In what ways do you feel your religious identity has benefitted or hindered your success

within your profession?

a. Do you think your experiences would have been different if you were born

here/an immigrant?

14. What does Islamophobia mean to you?

a. What kinds of attitudes and behaviours are indicators of Islamophobia, in your

view?

15. What is your current experience of Islamophobia in school?

a. From whom do you experience Islamophobia?

16. (If applicable) Do you feel your experiences of Islamophobia have been influenced by

your (specific Islamic dress)?

a. (If adopted during their time working in Education) Did you notice any changes

in your experiences once you began wearing (specific Islamic dress)?

17. You began teaching prior to 9/11. Can you tell me more about whether, and how, your

experience of Islamophobia changed before and after this date?

a. Has your experience of Islamophobia post-9/11 changed over time?

18. How do you respond to experiences of Islamophobia in school? Can you give me a

specific example of an experience, and how you responded?

19. Currently, there is a lot of attention to Islamophobia in the media. In your view, why does

Islamophobia persist in Canadian schools and society?

Section D – Supports, Challenges, and Next Steps


20. What kinds of support systems and resources are available to you with regards to your

experience of Islamophobia? What do you think about the supports and resources that

are available?

21. What challenges and barriers do you continue to face in your professional identity and

practice as a result of your religious identity, and what do you think needs to be done by

the school system and people working within it to minimize and eliminate these

challenges and barriers?

22. As a beginning teacher who similarly identifies as Muslim, what advice do you have for

me entering the profession?

Thank you, sincerely, for your time and considered responses.