Michele Dale 1

SYNOPSIS

What light do artistic representations and symbols throw on Minoan religious beliefs and practices?

As the Minoan writing script has yet to be deciphered, it falls to Minoan art

and artefacts to tell the story that is Minoan religion. Largely concentrating on

the artistic creations of the Palatial period and avoiding non-Cretan or works

that can be dated to the early Mycenaean period, the paper will discuss several

well known Minoan artistic creations. The horns of consecrationdespite

continued debate as to their origins and meaningappear to be sacral place

markers associated with sacrifice, and the double axe has a votive, goddess,

warrior connection. The work and influence of Sir Arthur Evans and his

artificially constructed Great Minoan Goddess and penchant for highly

speculative restorations is considered in detail. Finally, the Isopata ring and

bull leaping fresco are analysed to reveal the nature-centered, sensory world of

Minoan religious thought that celebrates a lack of monumentality and

boastfulness, and is equally reticent about the exact form of their divinities.

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What light do artistic representations and symbols throw on Minoan

religious beliefs and practices?

One of the fundamental aims of art history has been described as making the

visible legible1; Minoan art and artefacts are the sole story tellers for the mute

and enigmatic religious world of these early inhabitants of Crete. Their world

is mute to us as to date their writing scriptLinear Ahas yet to be

deciphered, and enigmatic largely as a consequence of such silence. It falls to

their artistic creations to be the words that form the story; that make it legible.

Yet this renders the Minoan religious realm multivalent; due caution must be

exercised when attempting to interpret the light, as any light also creates shade

and this needs to be kept in mind. However it is possible to make some broad

statements about the main characteristics of Minoan religion as indicated by

their artwork, although in all likelihood it changed diachronically and was

subject to regional variation: the natural environment was central; monumental

temples are absent; women appear to have played a significant role; symbols

such as the double axe (labrys) and horns of consecration are consistently

represented, as are bulls and bucrania. Finally, Minoan anthropomorphic

divinities are elusive, to the extent where if you assume that religion is

primarily about gods, then you are forced to go looking for them.2

A modern day tourist to Crete can take a tour of the Knossos palace, where an

expert local guide will speak of legends and folklore such as the tale of

Theseus and the Minotaur as Greek mythology was ingrained in Minoan

culture.3 This is the legacy of Sir Arthur Evans, the British archaeologist who

excavated the site from 1900.4 Evanss four volume work The Palace of

1 Donald Preziosi, Art History: Making the Visible Legible, The Art of Art History: A Critical Anthology, ed. Donald Preziosi, New York, 2009, p. 7. 2 Alan Peatfield, Divinity and Performance on Minoan Peak Sanctuaries, Potnia. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age, eds. R. Laffineur & R. Hgg, Lige & Austin, 2001, p. 54. 3 Ancient Palace of Knossos Tour, from: http://www.lonelyplanet.com/greece/crete/knossos/activities/sightseeing-tours/ancient-palace-knossos-tour/item-v-2462KNOM-id?ctv=control, accessed 27 November 2014. 4 Sir Arthur Evans, The Palace of Minos: a comparative account of the successive stages of the early Cretan civilization as illustrated by the discoveries at Knossos, 4 vols, London, 1921-1935, I, p. v.

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Minos is an essential starting point for any scholarly study on Minoan

civilisation, however his conclusions have been described as evidently

deriving partly from wish-fulfilling use of the imagination5, and that he

succeeded brilliantly in conjuring up both a physical and imaginative world of

the lost civilization that dominates our vision of the Minoans even today.6

Critical scrutiny must be applied to any interpretive analysis on the nature of

Minoan religion; their frescoes, statuettes, seals, symbols such as the horns of

consecration and the double axe, will be examined. However the material

presents several large difficulties: frescoes and reliefs survive in a highly

fragmented state and much reconstruction work has been speculative, even

unsound.7 Secondly, some of the artefacts acquired and used by Evans and

later scholars to interpret Minoan religious beliefs are unable to be verified

with a solid provenance.8 Finally, there remains what will probably be an

unsolvable dilemma in determining the exact relationship between Minoan and

Mycenaean works of art. As such, the magnificent frescoes that have been

preserved from the town of Akrotiri on Thera, and the famous Agia Triada

sarcophagus will not be referenced. The island of Thera is not Crete; and the

Agia Triada sarcophaguswhich is a Cretan artefactis dated to the earliest

time of Mycenaean presence and expresses that new ideology.9

The artistic representations and symbols produced by the Bronze Age Minoan

civilisation on Crete can be broadly divided into three periods: Prepalatial,

Palatial and Postpalatial. These groupings straddle the widely used Three

Age-based stratigraphy-typology sequence developed by Thomsen which has

since become standard in most European and near Eastern prehistory.10 Sir

Arthur Evans adopted this method, dividing Minoan civilisation into Early,

Middle, and Late, each with three periods of their own, and aligned this to

5 Oliver Dickinson, The Aegean Bronze Age, New York, 1994, p. 3. 6 John L. Bintliff, Structuralism and myth in Minoan studies, Antiquity, Vol. LVIII, 1984, p. 35. 7 H. A. Groenewegen-Frankfort, Arrest and Movement: An Essay on Space and Time in the Representational Art of the Ancient Near East, London, 1951, p. 189. 8 Ibid. More detailed analysis and references will be provided below. 9 Brendan Burke, Materialization of Mycenaean Ideology and the Ayia Triada Sarcophagus, American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 109, No. 3, 2005, p. 403. 10 Sturt W. Manning, Chronology and Terminology, The Oxford Handbook of The Bronze Age Aegean, ed. Eric H. Cline, New York, 2010, p. 11.

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the system and chronology used by Egyptologists.11 Although subsequent

archaeological findings and developments in technology have meant the issues

of absolute and relative chronology are hotly debated, for the purposes of this

paper the simplified phase system mentioned above will be used. The

Prepalatial period incorporates the Early Minoan and first century of Middle

Minoan (c. 3200-1900 B.C.), the Palatial period is characterised by the

development of major centres of administration termed palaces during the

Middle and Late Minoan ages (c. 1900-1350 B.C.) and the Postpalatial

encompasses the dissolution of the palace centric social structure of the Late

Minoan era, nearing the end of the Late Bronze Age (c. 1350-1050 B.C.).12

Early Minoan religion appears to have centered around cult worship at caves

and peak sanctuaries on mountains across Crete. Terracotta figurineshuman

and animal in formwere left as offerings both there and at communal

graves.13 As the first palaces started to be constructed the archaeological

evidence indicates that there were small shrines associated with the palaces

and symbols such as the horns of consecration appear, either carved from

stone or as decorative paintwork.14 Evans coined the term horns of

consecration to refer to what he called ritual furniture; a cult object of a

portable nature.15 It appears frequently throughout Crete, on altars, shrines

and at the base of trees.16 The horns are also connected with the labrys,

sanctuaries and sacred pillars.17 Evans found the object suggestive of the

Hebrew horns of the altar, especially the stele of the God Salm from Teima,

declaring that no parallel could be more complete.18 This interpretation

11 Evans, The Palace of Minos, I, p. 25. 12 Sen Hemingway, Art of the Aegean Bronze Age, The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, Vol LXIX, No. 4, New York, Spring 2012, p. 25. 13 John G. Younger & Paul Rehak, Minoan Culture: Religion, Burial Customs, and Administration, The Cambridge Companion to the Aegean Bronze Age, ed. Cynthia W. Shelmerdine, New York, 2008, p. 165. 14 John G. Younger & Paul Rehak, The Material Culture of Neopalatial Crete, The Cambridge Companion to the Aegean Bronze Age, p. 148. 15 Arthur J. Evans, Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult and Its Mediterranean Relations, The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 21, 1901, p. 135. 16 Ibid. 17 Ibid., p. 136. 18 Ibid., p. 137.

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however has been rejected by Nilsson.19 Nilsson states they are the place of

consecration where objects of the cult are laid, and in later times merely

indicated the building had a sacred function.20 Since then, numerous

interpretations as to the purpose and symbolism of the horns have been

written, none of which have garnered universal acceptance, and each with

varying degrees of meritfrom originally functioning as Anatolian pot-

supports or andirons21 to resembling the ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic sign

that indicates the horizon22in an adaptation from either of those cultures.

However clay objects have been unearthed that date to the Middle or Late

Neolithic period from Knossos with incised horns of consecration that pre-

date such interpretations:23

Figure 1: Clay object, Knossos, Crete. Middle to Late Neolithic Period. From: Brada, The Transfer of Symbols and Meanings, p. 194.

Regrettably, even thoughby virtue of the number of representationsthe

horns were seemingly significant to the Minoan people it is difficult to argue

with certainty what light they can direct on Minoan religious beliefs. However

given the connection with the double axe the most logical inference is that

they reference a sacral place associated with animal sacrifice.24

Plutarchwriting in the second century A.D.provides an interesting account

of the mythological origin of the double axe, declaring the axe to be part of the

sacred regalia of Lydian kings and that they called the axe labrys.25 Just as

19 Martin P. Nilsson, The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, 2nd ed., New York, 1950, p. 186, footnote 78. 20 Ibid., pp. 184-185. Chapter 5 enumerates the majority of the specimens of horns found in detail. 21 Steven Diamant & Jeremy Rutter, Horned Objects in Anatolia and the Near East and Possible Connexions with the Minoan Horns of Consecration, Anatolian Studies, Vol. 19, 1969, p. 147. 22 Barry B. Powell, The Significance of the so-called Horns of Consecration, Kadmos, Vol. 16, 1977, p. 72. 23 Marina Milievi Brada, The Transfer of Symbols and Meanings: The Case of the Horns of Consecration, Documenta Praehistorica, Vol. XXXII, 2005, p. 193. 24 Dickinson, The Aegean Bronze Age, p. 278. 25 Plutarch, Moralia, Volume IV: Roman Questions. Greek Questions. Greek and Roman Parallel Stories. On the Fortune of the Romans. On the Fortune or the Virtue of Alexander. Were the Athenians More Famous in War or in Wisdom?, trans. Frank Cole Babbitt, Loeb Classical Library 305, Cambridge, MA, 1936, The Greek Questions, 45, pp. 233-235.

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there continues to be philological debate over possible labrys-labyrinth

connections, speculation as to the meaning, function and origin of the double

axe also persists. It seems reasonably clear that the axe could be employed in

military, carpentry, and religious guises; presumably a religious significance

being a later use.26 On Minoan Crete the labrysboth as a symbol and

objectoccurs frequently. It can be found in masons marks, crafts persons

kits, shrine and sanctuary deposits, patterns on ceramic ware and seal motifs.27

That it has regularly been found in association with cult activities and religious

spaces must attest to its sacral significance.28 Nilsson even declared that it was

the symbol of Minoan religion: just as characteristic and omnipresent as the

Christian Cross or Mohammedan Crescent.29 However he does caution that

just as with a cross, not every double axe has cultic significance;30 this bears

remembering.

Finds of the axe in burials, peak sanctuaries and caves have been dated to the

Prepalatial and early Palatial period. These locations imply funerary, celestial

and chthonic uses of the double axe.31 From the middle Palatial period (MM

III to LM I) the symbol is found in conjunction with others such as stars,

bows, knots, vegetation and the bucranium.32 A Middle Minoan vase from

Palaikastro shows a frontal bulls head with a double axe suspended above its

horns. That there are holes incorporated into the floral motif decoration

indicate the vase probably did not have a practical use.33 Later still, the labrys

is found with the horns of consecration and birds to form elaborate

iconography.34

26 Alfred Trevor Hodge, The Labrys: Why was the Double axe double?, American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 89, 1985, p. 307. 27 Lucia Alberti, Rethinking the Tomb of the Double Axes at Isopata, Knossos, Hesperia Supplements, Vol. 42, Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete in Honor of Geraldine C. Gesell, 2009, p. 104. 28 Colin Renfrew, The Archaeology of Cult: The Sanctuary at Phylakopi, London, 1985, p. 25. 29 Martin P. Nilsson, A History of Greek Religion, trans. F. J. Fielden, Oxford, 1949, pp. 14-15. 30 Ibid., p. 15. 31 J. Alexander MacGillivray, The Minoan Double-Axe Goddess and her Astral Realm, Athanasia: The Earthly, the Celestial and the Underworld in the Mediterranean from the Late Bronze and the Early Iron Age, eds. Nicholas Chr. Stampolidis, Athanasia Kanta & Angeliki Giannikouri, Herakleion, 2012, p. 118. 32 Ibid. 33 R. C. Bosanquet & R. M. Dawkins, The Unpublished Objects from the Palaikastro Excavations: 1902-1906, The British School at Athens Supplementary Papers, No. 1, 1923, p. 20 & Plate XII. 34 MacGillivray, The Minoan Double-Axe Goddess and her Astral Realm, p. 118.

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Figure 2: Gold votive double axe. Hollow shaft with thin sheet gold. Left blade has four signs in Linear A inscribed; two pierced holes on the upper right blade. 9cm long by 8.3cm wide, c. 1550-1500 B.C, Crete. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Accession Number 58.1009. From: http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/votive-double-ax-150472.

Given the dimensions and the compositional material of the axe it would

appear that the axe was a simulacrum, used for religious purposes.35 The

expert workmanship is delicate, with five parallel grooves along the edges and

running obliquely through each half. The provenience has been taken to be

that the axe was from a sacred cave at Arkalochori, part of a hoard of more

than twenty-five gold double axes, six or seven silver and hundreds of

bronze.36 Decorated swords and knives were also found, most ex-voto,

however some appeared to be genuine battle swords given one had a length of

1.55m.37 It is possible to infer from these finds that the deity associated with

the cave had a warrior connection of some form, and further that the deity was

female: the double axe was always symbolically linked with a goddess, rather

than a god.38

35 Emily Townsend Vermeule, A Gold Minoan Double Axe, Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Art, Vol. 57, No. 307, 1959, p. 5. 36 Elizabeth Pierce Blegen, News Items from Athens, American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 39, No. 1, Jan.-Mar., 1935, pp. 134-135. 37 Ibid., p. 136. 38 Vermeule, A Gold Minoan Double Axe, p. 6; MacGillivray, The Minoan Double-Axe Goddess and her Astral Realm, p. 118.

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The Linear A inscription on the axe is , without word dividers.

Vermeule suggests two possible renderings from the transliteration of the signs

into i-da-ma-te: (dedicatory prefix) Demeter, or Ida Mater, the mother

(goddess of (Mount)) Ida.39 However as Vermeule then argues, whilst both

renderings are an attractive fit for what is known with respect to Minoan

religion, the renderings are Greek, which is not Linear A.40 Yet a reasonably

convincing case is then presented by Vermeule that the goddess named by this

script is some form of a proto-Demeter. Irrespective of the goddesss actual

name, it seems reasonably clear that the double axe is one of her symbols,

which continued through to Mycenaean and Classical times.

Archaeological findspots from all over Crete have revealed numerous female

figurines, statuettes and images; generally these have been characterised as

representing a Minoan goddess of nature and fertility.41 Evanss excavations at

Knossos provided the majority of these finds and from these he formulated a

viewespoused in The Palace of Minosthat Minoan religion centered

around a Mother Goddess and her Boy God son.42 However Evanss report

from his first season of excavation in 1900 clearly indicated that at that stage

he regarded the Cretan Zeus as the chief indigenous divinity of Knossos, as

shown by multiple representations of the labrys, or double-axe.43 In 1903

Evanss team unearthed three faience figurinesremarkable Bronze Age

findsthat have collectively become the Snake Goddess. The largestand

most completeof the figures Evans took to be the Snake Goddess; her arms

were held palms down with entwined snake(s), wearing a high tiara with a

(restored) snake atop, full skirt and snug-fitting jacket bodice that cut away,

39 Vermeule, A Gold Minoan Double Axe, p. 7. See also Maurice Pope, Cretan Axe-Heads with Linear A Inscriptions, The Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 51, 1956, p. 134. 40 Ibid. 41 Geraldine C. Gesell, The Popularizing of the Minoan Palace Goddess, Hesperia Supplements, Vol. 33, : Essays in Honor of Sara A. Immerwahr, 2004, p. 131. Gesell also provides a chronological summary of the major works written on the Minoan goddess and a catalogue of shrines of the goddess with upraised hands in the article. 42 Evans, The Palace of Minos, III, p. 455ff. 43 Arthur J. Evans, Knossos. Summary Report of the Excavations in 1900: I. The Palace., The Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 6, 1899/1900, pp. 32-34; 64-65.

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leaving the breasts exposed.44 The other two figureswith upraised arms

were regarded by Evans as attendants or votaries.45 Evans concludes that the

Snake Goddess was a chthonic version of the same matronly divinity

otherwise so well represented on this and other Minoan sites.46

Figure 3: The figure on the left is the Snake Goddess as identified by Evans in his 1903 paper; on the right is the votary or attendant from the same paper. From: Evans, The Palace of Knossos: Provisional Report for the Year 1903, p. 75 and p. 77.

These figurines were subject to considerable restoration by the Danish artist

commissioned by Evans, Halvor Bagge.47 The Snake Goddesss skirt is almost

a complete restoration and the Snake Priestess was provided with a head,

second arm and cat atop a beret (excavated from the same room).48 The

faience figurines from Knossos remain the only known excavated examples of

the Snake Goddess that date to the Palatial period, the image does not appear

44 Arthur J. Evans, The Palace of Knossos: Provisional Report for the Year 1903, The Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 9, 1902/1903, p. 76. 45 Ibid., p. 78. 46 Ibid., p. 87. 47 Cynthia Eller, Two Knights and a Goddess: Sir Arthur Evans, Sir James George Frazer, and the Invention of Minoan Religion, Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology, Vol. 25.1, 2012, p. 83. 48 Ibid.

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in any Minoan frescoes, seals or engravings.49 The Boy-God does not appear

until the early 1930s, revealed for the first time in the third volume of Evanss

work. In this volume Evans combined an ivory boy-god with an ivory and

gold snake goddess which Evans referred to as the Boston goddess and dated

them both to the Middle Minoan III phase, when art was at its highest level.50

Figure 4: Boy-god adoring the Boston Goddess. Drawing by mile Gilliron, fils. From: Evans, The Palace of Minos, Vol. 3, p. 456.

Evans wrote that the relation of this youthful male to the mature female

figure, the divinity of both which is here marked by the elaborate tiaras, brings

us face to face with the most interesting and, in some respects, the most

difficult problem in Minoan religion.51 Evans then stated that the problem

was that whilst the male element governed at the height of Minoan

civilisation, Minoan religion continued to reflect the older matriarchal stage

of social development.52 The labrys that Evans had previously associated

with the Cretan Zeus had now become the symbolic double axe of the

Mother Goddess.53 The light that Evanss artistic representations shone on

Minoan religious thought is still reflected in the works of others nearly a

century later.54 Yet this picture partly is based on the use of items that are now

generally regarded as forgeries, or at the very least of suspicious provenance.55

The Boston museumwhich acquired the Boston goddess in 1914 has

49 Kenneth Lapatin, Mysteries of the Snake Goddess, New York, 2002, p. 76. 50 Evans, The Palace of Minos, III, p. 455. 51 Ibid., pp. 456-457. 52 Ibid., p. 457. 53 Evans, The Palace of Minos, II.I, p. 277. 54 For example: Rodney Castleden, Minoans: Life in Bronze Age Crete, London & New York, 1993, p. 125. 55 Eller, Two Knights and a Goddess, p. 94; Lapatin, Mysteries of the Snake Goddess, p. 104.

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withdrawn the object from display and dates the statuette as 1600-1500 B.C. or

early 20th century.56 The Minoan Mother Goddess created by Evans is an

example of wishful thinking at its finest.57 The archaeological records attest to

the fact that the Minoans created abundant female images that imply a

religious function, however it is extremely difficult to state with any certainty

what role they have: goddess, priestess, or a member of the elite participating

as a worshipper. The issue remains a salutary lesson in the perils attached to a

complete reliance on artistic representations alone; a far brighter light needs to

be shone on this area.

Figure 5: Isopata Signet Ring. Isopata tomb near Knossos, Crete. Gold, 2.1 cm diameter, c. 1600-1400 B.C. Heraklion Archaeological Museum, Hall VI, Inventory AE 424. From: http://odysseus.culture.gr/h/4/eh430.jsp?obj_id=7892.

The isopata ring has been frequently used to illustrate some form of religious

narrative with respect to Minoan beliefs. The exquisitely rendered bezel

depicts a landscape setting (as indicated by the flowering plants) in which four

women in characteristic Minoan attire perform a series of rhythmic motions.

At the top of the left half of the ring is a much smaller fifth figure. There is a

dreamlike, or ecstatic quality to the scene, enhanced by items that appear to

56 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Statuette of a snake goddess, accession number 14.863. From: http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/statuette-of-a-snake-goddess-150499, accessed 2 December 2014. 57 O. T. P. K. Dickinson, 'Comments on a Popular Model of Minoan Religion', Oxford Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 13, No. 2, 1994, p. 175. Eller, Two Knights and a Goddess, p. 95.

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float such as eyes, wavy lines and fronds of vegetation.58 There seems to be

scholarly consensus that it is a dynamic representation of a religious event;59

a divine entity has been summoned via the epiphany-conjuring activities of

the participants.60 This locates Minoan art in a more sensory realm, one that

the eminent German scholar Professor Rodenwaldt admitted held for him the

enchantment of a fairy world.61 Minoan art shows no boasting, no

conquering; nothing monumental. Viewed in this light, a popular subject of

Cretan artistsacrobatic bull leapingmay also have held ritualistic, or

religious, significance.

Figure 6: Bull-leaping; from the Knossos palace, Crete. Fresco, .70m high (excluding the border), c. 1500-1400 B.C. Herakleion Archaeological Museum, Hall XIV. From: Kleiner, Gardners Art Through the Ages, p. 86.

58 C. D. Cain, Dancing in the Dark: Deconstructing a Narrative of Epiphany on the Isopata Ring, American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 105, No. 1, 2001, pp. 33-34. 59 Groenewegen-Frankfort, Arrest and Movement, p. 214. 60 Cain, Dancing in the Dark, p. 45. 61 As quoted in Groenewegen-Frankfort, Arrest and Movement, p. 185.

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Pictured above, the famous bull-leapers fresco has been fully restored from

partially preserved original fragments (the darker blue patches). Both tension

and grace are captured by the artist; the bull is elongated, and the sweeping

lines suggest the sense of energy contained in the charge. The human figures

are also stylised; the extremely narrow waist is typically Minoan.62 Following

a common ancient convention the male is coloured dark-brown and the women

a paler cream.63 The overall fluidity expressed within the scene is a hallmark

of Minoan art, the gracefulness of the leap over a powerful bull transcends the

requirement of a sacrifice.64

Minoan art is elusive and enigmatic, consequently the light it shines on that

cultures religious beliefs and practices is refracted. The clarity of vision is

also blurred as a result of over-enthusiastic restorations and unauthenticated

artefacts used to create an anachronistic, fanciful view of Minoan civilisation.

Their frescoes, statuettes, seals and symbols need to be comprehensively re-

assessed in a fresh light; the Minoan voice allowed out of the shade.

62 Fred S. Kleiner, Gardners Art Through the Ages: A Global History, 13th ed., Boston, 2009, p. 86. 63 Mary Ann Eaverly, Tan Men/Pale Women: Color and Gender in Archaic Greece and Egypt, Michigan, 2013, p. 2. 64 Groenewegen-Frankfort, Arrest and Movement, p. 210.

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Alberti, Lucia Rethinking the Tomb of the Double Axes at Isopata, Knossos, Hesperia Supplements, Vol. 42, Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete in Honor of Geraldine C. Gesell, 2009, pp. 99-106.

Ancient Palace of Knossos Tour, from:

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Archaeology, Vol. 39, No. 1, Jan.-Mar., 1935, pp. 131-136; Plates XXIII-XXIV.

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Brada, Marina Milievi The Transfer of Symbols and Meanings: The Case of the Horns of Consecration, Documenta Praehistorica, Vol. XXXII, 2005, pp. 187-196.

Burke, Brendan Materialization of Mycenaean Ideology and the Ayia Triada Sarcophagus, American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 109, No. 3, 2005, pp. 403-422.

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Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 13, No. 2, 1994, pp. 173-184. Eaverly, Mary Ann Tan Men/Pale Women: Color and Gender in Archaic

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Groenewegen-Frankfort, H. A. Arrest and Movement: An Essay on Space and Time in the Representational Art of the Ancient Near East, Faber & Faber, London, 1951.

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Hodge, Alfred Trevor Hodge, The Labrys: Why was the Double axe double?,

American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 89, 1985, pp. 307-308. Kleiner, Fred S. Gardners Art Through the Ages: A Global History, 13th ed.,

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