malaria in the south pacific in world war two

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Malaria in the South Pacific in World War Two Author(s): G. H. Source: Pharmacy in History, Vol. 41, No. 3 (1999), p. 122 Published by: American Institute of the History of Pharmacy Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41111959 . Accessed: 25/06/2014 04:04 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . American Institute of the History of Pharmacy is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Pharmacy in History. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 185.44.77.89 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 04:04:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

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Malaria in the South Pacific in World War TwoAuthor(s): G. H.Source: Pharmacy in History, Vol. 41, No. 3 (1999), p. 122Published by: American Institute of the History of PharmacyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41111959 .

Accessed: 25/06/2014 04:04

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

American Institute of the History of Pharmacy is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extendaccess to Pharmacy in History.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 185.44.77.89 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 04:04:56 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

the southern Indian Ocean in the 1800s. Sawyer concentrated his efforts at the Na-

tional Archives of the island of Mauritius. For the years between 1833 and 1872 he found many advertisements placed by pharmacists for the sale of leeches. One pharmacist named Fleurot sold leeches from 1848 to 1864, outlasting his competitors. By 1868, his advertisements men- tioned leeches "by the dozen, by the hundred and by the thousand." They came from the French enclave of Pondicherry in southern In- dia. It often took a month or more for the leeches to make the journey to Mauritius. The leech trade seems to have begun in earnest after 1835, when slavery was abolished. After that time, Indian laborers came to the island for work and probably brought along leeches, which were used in ayurvedic or folk medicine. Sawyer argues that the leeches were definitely not the European H medicinalis leech, but perhaps the Hirudinaria manillensis (cattle) leech that was eventually imported from Northern India to the West Indies in the mid-1800.- -G. H.

Malaria in the South Pacific in World War Two

During World War Two malaria signifi- cantly influenced the outcomes of battles be- tween the Japanese and Allied forces. Robert Joy discusses how American troops coped with this endemic disease in Medical History (vol- ume 43, 1999, pp. 192-207).

Although American forces had dealt with malaria during their campaigns in the Philip- pines (c. 1900), many of the lessons had been forgotten. In the early phases of the Pacific war

in 1942, American forces were nearly destroyed by the disease. On Guadalcanal, for example, malaria "was the single most serious and com- mon cause of morbidity." Changes in command and a recognition of the need for malaria control improved the situation beginning at the end of 1942. As "malaria discipline" increased - use of netting while sleeping, the wearing of long sleeves and pants, and the use of aerosol "bug bombs" containing pyrethrum oil - morbidity rates fell sharply.

On the front lines, however, drug treat- ment was especially needed. Early on, quinine was used when available but the Japanese con- trolled Java, which produced most of the world's supply. As a substitute, Atabrine (quinacrine) started to be used sporadically in the South Pacific by the Allies at the end of 1942. Without extensive testing, the medical of- ficers of each unit developed their own regimens for the drug, e.g., daily administration of 100 milligrams, to twice a week of 200 milligrams, to 50 milligrams for five days with two days "off." Clinical testing soon took place amongst prison volunteers and conscientious objectors in the United States. By combining their findings with Australian and European studies, a stan- dard 100 milligram a day regimen was adopted. Atabrine was not without problems: it produced yellow skin and had other, more rare side ef- fects. It also had limited curative utility against some forms of malaria.

In his article, Joy includes some valuable statistics and tables that help explain the battle against malaria. It is highly recommended for anyone interested in military medicine.- -G. H.

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In a guest editorial appearing in the Journal of the History of Medicine (volume 54, 1999, pp. 353- 363), Philip Teigen argues for the application of historical knowledge to the development of public policy. In addition to the "celebratory history that amateur historians promote and the critical history that professional historians write" for themselves, Teigen encourages policy makers to turn to the "les- sons of history" when addressing contemporary issues. • Selected Scientific Works of Hans Christian 0rsted translated and edited by Karen Jelved, Andrew Jackson, and Ole Knudson (Princeton University Press, 1998) contains over 600 pages of text showing the breadth of the great Danish physicist's accom- plishments. When he was young, 0rsted worked in his father's pharmacy in Copenhagen and managed it for a short time. • The Australian approach to blood transfusion during World War Two is discussed by Mark K. Cortiula in the Journal of the History of Medicine (volume 54, 1999, pp. 413-438). In contrast to the rest of the Allied forces, the Australian medical corps relied on prepared serum rather than plasma as a blood substitute. - G. H.

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