major contemporary issues gandhian relevance 1

Major Contemporary Issues

Gandhian Relevance

Anurag Gangal, Major Contemporary Issues: Gandhian Relevance 2


Major Contemporary Issues: Gandhian Relevance

Anurag Gangal Professor, Department of Political Science,

and Director, Gandhian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies,

University of Jammu, Jammu - 180006

Gandhian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies University of Jammu, Jammu-180006,

J&K, India.


About The Author

Anurag Gangal is Professor of Political Science and also Director of the Gandhian

Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (GCPCS) at University of Jammu, Jammu, Jammu and

Kashmir, India. Author has spent nearly quarter of a century as a teacher in the Indian University

system.

He has been a Visiting Professor at University of Calcutta, Banaras Hindu University

and at University of Madras. For three years he has served as member of the Advisory Board of the

Jury of Mahatma Gandhi International Peace Prize.

Author has had practical experience in applying the Gandhian techniques in the

resolution of varied challenges faced by the Indian civil society and the local population of Jammu

and Kashmir. In this context, he has been fortunate to work with noted activists and academics like

Dr Kiran Bedi, Dr Savita Singh, Dr N. Radhakrishnan, Shri Tushar Gandhi, Professor David

Cortwright, Professor Yunus Samad, Professor Amitabh Mattoo, Professor Priyankar Upadhyaya,

Professor Anju Sharan Upadhyaya, Professor Frank Thakurdas, Professor William S. Titus,

Professor Vaid Ghai and so many others.

As an academic, the author is an established and widely recognised writer on

international affairs. He is known as a prolific writer and authority in the area of Mahatma Gandhi

and world peace; conflict resolution and conflict transformation. He has to his credit four published

books and about 25 research articles in national and international journals and also online

international research websites of academic institutions. He has published hundreds of topical

articles in various national and international newspapers and also in Peace and Conflict Monitor of

the University of Peace, Costa Rica. He is currently the Executive Editor, Gandhi Ganga, Research

and Activities Journal, GCPCS, Jammu University. He figures on the experts’ panel of several

institutions. Whatever author has been able to do till now is mainly the result of his academic

training he received from his father, Professor S. C. Gangal who was globally an acclaimed

authority on international relations and a renowned Professor of International Politics at the Centre

for International Politics, Organisation and Disarmament (CIPOD), School of International

Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Author of this book is also privileged to have

had his academic and research training learning at the feet of his teachers in University of Delhi

from 1976 to 1984.

Author has also been engaged in various national and international collaborations for

peace and conflict resolution studies and exchanges with institutions like students and faculty of

Fletcher School of Law, Boston University (United States), McMaster University, Hamilton,

Canada and Gandhi Smriti and Darshan Samiti, New Delhi, India.


About the Book

This book is about Gandhian humanitarian view of challenges to life in a national and

international scenario today. Humanity cannot survive without the twin values of truth and

nonviolence even for an instant. Despite this self-evident facet of our lives, we humans are akin to

go for massive and diabolical violence and ever new inventions towards creating newer weapons

of mass destruction on public fronts, and in national and international politics. This is a great

paradox.

Politics without these values of truth, nonviolence and judicious self-sacrifice is a

perverted form of what we generally know as politics. Politics is entirely opposed to any kind of

perversion. In effect, the main task of politics is to set right all perversions and disorders. This is

what people like Gandhi were doing all their lives.

Answers to present day diverse political and other dilemmas, indeed, lie in further

normalisation of the role and effectiveness of values and ethics in society and international politics.

History has very clearly given us at least two thousand and six years to keep

remembering our “golden” and “not so golden past”. We have nothing to lose but our modern

susceptible “captive minds” if we come out of this “dynamic historicity” – where we believe that

history repeats itself.

There is an oft quoted saying of Gandhi: “There is no way to peace. Peace is the only

way.” However, Peace is not what the term “peace” means in semantics. Peace is a crusade. It is a

movement – continuous and perennial – bringing about so many conflicts enroute. Peace is not

realisable without conflicts. Highly interactive conflict resolution attempts represent peace process

only.

These processes lead to development as well. It is mainly political development that

affects every other sphere. It comprises a number of concerns such as nature of democracy,

political processes, economic policies and processes, people’s participation in social, political and

economic activities. Political development – as such – when observed and examined, takes us to

other related questions of international politics. These are relating to impact of population growth,

environmental pollution, widespread poverty, unemployment, proliferation of armaments,

expanding terrorist mafia and network, weapons of mass destruction and nature of conflicts in

different regions of the world.

Such matters imprint upon our mind diverse perils to world peace today. Mahatma

Gandhi has always been deeply involved in tackling these issues of global, national and regional

importance relating to peace and development. The present work, therefore, is an attempt to touch

upon various current issues and its relevant perspectives.


Preface

This work relates to a few aspects anent

relevance of the philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi or

Mohandas Karmchand Gandhi in the twenty-first

century. As regards his values of truth and

nonviolence – “as old as hills”, they are entirely

replete with moment to moment practical utility in

our day to day life. Humanity cannot survive

without these twin values even for an instant.

Despite this self-evident facet of our lives, we

humans are akin to go for massive and diabolical

violence and ever new inventions towards creating

newer weapons of mass destruction on public

fronts, and in national and international politics.

This is a great paradox. Human beings tend to

behave differently in interpersonal, national and

international perspectives.

In view of this continuing predicament,

world teachers and stalwarts like Robi Da, Gandhi,

Neta Ji, Nehru and such others in different fields

must be forgotten now for, by just remembering

them, we are demeaning their value and

importance. Why should they be recalled

hypocritically as a mere ritual when they all have


given us already so much without ever expecting

even an iota of anything in return? Indeed,

“elephants can never forget a good turn done to

them”. Indeed, human memory is not elephantine!

Examples that these Indian leaders have set

and values of selflessness that they have put on rails

are missing in the present-day national and

international politics. Once in a while a few sudden

and momentary sparks of altruism do emerge here

and there. But they do not last. Politics without

these values of truth, nonviolence and judicious

self-sacrifice is a perverted form of what we

generally know as politics. Politics is entirely

opposed to any kind of perversion. In effect, the

main task of politics is to set right all perversions

and disorders. This is what people like Gandhi were

doing all their lives. Answers to present day diverse

political and other dilemmas, indeed, lie in further

normalisation of the role and effectiveness of values

and ethics in society and international politics.

History has very clearly given us at least two

thousand and six years to keep remembering our

“golden” and “not so golden past”. We have

nothing to lose but our modern susceptible “captive


minds” if we come out of this “dynamic historicity”

– where we believe that history repeats itself.

Whatever I am saying here is coming out of

my own utterly captive mind. I do not possess any

element of originality. I am not a wise person. I owe

all my ideas and analyses and observations to

Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule,

Paramhansa Yoganand’s Autobiography of a Yogi,

George Orwell’s 1984 and other such writings.

There are so many other individuals who

have influenced me in diverse ways. Amitabh

Mattoo, Savita Singh, Priyankar Upadhyaya, Anjoo

Upadhyaya and a few others can be regarded as

contemporary inclines or influences upon me.

Above all others, my father S. C. Gangal;

and my versatile genius mentor Ram Dutt Magotra /

friend Ashutosh Magotra alias “Duwanee Wale

Hakeem Ji” is among those without whom my

existence is worthless.

I have learnt a lot from Tushar Gandhi and

Kiran Bedi also. My various visits to villages

around Delhi and Jammu have all led me to think on

the lines of the need for moving beyond Gandhi’s

time now. David Cortright has also had an influence


upon me specially through his book Gandhi and

Beyond.

There is an oft quoted saying of Gandhi:

“There is no way to peace. Peace is the only way.”

However, Peace is not what the term “peace” means

in semantics. Peace is a crusade. It is a movement –

continuous and perennial – bringing about so many

conflicts enroute. Peace is not realisable without

conflicts. Highly interactive conflict resolution

attempts represent peace process only.

These processes lead to development as

well. It is mainly political development that affects

every other sphere. It comprises a number of

concerns such as nature of democracy, political

processes, economic policies and processes,

people’s participation in social, political and

economic activities. Political development – as such

– when observed and examined, takes us to other

related questions of international politics. These are

relating to impact of population growth,

environmental pollution, widespread poverty,

unemployment, proliferation of armaments,

expanding terrorist mafia and network, weapons of

mass destruction and nature of conflicts in different


regions of the world. Such matters imprint upon our

mind diverse perils to world peace today.

Mahatma Gandhi has always been deeply

involved in tackling these issues of global, national

and regional importance relating to peace and

development. The present work, therefore, is an

attempt to touch upon various current issues and its

relevant Gandhian concerns and explanations based

largely on how to go for establishing and enhancing

nonviolent truths and their efficacy in our life.

Several people and institutions have helped

me in writing this work or book in different ways.

Apart from my colleagues at the Department of

Political Science and at the Gandhian Centre for

Peace and Conflict Studies at University of Jammu,

I am specially indebted to Amitabh Mattoo, Savita

Singh, Priyankar Upadhyaya, Anjoo Sharan

Upadhyaya. I also owe a lot to my students and

researchers working with me in the pursuance of

their academic strides into the world. David

Cortright, Yunus Samad and University of Tuft

Group visiting our Gandhian Centre for Peace and

Conflict Studies in August 2007 have also added in

their own way to my understanding of realities of


international politics and peace and conflict studies.

Sandhya Gupta from Fletcher School of Law and

Neeraj from University of Boston have also brought

me out from Platonic shadows of the cave into the

light of day.

My wife Renu Gangal and my son Purvansh

Gangal have put so much of efforts into my

academic and every other type of evolution that I

cannot but express my utmost sense of gratitude to

them. Without them and their support, I just cannot

move even an inch forward. There are so many

others who have helped me differently in my

extended family of blood relations. From a small

little child to the eldest member of this network,

everyone, has helped me even at the cost of their

own physical and material loss while forgetting

their all other difficulties for my sake. As such

Surbhi Gupta, my sister and her husband Atul

Gupta, my brother-in-law; Rama Agarwal, my

mother-in-law; O.P. Agarwal, my father-in-law;

Pradeep Agarwal, Rajeev Agarwal and Sunil

Agarwal – my brother-in-laws, Alka Agarwal, Abha

Agarwal and Kanchan Agarwal – my sister-in-laws,

Sanjeev Aggarwal, my very special brother-in-law


and his wife Rekha Aggarwal – my very special

sister-in-law; our children Anant, Ankita, Arush,

Akshi, Anushka, Arnav, Aman, Shivangi and

Shreya -- I owe them, each one of them, so much

that I cannot really repay what they have done for

me despite my best of efforts in this direction.

My publisher, office and library persons of

the Department of Political Science and of the

University of Jammu have also extended full

cooperation to me. I express my heart felt thanks for

all that they have showered upon me from time to

time. Some of my colleagues have been of more

help than others, specially, Karuna Thakur, Ellora

Puri, B. B. Anand, Kishor Sharma, Vishal Sharma,

Yog Raj Sharma and Ranjeet Kalra among several

others. I owe them all a lot for all the support

coming from them throughout.

Despite all help from various quarters

coming to me in writing this book, I, alone, am

responsible for my work and any mistakes or

anomalies that may appear in the book in spite of all

care that has gone into the final publishing of the

manuscript.


I am dedicating this book to my parents,

namely, my Father, Professor S. C. Gangal and my

Mother, Mrs Saroj Gangal and to my mentors

Duwanee Wale Hakeem Ji Shri Ram Dutt Magotra

and Pundit Ashutosh Magotra. Without their

Blessings, I would not have been able to devote my

life to creative pursuits at all. They are the doer(s)

not “I”. Their will be done, not mine.

Anurag Gangal


Content Chapters Pages About the Author 5 About the Book 7 Preface 9 Content 17 1. Introduction: Major Issues 19

2. Globalisation 37

3. Kashmir Question 65

4. Terrorism 101

5. Conflict Resolution 121

6. Human Security 157

7. World Peace 197

8. Conclusion: Beyond Perversions 217

Bibliography 235


Chapter One

Introduction: Major Issues


Chapter One

Introduction: Major Issues

Relevance of the ideas of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi is

self-evident in view of massive disputes, conflicts, warfare and

massacres taking place in different parts of the world. These as well

as other challenges to world peace have only one option today. This is

the option of realising the truth and going the nonviolent way. Even if

Gandhi is put aside on the shelf, there are but the Gandhian openings

only.

The question of relevance actually must not arise. Absolute

nonviolence in intent is necessary while nonviolence in general in

action will have to be observed. The nonviolence of the brave

alongwith violence of the brave will have to be there. Violence of the

brave is required when a person or group of people do not have

sufficient courage to go for nonviolent methods bravely. Such

violence may be used to deal with utter violent and criminal

exceptions in a given society.

Nonviolence and peaceful methods are not merely tools for

bringing more permanent peace for a society with more positive

orientation but they are our only alternatives to go for a normal,

healthier, creative and productive civil society.

On the other hand, the present day technological development

and its quest for “excellence” and efficiency are leading to a crises-

syndrome. It is aggravating a number of crises and problems all over


the world such as over population, proliferation of armaments,

pollution, poverty, peculiar unemployment, educational void,

starvation, malnutrition and ever increasing acquisitive instincts.

Aforesaid contexts are further subjected to the “toppings” of

corruption in corridors of power, plagiarism and cheating in

education, pervasive trends in the practice of hypocrisy and

sycophancy appear to be main reasons behind most of our problems

today. All this combined with increasing efficiency and technological

excellence further aggravates the situation. Technology is widening

its horizons without fulfilling basic needs of drinking water,

electricity, food for all and employment for all. Amartya Sen, an

Indian Nobel Laureate in Economics, presents a very interesting and

highly readable work entitled Development as Freedom, OUP,

Oxford, 1999. He rightly says that freedom includes nearly every type

of social, political, economic and individual standpoints.

Development is possible only when all these freedoms including

diverse facilities and opportunities are made duly accessible to

common people.

The scenario in India is still going in the different direction.

India has entered into its sixtieth year of independence on 15 August

2007. Yet the condition of a few handful of people is improving only

while majority of them are still suffering and reeling under great

scarcities and socio-economic and political burdens. India is known to

have set examples for other developing and poorer nations, especially,


in the area of technological upliftment and heavy industrialisation of

the economy in such a short time. In the latest context of

globalisation, civil society, good governance, human security, and

culture of peace as well, India is doing much better vis-à-vis a number

of other poorer countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America (AALA

nations).

Yet realities within the Indian social, economic and political

ethos cannot be ignored. One cannot but become quite sarcastic when

writing about such concerns. By all means, India is moving to fulfil

development, energy, communication and basic needs of the country

uniquely. India has technology and human resources both. No doubt

there are nearly seven 07 million Indian citizens who do not get

drinking water at all even after 60 years of independence. Is this not a

crisis situation!!! These Indians without water are apparently Yogis

who can live without water and food. Is that really so? What they do

not get for themselves, they are haplessly leaving it for others to

consume – provided food and water are made available for millions of

other citizens. Apparently, this is the situation.

This peculiar circumstance is their in other areas as well.

Leaders and businessmen are becoming ever richer not only in India

but also in the entire South Asia. India’s is merely a representative

case to understand the larger picture in Africa, Asia and Latin

America.


Drinking Water Front

Again, in India, basic need of water presents an appalling

condition. A bit of sarcasm and satire naturally enters into its

explanation. This is an exercise by 07 million people into natural

voluntary (?) preservation of drinking water for those who need it

more. However, does fulfilling the need of one means sacrificing the

requirement of the other needy persons? This results into highly

saddening phenomenon. Urban dwellers then get at least a few drops

of soiled water in their glowing taps in tiled bathtubs and shining

kitchens. This is resulting from the sacrifice of “07 million Yogis”

who do not get any drinking water at all. This water is further

preserved into household utensils drip by drip by needy urban

dwellers. One utensil is filled up very fast in about twenty four hours.

Thus, taking a full bath may not be possible. But at least the purifying

touch of water can be felt by dipping fingers in the fulsome water

filled cans! Is this not a great achievement for a poor though speedily

developing India. Indeed, the credit goes to our water management

departments, power ministers, political energy boosters and power

brokers. Is this not an instance of sacrifice of the people, by the

people for the people? Clearly, power enriches and absolute power

enriches absolutely!

Save (?) Electricity and Energy

Indian Government has gained a lot in energy saving through

least possible use of electricity in particular. That is why Indian


Government, through its media, is on a special spree to teach its

population how to save electricity in “voltage banks” for posterity to

use it in an emergency. What apparently Government wants here is

that people must learn to put off all their lights and electronic gadgets

whenever electricity comes alive for a little while again and again

after scheduled and un-scheduled cuts. This is the best way to practice

“limits to degenerating growth” and set examples for developed

nations not to waste their electricity 24 hours a day every week.

Developed nations, therefore, are going into a pit of modernity with

inherent threats of ever more chances of electrocution due to

continuous supply of deadly electric currents. Such free use and

supply of electricity is dangerous for the precious life of every Indian

citizen. Indian Government knows it fully well.

In India, threat of electrocution is much lesser because it is

provided to urban areas only about 05 to 06 hours a day, effectively

speaking. Therefore, the threat of electrocution is reduced with a boon

for longer and safer life for common Indian citizens and individuals.

This shows how really caring the Indian Government is! One wonders

if India intends to enter into the nuclear power generation also only in

this too caring a way.

Even during the 05 to 06 hours a day of palpitating electric

supply, it keeps coming and going every 15 to 30 minutes in order to

ensure safety and security of the people using it. Such caring electric

supply is also giving people training in national defence. This training


will come handy at times of warfare and bombardment by an enemy

country. People thus become well trained for “black outs” during

strategic air-strikes.

This electric rigmarole as a child’s play is carried on so

enthusiastically by our technicians and electricity linemen that it

ensures fully the quick discharge of inverter batteries at home and

offices in view of repeated defence training through recurring “black

outs”. Therefore, the electricity generation pattern and its intermittent

supply is also helping employment generation by providing ample

opportunities to expansion of inverter and battery production units.

The connection between them is growing day by day.

Education in Intuition and Logic

Aforesaid water and electricity perspective is closely linked to

educational priorities of India. In view of governmental stress more

on saving electricity than on using it, our belief in the development of

intuitive power of children is also emerging very clearly. Indian

Government is providing repeated and ample opportunities for self-

styled meditation specially when unscheduled electricity cuts take

place not only during the day but also at night. This is obvious

because above mentioned water and electricity saving does not allow

children even to study under the street light. Hence, there is no other

option but to go for meditation only. This helps them grow vastly

their intuitive power. As such, they pass their various examinations

through perspiration, inspiration, meditation and intuition! A highly


visionary population, indeed, is on the anvil in the sixtieth year of

India’s independence. India has a very bright future especially

through water and electricity projects of Government of India. What

to talk of the nuclear aspect then? It is also likely to go for similar

type of a very bright future!!!

The best part of this Governmental policy of learning through

perspiration and inspiration emerges when they teach to save what is

not there at all. In other words, Indian citizens learn to save electricity

although it is not with them fully for about 17 to 18 hours a day.

Graphical Savings in Banks

This training in developing a habit to save energy, electricity

and water is having multi-fold dimensions. This can also lead to very

strong financial base for the Indian nation. Such a continuous training

from their childhood, teaches our unemployed youth how to save

income without earning anything much! That is why our national

savings in the banks are now having an upward graph with

unparalleled positive magnitudes. Indians thus learn to save through

logic. They have learnt to create from nothing and that is what logic is

about! Saving energy, water, electricity and income is necessary even

though we may not be having them with us fully and permanently.

Yet, one wonders whether electricity can be put in a bank to be used

when needed! This policy of electricity saving may protect it from

ongoing electric thefts as well.


Indian Revenue and Income Tax

This is combined with Indian Revenue and Income Tax

kaleidoscope also. There are only a few big business houses that are

known not to be paying their taxes fully through maintaining multiple

level of accounts and projections. This is possible only in the private

sector and also in the public undertakings. Otherwise, in the area of

governmental and semi-governmental employees in thousands of

institutions, all levied taxes have to be paid to government. No

duplicate accounts can be maintained here.

However, in this area of salaried people in the government and

semi-government concerns and institutions, salaries are about five to

six times less vis-à-vis the private concerns and the corporate sector.

In comparison to equivalent jobs in developed countries like United

States, United Kingdom and Canada etcetera, salaries in India in

private and corporate sector are about four to five times less. While in

the public and governmental sector, salaries are about ten times less.

Despite this situation, taxes appear to be five to ten times higher in

terms of simple and objective mathematical calculations. Despite such

a pattern of taxes and salaries, Indian Government has to face

tremendous challenges in the generation of funds for national

development.

Interestingly, a university teacher who gets around 30,000

thousand rupees salary per month in India will get nearly $ 5,000 per

month in a university in United States or Canada. This will mean


about rupees 2, 00,000 per month. Out of this monthly amount, about

60, 000 rupees will be given to taxes to the US or Canadian

governments. Their, even today, one can get a reasonable house on

monthly rent of about $ 1,000 and a brand new car for a small family

for about $ 2,000. Daily expense per person in United States comes to

be between $ 20 to $ 50 on an average.

In India, a person who gets a salary of 30,000 thousand rupees

per month, will be giving nearly 5,000 rupees for house rent every

month. A small car will cost him rupees 2, 00,000. His daily expense

per person will be between rupees 200 to 500. On this amount of

salary, an Indian citizen pays taxes to the tune of about 5,000 rupees

monthly after all the maximum savings and so-called rebates. Hence,

even the magnitude of taxes in India is also superlative in a peculiar

way.

This simple and day to day mathematics is making Indians go

berserk. Their appear to be emerging prospects of a civil war in India

in view of such situations.

What does it signify? It shows discrepancy, imbalance, matter

of fact ways of the Indian Government and its advisors and experts.

They don’t see the common citizen while formulating their policies.

They are more involved in their theoretical excellence vis-à-vis other

international conceptualisations and practices. They are more

concerned with presenting a beautiful picture on paper and print.

Hyperbolic surveys are entered into and their explanations are


presented – and policies are formulated. Standards are also set for

action mostly on paper.

One very popular example of such performance of Indian

Governmental institutions can be seen in the actual functioning of

Bhartiya Sanchar Nigam Limited (BSNL).

Mobile Communication and Networking

This logic of improvisation and creation from without has

provided great support and strength to the communication networking

of the Indian Government. One small sample of success in this field

can be seen in the mobile phones networking of Bharat Sanchar

Nigam Limited (BSNL). This example is merely a tip of the iceberg.

The reality is, however, profound and even vast and massive. What is

this real instance of success? This is a continuous paradigm.

Recurring specially in smaller towns and border areas. Using BSNL

Cellone then becomes a matter of pride for common people. These

Cellone connections leads to marvellous responses form BSNL when

mobile numbers are dialled. This becomes a spectacular exercise in

ringing literary music!

“Try later”, “…not answering”, “Network busy”, “Error in

connection”, “Cannot allowed”, “Out of range”, “User unavailable”

etcetera. Recurrence of such things by themselves becomes rhapsody

musical errors!

Despite all this mis-management and policy dis-orientation,

India is still the best among all other developing and poorer nations of


Asia, Africa and Latin America (AALA). This, indeed, is a commonly

known fact.

South Asian and AALA Countries’ Challenges

Poverty, pollution, proliferation of armaments, increasing

population, drinking water scarcity, unemployment, globalisation’s

onslaught, mutual and other nuclear threats, modern technology and

illiteracy etcetera are the major problems in South Asian and AALA

nations alongwith modern terrorism. These troubles further lead to

other mutual conflicts, tensions and skirmishes. At times, such

problems and conflicts result into massive mutual warfare as well –

causing vast destruction of precious human lives and material

valuable property. Most of these conflicts and challenges become ever

more complex and permanent in nature with every effort of resolving

them.

For example, terrorism in India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Nepal

is turning into one of the most disastrous phenomena to deal with in

South Asia, South West Asia and West Asia. This problem has now

engulfed United States, United Kingdom, Italy and Australia also in a

very serious way.

The situation is such that political systems in almost all South

Asian, South West Asian and West Asian countries have failed

completely. Mafia is freely functioning while, specially in India,

judiciary is becoming hyper-active – crossing its own limits and

framework. On the one hand mafia is filling the power vacuum


created by political perversion and, on the other hand, judiciary is

functioning like an executive branch of government. Is it advisable

that each branch of government does not function on its own and its

work may be done by another branch? In these countries, only the

politicians, mafia dons and business community are prosperous. All

others are suffering from one or the other kind and level of poverty.

The poverty thresh-hold or the poverty line in India is generally an

income below 45 Rupees a day, i.e., about 1350 Rupees a month. Al

those earning this much or less than this amount are much below the

poverty line. About 25% of Indian population is therefore below the

poverty line. While, in reality, even those who earn even ten times of

this amount every month, they are also very poor with highly

dissatisfactory standards of living. In this sense, nearly 60%

population of India is very poor. In other words, about sixty crore or

600 billion Indian population is very poor. One wonders whether

Indian political decision makers ever see this reality.

Such is the case in other South Asian countries also. They are

actually worse than India. All the data mentioned above are also,

indeed, commonly known to all concerned based on various

governmental and nongovernmental sources.

Method and Purpose

The purpose of writing this book is three fold. First, it is to

bring together author’s scattered strands of ideas and thought together

into one volume. Secondly, it is to put forward quite a few un-written


and hither-to-fore un-spoken perspectives on issues like poverty, basic

needs thesis, proliferation of armaments, ecology and environment

and population explosion vis-à-vis questions of development and

human security and globalisation etcetera. Thirdly, the purpose is to

bring forth a meaningful debate on the ideas presented in this work.

The major present-day issues in national and international

contexts are discussed within the larger framework of the Gandhian

philosophy and its relevance today. This is being done here in an

analytical mould while giving more importance to ideas and themes in

comparison to statistical and mathematical data.

More space is given here to certain issues like globalisation,

Kashmir question, Human Security and other such aspects while

issues like poverty, pollution, proliferation of armaments and

population are generally discussed mainly in relation to other detailed

perspectives. Various issues that are not discussed into separate

chapters do show their lesser importance at all. These issues will be

taken up in a different volume latter. In the present volume, main

emphasis is on India, South Asia, Conflict Resolution and World

Peace including Human Security.

Conclusion

India and other AALA countries, specially South Asian

nations, face so many other challenges also alongwith above

mentioned anomalies of poverty and development. Some of these

challenges are common to all countries of the world, specially the


problems of proliferation of armaments, terrorism, human security,

globalisation, pollution, ecological decay and expanding mosaic of

diversified conflicts among and within nations. This set of problems

and challenges is further leading to emerging gaps, peculiar

syndromes and varied discrepancies between ever rising expectations,

technological requirements, existing social, economic and political

traditions and levels of development in AALA countries.

The only way to see the ‘light of day’ appears to be the road to

nonviolence, love and peace. Such a nonviolent option is commonly

known as the Gandhian way. Whether the world wants this or not –

there is no other way. As Gandhi often said’ “Peace is the only way”.

Gandhi’s way is straight and his path is seen easily. But it is difficult

because complexities of modern life make it so.

If political leaders and other official and non-official

functionaries of political systems in AALA countries keep on adding

one after the other complexity upon complications, then these

political systems will never be able to come to fruition for posterity.

Set standards, set goals, set and simplified methods will have to be

established in reality and not just on paper and files. Most of the

governments and leaders in these countries, specially in South Asia,

are ‘paper governments and paper leaders’ quite like ‘paper tigers’.

They will have to rise above their ‘paper nature’. Otherwise, the

present state of affairs will continue to haunt poor people and poor

nations of these countries forever – a situation where only politicians


are minting money and mainly they are becoming prosperous at the

cost of their own fellow poor citizens.

Further continuance of these paradoxical circumstances is

going to pose a very serious threat to those who are prosperous today.

They are soon likely to face a full circle civil war like the well known

‘French Guillotine’! This is not too far away. It is going to happen in

next ten years in South Asia. West Asia and South West Asia is

already suffering from it. Hence, let the political system in South Asia

and AALA countries start functioning, otherwise, as a political

scientist I can predict, only just about a decade is left to set things

right. No one is going to gain from a ‘guillotine’ and a civil war.

There is need for effective regeneration of political system in

AALA countries – such a system which is away from present-day

well established perversions of politics. This is possible only through

realising of the Gandhian values of nonviolence, truth and modernity.

Gandhi, essentially, is not against modernity, machines,

mechanisation and technology. No doubt Gandhi has criticised them

vehemently a number of times. Even then he is very much in favour

of these tools of modernisation.

Concurrent global trends are also somewhat Gandhian in

nature as regards the benevolent aims of globalisation and

liberalisation towards excellence, good governance, and evolving of a

civil society the world over. In other words, the ultimate aim is to do

away with the labyrinthine system of governments into evolution of a


civil society based on nonviolence because there is no room for

violence in anything even distantly related to a civilised world.

Violence of any sort is primarily linked to inhumanity, illiteracy,

crime, uncivil and animal like. Violence is never human. State and

government are institutions largely based on brute force and infliction

of fear on its inhabitants and citizens. As such, movement towards

civil society is a Gandhian aim while looking forward to a globalised

world. The world has to move only in the Gandhian direction if it has

to survive and prosper.


Chapter Two

Globalisation


Chapter Two

Globalisation

Mahatma Gandhi has seldom written about strictly modern

process of globalisation. He could not because present-day

globalisation was far away in his own time. He has still reflected on

related areas of international federation, world peace, exploitation of

the weak by the stronger nation, freedom, equality, dignity of the

individual, primacy of the individual in a socio-political system,

mechanisation, media and trade etcetera. As such, Gandhi has a vision

for unity of mankind, universal brotherhood and “…living association

of human beings…” the world over.

Similarly, contemporary globalisation encompasses

phenomenological paradigmatic evolution of technological trends

from the late-nineteenth to twenty-first century in the fields of

information, communication, multi-media, trade, commerce, finance,

international institutions / relations, national development, political

systems, and ecological patterns etcetera.

A common special feature of these predispositions anent

globalisation is the apparent unity of mankind found, among

others, in the “coming together” of even distant nations through

technology regulated regimes of internet, satellites, supersonic jets,

multinational corporations and constantly receding international

trade barriers. The modern surging ahead in multi-media


technology is bringing in its wake a global transformation. Entire

world has now become a “Global Village"1

International organisations and kindred activity towards

common global ends of sharing, knowing and coming together

through mutual excellence are manifest processes of “globalisation”.

The “Global Village” phenomenon is obviously an integral

part of globalisation. Marshall McLuhan coined this term “Global

Village” in 1960s to express his belief that electronic communication

would unite the world by brining together diverse cultures and distant

people of the world. Therefore, global village does not really

represent the “shrinking of the world” but widening of the electronic

instantaneous communication network for brining people into

togetherness. Nearly, all information and communication rests upon

the click of a “mouse”! Globally established really open society

without any walls is in the “offing”. This Global Village is very

different from the decentralised village-based economy and polity

preferred by India’s Father of the Nation – Mohandas Karmachand

Gandhi. For him:

• It is the individual(s) who compose a village, town,

city, municipality, metropolis, cosmopolis, megalopolis,

necropolis, state, nation-state and international society of nations.2

• It is their (individuals’) vows of satya (truth), ahimsa

(nonviolence), astaeya (non-stealing), aparigraha (non-

possession) and brahmcharya (chastity) that characterise the


foundation of the larger socio-political and economic edifice.

These are also known as panch yama of Patanjali’s Yogsutra.

• Gandhi begins with the individual in the village and

ends up with the individual in the comity of nations.3

• Discipline, vows and values are accorded highest place

in Gandhi’s “experiments with truth”. If these values and the

individual are “intact” in any system of technology and politics,

Gandhi is ready to embrace it fondly although he is generally

known to have written in his Hind Swaraj, “ I cannot recall a

single good point in connection with machinery”.4

The current movement towards Globalisation also appears to

be having a number of APPARENT Gandhian values such as:

1) global unity and integration,

2) fast growing antipathy to mass-violence (at least in

principle on a wider plain) specially in the aftermath of the

terrorist attack on New York’s trade centre on 11 September

2001,

3) an evidently receding trend in ideological clashes

among nations (specially between liberalism and socialism),

4) globally expanding mosaic of acceptance of the

Gandhian principle of nonviolence among nations and their

leaders (see specially India’s response and patience to terrorist

violence and attacks) and


5) end of or doing away with “war as an instrument of

national policy” at least among countries of the European Union.

In this age of Globalisation and increasing regional

cooperation, Canada appears to be functioning like a great catalyst in

the observance of Gandhi’s principle of the fusion of precept and

practice for attaining higher aims of human welfare. Gandhi’s

“practical-idealism” is reflected in a number of projects financed by

the Canadian Government in India and other developing and poorer

countries.5 Canadians are also extending their hands of friendship to

Indian Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). Canadians have

helped NGOs like Manav Kalyan Sansthan, and Conflict-

transformation and Peace Awareness Gandhian Society of India

(COPEAP) to deal with the menace of landmines in border areas

during 1999 to 2000.6

In this sense, at least, globalisation is certainly adding to the

solution of numerous challenges facing the humanity at large.

This hypothesis, however, needs to be systemically analysed.

Certain pointers arise. What else is Globalisation? What are the

‘other’ major characteristics of “globalisation”? Is globalisation really

necessary? Has it really become a part of our lives? Are there any

disparaging indicators of globalisation? Does globalisation serve the

cause of billions of poor people in Afro-Asian and Latin American

(AALA) countries? What is the relationship of globalisation with the


five “Ps”, namely, Population, Poverty, Pollution, Proliferation of

armaments and Peace of the world?

The Other Side of Globalisation Gobalisation has its other aspects too. This refers to the

primacy of technology in the process of globalisation and its

pejorative impact.

First , it is technology and ideology. Secondly, it is

obsolescence in technology. Thirdly, it is inherent exploitation of

poorer people through technology. Fourthly, it is the environmental

threats through technology. Fifthly, modern technology is blind to

human values. Sixthly, this technology is leading to social and

political disruptions through utter materialism and ever-growing quest

for modern armaments. Seventhly, modern technology is creating

several problems like population explosion, poverty and

unemployment etcetera for poorer nations. Last but not least, it is

believed that globalisation is a continuous process towards a “new

and just world order”.7

Will it be a new world order or just a movement for inception

of a captive mind society and “think police state” of George Orwell?.8

Indeed, these posers need to be examined here, especially, on the

basis of Gandhi’s Indian Home Rule or Hind Swaraj first published in

1908. Gandhi has provided a very severe critique of industrialism,

modernisation, railways, allopathy and modern parliamentary

democracy etcetera.

44


1. Science of techniques or technology has entered the

realms of meta-rationality and meta-materialism focussing on

speed, comfort, efficiency, accuracy, information, fusion and

fission leaving behind the philosophy of science based on twin

parameters of knowledge and reason. Technology is racing ahead

of “time” and “space” in the twenty-first century after cutting

across the limits of “philosophy” and biases of “ideology” from

sixteenth to twentieth centuries.

There are countless examples with latent and manifest

interconnections. One invention and concomitant development(s)

lead(s) to a further action, reaction and causal outcome(s).

• From the age of gunpowder, bullets and bombs to imperialism.

• From the age of aeroplanes, atom bombs, machine guns, radio,

telephone and electricity to colonialism, neo-colonialism and

effective “socialism of the vanguard of proletariat”.

• From the age of light machine guns, AK-47s, AK-57s, nuclear

arsenals, inter-continental ballistic missiles, cyber-warfare,

global terrorist network, satellites, computers, information

explosion and information dissemination multi-national

regimes to disintegration of erstwhile Soviet Union,

universalisation of technologies functioning alike in every

type of political system and globalisation through World

45


Trade Organisation, United Nations, European Union and

multi-national corporations (MNCs) etcetera.

2. Fast growing rate of obsolescence in modern

technology is generating a storehouse of dumps upon dumps of waste

material. It is not only the storage aspect but also the question of the

need for keeping pace with “technological convulsions”. It is very

obvious when ink cartridge of a desktop printer bought today would

not be available in another two years time. Even if it would be

available, users of the latest DTP flash will look down upon the

earlier DTP model and its cartridges.

• This trend is there in foreign trade and international

politics also. Whenever there emerges – on an average,

every second year – a new version of an aircraft and

warplane in a developed country, the old one is either sold

cheaply or “gifted” to a developing or poorer nation for its

“state-of-the-art” national security and defence from a

neighbouring regime.

• This craze for the “latest” is visible in academics and in

the modern “love life” as well. Knowledge is becoming

not so much of virtue and wisdom but more of an

“amount, quantity and quality of information”. This

collectivity of information is now being regarded as

knowledge! Older and classical masterpieces of literature

46


in almost every subject or discipline are treated as

completely outdated.

• The materialistic process of globalisation looks askance at

the science of spiritualism. Even the modern “love” is

increasingly becoming a “quick fix” affair. “Time” and

“space” are needed and time and space are scarce!9 What a

dichotomy? Man is turning subservient to technology. An

unseen Frankenstein is hovering over us and we do not

want to recognise its shadows sapping our reflexes!

• George Orwell’s 1984 and its “think police” appears to be

in the offing.10 He shows in this novel that a time would

come when the entire world will be integrated into three

continents with the withering away of modern States. This

will be a situation of continental sovereignty and not the

sovereignty of nations or States. The network of

information dissemination will be so penetrating that it

will be able to detect what citizens of a continent would be

thinking. As such, whenever there will be a digression in

the prescribed standards of thinking the rulers will send

their Think Police to arrest the violator of thinking-codes!

Is globalisation moving in that direction?

3. “Technology” originates from two Greek words

“tekhne” and “logos” i.e. “craft” or “art” and “science” of craft and

art for practical purposes. Concise Oxford Dictionary brands it as “the

47


application of scientific knowledge for practical purposes”.11 Clearly

“science” is away from “good” or “bad”. Does it mean that “little

thinking” goes into scientific use of a technology? How dangerous

such technology can be!

That is why technology is generally silent about the needs of

an individual due to implicit vested interests of “technological

sustenance” and incessant expansion. Modern technology, otherwise,

cannot work profitably. As such, individual needs and comforts are

converted into a requirement of masses. Only then technology works

wonders through mass-production, mass media, mass-democracy,

mass-education, mass-culture, massive-warfare and destruction

etcetera. This massive and top-heavy technology is very sweetly

spreading automotive glamour, comfort and efficiency across an

international network of poor nations via multinational corporations

and “needy” governments.

4. Despite widespread governmental and international

organisational environmental protection machinery, rationality of

human ingenuity is perspiring to reach even the “space” environs to

bring viruses like Respiratory Virus (SARS) and Acquired Immuno

Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) etcetera. All these viruses are lately

known to have travelled from Space through satellites and space

shuttles.

48


Technology is, therefore, polluting not only this spaceship

earth but also Space with “rebound impact”. One wonders what type

of rationality is this?

It is known in the vernacular that modern transport system and

air conditioning equipments are breaking the ozone layer time and

again as a result of adding chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) to atmosphere.

It is causing several skin diseases and ultra violet radiation. Still the

world is continuing with what is really not required in the present

technological form.

The need of the time is to realise the “end or limits of

rationality” where human beings can live safely.

The Gandhian thought has a ready-made prescription for these

ills of modernity. What we require is simply to evolve a bridge

between materialism of the West and “moralism” of the Orient.12

5. Modern technology is generally blind to human values

since “science” is “value-free”. One instance relating to prevention of

AIDS may suffice in this matter. Most of the governments use mass

media to drive home a message that it is “necessary to use condoms to

prevent AIDS” today. None of them stress the need to enhance power

of self-restraint! Why? Clearly if they do so then who will buy

condoms? People are, thus, being encouraged towards ever-greater

“indulgence” in favour of technological and related vested interests!

49


The essence of social cohesiveness is being forgotten.

Indulgence in social immorality is becoming a fashionable act and a

social norm for everyone to follow and cherish. Is this a sign of

“modernity and technological advancement”?

6. Social disruption and promiscuousness is transforming

into a global phenomenon in the name of technological

“professionalism”! Human relationships are being projected into

biological and emotional needs through Internet and mass media.

Does this signify a feather in the development of civilisation? This

author has experimented with Internet and mass media for about five

years to pose this pointer now.

Familial fragmentation, especially, in the developed world is

so apparent that it is leading to mercurious dimensions. This trend is

infectious. In the name of technology, this inclination is widening

with the pace of human thought and imagination. Dissatisfied men

and women are seeking solace in momentary information

dissemination and exchange of ideas.

Is it really “modernisation”?

7. Modern technology is also creating several problems like

population explosion, poverty and unemployment etcetera for poorer

nations.13 Increasing birth rates, decreasing death rates, illiteracy and

mass-deprivation of education and displacement of labour and people

-- as a result of technological efficiency syndrome -- leading to

widespread unemployment etcetera are factors responsible for

50


multiplying population among poorer nations of the world. The world

population is about 6.6 billion today. Nearly 70% population of the

world is living in the so-called third world developing and “under-

developed” nations. These nations have also about 70% natural

resources of the world as well!

Wide spread poverty and gross starvation among poorer

nations requires their poor population to go for God-given fertility to

empower their economic prospects and enlighten their sources of

easily available natural entertainment or relaxation. Any other type of

“development” is beyond their perception until “development” affects

their lives in any “meaningful” terms.

More than one billion population in the world is starving

today.14 Not more than one billion dollars are required for this

purpose. If the entire world goes fully vegetarian then this problem

can be solved almost “instantly”, as it were.15 Such a “sojourn” needs

commitment, devotion, sense of conviction and massive media-

attention. Who will bell the cat? This is, indeed, a difficult question.

8. Technology requiring globalisation for its mere sustenance,

as such, has become a gargantuan bird of prey leading to moral

degradation and uncalled for exploitation of natural resources

including manpower. This is disturbing a natural order of things,

human beings and inherent system engulfing even the rule of law.

One of the most glaring stances of such fundamental failure can be

seen in wide spread professionalisation of terrorism in the world.16

51


Gandhi on Globalisation

The prospects of present-day globalisation in the Gandhian

traditions of thought and practice are not very difficult to see today. A

few quotations from Gandhi’s writings may help open Platonic

“shadows of the cave” as it were. Writings and sayings of Mahatma

Gandhi and majority of commentators and critics of Gandhian

philosophy have shown not only inherent but also explicit

significance of the idea of oneness of humanity, individual’s dignity

and self-reliance for Swaraj in Gandhi’s practical-idealist perspective

of politics. Gandhi has never regarded himself as a system builder.

His experiments, however, have led him to evolve – for several

commentators and analysts like S. C. Gangal, Mahendra Kumar,

Raghavan Iyer, Savita Singh, Ramjee Singh, Johan Galtung and

others – a Predominantly Nonviolent State as his second best Ideal

and a Nonviolent Society as his ultimate Ideal for establishing a

vibrantly creative global and just political ethos where cooperation,

equality and nonviolence has replaced exploitation, inequality and

bloody warfare and mutual hatred.

Similar ideas are currently being propagated and discussed by

internationally acclaimed authors and statesmen alike even if they are

apparently not so much directly influenced by Gandhi.17

What is Gandhi’s concept of holistic process of globalisation?

It is a practical-idealist concept. Gandhi called himself a practical-

idealist. Gandhi has never written or said much about globalisation in

52


particular as a term with specific meaning that is being attached to it

currently. Yet he had foreseen almost all major trends and strands of

globalisation today in a positive and creative mould. For him:

It is impossible for one to be an internationalist without being a nationalist… Our nationalism can be no peril to other nations inasmuch as we will exploit none just as we will allow none to exploit us.18

The satyagrahi must maintain personal contact with people of his locality. This living association of human beings is essential to a genuine democracy.19

I have no doubt that unless big nations shed their desire for exploitation and the spirit of violence of which war is the natural expression and the atom bomb the inevitable consequence, there is no hope for peace in the world.20

Mechanisation is good when hands are too few for the work intended to be accomplished. It is evil where there are more hands than acquired…21

I entertain no fads in this regard [i.e., his avowed opposition to mechanisation and capital-intensive technology]. All that I desire is that every able-bodied citizen should be provided with gainful employment. If electricity and even automatic energy could be used without…creating unemployment, I will

53


not raise my little finger against it…. If the Government could provide full employment to our people without the help of Khadi hand-spinning and hand-weaving industries, I shall be prepared to wind up my constructive programme in this regard.22 Under Swaraj (self-rule) of my dream, there is no necessity of arms at all.23

To reject foreign manufactures merely because they are foreign, and to go on wasting national time and money on the promotion in one’s own country of manufactures for which it is not suited would be criminal folly, and a negation of the Swadeshi spirit.24

Decentralisation of political and economic power, reduction in the functions and importance of State, growth of voluntary associations, removal of dehumanising poverty and resistance to injustice … will bring life within the understanding of man and make society and the State democratic….. The nonviolent State will cooperate with an international organisation based on nonviolence. Peace will come not merely by changing the institutional forms but by regenerating those attitudes and ideals of which war, imperialism, capitalism and other forms of exploitation are the inevitable expressions.25

54


[I am not against all international trade, though imports should be limited to things that are necessary for our growth but which India -- and for that matter any poorer country -- cannot herself produce and export of things of real benefit to foreigners.]26

Gandhian Prospects of Globalisation

On the basis of the above-mentioned parts of this research

work, an attempt is being made here to evolve a Gandhian strategy for

prospective road to globalisation especially in the light of quite a few

existing relatively harmful trends and patterns. Gandhi is one with

former United States (US) President Bill Clinton’s statement: “ the

central reality of our time is that the advent of globalisation and the

revolution in information technology have magnified both the

creative and destructive potential of every individual, tribe and

nation on our planet.” 27

Gandhi has a holistic approach to human problems, in which

reform or reconstruction should concentrate, more or less at the same

time, at all levels of human existence and activity, i. e, individual,

local, national and international levels.

Globalisation is an ever-accelerating trend of modern

“civilisation”. Gandhi, going much beyond Bill Clinton, finds in this

civilisation:

55


I. “…. people living in it make bodily welfare the object of life.

II. “…. If people of a certain country, who have hitherto

not been in the habit of wearing much clothing, boots etc., adopt European clothing, they are supposed to have become civilised out of savagery.

III. “…. [Ever increasing mechanisation] is called a sign of

civilisation. IV. “Formerly, only a few men wrote valuable books.

Now, anybody writes and prints anything he likes and poisons people’s minds.

V. “…. As men progress,… [they] will not need the use of

their hands and feet…. Everything will be done by machinery.

VI. “…. Formerly, when people wanted to fight…they

measured between them their bodily strength; now it is possible to take away thousands of lives by one man…. This is civilisation.

VII. “….. [Earlier] men were made slaves under physical

compulsion. Now they are enslaved by the temptation of money and of the luxuries that money can buy.

VIII. “ There are now diseases of which people never dreamt

before, and an army of doctors is engaged in finding out theirs, and so hospitals have increased. This is a test of civilisation.

IX. “…. Today [not earlier when special messengers were

needed to send a letter], anyone can abuse his fellow

56


by means of a letter [of email] for one penny. True, at the same cost, one can send one’s thanks also.

X. “…now, [people] require something to eat every two

hours so that they have hardly leisure for anything else [more meaningful].

XI. “….. This civilisation is such that one has only to be

patient and it will be self-destroyed.” 28

Gandhi has said and written anent vast areas of life and human

concerns. In this context, he has made a very bold exposition in his

Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule. On 24 April 1933, he says – on

page 04 in the beginning of this booklet, “I would like to say the

diligent reader of my writings and to others who are interested in

them that I am not at all concerned with appearing to be consistent.

In my search after Truth I have discarded many ideas and learnt many

new things. Old as I am in age, I have no feeling that I have ceased to

grow inwardly or that my growth will stop at the dissolution of the

flesh. What I am concerned with is my readiness to obey the call of

truth, my God, from moment to moment, and, therefore, when

anybody finds any inconsistency between any two writings of mine, if

he still has faith in my sanity, he would do well to choose the later of

the two on the same subject.”29

Real globalisation for Gandhi is possible only through Panch

yama of Patanjali, i.e., nonviolence, non-stealing, Truth, non-

possession and chastity. Global though sectoral reformation

57


programme for regeneration of every individual is needed for

balancing the negative effects of the process of globalisation.

It was Gandhi’s conviction that individuals – of whom the

nations and global communities are constituted – must have priority

in any scheme of reform or reconstruction.

Yet another idea in Gandhi’s scheme is that any durable

programme of reconstruction must be marked by a measure of

coordination and integration at various levels of social action through

voluntary effort. Press and media have a very significant role in this

sphere. Media, for Gandhi, must be having unmistakable autonomy

and self-reliance with little dependence on advertisement revenue.

The cultivation of nonviolence by the individual and the

establishment of non-exploitative economy at different levels will

lead eventually to the emergence of what he calls nonviolent

nationalism. Ultimately, these nonviolent nations will function under

a world federation or international organisation on the basis of:

• Political and economic independence without any type of colonialism or imperialism and exploitation.

• Voluntary effort with dedication and commitment. • Goals and means not imposed from above but developed from

within. • Equality for all. As such every nation must feel as tall as the

tallest. • Decentralisation at political and economic spheres. • General disarmament. • Unilateral disarmament. • International society as a voluntary organisation.

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• Common good of all. • Bigger nations ready to “give” to the smaller nations. • Amicable and peaceful settlement of all disputes. • Small international police as long as the world is able to develop a

general belief in nonviolence. • Free, open, alert and impartial Media. • Preponderance to mutual sense of service.30

Such a blue print should be the guiding spirit of present-day

globalisation. In this pattern of globalisation, the individual has

specially a two-fold significance for Gandhi.

First, proper education and training to the individual for

understanding and imbibing the values of a normal society. A normal

fraternity, for Gandhi, is one where development does not pose

diverse types of threats to the individual and humanity. For evolving

such a normal course of life for true globalisation, a Global Education

Order must be established through value-related and need based

education. Nearly all aspects of human life are to be covered in this

programme ranging from material, moral, emotional and cultural to

spiritual needs of the individual. The individuality, creativity, identity

and voluntary efforts have to be the fundamental terms of reference in

the launching of such a global education order.

Secondly, Gandhi emphasises the role of the individual in

decision-making and in sharing the national and international

responsibilities. There is no place for undemocratic or authoritarian

regimes in Gandhi’s agenda for globalisation. To steer clear of

undemocratic or authoritarian tendencies, Gandhi suggests two more

59


correctives of (i) limited State power and (ii) socio-economic

decentralisation. As regards the former, Gandhi is one with

Thoureau’s principle that “that government is best which governs the

least.”31 To quote Gandhi:

I look upon an increase in the power of the state with the greatest fear because…it does the greatest harm to mankind by destroying individuality which lies at the root of all progress.32

In order to curb emergence of authoritarianism, the size and

role of police and military, for Gandhi, has to be limited to dealing

with thieves, robbers, raiders from without and a few emergencies

only. It would be better if police and military perform largely the role

of a body of reformers.33 Gandhi looks forward to the emergence of a

world where “no state has its military.”34

Socio-economic decentralisation is yet another corrective

measure to curb undemocratic tendencies. Gandhi’s global vision

moves upward from the individual and a federation of village

republics to an international federation of nations in a society marked

by voluntary cooperation and decentralisation. Aldous Huxley, while

supporting Gandhi, says, “…democratic principles cannot be

effectively put into practice unless authority in a community has been

decentralised to the utmost extent possible.”35

The modern inter-linking of people and economies under

contemporary globalisation must give careful attention to the

60


Gandhian pointers in this age of technology for keeping away from

the pejorative aspects of concurrent science and development patterns.

Otherwise, globalisation will prove to be a “nine days wonder” only.

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References and Notes 1 V. A. Patil and D. Gopal, Politics of Globalisation, (Authors Press, Delhi: 2002), pp. 01 – 11. “The term ‘globalisation’ was first coined in the 1980s, but the concept stretches back decades, and even centuries, if you count the trading empires by Spain, Portugal, Britain and Holland. The resolve of Western states to build and strengthen international ties in the aftermath of World War II laid the groundwork for today’s globalisation. It has brought diminishing national borders and the fusing of individual national markets. The fall of protectionist barriers has stimulated free movement of capital and paved the way for companies to set up several bases around the world. …. Supporters of globalisation say it has promoted information exchange, led to greater understanding of other cultures and allowed democracy to triumph over autocracy. Critics say that even in developed world, not everyone has been a winner. The freedoms granted by globalisation are leading to increased insecurity in workplace….. Many see globalisation as a primarily economic phenomenon, involving the increasing interaction, or integration, of national economic systems through the growth in international trade, investment and capital flows…, one can also point to rapid increase in cross-border social, cultural and technological exchange as part of the phenomenon of globalisation. The sociologist, Anthony Giddens, defines globalisation as a decoupling of space and time, emphasising … instantaneous communication, knowledge and culture … shared around the world simultaneously.” See pp 01 – 02. World Trade Organisation (WTO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), International Bank for Reconstruction and Development IBRD) or World Bank, United Nations (UN) and Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) etcetera are a few major international organisations regulating the process of globalisation. 2 Mahatma Gandhi places an individual at a prime spot in the social, political and economic setup in society. There is a widespread misconception that Gandhi stresses “de-emphasis of individual self in pursuit of higher goals.” David P. Brash and Charles P. Webel, Peace and Conflict Studies (Sage, California: 2002), p. 05. Individual’s self-knowledge is the highest goal and the best instrument to bring inner, national and global peace and development for Gandhi. G. N. Dhawan, The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi (Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1957), Chapters 03 – 07 and pp. 312 – 351. 3 Ibid. 4 Young India, 17 June 1926; Harijan, 22 June 1935 and 15 September 1946; M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1938), p. 08, Preface by Mahadev Desai. See also Raghavan Iyer (ed.), The Moral and Political writings of Mahatma Gandhi: Truth and Non-violence, Volume – II, (Oxford, London: 1986), p. 181. Gandhi is against “destructive” and “exploitative” mechanisation only. 5 See Business Times, April 1998. 6 Kashmir Times, Daily Excelsior, (both daily newspapers from Jammu, J&K, India), Hindustan Times, files concerning such programmes in Jammu, Samba, R. S. Pura and Akhnoor border areas alongwith a few seminars in Udhampur in J&K and also in Nagpur in Maharashtra in India during 1995 to 2000. 7 Robert Jackson and Georg Sorensen, Introduction to International Relations (OUP, Oxford: 1999), pp. 206 – 212. See Nicholas Crafts, “Globalisation and Growth in the Twentieth Century” , IMF Working Paper, WP/0044, Washington DC, April 2000; However, for Gandhi, globalisation “ is SWARAJ when we learn to rule ourselves ….. But such swaraj has to be experienced by each one for himself.” G. N. Dhawan, op. cit. n. 2, p. 281. The three pillars of this one and integrated global world are: (i) It should be nonviolent, (ii) It should be

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non-exploitative and cooperative and (iii) It should be based on the reform, regeneration or education of the individual, and work its way up to the international and global level. See M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, (Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1948), Volume – I, pp. 28, 308 – 310. See also The Hindu (New Delhi), 05, 06 and 07 January 2003. 8 The famous novel 1984 by George Orwell, noted writer of political fiction whose relevant work was published in 1948. 9 One wonders whether a “moral doctor” is needed today? This is suggested by Kimberly Hutchings, International Political Theory: Rethinking Ethics in a Global Era (Sage, London: 1999), pp. 182 –184, see p. 183 particularly. 10 George Orwell, 1984 (Penguin: 1948), see especially the Appendix of the novel where characteristics of the “think police” are explained in great detail. 11Judy Pearsall (Ed), The Concise Oxford Dictionary (Oxford University Press, New York: 1999). 12 There is need for set global standards and well-established norms under the dynamics of globalisation. Global Education Pattern (GEP), Global Ethics and Justice (GEJ), Global Values (GV) etcetera are required to be evolved at regional and global levels despite evident diversity of society, language and culture in the world. Only then globalisation can really lead to the Gandhian oneness of humanity and the world. This will be a distinct move towards justice and dignity of the individual away from dominance and exploitation. Even the current agenda of research in international politics is moving towards studies on establishing “justice” in global society. This is how a movement to bridge the gap between ethics and material development appears to have already begun. See Robert Jackson and Georg Sorensen, Introduction to International Relations (OUP, Oxford: 1999), pp. 171 – 174. 13 Anurag Gangal, New International Economic Order: A Gandhian Perspective (Chanakya, Delhi: 1985), Chapter – II, pp. 34 – 64. Also V. T. Patil and D. Gopal, op. cit., n. 1. pp. 07 – 21.

14 Jan Tinbergen, Reshaping the International Order (London: 1977), p. 30, 46. This figure has currently doubled to nearly 02 billion people starving in the world today. See Brash and Webel, op. cit. n. 2, p. 498. 15 Jan Tinbergen, Ibid.

16 Anurag Gangal, "Forms of Terrorism", B.P. Singh Sehgal (ed.), Global Terrorism: Political and Legal Dimensions (Deep and Deep, New Delhi: 1995). See also Peter Wallensteen, Understanding Conflict Resolution (Sage, London: 2002), pp. 228 – 230. 17 Bill Clinton, Amartya Sen, Kofi Annan, George Bush, Atal Behari Vajpayee, Tony Blair, Dalai Lama and so many others. In this age of gross and massive conventional / non-conventional violence, Gandhi’s nonviolence is becoming highly relevant although it is not being put to meaningful practice. Gandhi has had little to say about globalisation. He had certainly written anent international federation of nations of the world. 18 S. C. Gangal, The Gandhian Way to World Peace (Vora, Bombay: 1960), p. 90. 19 G. N. Dhawan, op. cit., n. 2, p. 284. Emphasis added. 20 M. K. Gandhi, op. cit. , n. 7, Volume – II, pp. 163 – 164. Emphasis added. 21 Harijan, 16 November 1939.

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22 Quoted in Ram K. Vepa, New Technology: A Gandhian Concept (New Delhi: 1975), p. 170. 23 S. C. Gangal, “Gandhian Approach to Disarmament” paper presented at a seminar on “ Perspectives on Disarmament” held under the auspices of Gandhi Peace Forum(GPF), Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 11 April 1978. 24 From Yervada Mandir ( Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1933), p. 96 – 97. 25 G. N. Dhawan, The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi (Ahmedabad: 1957), p. 341. 26 G. N. Dhawan, op. cit., n. 25, p. 96. 27 Brash and Webel, op. cit., n. p. 113. Emphasis added. 28 Raghavan Iyer, op. cit., n. 4., pp. 212 – 214. Parentheses and Emphasis added. 29 Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule (Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1938), p. 04. 30 Anurag Gangal, op. cit., n. 13, pp. 29 – 30. 31 Young India, 02 July 1931. 32 N. K. Bose, Selections from Gandhi (Ahmedabad: 1948), p. 42. 33 M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War (Ahmedabad: 1948), Volume – I, Chapter – II and pp. 145, 324. See also S. C. Gangal, The Gandhian Way to World Peace (Vora, Bombay: 1960), pp. 100 – 101. 34 S. C. Gangal, Ibid. , p. 100. 35 Encyclopaedia of Pacifism, (London: 1937), p. 100.

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65


Chapter Three

Kashmir Question

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Chapter Three

Kashmir Question

Any Kashmir watcher can say that majority of Pakistanis want

to be a part of a “sovereign democratic” Pakistan and not the one

ruled by military dictators. India must assure Pak citizens her full

moral support in realising this vision. Otherwise the Kashmir tangle

will never be solved. Indeed, as such, there are several related

contours anent the Kashmir question especially from a Gandhian

perspective.

Only about one hundred and sixty years of the history of

Jammu and Kashmir since the Treaty of Amritsar is replete with

instability and blood-bath. This is not a very long time-span in

international politics. It - especially -“instability” generally occurs

from the very inception of a newly established political setup. But

why this blood-bath, time and again? Pakistan’s “non-Islamic”

desire for the merger of entire Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) with

her Motherland is not the reason for it. Even religion and the so-

called “two nation theory” are also not the real cause of it. In effect,

Pakistan means continuous expansion until the goal is reached

specially in the eyes of its rulers. How? It will be seen in the following

pages in this chapter.

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Gandhi Relating to Kashmir

For Pakistan, this precarious situation is necessary for her

sheer existence and endless search of identity. This is also a

GANDHIAN perception not just because a few novices like are

saying so. Instead, Mahatma Gandhi has had very clear views on

diverse dimensions in this matter. The most relevant among

such opinions and Gandhi’s analyses are being reproduced

here in brief in his own words:

--Mahatma Gandhi had given his “consent” to

Indian Government’s defence measures in Kashmir in 1947 because the Government was not committed to nonviolence or “pacifism”.1

--For Gandhi, in the absence of a general belief in

nonviolence, it would be well to defend a nation with all its violent might bravely instead of surrendering cowardly. 2

--“I am firmly convinced that the Pakistan demand as

put forth by the Muslim League is un-Islamic. I have not hesitated to call it sinful. Islam stands for the unity and brotherhood of mankind, not for disrupting the oneness of the human family.” 3

--“There may be arguable grounds for maintaining that Muslims in India are a separate nation. But I have

never heard it said that there are as many nations as there are religions on Earth.” 4

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--“The ‘two nations’ theory is an untruth. The vast majority of Muslims of India are converts to Islam or descendants of converts.” 5 --“As a man of nonviolence cannot forcibly resist the

the proposed partition if the Muslims of India really insist upon it .But I can never be a willing party to the vivisection.” 6

--“If eight corers of Muslims desire it, no power on earth can prevent it, notwithstanding opposition violent or non-violent.” 7

--“To undo Pakistan by force will be to undo Swaraj.” 8

--“If India and Pakistan are to be perpetual enemies and go to war against each other, it will ruin both the

Dominions and their hard-won freedom will be soon lost .I do not wish to see that day.”9

--“To drive every Muslim from India and every Hindu and Sikh from Pakistan will mean war and eternal ruin for the Country.”10

--“What is the situation? It was right for the Union

Government to rush troops, even a handful, to Srinagar. That must save the situation to the extent of giving Confidence to the Kashmiris….The result is in the hands of God . Men can but do or die. I SHALL NOT SHED A TEAR IF THE LITTLE UNION FORCE IS WIPED OUT, LIKE THE SPARTANS

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BRAVELY DEFENDING KASHMIR NOR SHALL I MIND …. MUSLIM, HINDU AND SIKH COMRADES, MEN AND WOMEN, DYING AT THEIR POST IN DEFENCE OF KASHMIR. THAT WILL BE A GLORIOUS EXAMPLE TO THE REST OF INDIA.” “Such heroic defence will infect the whole of India and we will forget that the Hindus, the Muslims and the Sikhs were ever enemies.”11

--“I am amazed to see that the Government of Pakistan disputes the veracity of the Union’s representation to the UNO and the charge that Pakistan has a hand in the invasion of Kashmir by the raiders. Mere denials cut no ice. It was incumbent upon the Indian Union to go to the rescue of Kashmir when the latter sought its help in expelling the raiders, and it was the duty of Pakistan to co-operate with the Union. But while Pakistan professed its willingness to co-operate, it took no concrete steps in that direction….”

“A war will bring both the Dominions under the

sway of a third power and nothing can be worse. I plead for amity. And goodwill…. The understanding should however be genuine. To harbour internal hatred may be even worse than war.” 12

An attempt to bring above-mentioned select-references in a

nutshell will focus our attention on the major directions of an obvious

and clear Gandhian perspective in this matter. The major pointers

anent this entire context are apparently very challenging and

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gratifying in nature. They call for wider perception on the part of our

Governments and people. What are these challenging though

highly gratifying Gandhian pointers? Are they having the

potential of enlightening our darker age-in several ways today?

First, Gandhi never wanted partition of India. It was personal

and political rivalry between Jawaharlal Nehru and Mohammed Ali

Jinnah that ultimately led to India’s vivisection while religion, so-

called two nations’ theory and protection of minorities’ interests etc.

became easy instruments used for serving one’s own personal

political aggrandizement through the public postures of fighting for

securing the cause of the people at large.

Secondly, Mahatma Gandhi would opt for violence

of the brave instead of nonviolence of a coward. Even in the current

Indian phase of proxy-war-and-invasion against Indian territory and

people by Pakistani agents/forces, Gandhi would go for-despite his

inner wish to the contrary-effective, brave and obviously violent

retaliation by our Army, Air Force, Navy, Police and other para-

Military forces.

Thirdly, Kashmir (i.e. all the Jammu and Kashmir

including the Pak Occupied Kashmir) rightfully belongs to India.

India, however, must be ready to part with her rightful claim if

magnanimity on her part so requires as the largest and most powerful

country in South Asia. If Pakistan has a few reasonable needs and

wants which India can help satisfy, it must be done with a sense of

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duty towards younger partner. This is also a diplomatic and political

requirement.

Fourthly, there is no truly original Muslim person

in the entire South Asia. All are converts to Islam. May be it is for this

reason that Pakistan is wrongly directing its national and external

forces of Jihad towards India.

Fifthly, rivalry between India and Pakistan is

continuously attracting other powers to enter the realms of

cooperation and conflict in South Asia. Therefore, this Kashmiri-

bone-of-contention is clearly having its very grave international

ramifications also.

Sixthly, the nuclear power and armaments race has

further complicated the India-Pakistan tangle and the larger South

Asian peace.

Just see how could Pakistan claim Jammu and

Kashmir when Pakistan-by itself-had always been one small

though important part of the larger whole i.e. India. How can one

part of a whole ask for sovereign rights over another part of a

larger nation like India? Is it possible through persistent violence

and terrorism in Kashmir? The beauteous land of Kashmir, despite

political instability, has mostly been without bloodshed with the

exception of the years after 1989.What a great tragedy of blood bath

is occurring now in Jammu and Kashmir almost on routine or daily

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basis. All this is just because Pakistani Governments and agents do

not want India to move on peacefully towards continuous

development and prosperity. Pakistan is simply proving to be a

nuisance for India. Nuisance is like a bullying attitude which does not

end until the bullied decides to call it a day. This is high time when

India must decide to end this bullying by Pakistan. Otherwise, we

should be ready for our tryst with never ending terror and militancy

on Indian soil because the very existence of any Pakistani

Government and its governors appear to be depending more on Indian

discomfiture and loss of precious Indian lives than on anything else.

Gandhian Options

How to go for it? There are several ways and options. All of

them have apparently not been considered or tried till now,

especially, the Gandhian ones. We can see and analyze them one by

one :

(1.) Mahatma Gandhi will prefer a nonviolent

action in this regard provided it does not come out of cowardliness

and one’s helplessness. One such suggestion can be of finding more a

political solution to the entire problem than largely a military

option. The first option in this matter is to openly involve our

political scientists for finding political solutions in this regard.

This applies even to current-- about more than a decade old --

militancy in Kashmir. Military, in reality, should not be involved in

dealing with a situation like that of Kashmir. When we have very

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clearly identified forces of invaders only then our military can be

given orders straightway to throw away the aggressors outside the

Indian borders. Otherwise, involvement of military will prove to be

quite fruitless. What we need here is proper development of

infiltration detection and counter-terrorism measures including

commando operations at the behest of Indian Government. Such

“Counter Terrorism Commando Operations” can be planned

regionally and sector-wise in view of strategic location, language and

over-all attitudes of citizens of a particular area. However, at every

stage of development of such counter terrorist forces and at every

possible level of operations, the political scientists of the concerned

area must be continuously consulted because they are the best judge

in all matters relating to political strategy, war, peace, order and

disorder in society etc.

Other social scientists cannot do this job for that sharp

edge of political acumen rests with a political philosopher and

academic only. Politicians are merchants of political perversions in

the main today. Our military and politicians, therefore, need

deeper and real political expertise for having positive and

meaningful scenario before them. Real politics is away from

perversions and manipulations. 13

(2.) Another option for resolving the Kashmir

question is of opening all borders freely for respective citizens of all

the South Asian nations. There is an inherent people’s political-

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psychology in such cases which works and resolves the immediate

problems threatening the socio-political order. Obviously, some

strategic and political vigil will be needed for a very long time in

the beginning. This aspect can be taken up at the level of a South

Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Foreign

Ministers meet and at a Summit meeting.

(3.) There is nothing wrong in conducting a

plebiscite in the whole of Jammu and Kashmir. According to the

concerned United Nations resolution, such a plebiscite can be

conducted only when all Pakistani foreign troops move out from

there. Otherwise, plebiscite cannot be conducted. Since Pakistan has

not removed its forces from our Kashmir till today, it is incumbent

upon us to fight these foreign forces tooth and nail until they are

pushed out of our territory. If we are not doing it for the last fifty-

three years then we are clearly not performing even our national duty.

(4.) However, Pakistan must never be merged

militarily with India completely in order to save the nation, region and

the world from ultimate ruin. Yet, Pakistan must be stopped from

spreading fear and terror in the name of Jihad. Otherwise, increasing

foreign interference in South Asia will soon transform this land of

traditional peace into a region worse than West Asia.

The above mentioned options are completely

Gandhian in nature inasmuch as they are to be opted for in the

absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence. If any

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other options are tried, the result will be further complicating the web

of Kashmir again and again. Even the option of maintaining the status

quo is also not going to solve the crisis. This approach is actually

escalating the situation year after year. This is the similar approach,

which Britain had adopted towards Hitler’s Germany. This policy was

later maligned as uncalled for “appeasement”. This policy of

“appeasement” is known as one of the major causes of the Second

World War.

Original Scheme of Pakistan

Historically, every Pakistani is, in essence, “an Indian first and

everything else afterwards.” These are Jinnah’s words about the

original scheme for the creation of Pakistan. Apparently, the very act

of the creation of Pakistan shows, in a way, acceptance of some or the

other kind of appeasement policy towards a handful of Muslim elite

by the Britishers and leaders of Indian National Congress. The

Kashmir Question is merely an extension of that policy today.

The original scheme of Pakistan, put forward by

Choudhary Rahmat Ali--post-graduate student-was an ambitious

plan to conquer a large part of the world from Myanmar to Turkey-

including entire West Asia-in the name of Islam, Musalman and

Jihad. For Jinnah, it was a “crazy scheme”.14

Jinnah's patriotism for India can be easily seen in:

United Kingdom, British Parliament’s Minutes of Evidence

given before the Joint Committee on Indian Constitutional Reforms

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( session 1932-33 ),Volume-II,p.1496;Sangat Singh,

Pakistan’s Foreign Policy ( Delhi:1970 ), pp. 3-4, 55, 56, 57-70;

Sharifuddin Pirzada, Evolution of Pakistan ( Lahore: 1963 ),p.30.

These references tell us that: This Emmanuel College student

at Cambridge University had extended a very ambitious plan for the

creation of PAKISTAN obviously at the behest of the Britishers at

large. As such, each LETTER in the name of “P” “A” “K” “I” “S”

“T” “A” “N” represents a particular territory or geographical area.

Jinnah is on record to have called this plan “a crazy scheme” only in

these references. According to this proposal :

“P” = Punjab, “A” = Afgania ( North West Frontier Province ), “K” = Kashmir, “I” = I ran, “S” = Sindh ( including Kutch and Kathiawar ), “T” = Turkistan, “A” = Afganistan, “N” = Baluchistan (representing last letter in Baluchistan). THIS IS WHAT IN REALITY CALLED “PAKISTAN PAINDABAD OR ZINDABAD”.

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Pakistani intentions appear to be clear from the very

beginning. Accordingly, Pakistan is moving only in that direction

very cautiously. Calculated moves are there. See, first, the Pakistani

movement in Kashmir, Punjab and the whole of India in the form of

repeated armed intrusions, the so-called proxy-wars and several other

violations of international law from time to time. For Pakistan,

Kashmir is a window to the world for achieving her original plans of

conquering the planet, as it were!

Erstwhile Apple of an Eye

United Kingdom and United States are realizing their folly

now. Pakistan is bent upon destroying even its creators (United States,

United Kingdom etc.) like a Frankenstein currently in the name of

politics of Jihad. There is nothing bad in it if one’s intentions are

clear. But the foundations of Jihad cannot be laid down on

motivated political self-interests. IN THIS MATTER ABSOLUTE

SELFLESSNESS HAS TO BE GIVEN TOP MOST PRIORITY. This

is not to be seen as a cherished value now-a-days. Pakistani rulers are

using religion not as a purifying mechanism for ultra-perversion of

personal political ambitions but they are applying religion merely as a

utility or tool to subserve their very own interests.

A pertinent question, here, arises. Why the United

states, United Kingdom and other Western powers have somewhat

suddenly taken an about turn from favouring their erstwhile “apple of

the eye”-Pakistan? It is mainly because Pakistan is now openly

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adopting dangerous postures towards them in league with quite a few

“religious minded” billionaires from West Asian part of the world. On

the other hand, major Western nations appear to be strategically

interested in Kashmir - especially its higher reaches - for a few

military/satellite related bases to keep, as it were, “an

instantaneous eye” on China, Russia and other Commonwealth of

Independent States, West Asia, Pakistan, Afganistan and on India’s

emerging nuclear and economic power status in the world. Even in

this age of “information explosion”, “ inter-continental ballistic

missiles” and “ laser weapons”; conventional elements and sources of

national interest and national power still have their own place and

importance: land, location, strategic environment, overall geography,

natural security and the “global reach factor” are amply available in

Kashmir , especially, for an “high-tech giant” like the United States.

In this presentation, it has been stated that Gandhi

was not totally opposed to India’s military help to Kashmir in 1947,

and would not have minded continuing it if necessary. Strictly

speaking, this is not in accordance with Gandhi’s widely known

approach to the resolution of conflicts -- national or international. But

the reason why he did not oppose it was because India as a nation of

the modern world was not a nonviolent State. Therefore, it could not

but provide its assistance in the defence of Kashmir only in this way

rather than sit back in a cowardly manner. It must be stressed, and

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stressed strongly, that for Gandhi violence was always preferable to

cowardice.

Last but not least, Gandhi would have wanted (

like he advised the North West Frontier Province-NWFP-Government

in 1935 in the context of tribal raiders’ attack ) to find out

Pakistan’s legitimate grievances, if any, and remove them as best

as it can be possible to do so. It must be stated that this last

mentioned approach has also not yet been fully tried out. It’s high

time that a beginning is successfully made in this direction also at the

earliest and with an open mind. Despite all confidence building

measures, this all out approach is indeed missing.

Indeed, Gandhi’s nonviolence is not a set theory for

all times to come. It is highly dynamic in nature. It is always evolving

in essence. According to Gandhi, it can be practised by individuals,

by groups of persons and by nations alike. Thus he writes, “It is

blasphemy to say that nonviolence can only be practised by

individuals and never by nations which are composed of

individuals.”15

One has to see Pakistani rulers and people from different

angles. The rulers in Pakistan have mostly been adopted the policy of

crescent oriented geographical and religious expansionism in the

name of the ‘unity and oneness of Islam’. That is what we have seen

in these pages here. Their crescent ranges from Myanmar to Turkey.

This is the most dangerous aspect of Pakistan’s foreign policy. Every

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nation has to be careful of this underlying phenomenon behind the

creation of Pakistan.

There, also appears a distant possibility of Pakistani people

rising against their own government for the final reunification with

India in view of the successful and highly stable and secular nature of

latter’s democracy. The Government of Pakistan itself has become a

Frankenstein for its own nation. One has to be patient, and the result

will soon be their in another twenty years time!

Indian Kashmir: Governing Follies

The governance of Kashmir, especially in India, has always

been very bad. Pakistani side of Kashmir is also equally bad if not

worse. It will, however, be better to see the Indian side because one

can hope for some improvement here. The nature of governance has

also further compounded the Kashmir tangle for the people in

Kashmir and Indian citizens in general.

There is de facto and de jure governance in Jammu and

Kashmir (J&K).Governmental system and infrastructure is very much

in vogue. Yet, it is a mix of modern and traditional feudal practices

and presumptions that really run the government and various

departments. Ethnic biases, family ties and unaccounted financial

exchanges impress upon the functioning of the government and

institutions.

Very peculiar characteristic trends have surfaced since the

launching of Indian Railways from Jammu in 1979. People and

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citizens of J&K are at least as much rich as they are not poor

individually and in familial terms. Starvation and poverty is not there

in this sense. Almost everyone has food to eat. However, the

Government of Jammu and Kashmir is nearly always bankrupt.

Indeed, there is no need to point out the apparent relationship within

this perceptible paradoxical situation.

The micro level and macro level perspective of the State

Government and people are highly un-Gandhian although certain

exceptions are there relating to personal values and functioning.

Otherwise, Jammu and Kashmir State is going towards a civil war in

the years to come. Mainly the disciplined soldiers of Indian Army are

responsible for whatever little positive nuances that may be there in

the State. Yet all soldiers of the Indian Army are not fully disciplined.

In essence, violence and money power are ruling the roost.

Only nonviolence and upright Gandhian values combined with strict

discipline of individuals and professionalism can save the people of

the State from the threat of a civil war.

Gandhi is known to have visited Srinagar and Jammu also on

1 – 2; and 3 and 4 August 1947 respectively.16 Gandhi’s visit to J&K

apparently added and additional impetus to Maharaja Hari Singh

finally deciding to join the Indian union. Gandhi also extended his full

support to the Indian army attacking the Kabailies invading Kashmir

in the autumn of 1947 later. It was only around this time that Gandhi

had seen in Jammu and Kashmir a shining example and a ray of hope

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anent communal harmony when entire India was under the spell of

communal hatred, violence and massacre. Gandhi was also wholly

against India’s partition. Indeed, India’s partition in 1947 was mainly

the result of mutual political aspirations of Mohammad Ali Jinnah and

Jawaharlal Nehru. None of them were ready to sacrifice their own

vested interest for one another and for the welfare of a united India

although both of them made several other contributions to the cause

of independence of India and Pakistan. Nehru and Jinnah were not

ready to listen to Gandhi’s wisdom on the question of India’s

partition.

The legacy of India’s partition is still hovering over the state

of Jammu and Kashmir even today in diverse ways.

Vested Interests

First, in view of a peculiar hobnobbing of local and national

vested interests, Indian Army could not go ahead with its strategy to

throw out invaders from the original and united Indian Kashmir, i.e.,

including the so called Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. Had this

occurred, a number of leaders and stalwarts in J&K would not have

been there on the political horizon at all. As such, J&K would have

had not merely 7 but at least 17 seats in Indian Sansad or Parliament!

Vested interests in J&K – in league with the national political set up –

have inflicted an unparalleled blow to the cause of political freedom

and representation of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Gandhi was

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not a party to such an apparent plan of political exploitation and

perversion against the inhabitants of Jammu and Kashmir.

Gandhi is also known as the greatest apostle of peace and

nonviolence in the world today. Gandhi is globally popular as a

proponent of practicable nonviolence. Yet his ideas and philosophy

are often put forward in a vernacular way mostly based on hearsay

and rumours. That is why Gandhi is frequently equated with the real

cause behind partition of India and the hanging of noted patriots like

Sardar Bhagat Singh and others. Gandhi never favoured partition and

hanging of patriots like Bhagat Singh.17

However, most of the hanged Indian patriots during the

period of British regime admired Gandhi for his nonviolent strength

and dedication to values of patriotism, humanity, nonviolence,

honesty and integrity. It was, however, unfortunate for the entire

Indian subcontinent that the two most dynamic leaders like Nehru and

Jinnah did not pay any heed to Gandhi’s words and vision of an

independent and united India. One wonders whether some of the

noted leaders of Jammu and Kashmir were also party to this obvious

“personal rivalry plan” of Jinnah and Nehru.

Article 370…

Secondly, Article 370 of the Constitution of India and

provisions of Instrument of Accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India

are such that they mainly represent the historical compulsions of the

J&K State. If the J&K State so desires, Article 370 – its parts related

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to J&K -- can be abrogated anytime in favour of its complete merger

with the mainstream Indian territory and the larger Indian ethos. Of

course, it is the Indian Parliament that will have to make an

amendment to this effect. But there has to be a demand from the

people and Assembly of the J&K State.

All this primarily rests with the Vidhan Sabha (Legislative

Assembly) and Vidhan Parishad (Legislative Council) of the J&K

State and not so much with the Sansad especially where such a

demand from the people of J&K is concerned. Otherwise, J&K and its

citizens will always remain at a distance from the Indian mainland

and the larger Indian political and effective cultural assimilation.

As a result of the concerned instrument of accession, citizens

of J&K have seldom been able to develop a natural and fuller sense of

belonging to India specially in view of the historical compulsions of

the State so clearly reflected in the instrument of accession and in the

Article 370 of the Constitution of India. Therefore, the essence of the

so called Kashmir problem lies in this twin syndrome of constitutional

and historic differences between Indian citizens and citizens of

Jammu and Kashmir.

All citizens of J&K are Indian citizens but all Indian citizens

are not citizens of Jammu and Kashmir – constitutionally,

historically, politically and sociologically speaking. It is so despite all

the glorious sacrifices that a number of citizens of J&K have made for

the defence of India and also for the growth and development of the

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nation. Any sane and thinking mind is forced to think – in this overall

perspective of J&K – that why at all an instrument of accession was

entered into when Jammu and Kashmir has always – since ancient

times – been an integral part of India. The instrument of accession in

its existing form appears to be a political vendetta against the people

of Jammu and Kashmir who wanted to go for fuller democratic

regime on the lines of egalitarianism under a wholly united India.

Instrument of Accession, indeed does not represent wishes of the

people of J&K.

As such, it is quite un-Gandhian in nature and an imposition

from above. So clearly Gandhi has indicated that:

Our nationalism can be no peril to

other nations inasmuch as we will exploit

none just as we will allow none to exploit

us.

Relatively Richer People :: Backward State

Thirdly, the J&K State is very poor and highly backward

although its citizens are reasonably richer than majority of other

Indian citizens in other Indian states. This is a very interesting

paradox. The Indian and Jammu and Kashmir Governments have

been engaged more in offering diversified subsidies to the people of

J&K instead of creating an environment where people learn to stand

on their own feet. The general trend here is to look up to Government

even for every routine thing and need. The Government, specially

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those who run it, on the other hand, care more for their own needs

than the requirement of its citizens. Hence, Government is poor and

its people are rich due to various well known reasons.

There is, therefore, need to train most of the administrators

and leaders in Government in the fundamentals and application of

Gandhian philosophy leading them not only to see but also really go

for the “light of day”. It is necessary to understand the value of

sincerity, accountability, loyalty and service to people. Citizens of the

state also need to realise that it is the government which depends upon

them and not vice versa. The Gandhian idealism may not be necessary

today. Gandhian practical-idealism is, indeed, a must for real

development – especially in this age of globalisation. It is a well

known fact that globalisation rests on efficiency, excellence, set

standards, good governance and fulfilling what citizens need in their

basic routine life.

In reality, if citizens of a state do not have a need fulfilled,

then leaders of that state cannot have that need fulfilled for

themselves. If people in a state are living on footpaths, the political

leaders and administrators are also to follow suit until they are able to

provide for basic needs of their people. That is why, in general, it is

often said that most of the politicians and administrators are

somewhat unabashed in their attitude to people and devoid of any

fundamental sense of self-respect for themselves. They continue to

enjoy what other citizens cannot. If citizens do not get what they need

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for their basic needs, then there is something drastically wrong with

the government of the state and the people who are running it. It does

not mean that every citizen has to be provided with a uniformed

chauffer driven limousine like the president or governor of a state.

Yet, certain norms of professionalism have to be followed and ever

new opportunities to citizens will have to be provided for basic

growth and development on an impartial basis.

What Amartya Sen also says is required. For Amartya Sen,

considering and measuring development on the basis of GDP,

national per capita income and other such widely accepted economic

yardsticks is misleading and improper. For him, a nation with people

having widespread education, necessary leisure time, proper and

fulsome food, electricity for everyone, shelter for all and clothing for

everyone along with near complete human security and a great inner

sense of security can be regarded as developed instead of a country

having high GDP etc without the fulfilment of basic needs. In J&K,

basic needs can be fulfilled only when there is a great sense of self-

respect and high regard for moral values among leaders and

administrators in the government. That is why Nobel laureates like

Amartya Sen regards development as freedom and the fulfilment of

basic needs of the people.18

Violence and Militancy

Fourthly, violence is a challenge which has massive contours

and expanse in J&K. Terrorists’ violence is there not only in J&K but

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also the world over. However, in J&K, it is of special nature. As

against insurgency and terrorism, the J&K is having militancy and

state sponsored violence. This militancy appears to have its links not

only on South Asian regional level but also global levels of

networking. The immediate cause behind this rise of militancy is near

non-functioning of state and national governments in fulfilling the

basic needs of the people. One historical reason or cause of militancy

in the J&K State is also the legacy of partition of India and highly

conflictual vested political interests of political leaders of India and

Pakistan. Yet another reason behind militancy is massive and easy

availability of destructive armaments and their distribution network

through weapons mafia spread all over the world. Going to the very

depth of resolving this menace of terrorism and militancy is necessary

instead of any policy of appeasement and “carrot and sticks”. In this

context also, Gandhian practical-idealism based on nonviolence is the

only way ahead for permanent solutions in this regard. There is no

other way.

Modern violence and militancy cannot just be gunned down.

There has to be a policy and strategy for this purpose. It should be

short, medium and long term policy dealing with all aspects from the

human security angle of development and nonviolence both.

Modern terrorists are not usual criminals. They represent an

international network spread globally with massive global reach,

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capacity, intent to attack any part of the world almost in a jiffy –

maybe more quickly than the army of United States.

Any ad hoc treatment of any problem has never been dear to

Gandhi. Proper link has to be established between human values,

policy options material readiness, actual action and strategy to deal

with a challenge. One must also be ready to deal with probabilities of

the future. It seems that the Indian government and J&K State are

neither ready to face existing challenges nor the prospective

eventualities.

It means that mere force and its blatant use will not solve

problems of humanity. Even Albert Einstein is one with Gandhi when

he says:

We need an essentially new way of

thinking if mankind is to survive. Men

must radically change their attitudes

toward each other and their views of the

future. Force must no longer be an

instrument of politics…. Today, we do not

have much time left; it is up to our

generation to succeed in thinking

differently. If we fail, the days of civilised

humanity are numbered.19

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Unemployment

Fifthly , Jammu and Kashmir is also plagued with the ever

widening menace of unemployment. In every village only about 20%

population appears to be meaningfully and fruitfully employed. There

is need to expand the horizon of local employment generation because

Government of J&K is not able to offer jobs to all aspiring youth and

other citizens in the State. More opportunities for purposeful

employment on a professional and impartial basis are necessary.

Governmental agencies do not function properly in this matter.

Widespread corruption at highest levels is generally known to have

entered in a very systematic form. Established institutions like J&K

Public Service Commission also suffer from these diseases of

corruption and malfunctioning. In other words, parallel governments

are known to be functioning within the official system. This is the

most disgraceful aspect of the public service in J&K. It is also said

that J&K is the most corrupt State in India next to Bihar.

What the J&K require is village to village level planning to

deal with the problem of unemployment. It is necessary even for

dealing with prospective militancy as well because it is mostly the

unemployed youth who is more likely to become easy pray to

enrolment in various terrorist outfits. Unemployed youth is more

susceptible to be lured to violence and militancy. Unemployment

becomes a tool for militant groups to recruit its cadres and expand

their reach in almost every nook and corner the world.

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Unemployment is also one of the reasons behind militancy

emerging as a modern profession among youth today. Quite like

professions of military, police and para-military forces of the State,

militancy has also become a parallel underground profession for our

misguided youth. Such an emerging situation has very dangerous

portents. This can lead to socio-political anarchy on a massive and

wide scale. The J&K Government does not appear to have been

working on these lines for a securer future.

Tourism and Cottage Industries

Sixthly, tourism, carpet weaving, food, dairy farming, silk

products, honey products and Khadi industries can provide the nodal

point for resolving the unemployment peril. This aspect has also been

exploited only partially. Several departments have already been

opened by the Government in the State in this regard. These are

functioning in their own way. What, however, is needed is largely the

de-governmentalisation and more activation of the people in solving

their own problems. Governments have become mainly an instrument

of force and deeply ingrained corruption. Indeed, Gandhi is known to

agree to an oft quoted epitaph: “That government is best that governs

the least.” As such, Gandhi says:

I look upon an increase in the

power of the state with the greatest fear

because…it does the greatest harm to

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mankind by destroying individuality which

lies at the root of all progress.20

In the field of employment generation, institutions and

individuals other than belonging to the Government must be

encouraged more than ever earlier. The bureaucratic and other strings

should not be attached while giving more space to people and their

increased participation.

The main industries of the State, namely, tourism, farming and

animal husbandry are largely dependent on governmental initiatives

mostly subjected to red-tape bureaucratic orientation and corruption.

Full potential of the State even in these areas has yet not been

explored.

Education

Seventhly, Jammu and Kashmir is the only State in India

where education is avowedly free up to the university level. This is

partially true mainly in the autonomous institutions and

establishments of the State Government. As against the national

literacy rate of 44.18% for males and 19.55% for females, the J&K

State has a literacy rate of only about 26.67% -- and we know that

merely being literate does not mean education by it self.21

Education necessitates a number of other things also such as

vocabulary; perception; information; efficiency in using modern tools

of information technology; set standards of excellence in acquiring

knowledge and proficiency in dissemination of information; impartial

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and highest standards of examination; global and common standards

of syllabi at every level of education; regular periodic exchange of

ideas and activities through multiple levels of mutual collaboration

among educational institutions, people and community and effective

involvement of educators, researchers and students in policy making

and implementation etcetera.

In this perspective of education, not even 1% population of

J&K is educated at all! That is why, on a rough estimate based on

more than twenty years experience in the J&K education system,

competence, merit, efficiency, talent, qualifications and expertise are

of little consequence in the State. There is a parallel system of

underground degree, diploma and certificate acquisition system

having a price tag on so many aspects of otherwise due processes of

perspiration, diligence and competence. An Animal Farm of

incompetence is churning its vigour and vitality day after day.

Here, Gandhi’s Constructive Education Programme can be of

great benefit for the vast majority of the J&K State. It can be a source

of great practical inspiration though it may be modified according to

the requirements of the present contexts. 22

Displaced Persons

Last but not least, almost 10% population of J&K falls in the

category of displaced persons today. About ten Lakhs are displaced

persons. Among these, nearly three Lakhs are Kashmiri pundits.

Other people are from the categories of migrants since 1947, Sikhs,

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Hindus, Muslims and Scheduled Castes etcetera. Added to these are

also the displaced persons belonging to border areas and militancy

inflicted areas of R.S. Pura, Akhnoor, Manwal, Sambha, Kishtwar,

Badarwah and other regions of the State. All these are being

represented voluntarily by Panun Kashmir (Ajay Chirangoo, Kuldeep

Raina, M.K. Teng and others) and Kaushal Sharma etcetera.

There are different camps and several villages inhabited by

displaced persons in J&K. Their problems are such that they can be

understood only when political leaders at state and central level stay a

few days of their lives in the concerned camps and villages.

Otherwise problems of displaced persons can never be grasped

fully. Gandhi has been doing this when needed. For example, Gandhi

went to Champaran to understand challenges faced by the indigo

workers in 1917 under the British Raj. As a result, the problems of the

indigo farmers were resolved with the interjection of Gandhi at that

moment. Hence, some sacrifice is needed on the part of political

leaders. Only a few surveys for knowing the plight of displaced

persons will not really serve the purpose. Action and sacrifice is

needed on the part of political leaders and people of the State of J&K.

Sacrifice is essential. It is a practical device to deal with numerous

challenges. The current trend of political leaders enjoying power and

comforts will not do. Political leaders and bureaucrats have to come

out of their comfortable shells and experience what displace persons

are suffering from.

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Gandhi – as a practical-idealist -- always lived his life with the

sufferers. He never enjoyed power despite opportunities available to

him.

One is reminded of an oft quoted line from Plato’s Republic,

“Until philosophers are kings and kings and princes of the world have

the power of philosophy, cities will never have rest from evils.”

Hence, let the populism of democracy gain its wisdom from

the merit and genuine talent from competent, diligent and practical

visionaries of society. Otherwise, anarchy will prevail ever more.

What Gandhi Wants

What a man wants from birth till death is primarily peace and

prosperity. Gandhi is also for peaceful prosperity of individuals and

nations alike. All essential needs of every individual must be fulfilled

first. Other things must follow. This is the key to Gandhian peaceful

life. That is why Gandhi, after his years in South Africa, is always

seen wearing just one small piece of cloth upon his person in order to

feel the real and practical difficulties of vast Indian masses suffering

from gross poverty. Gandhi believes in the doctrine of opting for

voluntary poverty when our other compatriots in India are poor at

large. From here flows his ideas of Trusteeship and mutual sharing of

wealth and resources.

What Gandhi is suggesting are very easy and common options

for dealing with diverse challenges. From fulfilling basic need of salt

at very low cost for every poor and common individual, he moves on

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to national security and international peace in the similar vein. As

long as there is absence of general, fundamental, practical and

political belief in the efficacy of nonviolence as a way of life, till then

at least a Nonviolent National Defence Army, Navy and Air Force

can be evolved on Gandhian lines of nonviolent spirit and

nonviolence of the brave. This nonviolent national defence system

can work alongside existing defence forces.

Such simple but effective steps can be taken up at the level of

Central and State Governments only when India has evolved a

defence policy. These simple Gandhian solutions to complex current

tangles certainly need spirited and sincere long-term initiatives for

transforming prevalent meta-conflict orientation towards a belief that

despite continued struggles, conflicts, war and weapons of mass

destruction-peace and nonviolence as a way of life are practical

options. Despite mass violence and increasing crime graph, we are all

living a nonviolent life in our routine affairs.

What we need is merely to think and act in the most common

and obvious terms. We are not doing it. This is possible even in this

age of globalisation. We must learn to sit together like common

human beings without attaching unnecessary airs to our own persons.

That is why Albert Einstein has said, ''Generations to come will scarce

believe that such a man as this, in flesh and blood, ever walked upon

this earth.'' One of the greatest admirers of Gandhi is Albert Einstein,

who sees in ''Gandhi's nonviolence a possible antidote to the massive

98


violence unleashed by the fission of the atom.'' B R Nanda writes in

the 2001 edition of Britannica Encyclopaedia, ''In a time of deepening

crisis in the underdeveloped world, of social malaise in the affluent

societies, of the shadow of unbridled technology and the precarious

peace of nuclear terror, it seems likely that Gandhi's ideas and

techniques will become increasingly relevant.''

99


References and Notes

1 Hindu Dharma, pp. 61-62. See also S. C. Gangal, Gandhian Thought and

Techniques in the Modern World, New Delhi, Criterion Publications, 1988, pp. 62-

73, 115-120.

2 S. Radhakrishnan, The Bhagadgita, London, 1948, “Introduction”, pp.

24-25.

3 Harijan, 06 October 1946, p. 339.

4 Ibid., 11 November 1939, p. 336

5 Ibid., 06 April 1940, p. 76.

6 Ibid., 13 April 1940, p. 92.

7 Ibid., 04 May 1940, p. 117.

8 Ibid., 05 October 1947, p. 335.

9 Ibid., 28 September 1947, p. 339.

10 Ibid., p. 332.

11 Ibid., 09 November 1947, p. 406.

12 Ibid., 12 January 1948, p. 509.

13 Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj; Mary E. Clark, Ariadnae’s Thread: Search for

New Modes of Thinking, New York, St. Martin’s Press, 1989.

14 United Kingdom, British Parliament’s Minutes of Evidence given

before the Joint Committee on Indian Constitutional Reforms (session 1932-1933),

Vol. 2, p. 1496.

15 M. K. Gandhi, For Pacifists, p. 69.

16 Ikbal Kaul, “The Mahatma’s Kashmir Mission”, Kashmir Sentinel,

Jammu and Srinagar, 16 August – 15 September 2000.

17 Paresh R. Vaidya, “Of Means and Ends”, Frontline, Vol. 18, No. 08,

April 14 – 27 2001.

18 Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom, Oxford, OUP, 1999.

100


19 Barash and Webel, Peace and Conflict Studies, Sage, Thousand Oaks,

2002, p.3.

20 N. K. Bose, Selections from Gandhi Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1948, p.

42.

21 Government of Jammu and Kashmir State sources mainly.

22 http://www.gandhimanibahvan.org/gandhiphilosophy/philosophy_consprogrammes_bookwritten.htm

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Chapter Four

Terrorism

102


103


Chapter Four

Terrorism

Author is highly grateful to Mark Juergensmeyer for his

timely publication “Gandhi vs. Terrorism” in Daedalus, Vol.136,

No.1, 2007, pp. 30-41. But for the relatively negative approach of

Juergensmeyer when he reasons out his preference for Gandhian

nonviolence to deal with the menace of terrorism today, he has

written a bold piece in recognition of the power of nonviolence in the

modern world – specially for tackling the challenge of terrorism after

9/11 attacks on New York Trade Tower and the Pentagon and the

recent terrorists’ attack on India’s trade capital of Mumbai.

Gandhi is known to have lived amidst violence and terrorism

quite like the type that we see in the world today. India has come

across a lot of violence when Gandhi returned from South Africa in

1915. Before coming to India, Gandhi had suffered from violence in

South Africa. Yet he never resorted to retort through violence. It is

indeed in historical records that Gandhi has always succeeded while

using his own precept and practice of nonviolence against violence.

Gandhi’s views on violence leads us to think that violence

seldom succeeds. Gandhi, as such, has written and debated widely on

the themes of violence and terrorism. It would be well to reproduce

quite a few paragraphs from Juergensmeyer’s above mentioned article

here:

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India was on the verge of a violent

confrontation with Britain when, in 1915,

Gandhi was brought into India's

independence movement from South

Africa, where as a lawyer he had been a

leader in the struggle for social equality for

immigrant Indians. In India, as in South

Africa, the British had overwhelming

military superiority and were not afraid to

use it. In 1919, in the North Indian city of

Amritsar, an irate British brigadier-general

slaughtered almost four hundred Indians

who had come to the plaza of Jallianwala

Bagh to protest peacefully.

But the nationalist side was

countering with violence of its own. In

Bengal, Sub-has Chandra Bose organized

an Indian National Army, and, in Punjab,

leaders of the Ghadar movement --

supported by immigrant Punjabis in

California -- plotted a violent revolution

that anticipated boatloads of weapons and

revolutionaries transported to India from

the United States. These Indian anarchists

105


and militant Hindi nationalists saw

violence as the only solution to break the

power of the British over India.

Terrorism Versus Nonviolence Debate

Gandhi's views about violent

struggle were sharpened in response to

Indian activists who had defended a

terrorist attack on a British official. The

incident occurred in London in 1909,

shortly before Gandhi arrived there to

lobby the British Parliament on behalf of

South African Indian immigrants. An

Indian student in London, Madan Lal

Dhingra, had attacked an official in

Britain's India office, Sir William H.

Curzon-Wylie, in protest against Britain's

colonial control over India. At a formal

function, Dhingra pulled out a gun and, at

close range, fired five shots in his face.

The British official died on the spot.

Dhingra was immediately apprehended by

the police; when people in the crowd

called him a murderer, he said that he was

only fighting for India's freedom.

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Several weeks after Gandhi arrived

in London, he was asked to debate this

issue of violence with several of London's

expatriate Indian nationalists. His chief

opponent was Vinayak Savarkar, a militant

Hindu who would later found the political

movement known as the Hindu

Mahasabha, a precursor to the present-day

Hindu nationalist party, the Bharatiya

Janata Party. At the time of the 1909

assassination Savarkar was reputed to have

supplied the weapons and ammunition for

the act, and to have instructed the ardent

Hindu assassin in what to say in his final

statement as he was led to the gallows. The

young killer said that he was "prepared to

die, glorying in martyrdom."1

Shortly before the debate, Gandhi

wrote to a friend that in London he had

met practically no Indian who believed

"India can ever become free without

resorting to violence." 2 He described the

position of the militant activists as one in

which terrorism would precede a general

107


revolution: Their plans were first to

"assassinate a few Englishmen and strike

terror," after which "a few men who will

have been armed will fight openly." Then,

they calculated, eventually they might have

to lose "a quarter of a million men, more or

less," but the militant Indian nationalists

thought this effort at guerrilla warfare

would "defeat the English" and "regain our

land." 3

During the debate, Gandhi

challenged the logic of the militants on the

grounds of political realism. They could

hardly expect to defeat the might of the

British military through sporadic acts of

terrorism and guerrilla warfare. More

important, however, was the effect that

violent tactics would have on the emerging

Indian nationalist movement. He feared

that the methods they used to combat the

British would become part of India's

national character.

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Hind Swaraj

Several weeks later Gandhi was

still thinking about these things as he

boarded a steamship to return to South

Africa. He penned his response to the

Indian activists in London in the form of a

book. In a preliminary way, this essay,

which Gandhi wrote hurriedly on the boat

to Durban in 1909 (writing first with one

hand and then the other to avoid getting

cramps), set forth an approach to conflict

resolution that he would pursue the rest of

his life. The book, Hind Swaraj, or, Indian

Home Rule, went to some lengths to

describe both the goals of India's emerging

independence movement and the

appropriate methods to achieve it. He

agreed with the Indian radicals in London

that Britain should have no place in ruling

India and exploiting its economy.

Moreover, he thought that India should not

try to emulate the materialism of Western

civilization, which he described as a kind

of "sickness."

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The thrust of the book, however,

was to counter terrorism. Gandhi sketched

out a nonviolent approach, beginning with

an examination of the nature of conflict.

He insisted on looking beyond a specific

clash between individuals to the larger

issues for which they were fighting. Every

conflict, Gandhi reasoned, was a

contestation on two levels--between

persons and between principles. Behind

every fighter was the issue for which the

fighter was fighting. Every fight, Gandhi

explained in a later essay, was on some

level an encounter between differing

"angles of vision" illuminating the same

truth. 4

It was this difference in positions--

sometimes even in worldviews--that

needed to be resolved in order for a fight to

be finished and the fighters reconciled. In

that sense Gandhi's methods were more

than a way of confronting an enemy; they

were a way of dealing with conflict itself.

For this reason he grew unhappy with the

110


label, 'passive resistance,' that had been

attached to the methods used by his protest

movement in South Africa. There was

nothing passive about it--in fact, Gandhi

had led the movement into stormy

confrontations with government

authorities--and it was more than just

resistance. It was also a way of searching

for what was right and standing up for it,

of speaking truth to power.

In 1906 Gandhi decided to find a

new term for his method of engaging in

conflict. He invited readers of his journal,

Indian Opinion, to offer suggestions, and

he offered a book prize for the winning

entry. The one that most intrigued him

came from his own cousin, Maganlal,

which Gandhi refined into the term,

satyagraha. The neologism is a conjunct of

two Sanskrit words, satya, 'truth,' and

agraha, 'to grasp firmly.' Hence it could be

translated as 'grasping onto truth,' or as

Gandhi liked to call it, "truth force."

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What Gandhi found appealing

about the winning phrase was its focus on

truth. Gandhi reasoned that no one

possesses a complete view of it. The very

existence of a conflict indicates a deep

difference over what is right. The first task

of a conflict, then, is to try to see the

conflict from both sides of an issue. This

requires an effort to understand an

opponent's position as well as one's own--

or, as former U.S. Secretary of Defence

Robert McNamara advised in the

documentary film The Fog of War,

"Empathize with the enemy."

Gandhi’s View of Conflict

The ability to cast an empathetic

eye was central to Gandhi's view of

conflict. It made it possible to imagine a

solution that both sides could accept, at

least in part--though Gandhi also

recognized that sometimes the other side

had very little worth respecting. In his

campaign for the British to 'quit India,' for

instance, he regarded the only righteous

112


place for the British to be was Britain. Yet

at the same time he openly appreciated the

many positive things that British rule had

brought to the Indian subcontinent, from

roads to administrative offices.

After a solution was imagined, the

second stage of a struggle was to achieve

it. This meant fighting--but in a way that

was consistent with the solution itself.

Gandhi adamantly rejected the notion that

the goal justifies the means. Gandhi argued

that the ends and the means were

ultimately the same. If you fought

violently you would establish a pattern of

violence that would be part of any solution

to the conflict, no matter how noble it was

supposed to be. Even if terrorists were

successful in ousting the British from

India, Gandhi asked, "Who will then rule

in their place?" His answer was that it

would be the ones who had killed in order

to liberate India, adding, "India can gain

nothing from the rule of murderers." 5

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A struggle could be forceful--often

it would begin with a demonstration and "a

refusal to cooperate with anything

humiliating." But it could not be violent,

Gandhi reasoned, for these destructive

means would negate any positive benefits

of a struggle's victory. If a fight is waged

in the right way it could enlarge one's

vision of the truth and enhance one's

character in the process. What Gandhi

disdained was the notion that one had to

stoop to the lowest levels of human

demeanour in fighting for something

worthwhile. This brings us to the way that

Gandhi would respond to terrorism. To

begin with, Gandhi insisted on some kind

of response. He never recommended doing

nothing at all. "Inaction at a time of

conflagration is inexcusable," he once

wrote. 6

Beneath Contempt

He regarded cowardice as beneath

contempt. Fighting--if it is nonviolent--is

114


"never demoralizing," Gandhi said, while

"cowardice always is."7

And perhaps Gandhi's most

memorable statement against a tepid

response: "Where there is only a choice

between cowardice and violence, I would

advise violence."8

Occasionally violence does indeed

seem to be the only response available.

Gandhi provided some examples. One was

the mad dog. On confronting a dog with

rabies, one must stop it by any means

possible, including maiming or killing it.9

Another case that Gandhi offered

was a brutal rapist caught in the act. To do

nothing in that situation, Gandhi said,

makes the observer "a partner in violence."

Hence violence could be used to counter it.

Gandhi thus concluded, "Heroic violence

is less sinful than cowardly nonviolence."

10

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Gandhian Strategy

A Gandhian strategy for

confronting terrorism, therefore, would

consist of the following:

Stop an act of violence in its tracks.

The effort to do so should be nonviolent

but forceful. Gandhi made a distinction

between detentive force--the use of

physical control in order to halt violence in

progress--and coercive force. The latter is

meant to intimidate and destroy, and

hinders a Gandhian fight aimed at a

resolution of principles at stake.

Address the issues behind the

terrorism. To focus solely on acts of

terrorism, Gandhi argued, would be like

being concerned with weapons in an effort

to stop the spread of racial hatred. Gandhi

thought the sensible approach would be to

confront the ideas and alleviate the

conditions that motivated people to

undertake such desperate operations in the

first place.

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Maintain the moral high ground. A

bellicose stance, Gandhi thought, debased

those who adopted it. A violent posture

adopted by public authorities could lead to

a civil order based on coercion. For this

reason Gandhi insisted on means

consistent with the moral goals of those

engaged in the conflict.

These are worthy principles, but do

they work? This question is often raised

about nonviolent methods as a response to

terrorism--as if the violent ones have been

so effective. In Israel, a harsh response to

Palestinian violence has often led to a

surge of support for Hamas and an increase

in terrorist violence. The U.S. responses to

jihadi movements after the September 11

attacks have not diminished support for the

movements nor reduced the number of

terrorist incidents worldwide. Militant

responses to terrorism do not possess a

particularly good record of success.

Violence begets violence and absolute violence leads to

complete extinction. Nonviolence, on the other hand, cuts at the roots

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of violence. Nonviolence paves the pathway to peace and ultimate

victory in which even the loser is not hurt. Gandhi, therefore, even

while dealing with state “terrorism” of the British, always succeeded

in his nonviolent attempts to resolve numerous conflicts.11

Sometimes violence has to be used under certain inevitable

circumstances as already shown in this chapter earlier. Yet violence is

the way to self-destruction. Nonviolence is an ever alive process – it

never ends and it is timeless. Violence kills and nonviolence never

kills. That is why vast international resources are being spent on

establishing the processes of nonviolence for resolving conflicts and

tensions through multi-track diplomacy and instruments of institutions

like the United Nations etc.

What is really required is also benevolent intent of political

will, determination, patience, perseverance and a general belief in the

force of nonviolence. Violence does not succeed.12

Modern terrorism is indeed not a random response of an

individual or a group of individuals. Terrorism has become an army

of disciplined and well trained soldiers beyond national frontiers.

They have their own philosophies, morals and ethics. In addition to

their networking and armaments, their real strength comes from their

philosophies – ethically sound and morally soothing to them though

esoterically. Hence, the terrorists will have to be dealt with

nonviolently – with nonviolence providing the strong base for

confronting the terrorists ethically as well. Otherwise, terrorism will

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flourish ever more. Terrorists go for massive violence with ethical

base beneath their act.

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References and Notes:

1 James D. Hunt, Gandhi in London, New Delhi, Promilla and Co. Publishers, 1973, p. 134. 2 Government of India, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. 9, Delhi, Publications Division, 1958,p. 509. 3 M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, 2nd ed., Ahmedabad, Navajivan, 1938, p. 69. 4 Young India, 23 September 1926. See specially Mark Juergensmeyer, Gandhi's Way: A Handbook of Conflict Resolution, rev. ed., Berkeley, University of California Press, 2005. 5 Op cit. n. 1. 6 Harijan, April 7, 1946. 7 Young India, October 31, 1929. 8 Young India, August 11, 1920. 9 Gandhi, Collected Works, Vol. 14, 505. 10 Gandhi, Collected Works, Vol. 51, 17. Note: References 1-10 in this chapter are almost wholly reproduced from Mark Juergensmeyer, “Gandhi vs. Terrorism” in Daedalus, Vol.136, No.1, 2007, pp. 30-41 with emphasis added in different ways. I express deep sense of gratitude to Mark for writing such a commendable piece on Gandhi and terrorism. 11 Erik H. Erikson, Gandhi's Truth: On the Origins of Militant Nonviolence, New York, W. W. Norton, 1993, pp. 413-416. 12 Michael J. Nojeim, Gandhi and King: The Power of Nonviolent Resistance, Westport, CT, Praeger, pp. 91, 288.

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Chapter Five

Conflict Resolution

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Chapter Five

Conflict Resolution

Existing system of conflict resolution appears to be too

distant from deeper nuances of conflicts. These include such aspects

as unique and peculiar area, locality and culture specific dimensions

amongst the involved parties to a conflict. For example, in India –

Pakistan conflict, short term and long term vested interests and human

psyche of the people and political elites have seldom been taken into

account in any conflict resolution venture. Even so-called confidence

building measures (CBMs) are also somewhat superficially hyped

about with all ice-creams, sweet-limes, rare wines and crowd-

collecting cultural gatherings where only those are able to come who

form an elite – and thus, they have generally remained away from the

realities and pains of more recent and emerging as well as prolonged

conflicts.

Conflicts: Types and Resolution

There are at least about 250 ways of conflict resolution.

Quite a few recent editions / publications have enlisted these methods.

For instance, among others, Gene Sharp and Joan V. Bondurant have

written extensively in this matter.1 There is, among several others,

also a very comprehensive conflict resolution portal – extremely

informative and very dependable. Malaviya Centre for Peace

Research is yet another institution providing highly useful

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information and exercises in applied theory of conflict resolution –

with special orientation towards Afro-Asian and Latin American

concerns of poorer countries.

Conflicts, disputes, proxy wars, wars, guerrilla warfare,

cyber warfare, terrorism, militancy, insurgency, drugs and

armaments’ trade mafia and ecological degradation among nations

pose greatest threats to prospects of conflict resolution today. Related

to these is also the question of violation of human rights in different

ways. This further leads to infliction of diverse injustices especially

on weaker sections of this spaceship earth.

About 41 major and perpetual conflicts are on in the world

today in the form of wars, terrorism, civil wars, insurgency, sporadic

occasional violence etcetera. These conflicts are there mainly in 33

countries of Asia, Africa, America and Europe – including North

America, Latin America, West Europe, West Asia and Central Asia.2

If we look deeper into these countries and their conflicts

(as mentioned above), it will be easy to find that most of the major

racial, ethnic, language related and perennial religious conflicts have

not found their way into the common categorization and listing of

conflicts. Therefore, in reality, the world is facing at least estimated

300 different and sustained conflicts of serious nature. Every country

is having at least – on an average – two serious conflicts of different

type.

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Every conflict must, however, be treated as yet another

opportunity for positive conflict resolution with the help of a few

select techniques from among the available nearly 250 methods. One

thing must be very clear. Waging war and finally winning it just

cannot be regarded as a method of resolving a conflict. Crushing a

revolt is also not a method of conflict resolution. Any method not in

line with a “civil society” is not to be regarded as a way of resolving

conflict. Conflict Resolution is primarily a nonviolent civilian way of

solving a conflictual tangle. Otherwise, no conflict in the world can

ever be solved.

There are quite a few common and established ways of

resolving conflicts especially among nations on international plane.

On the social and interpersonal levels, the law of the land and diverse

pulls, pressures and communication options – formal and informal –

constitute various methods of resolving conflicts. Governmental, non-

governmental and semi-governmental channels of nine tracks of

diplomacy also comprise this list.

Variation

Set standards and roadmap to conflict resolution through

negotiation, mediation, arbitration, and adjudication are not new to

this world. These established methods and ways of conflict resolution

do not suffice in view of present-day international, common global,

regional and other local challenges and conflicts. See, for instance,

conflicts in Africa, Asia and Latin-America. West-Asian, Central

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Asian, South-West Asian conflictual field is different from what can

be seen in Latin-America and in Africa (minus South Africa).

Moreover, conflicts in United States, Canada and European Countries

(minus Turkey) are quite similar. Yet their range, intensity and

circumstances differ a lot. Conflicts in Turkey, South Africa and Italy

are entirely different not only from one another but also from any

other country of the world. There are also some conflicts that are very

much built into the modern systems of efficiency and excellence!

These conflicts emerge from prolonged personal and institutional

tensions and depressions. Social, cultural, political and economic

ethos is of great significance in understanding and resolving conflicts.

Therefore, merely having and applying a ‘given and set’

system of conflict resolution will not be able to do much in the face of

mundane and varied problems such as ‘Islamism’ and not Islam,

Ethnicity, Racialism, Linguistic conflicts, Jews and Palestinian tangle,

India-Pakistan conflicts, Terrorism, prolonged religion oriented

cleavages, socio-political threats emerging from modern technology

and ‘modernity’, environmental and ecological hazards, degeneration

of values in society combined with other international conflicts

relating to territorial disagreements etcetera.

These conflicts and challenges alongwith questions of

poverty, starvation, continued and extended population explosion,

proliferation of armaments, widespread pollution of air, water and

soil, increasing unemployment, deep-rooted corruption, massive

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illiteracy, and armaments trade global and national nexus further

require more thoughtful conflict resolution modus operandi or ever

new modes of conflict resolution.

New Thinking

A new thinking has to go into this – away from vested

interests of current type. Real vested interest that must go into

evolving this innovative global plan must be resolution of conflicts in

a better and more sustained way. Otherwise, the ongoing process of

globalization will also not succeed – for obvious reasons of prevailing

conflicts in the world. Existing conflicts keep generating divisive

impetus and forces among nations and people alike. This trend has to

be stopped or at least creatively impeded through proportionate

digression and productive regeneration towards global and federated

unification.

Application of conflict resolution methods needs wider

people to people transnational active participation and continued

interaction. It must not remain nearly an exclusive domain of

academic experts, political negotiators, and diplomatic officers only.

Otherwise, conflicts and their resolution will make possibilities of

peace ever more conflictual through their methodological and

technical expertise quite away form realities of conflicts. Methods and

technical profundity is required absolutely. This knowledge must,

however, percolate down to every common person. That is how things

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have to be planned for future. This, indeed, is a field of international

and global policy making.

Even the exercise of theory building in conflict resolution

has to be more exhaustive, comprehensive and all inclusive

democratically and voluntarily. Establishment of democracy in every

country has to be a real universal truth for conflict resolution to

succeed.

Even the present-day process of globalization also

necessacitates a primarily “border-less and conflict-free world”, as it

were, for the emergence of a global civil society. This is a pre-

qualification of a globalized world. Prolonged conflicts hamper good

governance, excellence and efficiency – so necessary for globalization

through free flow of interactive information, goods, technology and

efforts of people. The essence of globalization is seen in a nonviolent

and largely peaceful world. Conflict resolution and globalization are

mutually interdependent and closely linked to one another. These two

are so much intertwined that they march forward together.

In the seriously conflict ridden areas, meaningful activities

relating to agriculture, food production, employment opportunities,

technological development etcetera become, as it were, “out of

bounds” for the concerned population and inhabitants. Multiple

regions of such anarchistic conflicts are not difficult to see especially

in Africa, Southeast Asia, West Asia and Central Asia etcetera. Such

regions of conflicts and pockets are living examples of “Hell on

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Earth!” Future “Hells” on Earth must, however, be discouraged and

not pampered in any way what so ever.

Conflict Provention

There are several ways. This is also possible through John

Burton’s “provention” and proactive prevention of prospective

conflicts.3 For Burton, provention (not merely prevention) includes

better education from the time of early school days in understanding

causes of conflicts. A well groomed culture of conflict resolution is,

therefore, needed in the global civil society today. The global

community of nations is, however, not giving serious and concerted

thought to the need of a ‘well groomed international system of

conflict resolution and prevention’.

Events of 11 September 2001 are logical corollary of

massive violence and weapons of mass destruction available to the

institution of State and their apparent smuggling and clandestine trade

through various channels. How to relate this challenge of conflict

resolution to realities of conflict “provention” and long term

streamlining?

In this matter, on the governmental plane in particular, it is

mainly the intelligence agencies’ input and filtered reports that

generally form the basis for gathering information. On this basis,

steps and policies are formulated for prevention of conflicts in future.

This by itself is an incomplete exercise. Intelligence gathering is

always insufficient because it is done by professionals who are

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generally not integral actors and participants in the concerned

conflict. Instead, they are involved, at best, merely as involuntary

duty bound observers.

Clash of Civilisations!

Quite a few authors and noted experts like Samuel P.

Huntington and others have also extended a thesis of clash of

civilisations in the twenty-first century. Huntington says:

It is my hypothesis that the

fundamental source of conflict in this new

world will not be primarily ideological or

primarily economic. The great divisions

among humankind and the dominating

source of conflict will be cultural. Nation

states will remain the most powerful actors

in world affairs, but the principal conflicts

of global politics will occur between

nations and groups of different

civilizations. The clash of civilizations will

be the battle lines of the future.4

Indeed, it is not always easy to agree with Huntington.

Civilisations do not clash. Ideology, economy and culture are highly

technical terms and they do not entirely constitute a civilisation.

When modern nation-states and globalisation oriented international

politics were not there, ‘civilisations’ still prevailed. The essence of a

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civilisation are in the particular ‘way of life’, societal values, ethical

ethos, set and evolved standards of an individual’s character, popular

ways and standards of social entertainment, and preservation, creation

and evolution of knowledge (and not so much of ‘information’) in a

given social and political regime. However, the political aspects are

but off-shoots of the essence of civilisation. Therefore, civilisations

can never clash. They are permanent and ever evolving. Yes, they

maybe destroyed physically by an eventuality of the dropping of a

nuclear bomb upon them as it nearly happened in the case of

Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 when about 80,000 living

and pulsating human beings were killed and exhumed into thin air

almost instantly. This example is merely an example of the possibility

of annihilation of a civilisation in future especially in view of

maddening 50,000 nuclear arsenals resting with the United States and

Russia minus other nuclear powers today. “Every such warhead has

nearly twenty times the destructive power of the atom bomb dropped

at Hiroshima on 06 August 1945”. 5

Conflict resolution will have to be “preventive” and

futuristic as well. An international authority for conflict resolution on

the basis of the principle of a world federation of nations may be

created with in the United Nations system of independently.

Exclusive task of such an authority must be only conflict resolution.

Otherwise, civilizations will not clash but they will be completely

destroyed and annihilated.

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Gandhian Conception

However, the Gandhian perception on conflict resolution

is more straightforward especially when he suggested the Jews

community in Palestine they should have never left their country

Germany under any circumstances.

Conflict resolution stands mid-way between conflict

management and conflict transformation in international politics.

Mahatma Gandhi regards nonviolence as the main approach to

resolution of nearly every type of conflict among nations, races and

human beings. He observes in Harijan in 1938:

German persecution of the Jews

seems to have no parallel in history. The

tyrants of old never went so mad as Hitler

seems to have gone. And he is doing it

with religious zeal. For he is propounding

a new religion of exclusive and militant

nationalism in the name of which many

inhumanity becomes an act of humanity to

be rewarded here and hereafter. The crime

of an obviously mad but intrepid youth is

being visited upon his whole race with

unbelievable ferocity.

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If there ever could be a justifiable

war in the name of and for humanity, a

war against Germany, to prevent the

wanton persecution of a whole race,

would be completely justified.

But I do not believe in any war. A

discussion of the pros and cons of such a

war is therefore outside my horizon or

province.

But if there can be no war against

Germany, even for such a crime as is being

committed against the Jews, surely there

can be no alliance with Germany. How can

there be alliance between a nation which

claims to stand for justice and democracy

and one which is the declared enemy of

both? Or is England drifting towards

armed dictatorship and all it means?

Germany is showing to the world

how efficiently violence can be worked

when it is not hampered by any hypocrisy

or weakness masquerading as

humanitarianism. It is also showing how

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hideous, terrible and terrifying it looks in

its nakedness.

Can the Jews resist this organized

and shameless persecution? Is there a way

to preserve their self-respect, and not to

feel helpless, neglected and forlorn? I

submit there is no person who has faith in

a living God need feel helpless or forlorn.

Jehovah of the Jews is a God more

personal than the God of the Christians, the

Musalmans or the Hindus, though, as a

matter of fact in essence, He is common to

all …one without a second [one] and

beyond description. But as the Jews

attribute personality to God and believe

that He rules every action of theirs, they

ought not to feel helpless.

If I were a Jew and were born in

Germany and earned my livelihood there, I

would claim Germany as my home even as

the tallest gentile German may, and

challenge him to shoot me or cast me in

the dungeon; I would refuse to be expelled

or to submit to discriminating

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treatment. And for doing this, I should

not wait for the [other] fellow[s] Jews to

join [you] me in civil resistance but would

have confidence that in the end the rest are

bound to follow my example.

If one Jew or all the Jews were to

accept the prescription here offered, he or

they cannot be worse off than now. And

suffering voluntarily undergone will bring

them an inner strength and joy which no

number of resolutions of sympathy passed

in the world outside Germany can. Indeed,

even if Britain, France and America were

to declare hostilities against Germany, they

can bring no inner joy, no inner strength.

The calculated violence of Hitler may even

result in a general massacre of the Jews by

way of his first answer to the declaration of

such hostilities.

But if the Jewish mind could be

prepared for voluntary suffering, even the

massacre I have imagined could be turned

into a day of thanksgiving and joy that

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Jehovah had wrought deliverance

of the race even at the hands of the tyrant.

For to the god fearing, death has no

terror. It is a joyful sleep to be followed by

a waking that would be all the more

refreshing for the long sleep.

It is hardly necessary for me to

point out that it is easier for the Jews than

for the Czechs to follow my prescription.

And they have in the Indian

satyagraha campaign in South Africa an

exact parallel. There the Indians occupied

precisely the same place that the Jews

occupy in Germany. The persecution had

also a religious tinge. President Kruger

used to say that the white Christians were

the chosen of God and Indians were

inferior beings created to serve the whites.

A fundamental clause in the Transvaal

constitution was that there should be no

equality between the whites and coloured

races including Asiatics.

Indians were consigned to ghettos

described as locations. The other

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disabilities were almost of the same type as

those of the Jews in Germany.

The Indians, a mere handful,

resorted to satyagraha without any

backing from the world outside or the

Indian Government. Indeed the British

officials tried to dissuade the satyagrahis

(soldiers of non-violence) from their

contemplated step. World opinion and the

Indian Government came to their aid after

eight years of fighting. And that too was

by way of diplomatic pressure not of a

threat of war.

But the Jews of Germany can offer

satyagraha under infinitely better auspices

than Indians of South Africa. The Jews are

a compact, homogeneous community in

Germany. They are far more gifted than

the Indians of South Africa. And they have

organized world opinion behind them.

I am convinced that if someone

with courage and vision can arise among

them to lead them in nonviolent action, the

winter of their despair can in the twinkling

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of an eye be turned into the summer of

hope.6

Nonviolence and Conflict Resolution

Ours is an era replete with human comforts, luxuries and mass

consumerist cultural milieu. These trends are also germinating into

fertile conflictual fields sowed with seeds of perennial massive

warfare, professional terrorism, nuclear blackmailing and global

super monitoring.7

Effective democratic values and ideological conflicts are being

sidelined for good. The in thing is globalisation of the order of George

Orwell’s 1984. But for apex human activity and profession of politics,

everything else is on its way to utmost professionalisation and

technical and managerial training for technological excellence.

Despite state-of-the-art professional fashioning of every

human activity, two major areas, namely, politics and nonviolence,

still need global attention anent training and disciplining. Otherwise

cities are least likely to have rest from their evils of promiscuity,

social insecurities and recurring emotional breakdowns. This is

required even for recent econological adjustments and research.

Nonviolence is a way of life while politics is an act of

bringing order to human existence.

Former is present in our daily routine though it is seldom

noticed for it comes to us inherently and naturally. We tend to notice

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merely exceptions of violence, conflicts and tensions. Our continued

and primary attention to exceptions of perversion in politics also

applies to us similarly.

It is because of our tendency of noticing only the uncommon.

Modern media is also covering mainly those happenings as “news”

which are exceptionally perverse, violent, negative and superhuman.

Abnormalcy thy name is news! It sells in the form of advertisements

and other media activities. Perversion is being read, seen, heard and

even consumed by most of us nearly all the while. Humanity is

becoming ignorant of what is normal.

Normal life style and politics is away from gross perversion

and nearer to religion or universal values of common ethics. While

the modern and secular democratic trend is leading this spaceship

earth astray from fundamental values of daily human life. This is

being done in the name of keeping politics clean from personal

religious faiths. That is how politics – the main spirit behind all

activity – moves into scientific realms of objectivity and truth today!

Fanaticism is not religion. Religion is also not fanaticism,

prejudice and bigotry. The highest form of self-realisation needs

similar religious type of discipline, training and scientific outlook in

every religion. Even spiritual self-realisation is not entirely different

from political statesmanship and professionalism.8 Religion must,

therefore, be given its due place as a source of fundamental common

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human values. These values need to be systematically absorbed and

applied in every sphere of modern life.

The Road to Nonviolent Conflict Resolution

This is possible through a mathematical and scientific

practical course of step-by-step individuals transformation on a local,

national, international and global plane. This has to be tried and

researched in a practical way. This is the road to Mahatma Gandhi’s

practical-idealism. Despite embracing quite a few ideas of “no-tax

campaign” or non-cooperation of David Thoreau, John Ruskin’s

“individual’s good in good of all”, “barber’s work is as valuable as

that of a lawyer” and “eat thy bread by the sweat of thy brow” and

Leo Tolstoy’s “extreme nonviolence”, Gandhi added dynamic

uniqueness to all these propositions through his own experience and

application. His practical route to conflict-resolution and

transformation, therefore, resides in a very unique Gandhian action

programme through:

i) Nonviolence

ii) Satyagraha

iii) Sarvodaya

iv) Education

v) Discipline

This is Gandhi’s vibrant pentagon. No terrorist can even try

dismantling it once it is applied in a proper practical perspective.

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Here, some relevant quotations of / for Gandhi may be of interest for

us:

My honour is the only thing worth

preserving.9

Standing on the brink of social

disaster in our western world, it would be

rather glorious thing if we could humble

our pride sufficiently to appropriate from

the east what we need most desperately in

the west, a strong enough faith in the

efficacy of ethical forces to achieve social

justice without wading through blood to

get.10

It is a blasphemy to say that

nonviolence can only be practiced by

individuals and never by nations which are

composed of individuals.11

Gandhi’s nonviolence is a dynamic concept inasmuch as its

theory and practice went on growing and evolving as long as he lived.

That is why his ideas are often considered to be mutually

contradictory. What Gandhi says here is that he and his perceptions

are always developing across diverse experiences. For him, in Hind

Swaraj, whenever there appears a contradiction in his writings and

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even otherwise, the later context or view must be given precedence

over the earlier ones.12

Continuity and change are the two systemic features of

nonviolence. It grows with human tryst with challenges, trials and

conflicts. This Gandhian nonviolence is a positive concept for it is the

nonviolence of the brave that is being aspired for. Nonviolence of a

coward has no room in the Gandhian order of things. Gandhi prefers

violence of the brave instead of nonviolence of a coward.13

This concept or precept of nonviolence is put into practice

through individual and corporate satyagraha. That goes for endless

quest for truth alive and not static. Humility and requestful attitude is

the cornerstone of this strategy for peace and harmony. There are

several stages and levels of satyagraha. A number of prerequisites are

also there. A satyagrahi is known as a nonviolent soldier. He has to be

trained as such.

This training includes education and discipline. Only a select

lot of determined individuals with unflinching faith in the power of

nonviolence can be a part of such a nonviolent army of satyagrahis.

Nonviolence cannot succeed without this faith and universal belief in

the efficacy of nonviolence or ahimsa.

What are these discipline, training and education in the

Gandhian mould? These are fundamental principles of Patanjali’s

Yogapradeep known as Pancha Yama. Ahimsa, Satya, Asteya,

Brahamcharya and Aparigrah are Pancha Yamas.

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Ahimsa is compassion for all living beings. Satya is

truthfulness. Asteya means not to steal. Brahamcharya is control of

senses. Brahamcharya is used mostly in the sense of abstinence,

particularly in relationship to sexual activity. Brahamcharya does not

necessarily imply celibacy. Rather, it means responsible behavior

with respect to our goal of moving toward the truth. Aparigraha is not

even to aspire to acquire and hoard wealth and mundane things of this

world such as comforts etcetera. Aparigraha means to possess only

what is necessary, and not to take advantage of a situation or act

greedy. Aparigraha also implies letting go of our attachments to

things and persons.

There is a process of soldier like training of satyagrahis for

attaining the ultimate goal of Sarvodaya or good of all. This is not a

Bethamite principle of “the greatest happiness of the greatest

number”.

Gandhian nonviolence has to be practiced. Reading alone

would not do. Even otherwise, from a scientific perspective, a real

researcher is one who goes into the field and tests the practicability of

an idea already proven in a particular situation.

Limitations of Existing Conflict Resolution

Long established methods of conflict management,

conflict resolution and conflict transformation are mostly arising from

a present day context of a sheer helplessness in view of numerous

national, regional, international and global conflicts and challenges to

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peace and “prosperity”. The Gandhian nonviolence, on the other

hand, is such an area of managing, resolving and transforming diverse

types of conflicts that it starts not from helplessness but from courage

of conviction and essential belief in the caressing power of

nonviolence.

Nonviolence cannot be discussed on and on. It needs i)

courageous negotiators, ii) soldiers without weapons iii) unflinching

faith in ahimsa iv) self-confidence with patience and perseverance and

v) certainly not the bullish audaciousness.

Such nonviolence is replete with great potential to deal

with a number of modern day dangerous conflictual human concerns.

Nonviolence empowered with the tools of satyagraha has succeeded,

among others, in gaining political independence both for India and

Pakistan form our dear British counterparts upon whom “Sun never

set”!

The usual conflict resolution is a well established process of

resolving a dispute or a conflict by providing each side's needs, and

adequately addressing their interests so that they are satisfied with the

outcome. Conflict resolution aims to end conflicts before they start or

lead to physical fighting. Resolution methods can include

conciliation, mediation, arbitration or litigation.

Sometimes disputes and conflicts may simply be avoided

without actually resolving them. At times, it may even be desirable

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that the concerned parties may disagree. However, one thing is clear.

It is that a conflict is a state of opposition between two parties.

There are different types of conflicts. This list can never be

fully exhaustive. Broadly speaking, about eleven types of conflicts are

recognized: i) intra-personal conflict, ii) interpersonal conflict, iii)

group conflict, iv) organizational conflict, v) community conflict, vi)

intra-state conflict, vii) inter-state conflict, viii) international conflict,

ix) global conflicts, x) regional conflicts, xi) “communal” or conflicts

between different religions, xii) racial conflicts.

For resolving these conflicts, several diplomatic tracks are also

already there. As regards quite a few apparent and friendly conflicts

between United States (US) and India, Track 6 diplomacy is also

proving to be highly fruitful for evolving short-term and long-term

relationship of mutuality and growing commitment and faith.14

All these methods of conflict resolution are also highly

dynamic. These are being applied widely for several years now. The

present day conflict resolution methods are, however, not really so

nonviolent for they arise from an intense interest based orientation of

cooperation and ever more cooperation out of a mutual assured fear

among nations and individuals alike.

Nonviolence of the Gandhian order, on the other hand, does

not suffer from such a, as it were, cliché. Therefore, what is the harm

if this approach is also developed alongside other prevalent ways of

conflict resolution? Nonviolence is also highly free from any religious

146


bias in nature inasmuch as it is presently coming from a secular mind

of Gandhi who is regarded as an undisputed leader not only the

downtrodden but also of the saner minds in the world.

Scientific Experimentation

The need is to make experiments with an open mind and

objective scientific outlook. Gandhi had this faith in social and

political experimentation. A positively practical attitude to evolution

of ever new avenues and vistas of knowledge must never be put aside.

There are quite a few masterly works by Gandhi and his

commentators anent his views on conflict resolution, discipline, life

style, political, military and economic decentralisation, stateless

society, development, peace and a federation of nations leading to

security, i.e., social, military, political, legal, economic and ecological

etcetera. A two volumes study by M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in

Peace and War; Gopinath Dhawan’s The Political Philosophy of

Mahatma Gandhi; H. J. N. Horsburg’s Nonviolence and Aggression:

A Study of Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War; S. C. Gangal’s

Gandhian Thought and Techniques in the Modern World; Joan

Bondurant’s Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of

Conflict; Johan Galtung’s “A Gandhian Theory of Conflict”, in David

Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of

Jayaprakash Narayan and Gene Sharp’s Gandhi as Political Strategist:

With Essays on Ethics and Politics are a few noted and well known

147


works throwing ample light on Gandhi’s concept of conflict, security

and peace.15

These studies, among others, point understandably to a

Gandhian security and peace strategy comprising three concentric and

systemic spheres or circles leading to a securer world.

Human relations are not hierarchical,

horizontal, vertical and pyramidal. They are

spherical and ocean like. It is perennial

process. Each thought and act interacts from

within and without. This is an endless mutually

interwoven melting of one into another.

Moving to and from one to another. Inner

energies must be provided creative outlet not

only for all purposes but also for defence

policy, security network and foreign policy etc.

As Gandhi says, for the global conflict reduction, there must be:

…ever widening, never ascending

circles. Life will not be a pyramid with the

apex sustained by the bottom. But it will

be an oceanic circle whose centre will be

the individual always ready to perish for

the village, the later for the circle of

villages, till the last … becomes one life

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composed of individuals, never aggressive

in their arrogance but ever humble, sharing

the majesty of the oceanic circle of which

they are integral parts. Therefore, the

outermost circumference will not wield the

power to crush the inner circle but will

give strength to all within and derive its

own strength from it… No one… [will] be

the first and none the last.16

Utmost priority, apparently, is to be given to good

understanding and relations with immediate neighbours like Pakistan

and others. A holistic security climate has to be expanded from the

inner most circle of neighbours and beyond. That is how three broad

conflict reduction security buffer spheres may be created through very

friendly relations based on utter mutual faith and nonviolence.

Armaments Race

In the absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence

and love, i.e., truth, this pattern must still be strengthened despite

continuing armaments race and “overkill” capacities of WMDs or

nuclear, biological and chemical (NBCs) weapons. These weapons

cannot provide us security inasmuch as they are there for mutual

massive destruction and spreading terror. These weapons do not

defend us. They are meant to kill during wars and terrorise during

peacetime. About thirty countries already possess these WMDs. Anti-

149


tank nuclear bullets are also in use. Nearly 100, 000 nuclear bombs

are also there among these states. United States and Russia alone

share more than half of this arsenal.17

Only less than an iota of present-day stockpiles of armaments

was there in Gandhi’s time. Practical-idealism of Gandhi emerges

even more clearly when he says in this context:

It [nonviolence] is of universal

applicability. Nevertheless, perfect

nonviolence, like Absolute Truth, must

forever remain beyond our reach.18

Perfect nonviolence is impossible

so long as we exist physically, for we

would want some space at least to occupy.

Perfect nonviolence whilst you are

inhabiting the body is only a theory like

Euclid’s point or straight line, but we have

to endeavour every moment of our lives.19

This impossibility of “perfect nonviolence” does not prevent

an initiative in this direction. As long as there is absence of general,

fundamental, practical and political belief in the efficacy of

nonviolence as a way of life, till then at least a Nonviolent National

Defence Army, Navy and Air Force can be evolved on Gandhian lines

of nonviolent spirit and nonviolence of the brave. This nonviolent

150


national defence system can work alongside existing defence forces in

every country.

Action Programme

What more is needed today concerns not so much the conflict

resolution outlook for Gandhi. It is the conflict reduction, conflict

prevention, nonviolent perception and action, and Gandhian

nonviolent foreign and defence policy orientation among nations is

required more than anything else. An action programme on a global

scale can also be developed on following lines:

1. Army, Navy, Air Force, Police and other related forces

may be there in the absence of a general belief in the

power of nonviolence.

2. Conflict Reduction Comprehensive Security will be

the most fruitful phenomenon when citizens and

nations of the world do not have to bother about it as

their top most priority.

3. Security without weapons is necessary as an ultimate

aim. It is inherent and increasing sense of insecurity

that goes for weapons. Real security is when one does

not even have to think of armaments. That means a

very positive and healthy security environ.

4. Concentric spheres of conflict reduction and security

must be grasped properly for creating a comprehensive

security environ globally step by step.

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5. Development, Environment protection, Employment

for all, Balanced population, Eat thy bread by the

sweat of thy brow, Universal disarmament, Unilateral

disarmament, doing away with nuclear and other

weapons of mass destruction.

6. Security must not become a fetish of an age or era.

7. Nonviolence is possible only in a gallant and brave

world of citizens.

8. Cowards cannot be nonviolent.

9. Violence is preferred vis-à-vis nonviolence of a

coward.

10. Highly decentralised pattern of economy will be less

prone to instantaneous and long-term conflicts.

11. Highly decentralised political setup helps wider

participation alongwith lesser abuse of political power.

12. Nonviolent Brigades must also be developed and

trained in panch yama.

13. All armed forces and Nonviolent Brigades must be

given training in panch yama discipline.

14. Comprehensive Conflict Reduction policy must be

visionary based on experiences of history, present-day

situation and prospective possibilities and every

potential visualisation.

15. The most powerful country in the world must be an

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important aspect of a defence policy formulation.

16. Collaborations with foreign mercenaries must be

avoided to the greatest possible extent.

17. Exports from foreign countries must be made only in

such areas where there is no other alternative in the

interest of citizens of a country.

18. Mechanisation and modern technology is to be adopted

in areas where it is necessary for national self-reliance

and not otherwise.

19. Open borders with immediate neighbours must be

preferred.

20. Free people to people contact must be given priority.

War like Situation

Several thousand people are being massacred daily in the

world today. This is quite a war like situation on a larger plane. This

is no small matter when it relates to precious human lives of so many

global citizens. Every human life is as precious as the life of all other

individuals. It is not only weapons, wars and terrorists but also

diplomatic instruments of peace are also singing the ‘cacophony’ of

violence. That is why T. Schelling says:

The power to hurt is nothing new in

warfare, but… modern technology…

enhances the importance of war and threats

of war as techniques of influence, not of

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destruction; of coercion and deterrence, not

of conquest and defence; of bargaining and

intimation… War no longer looks like just

a contest of strength. War and the brink of

war are more a contest of nerve and risk

taking, of pain and endurance… The threat

of war has always been somewhat

underneath international diplomacy...

Military strategy can no longer be thought

of ... as the science of military victory. It is

now equally, if not more, the art of

coercion, of intimidation and deterrence...

Military strategy ... has become the

diplomacy of violence.20

This “diplomacy of violence” is not the only concern of

conflict reduction in this age of globalisation and emerging “global

village”. Other major dimensions are there in varied areas of rising

human needs and expectations such as:

(i) threats to political stability of different regimes, (ii)

operational aspects of democracy, (iii) widespread terrorism for

avowed self-determination, (iv) ethnic crises, (v) economic

exploitation and determinism, (vi) political and economic violence,

(vii) expanding frontiers of security and threat perception of modern

states, (viii) widespread economic deprivations, (ix) dangerous

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fallout of modern technology, (x) population imbalances, (xi)

widening gamut of corruption in higher echelons of economic and

political power, and (xii) poverty, (xiii) unemployment and (xvi)

proliferation of armaments etcetera.

Conflict resolution must be given a sustained release booster

of nonviolence through a systemic understanding of conflict

reduction, foreign policy, defence policy and econological aspects.

Otherwise, Platonic dwellers of the cave will not be able to come out

unto the open skies.

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References and Notes 1Sharp, Gene, The Methods of Nonviolent Action, Porter Sargent, Boston, 1973, pp. 60-70; see also Joan V. Bondurant, Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1988, pp. 36-104. 2 Http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/index.html see also http://www.crinfo.org 3Burton, John, Conflict: Resolution and Provention, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990; see also John Burton and Frank Dukes, Conflict: Practices in Management, Settlement & Resolution, St. Martin's Press, New York, 1990, specially Chapter 20. 4 Huntington, Samuel P., “The Clash of Civilisations?”, Foreign Affairs, 1993. See also http://history.club.fatih.edu.tr/103%20Huntington%20Clash%20of%20Civilizations%20full%20text.htm 5 Gangal, S.C., Gandhian Thought and Techniques in the Modern World, Criterion, New Delhi, 1988, pp.14-15. 6Harijan, 26 November 1938 (emphasis added). 7United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace, UNESCO's Office of Public Information, Paris, 2000. 8 It is because both have to pave the way for self-government. 9 Ronald J. Terchek, Gandhi: Struggling for Autonomy, Vistaar, New Delhi, 1998, n. 3, p. 214. 10 Reinhold Niebuhr, “What Chance has Gandhi?”, Christian Century, 1931, p. 1276. 11 For Pacifists, Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1949, p. 89. 12 Hind Swaraj, Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1948, preliminary pages just before “Contents”. 13 Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – I, Navajivan, 1948, pp. 303, 451; See also Young India, 12.08.1926, p. 201. 14There are currently nine tracks of diplomacy recognised more widely: i) government to government, ii) unofficial policy oriented non-governmental exchanges, iii) businessman to businessman, iv) citizen to citizen exchange programmes of all kinds, v) media to media based efforts and exchanges, vi) religion, vii) activism, viii) research, ix) training, and education. 15 M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – I, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, Third Edition, 1948; M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – II, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, First Edition, 1949; Gopinath Dhawan’s The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1957; H. J. N. Horsburg’s Nonviolence and Aggression: A Study of Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War, OUP, London, 1968; S.

156


C. Gangal’s Gandhian Thought and Techniques in the Modern World, Criterion Publications, 1988; Joan Bondurant’s Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, Princeton, 1958; Johan Galtung’s “A Gandhian Theory of Conflict”, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash Narayan, OUP, New Delhi, 1985 and Gene Sharp’s Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on Ethics and Politics, Boston, 1979. 16 Pyarelal, Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase, Ahmedabad, Navajivan Publishing House, 1958, Volume – II, pp. 580 – 581. 17E.J. Hogendoorn, A Chemical Weapons Atlas, Bulletin of the

Atomic Scientists, September/October 1997 Vol. 53, No. 5. 18 Harijan, 05 September 1936, p. 236. 19Harijan, 21 July 1940, p. 211. 20 T. Schelling, “The Diplomacy of Violence”, in R. Art and R. Jervis

(Eds), International Politics, fourth edition, Harper Collins, New York, 1996, pp. 168 – 182.

157


Chapter Six

Human Security

158


159


Chapter Six

Human Security

Security for Gandhi is a holistic phenomenon. In his Ideal

society, there is no room for weapons other than nails of a woman.

Security has nothing to do with weapons of any sort in the Gandhian

arrangement of things. As regards atom bomb – of Hiroshima and

Nagasaki type – Gandhi says, “I regard the employment of the atom

bomb for the wholesale destruction of men, women and children as

the most diabolical use of science….. Unless now the world adopts

nonviolence, it will spell certain suicide for mankind.”1

For him, it is more a matter of opting for a way of life. Gandhi

is in favour of a nonviolent and more civilised life style. In today’s

world, human security is possible only when the basic requirements of

freedom and development are fulfilled. Gandhi adds yet another

aspect to the concept of human security. Wielding weapons for any

purpose shows a great sense of insecurity and fear among those who

possess them. Otherwise, weapons may not be needed for “security”.

German Action Committee is also demanding similar type pf security

by saying that “Security is not war, torture and terror”.2

Highest form of security is possible in a civilised and gentle

world where even armed battalions do not coerce. Until there is

widespread voluntary effort towards conflict-transformation by

individuals and states alike, the cities of the world will not have rest

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from armed conflicts, wars and mass murders. Weapons cannot

provide security. It is the morale and faith in God and truth that leads

to real sense of security. Modern weapons and technology is leading

to widening net of insecurity among peoples and modern armies. The

Gandhian conception of security can provide a great sense of strength

and conviction to modern global citizen. However, for this, a process

of transformation has to begin for helping evolve a general confidence

in the ways of Gandhian nonviolence.

“Change is the law of nature.” It is a widely and universally

accepted fact of human life over the ages. This law, however, does not

change. Change involves innovation and zest for life. Modern

technology is indeed its most glaring example. The ultimate end of

this surging ahead of modern technology is in the “changelessness

and timelessness” of the need for security, prosperity, development

and peace. Ephemeral nature of change moves forth towards fulfilling

the perennial needs of this spaceship Earth. ‘What changes’ is subject

to a cycle of moving forward to attain the utmost need and truth.

‘What does not change’ attracts endless exploration for ageless human

need of a permanent security.

Can there ever be an enduring sense of security “as a living

fact” for all individuals in this world replete with recurring

experiences leading to innovations and acts of mass destruction

through terror, mishaps and cold blooded, planned or schematic

onslaughts against humanity at large?

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Gandhian Precept

Quest for an answer to this query cannot but lead us to largely

an unexplored perspective of nonviolence in the Gandhian conception

of realities of human life. Present-day global needs and diverse

scenarios of WMDs, depletion of resources, pollution, terrorism,

increasing promiscuity in modern “civil society”, balance of terror

and mutual suspicions among peoples and nations alike appear to be

self-defeating.

Mahatma Gandhi is a known proponent of nonviolence and

peace in the world. He has widely written on war, peace and security

vis-à-vis individuals, states and vaster global perspectives. Gandhi,

however, is not a system builder in thought and action. He is a

perceiver of reality as a “practical idealist” interweaving the two

cords of human knowledge and dynamics in life. Gandhian vision is

alive with holistic perception of truth, foresightedness and scientific

analysis. What matters here is mutual compatibility between intent,

aims and means used for security in a larger human context

Gandhi sees an inherent linkage between knowledge, virtue or

wisdom on the one hand, and security of a civil society comprising

understandably connected individual(s), groups, administrative units,

polis of different magnitudes, provinces, sovereign states,

international and global organisations, on the other hand. There is

very clear line of thinking and continued relationship amongst these

aspects of security from the level of an individual to an international

162


establishment and global order. Security, defence, apt strategic

environs and peace have to begin with the individual first. Other

levels of security will have to follow suit. That is why Gandhi says,

“There cannot be internationalism without nationalism.” This is the

Gandhian order of holistic logic that must be adopted for a securer

and more peaceful world. United Nations adopted such a human

concept of security only in 1998 while Gandhi had it in his writings

and speeches since 1908 when he wrote his Hind Swaraj.

As such, Gandhi’s view of security for both an individual and

a state can be have meaningful only through certain inter-related

measures taken by the world community of nations over a period of

time. These measures are:

-- Global conventional and nuclear disarmament.

-- Preservation of environment and ecology.

-- Resolving the population, poverty and unemployment

menace.

-- Thinking more of peace than about war and weapons.

-- Globalisation with a human face.

-- Evolving a world culture where smallest should feel the

tallest.

Security without Weapons !

Security for Gandhi is not merely strategy and technique of

defeating an invading army. It is not an international, as it were,

wrestling among nations with weapons of mass destruction. Security,

163


for him, does not mean disbandment of modern armies and other

disciplined forces. It is also not merely self-defence. Security, for

him, initially is a notion based on logic of why should there be a

threat in the absence of some solid political and economic gain. In

other words, gainful motive has to be there. The nature and perception

of such a motive emerges here as more important.

Peace and development through security are the essence of

modern conception of security. Instead, for Gandhi, security is

possible through peace and development only. The major difference

in these two views is primarily that of emphasis. The Gandhian

perspective considers security as a natural corollary of development

and peace. It is not weapons and machines but pulsating human

beings who are of real significance. Everything else is secondary. An

inherently ever widening twenty-first century contradiction and

security predicament is there in available stockpiles of weapons

providing a peculiar sense of security replete with threats of complete

human extinction. Modern security is possible through mutual assured

destruction (MAD). What a dilemma it is! This trend shows a specific

direction of thinking. This needs transformation. That is why Barash

and Webel say:

However one judges the

desirability of peace or legitimacy of (at

least some) wars, it should be clear that

peace and war exist on a continuum of

164


violent / nonviolent national behaviours

and that they constantly fluctuate. Neither

should be taken for granted, and neither is

humanity’s “natural state.” The human

condition – whether to wage war or to

strive to build an enduring peace – is for us

to decide.3

Similarly, nonviolence is the Gandhian way of life.

Nonviolence comes naturally to human beings. This is part and parcel

of their existence, survival and evolution. Violent behaviour is always

an exception. Albert Einstein is also one with Gandhi when he says:

We need an essentially new way of

thinking if mankind is to survive. Men

must radically change their attitudes

toward each other and their views of the

future. Force must no longer be an

instrument of politics…. Today, we do not

have much time left; it is up to our

generation to succeed in thinking

differently. If we fail, the days of civilised

humanity are numbered.4

A noted botanist in the mid twentieth century, Luther

Burbank, explains a very sensitive aspect of security and peace

165


through an experiment for developing a spineless and thornless

variety of cactus. He says:

While I was conducting experiments

to make ‘spineless’ cactus, I often talked to

the plants to create a vibration of love. ‘You

have nothing to fear.’ I would tell them.

‘You don’t need your defensive thorns. I

will protect you.’ Gradually the useful plant

of the desert emerged in a thornless variety.5

The need is to make experiments with an open mind and

objective scientific outlook. Gandhi had this faith in social and

political experimentation. A positively practical attitude to evolution

of ever new avenues and vistas of knowledge must never be put aside.

There are quite a few masterly works by Gandhi and his

commentators anent his views on discipline, life style, political,

military and economic decentralisation, stateless society,

development, peace and a federation of nations leading to security,

i.e., social, military, political, legal, economic and ecological etcetera.

A two volumes study by M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and

War; Gopinath Dhawan’s The Political Philosophy of Mahatma

Gandhi; H. J. N. Horsburg’s Nonviolence and Aggression: A Study of

Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War; S. C. Gangal’s Gandhian Thought

and Techniques in the Modern World; Joan Bondurant’s Conquest of

Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict; Johan Galtung’s “A

166


Gandhian Theory of Conflict”, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory

and Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash Narayan and Gene

Sharp’s Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on Ethics and

Politics are a few noted and well known works throwing ample light

on Gandhi’s concept of conflict, security and peace. It is primarily on

the basis of these studies that an attempt is being made here to

recapitulate major pointers in the area of Gandhi’s nonviolent

conception of security, conflict, peace and development.6

These studies, among others, point understandably to a

Gandhian security strategy comprising three concentric and systemic

spheres or circles leading to a securer world.

Human relations are not hierarchical, horizontal, vertical and

pyramidal. They are spherical and ocean like. It is perennial process.

Each thought and act interacts from within and without. This is an

endless mutually interwoven melting of one into another. Moving to

and from one to another. Inner energies must be provided creative

outlet not only for all purposes but also for defence policy, security

network and foreign policy etc.

As Gandhi says, there will be:

…ever widening, never ascending

circles. Life will not be a pyramid with the

apex sustained by the bottom. But it will

be an oceanic circle whose centre will be

the individual always ready to perish for

167


the village, the later for the circle of

villages, till the last … becomes one life

composed of individuals, never aggressive

in their arrogance but ever humble, sharing

the majesty of the oceanic circle of which

they are integral parts. Therefore, the

outermost circumference will not wield the

power to crush the inner circle but will

give strength to all within and derive its

own strength from it… No one… [will] be

the first and none the last.7

Utmost priority, apparently, is to be given to good

understanding and relations with immediate neighbours like Pakistan

and others. A holistic security climate has to be expanded from the

inner most circle of neighbours and beyond. That is how three broad

security buffer spheres must be created through very friendly relations

based on utter mutual faith and nonviolence.

In the absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence

and love, i.e., truth, this pattern must still be strengthened despite

continuing armaments race and “overkill” capacities of WMDs or

nuclear, biological and chemical (NBCs) weapons. These weapons

cannot provide us security inasmuch as they are there for mutual

massive destruction and spreading terror. These weapons do not

defend us. They are meant to kill during wars and terrorise during

168


peacetime. About thirty countries already possess these WMDs. Anti-

tank nuclear bullets are also in use. Nearly 100, 000 nuclear bombs

are also there among these states. United States and Russia alone

share more than half of this arsenal.8

Only less than an iota of present-day stockpiles of armaments

was there in Gandhi’s time. Yet, practical-idealism of Gandhi

emerges even more clearly when he says in this context:

It [nonviolence] is of universal

applicability. Nevertheless, perfect

nonviolence, like Absolute Truth, must

forever remain beyond our reach.9

Perfect nonviolence is impossible

so long as we exist physically, for we

would want some space at least to occupy.

Perfect nonviolence whilst you are

inhabiting the body is only a theory like

Euclid’s point or straight line, but we have

to endeavour every moment of our lives.10

Impossibility of Perfect Nonviolence

This impossibility of “perfect nonviolence” does not prevent

an initiative in this direction. As long as there is absence of general,

fundamental, practical and political belief in the efficacy of

nonviolence as a way of life, till then at least a Nonviolent National

Defence Army, Navy and Air Force can be evolved on Gandhian lines

169


of nonviolent spirit and nonviolence of the brave. This nonviolent

national defence system can work alongside existing defence forces.

Such simple but effective steps can be taken up at the level of

Central and State Governments only when India has evolved a

defence policy. These simple Gandhian solutions to complex current

tangles certainly need spirited and sincere long-term initiatives for






(i) What we need is merely to think and act in the most

common and obvious terms. We are not doing it anent resolving our

more serious and potentially volatile conflicts.

(ii) This is possible even in this age of globalisation. We are

also not opting for nonviolent ways when most of the nations and

majority of population in the world are reeling under one or the other

type of overt, covert and subtler exploitation in politics, trade and

mass media.

(iii) We must learn to sit together like common human beings

without attaching unnecessary airs to our own persons.

That is why Albert Einstein has

said, ‘Generations to come will scarce

believe that such a man as this, in flesh and

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blood, ever walked upon this earth.’ One

of the greatest admirers of Gandhi is

Albert Einstein, who sees in ‘Gandhi's

nonviolence a possible antidote to the

massive violence unleashed by the fission

of the atom’.

B R Nanda writes in the 2001

edition of Britannica Encyclopaedia, ‘In a

time of deepening crisis in the

underdeveloped world, of social malaise in

the affluent societies, of the shadow of

unbridled technology and the precarious

peace of nuclear terror, it seems likely that

Gandhi's ideas and techniques will become

increasingly relevant’.

This relevance has to be put in

action as Gandhi always said, ‘My life is

my message.’ This action is possible at

least at three levels without affecting

adversely the current surging ahead of

modernisation and globalisation. First, at

individuals’ unilateral and voluntary level.

Secondly, at the level of voluntary

organisations. Last but not least, at the

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level of a national government voluntary

mobilisation and necessary socialisation on

a vaster plane. The international

perspective will follow suit on its own as a

logical outcome or natural corollary of

other three levels.11

Security Dilemma

There is also a related aspect of a ‘security dilemma’ or

striker’s falling into the pit instead of scoring a few points through

excessive rebound play in the carom board game among inter-state

“patrons” of civil society today. One’s security becomes a threat to

another player in the globalising twenty-first century’s global civil

culture. Politics by all means is an integral part of such activities.

Security then becomes a menace to its preserver itself.

When ‘security’ is leading to ‘insecurity’ then why this

hullabaloo and concern for security of individuals and nations alike?

Whom who is benefiting? Why this is happening? No doubt, security

is a must for all as a fundamental need and human right to life. This

need has to be fulfilled. Security beyond this need emerges into an

utterly self-aggrandising global nexus and Mafia causing loss of

precious human lives of brave soldiers and common citizens alike.

Indeed, “How much land does a man require ?” Individuals among

peoples of the world understand this predicament. Nations and

statesmen and nations are bound to ignore it for they have to act

172


otherwise. Security for peace is relentlessly negating its purpose.

Amassing of WMDs, terrorism of different types including nuclear

terrorism further proves this glaring logic and reality. No state has

ever achieved the security it desires without becoming a menace to its

neighbours.

Apart from ‘genuine’ concerns about security needs of a state,

there are other reasons also leading to ever widening arms race. They

are all practical pointers to national leaders’ strong belief in military

might as their only real protection when they are facing an irritating

and hostile opponent:

…the financial profits to be made,

desire for advancement on the part of

individuals whose careers depend on success

in administering or commanding major new

weapons programmes, political leaders

pandering to bellicose domestic sentiment,

and inter-service rivalry within a state.12

All these are realities of modern deep-rooted political

perversion. Politics -- as political thinkers, actors and Gandhi in

particular say – is concerned primarily with establishing truth and

order in society. Ongoing diverse manipulations in politics represent

something different than what is political. Manipulations and

perversions of civil society in this age of globalisation are presenting

intriguing trends:

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� Bringing together of global trade and economy to a

notable extent.

� Smaller traders, investors, entrepreneurs, and industrial

units facing far greater challenges.

� Increasing burden of poverty, population, pollution,

proliferation of armaments and (precarious) peace, i.e.,

‘five Ps’ on Afro-Asian and Latin American (AALA)

countries.

� Emergence of United States and Europe as relatively

more stable global economic and political peace zones

of the world.

� Widening framework of work and space for

international actors, organisations and operators.

� World peace through WMDs deterrence based on

dwindling foundations of mutual terror.

� Terrorist groups having their own share from state-of-

the-art weapons.

� Preventing a situation of a third world war through

institutionalised terror.

� Security threat from terrorism and ‘War on Terrorism’.

These trends further complicate quest for a comprehensive

security perspective when most of the states in the world are able to

ensure at best ‘a pretence of security’ despite their constantly

burgeoning military budgets. Even for their limited military security

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needs, these countries depend, expressly or implicitly, either on other

great powers or on so-called ‘collective defence / security’.

Such wasteful security scenario point to a need for a more

comprehensive policy of defence and security especially for poorer

AALA countries in general and South Asia in particular.

Nonviolent Security Pointers

Gandhi has spoken and written profusely on nonviolence,

security, peace, war, conflict, world order and world federation of

nations etcetera. He, however, has never explained any aspect

singularly or in piecemeal fashion. He has never written exclusively

on security issues alone or separately. May be, it is for this reason,

Gandhi has evolved a holistic and a very comprehensive vision of

security and world peace.

Accordingly, political, economic and military decentralisation

of resources and power is necessary for his concept of Swaraj based

on self-reliance, self-sufficiency and really effective independence

and freedom. Only such independence can assure security. Gandhi’s

second best ideal is for a democratic system driving its strength

directly from villages especially in the Indian context.

It is not possible for a modern State

based on force, nonviolently to resist

forces of disorder, whether external or

internal…. (However,) it is possible for a

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State to be predominantly based on

nonviolence.13

Gandhi, in reply to a question – “Is not nonviolent resistance

by the militarily strong more effective than that by the militarily

weak?” – says:

This is a contradiction in terms.

There can be no non-violence offered by

the militarily strong…. What is true is that

if those, who are at one time strong in

armed might, change their mind, they will

be better able to demonstrate their

nonviolence to the world and, therefore, to

their to their opponents. Those who are

strong in nonviolence will not mind

whether they are opposed by the militarily

weak or the strongest.14

As regards training of the

nonviolent army, Gandhi says: A very

small part of the preliminary training

received by the military is common to the

nonviolent army. These are discipline,

drill, singing in chorus, flag hoisting,

signalling and the like. Even this is not

absolutely necessary and the basis is

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different. The positively necessary training

for a violent army is an immovable faith in

God, willing and perfect obedience to the

chief of the nonviolent army and perfect

inward cooperation between units of the

army.15

A nonviolent State must be broad

based on the will of an intelligent people,

well able to know its mind and act up to it.

In such a State the assumed section can

only be negligible. It can never stand

against deliberate will of the

overwhelming majority represented by the

State. … If it is expressed nonviolently, it

cannot be a majority of one but nearer 99

against one in a hundred.16

In such a state, armaments race is

not required. As V. K. R. V. Rao puts it:

unless the armaments race is brought to an

end and effective steps are taken towards

disarmament… there is no use talking of a

new international order (or security)….

This was Gandhi’s view and it becomes

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truer and more urgent in its need for

recognition today.17

Under Swaraj (self-rule) of my

dream, there is no necessity of arms at

all.18

Alas, in my swaraj of today there is

room for soldiers…. I have not the

capacity for preaching universal

nonviolence to the country.19

Gandhi has seldom given a piecemeal treatment to challenges

he faced in his life. He has said and written anent varied aspects of

life and human concerns. In this context, he has made a very bold

exposition in his Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule. On 24 April

1933, he says – on page 04 in the beginning of this booklet:

I would like to say the diligent

reader of my writings and to others who

are interested in them that I am not at all

concerned with appearing to be consistent.

In my search after Truth I have discarded

many ideas and learnt many new things.

Old as I am in age, I have no feeling that I

have ceased to grow inwardly or that my

growth will stop at the dissolution of the

flesh. What I am concerned with is my

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readiness to obey the call of truth, my God,

from moment to moment, and, therefore,

when anybody finds any inconsistency

between any two writings of mine, if he

still has faith in my sanity, he would do

well to choose the later of the two on the

same subject.20

[In 1942, Gandhi said that if he

survived the attainment of freedom by

India, he would] … advise the adoption of

nonviolence to the utmost extent possible

and that would be India’s greatest

contribution to the peace of the world and

the establishment of a new world order.21

Writings and sayings of Mahatma Gandhi and majority of

commentators and critics of Gandhian philosophy have shown not

only inherent but also explicit significance of the idea of essential

harmony and oneness of humanity. Gandhi has never regarded

himself as a system builder. His experiments, however, have led him

to evolve – for several commentators and analysts like S. C. Gangal,

Mahendra Kumar, Raghavan Iyer, Savita Singh, Ramjee Singh, Johan

Galtung and others – a Predominantly Nonviolent State as his second

best Ideal and a Nonviolent Society as his ultimate Ideal for

establishing a vibrantly creative global and just political ethos where

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cooperation, equality and nonviolence have replaced exploitation,

inequality and bloody warfare and mutual hatred. Similar ideas are

currently being propagated and discussed by internationally acclaimed

authors and statesmen alike even if they are apparently not so much

directly influenced by Gandhi.

Holistic Approach

Indeed, Gandhi’s holistic notion of security is a practical-

idealist concept. Gandhi has never written or said much about security

in particular as a term with specific meaning that is being attached to

it in the strictly military sense. Yet he had foreseen almost all major

trends and strands.

Gandhi is one with former United States (US) President Bill

Clinton’s statement: “…globalisation and the revolution in

information technology have magnified both the creative and

destructive potential of every individual, tribe and nation on our

planet.”

Gandhi has a holistic approach to human problems, in which

reform or reconstruction should concentrate, more or less at the same

time, at all levels of human existence and activity, i. e, individual,

local, national and international levels.

Security of every individual citizen of the world today has its

globalised dimensions too. Ever new weapons, trading and economic

network unfolding newer and subtler exploitative ways of human

comforts, mutual destruction and domination. This is an ever-

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accelerating trend of modern “civilisation”. Gandhi, going much

beyond Bill Clinton, finds in this civilisation:

…. people living in it make bodily

welfare the object of life.

…. If people of a certain country,

who have hitherto not been in the habit of

wearing much clothing, boots etc., adopt

European clothing, they are supposed to

have become civilised out of savagery.

…. [Ever increasing blindfolded

mechanisation] is called a sign of

civilisation.

….Formerly, only a few men wrote

valuable books. Now, anybody writes and

prints anything he likes and poisons

people’s minds.

…. As men progress,… [they] will

not need the use of their hands and feet….

Everything will be done by machinery.

…. Formerly, when people wanted

to fight…they measured between them

their bodily strength; now it is possible to

take away thousands of lives by one

man…. This is civilisation.

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….. [Earlier] men were made

slaves under physical compulsion. Now

they are enslaved by the temptation of

money and of the luxuries that money can

buy.

….There are now diseases of which

people never dreamt before, and an army

of doctors is engaged in finding out theirs,

and so hospitals have increased. This is a

test of civilisation.

…. Today [not earlier when special

messengers were needed to send a letter],

anyone can abuse his fellow by means of a

letter [of email] for one penny. True, at

the same cost, one can send one’s thanks

also.

…now, [people] require something

to eat every two hours so that they have

hardly leisure for anything else [more

meaningful].

….. This civilisation is such that

one has only to be patient and it will be

self-destroyed.”22

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Real holistic security for Gandhi is possible only through

Panch yama of Patanjali, i.e., nonviolence (ahimsa), non-stealing

(astaeya), Truth (Satya), non-possession (aparigraha) and chastity

(brahamcharya). Global though sectoral reformation programme for

regeneration of every individual is needed for balancing the negative

effects of the process of globalisation.

It was Gandhi’s conviction that individuals – of whom the

nations and global communities are constituted – must have priority

in any scheme of reform or reconstruction.

Yet another idea in Gandhi’s scheme is that any durable

programme of reconstruction must be marked by a measure of

coordination and integration at various levels of social action through

voluntary effort. Press and media have a very significant role in this

sphere. Media, for Gandhi, must be having unmistakable autonomy

and self-reliance with little dependence on advertisement revenue.

The cultivation of nonviolence by the individual and the

establishment of non-exploitative economy at different levels will

lead eventually to the emergence of what he calls nonviolent

nationalism. Ultimately, these nonviolent nations will function under

a world federation or international organisation on the basis of:

1. Political and economic independence without any type of

colonialism or imperialism and exploitation.

2. Voluntary effort with dedication and commitment.

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3. Goals and means not imposed from above but developed

from within.

4. Equality for all. As such every nation must feel as tall as

the tallest.

5. Decentralisation at political and economic spheres.

6. General disarmament.

7. Unilateral disarmament.

8. International society as a voluntary organisation.

9. Common good of all.

10. Bigger nations ready to “give” to the smaller nations.

11. Amicable and peaceful settlement of all disputes.

12. Small international police as long as the world is able to

develop a general belief in nonviolence.

13. Free, open, alert and impartial Media.

14. Full employment.

15. Preponderance to mutual sense of service.23

Such a blue print should be the guiding spirit of present-day

quest for security and globalisation. In this security perspective, the

individual has specially a two-fold significance for Gandhi.

First, proper education and training to the individual for

understanding and imbibing the values of a normal society. A normal

fraternity, for Gandhi, is one where development does not pose

diverse types of threats to the individual and humanity.

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Normal Order of Things

For evolving such a normal course of life, a Global Education

Order must be established through value-related and need based

education. Nearly all aspects of human life are to be covered in this

programme ranging from material, moral, emotional and cultural to

spiritual needs of the individual. The individuality, creativity, identity

and voluntary efforts have to be the fundamental terms of reference in

the launching of such a global education order.

Secondly, Gandhi emphasises the role of the individual in

decision-making and in sharing the national and international

responsibilities. There is no place for undemocratic or authoritarian

regimes in Gandhi’s agenda of security and peace. To steer clear of

undemocratic or authoritarian tendencies, Gandhi suggests two more

correctives of (i) limited State power and (ii) socio-economic

decentralisation. As regards the former, Gandhi is one with

Thoureau’s principle that “that government is best which governs the

least.”24 To quote Gandhi:

I look upon an increase in the

power of the state with the greatest fear

because…it does the greatest harm to

mankind by destroying individuality which

lies at the root of all progress.25

In order to curb emergence of authoritarianism, the size and

role of police and military, for Gandhi, has to be limited to dealing

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with thieves, robbers, raiders from without and a few emergencies

only. It would be better if police and military perform largely the role

of a body of reformers.26 Gandhi looks forward to the emergence of

a world where “no state has its military.”27

Socio-economic decentralisation is yet another corrective

measure to curb undemocratic tendencies. Gandhi’s global vision

moves upward from the individual and a federation of village

republics to an international federation of nations in a society marked

by voluntary cooperation and decentralisation. Aldous Huxley, while

supporting Gandhi, says, “…democratic principles cannot be

effectively put into practice unless authority in a community has been

decentralised to the utmost extent possible.”28

The modern inter-linking of people and economies under

contemporary security debate must give careful attention to the

Gandhian pointers in this age of technology for keeping away from

the pejorative aspects of concurrent science and development patterns.

Otherwise, it will prove to be a “nine days wonder” only. For Gandhi,

in the larger context of security, peace, freedom, equality and non-

exploitative society, there are several other important realities. Such

as:

…Our nationalism can be no peril

to other nations inasmuch as we will

exploit none just as we will allow none to

exploit us.29

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The satyagrahi must maintain

personal contact with people of his

locality. This living association of human

beings is essential to a genuine

democracy.30

I have no doubt that unless big

nations shed their desire for exploitation

and the spirit of violence of which war is

the natural expression and the atom bomb

the inevitable consequence, there is no

hope for peace in the world.31

Mechanisation is good when hands

are too few for the work intended to be

accomplished. It is evil where there are

more hands than acquired…32

I entertain no fads in this regard

[i.e., his avowed opposition to

mechanisation and capital-intensive

technology]. All that I desire is that every

able-bodied citizen should be provided

with gainful employment. If electricity and

even automatic energy could be used

without…creating unemployment, I will

not raise my little finger against it…. If the

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Government could provide full

employment to our people without the help

of Khadi hand-spinning and hand-weaving

industries, I shall be prepared to wind up

my constructive programme in this

regard.33

To reject foreign manufactures

merely because they are foreign, and to go

on wasting national time and money on the

promotion in one’s own country of

manufactures for which it is not suited

would be criminal folly, and a negation of

the Swadeshi spirit.34

Decentralisation of political and

economic power, reduction in the functions

and importance of State, growth of

voluntary associations, removal of

dehumanising poverty and resistance to

injustice … will bring life within the

understanding of man and make society

and the State democratic….. The

nonviolent State will cooperate with an

international organisation based on

nonviolence. Peace will come not merely

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by changing the institutional forms but by

regenerating those attitudes and ideals of

which war, imperialism, capitalism and

other forms of exploitation are the

inevitable expressions.35

[I am not against all international

trade, though imports should be limited to

things that are necessary for our growth

but which India -- and for that matter any

poorer country -- cannot herself produce

and export of things of real benefit to

foreigners.]36

Gandhi is clearly having a very comprehensive view and

understanding of security based on a nonviolent way of really

civilised life. He is presenting an out line of normal human behaviour

away from cut-throat conflicts and massive wars of mutual hatred. In

this attempt, he is visualising security as a manifold concept running

into every aspect of life. An action plan may well be in line with the

larger tenor of this research piece here:

Gandhian Comprehensive Security Action Plan

1. Army, Navy, Air Force, Police and other related forces

may be there in the absence of a general belief in the power of

nonviolence.

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2. Comprehensive Security will be the most fruitful

phenomenon when citizens and nations of the world do not have to

bother about it as their top most priority.

3. Security without weapons is necessary as an ultimate aim.

It is inherent and increasing sense of insecurity that goes for weapons.

Real security is when one does not even have to think of armaments.

That means a very positive and healthy security environ.

4. Concentric spheres of security must be grasped properly

for creating a comprehensive security environ globally step by step.

5. Development, Environment protection, Employment for

all, Balanced population, Eat thy bread by the sweat of thy brow,

Universal disarmament, Unilateral disarmament, doing away with

nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction.

6. Security must not become a fetish of an age or era.

7. Nonviolence is possible only in a gallant and brave world

of citizens.

8. Cowards cannot be nonviolent.

9. Violence is preferred vis-à-vis nonviolence of a coward.

10. Highly decentralised pattern of economy will be less

prone to instantaneous devastation at one go in the event of

bombardment by the enemy forces.

11. Highly decentralised political setup helps wider

participation alongwith lesser abuse of political power.

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12. Nonviolent Brigades must also be developed and trained

in panch yama.

13. All armed forces and Nonviolent Brigades must be given

training in panch yama discipline.

14. Comprehensive Security policy must be visionary based

on experiences of history, present-day situation and prospective

possibilities and every potential visualisation.

15. The most powerful country in the world must be an

important aspect of a defence policy formulation.

16. Collaborations with foreign mercenaries must be avoided

to the greatest possible extent.

17. Exports from foreign countries must be made only in such

areas where there is no other alternative in the interest of citizens of a

country.

18. Mechanisation and modern technology is to be adopted in

areas where it is necessary for national self-reliance and not

otherwise.

19. Open borders with immediate neighbours are preferred.

20. Free people to people contact must be given priority.

Conclusion: Whither Security

Several thousand people are being massacred daily in the

world today. This is quite a war like situation on a larger plane. This

is no small matter when it relates to precious human life of so many

global citizens. Every human life is as precious as the life of all other

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individuals. It is not only weapons, wars and terrorists but also

diplomatic instruments of peace are also singing the ‘cacophony’ of

violence. That is why T. Schelling says:

The power to hurt is nothing new in

warfare, but… modern technology…

enhances the importance of war and threats

of war as techniques of influence, not of

destruction; of coercion and deterrence, not

of conquest and defence; of bargaining and

intimation… War no longer looks like just

a contest of strength. War and the brink of

war are more a contest of nerve and risk

taking, of pain and endurance… The threat

of war has always been somewhat

underneath international diplomacy...

Military strategy can no longer be thought

of ... as the science of military victory. It is

now equally, if not more, the art of

coercion, of intimidation and deterrence...

Military strategy ... has become the

diplomacy of violence.37

This “diplomacy of violence” is not the only concern of

security in this age of globalisation and emerging “global village”.

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Major security dimensions are there in varied areas of rising human

needs and expectations such as:

(i) threats to political stability of different regimes, (ii)

operational aspects of democracy, (iii) widespread terrorism for

avowed self-determination, (iv) ethnic crises, (v) economic

exploitation and determinism, (vi) political and economic violence,

(vii) expanding frontiers of security and threat perception of modern

states, (viii) widespread economic deprivations, (ix) dangerous

fallout of modern technology, (x) population imbalances, (xi)

widening gamut of corruption in higher echelons of economic and

political power, and (xii) poverty, (xiii) unemployment and (xvi)

proliferation of armaments etcetera.

In the light of these major security threats, Gandhi suggests

that there are four pillars of a peaceful Gandhian world order:

It should be nonviolent.

It must be non-exploitative and cooperative.

It has to be based on the reform, regeneration and

education of the individual.

It must work its way up to the global or international level

through reform or nonviolent reorganisation (including

democratisation) at other (or preceding) levels of society, such as

local or national.

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What Gandhi is emphasising here relates very closely to the

well known UNESCO aphorism that says:

Since war begins in the minds of

men, it is in the minds of men that the

defence of peace must be constructed.38

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References and Notes 1Harijan, 29 September 1946. 2http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2008/03/06/18483933.php 3 David P. Barash and Charles P. Webel, Peace and Conflict Studies, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, 2002, p. 25. 4 Ibid. p. 3. 5 Paramahansa Yogananda, Autobiography of a Yogi, Jaico Publishing House, Bombay, Second Indian Edition, 1975, Twelfth Impression, p. 353. 6 M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – I, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, Third Edition, 1948; M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – II, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, First Edition, 1949; Gopinath Dhawan’s The

Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1957; H. J. N. Horsburg’s Nonviolence and Aggression:

A Study of Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War, OUP, London, 1968; S. C. Gangal’s Gandhian Thought and Techniques in the Modern World, Criterion Publications, 1988; Joan Bondurant’s Conquest of

Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, Princeton, 1958; Johan Galtung’s “A Gandhian Theory of Conflict”, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash Narayan, OUP, New Delhi, 1985 and Gene Sharp’s Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on Ethics and Politics,

Boston, 1979. 7Pyarelal, Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase, Ahmedabad, Navajivan Publishing House, 1958, Volume – II, pp. 580 – 581. 8 E.J. Hogendoorn, A Chemical Weapons Atlas, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, September/October 1997 Vol. 53, No. 5. 9 Harijan, 05 September 1936, p. 236. 10 Harijan, 21 July 1940, p. 211. 11 Daily Excelsior, Jammu, 08 April 2004 (Edit page). 12Barash and Webel, Op. Cit., n. 1, p.203.

195


13 Harijan, 12 May 1946. Raghavan Iyer (Ed.), The Moral and Political Writings of Mahatma Gandhi, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1986, pp.

448 – 450. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid. 17“Disarmament and Development”, Gandhi Marg, New Delhi, May – June 1982. 18M. K. Gandhi, For Pacifists, Ahmedabad,1949, p. 43. 19 M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Op. Cit., n. 5., Volume – I, p. 28. 20Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1938, p. 04. 21 Harijan, 21 June 1942. 22 Harijan, 22 June 1935 and 15 September 1946; M. K. Gandhi,

Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule, Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1938), p. 08, Preface by Mahadev Desai. See also Raghavan Iyer (ed.), The

Moral and Political writings of Mahatma Gandhi: Truth and Non-violence, Volume – II, (Oxford, London: 1986), pp. 212 – 214., Parentheses and Emphasis added. 23 Anurag Gangal, New International Economic Order: A Gandhian

Perspective (Chanakya, Delhi: 1985), Chapter – II, pp. 29 - 30. 24 Young India, 02 July 1931. 25 N. K. Bose, Selections from Gandhi (Ahmedabad: 1948), p. 42. 26 M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War , Op. Cit., n. 5.,

Volume – I, Chapter – II and pp. 145, 324. See also S. C. Gangal, The Gandhian Way to World Peace (Vora, Bombay: 1960), pp. 100 – 101. 27 S. C. Gangal, Ibid. , p. 100.

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28Encyclopaedia of Pacifism, (London: 1937), p. 100. 29 S. C. Gangal, Op. Cit., n. 24, p. 90. 30 G. N. Dhawan, op. cit., n. 5., p. 284. Emphasis added. 31M. K. Gandhi, op. cit. , n. 5., Volume – II, pp. 163 – 164. Emphasis added. 32Harijan, 16 November 1939. 33 Quoted in Ram K. Vepa, New Technology: A Gandhian Concept (New Delhi: 1975), p. 170. 34 From Yervada Mandir ( Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1933), p. 96 – 97. 35 G. N. Dhawan, op. cit., n. 5., p. 341. 36 Ibid. p. 96. 37 T. Schelling, “The Diplomacy of Violence”, in R. Art and R. Jervis

(Eds), International Politics, fourth edition, Harper Collins, New York, 1996, pp. 168 – 182. 38UNESCO Preamble

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Chapter Seven

World Peace

198


199


Chapter Seven

World Peace

In this age of professionalism and globalisation, “professional

politics” is needed for peace in this century. It requires, for true

politics of world peace today, dedication of revolutionaries like

Mahatma Gandhi, Mao, Lenin, Marx (not necessarily violence as a

tool used by some of these great men) and others. Otherwise,

Hiroshima and Nagasaki may always be there. In this age of

technology only a great sense of professional discipline, training,

education and establishment of a systemic carving out of prospective

political leadership can save coming generations for posterity.

Amateurism and "adhocism" of previous century has no takers today.

Exceptional dedication, devotion and training pave their way towards

charismatic mass appeal. The professional help of political scientists

must be sought in this matter. They can help establish precedents and

set trends. After all, politics must be the domain of political scientists

at large. Isn't it? Without their overwhelming wisdom and support

based on socio-political values, no democratic setup can ever achieve

peace in the present age of technologicalisation and globalization.

Politics and Peace

Despite inherent uncertainty of politics, its omnipresence and

ubiquitous nature can never be put aside. "Politics" is a highly

specialized field of activity. Such a specialized field must not be left

200


to the mercy of self-styled political leaders emerging either overnight

or almost from-no-where in the history of their own peculiar political

experience. The need of the hour is well-embedded political niche of

properly equipped political scientists and their commitment,

dedication, devotion and determination. Political knowledge and

discipline of a political scientist must become the raging path-finder.

This is necessary to grasp the true meaning of politics. Politics must

never be misunderstood as highly manipulative activity replete with

corruption, violence, exploitation, terrorism, extortions and murders

upon murders-of precious human lives and values for power, and

power for ever more power. THIS IS NOT POLITICS AT ALL.

POLITICS IS POWER AS AN INSTRUMENT FOR THE

ULTIMATE END OF SARVODAYA OR WELFARE OF ALL.

POLITICS, AS SUCH, IS PEACE. THIS, INDEED, IS THE WELL

KNOWN GANDHIAN CONCEPTION OF PEACE AND

POLITICS.

It is apparent that diehard politicians of today are not likely to

agree for their professional training and education. For them, their

experience and rendezvous with life are providing real ground for

lifetime training and dedication. What we need today is a "practical-

idealist" Gandhian approach to peace. This is necessary at all levels of

planning, formulation, legislation, execution, judiciary, and policy-

making. All such aspects need to be examined with a meaningful

participation of political scientists. This appears to be the only

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recourse "for cities" to have their long-over-due rest from their

widespread EVILS.

Politics is there not merely by virtue of modern politicians and

their political parties etc. The theory and practice of politics is in

reality an exclusive realm of political scientists. However, the current

perversion of "politics-as-it-is" does not depict the reality. Indeed,

"Until political scientists and trained political actors are rulers or the

rulers and governors of this world take recourse to wisdom-of-

political-scientists, cities will never have rest from their perversion of

politics today."

"Beware the fury of the patient man,' John Dryden had warned

three hundred years ago. Unfortunately, the ruling authorities have

excellent reason to ignore that piece of ancient wisdom."1

Politics means ecological settings of man and society and even

much beyond. Any imbalance and ignorance is a very serious threat to

a normal and peaceful world order. As such, along with the current

rage of information explosion and craze and fashion for the latest,

more important is going for knowledge and wisdom that rest in

virtues and values. There is a general phenomenon quite popular

among modern academics. It is that they regard the present system of

university-education and institutions of higher learning as storehouses

of knowledge.2

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Limits to Growth

Mahatma Gandhi, however, is more in favour of delving deep

into the realities of life. He does not support the present-day

university system of higher learning .This is his position in essence.

For him, simple and an activist approach to life leads to real depths of

knowledge. Life must not depend so much-as it is today-upon

acquisitive instincts but on self-restraint, Aristotelian mean/balance

and widespread normalcy in socio-political order emanating from the

individual.3 Such ideas for the followers of Gandhi are known as the

Gandhian view of life.

When similar ideas are extended by others without reference

to Gandhi then they are generally not called Gandhian. Yet Mahatma

Gandhi's relevance anent pertinent questions and their answers does

not increase or decrease.4 Hence -- for ulterior reasons -- if we do

away with Gandhi in the absence of larger belief in nonviolence,

truth, nonstealing, nonpossession and brahmcharya etc. , even then it

is the following main concerns and development paradoxes which are

likely to dominate human minds throughout the twenty-first century:

i) limits to growth

ii) impact of information technology upon man

iii) over-production of conventional/other weapons

iv) over-exploitation of natural/other resources and

ever widening consumerism

v) professionalization of conventional and nuclear

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terrorism and similar acts

vi) modern technology, environmental pollution,

human survival

vii) preservation of depleting resources

viii) preserving political-ecological balance for a

normal life with least possible socio-political tensions

ix) religion of equality and humanity and not merely

rituals

x) preserving dignity of man

xi) quality of life without degenerating aspects of

modernity

xii) above mentioned threats to local, national,

regional, international and global peace

Practical Idealism Inevitable

As such Gandhian "practical-idealism" is going to be the real

IN thing of human rationality and vision in the twenty-first century.

Whether we want it or not Mahatma Gandhi will be there -- either in

name or in deeds of the generations to come. No "commitments" can

run away from this reality.5 Priorities of our commitment must

change knowingly. Indeed, "commitment" is always necessary for

becoming a professional activist in any area of life. Gandhi has

always been an activist and a political worker. His philosophy or

"way of life" is also primarily derived from his lessons of life and

"experiments" through diverse experiences. Most of the present-day

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political leaders, however, are not able to learn so much from their

life. Maybe because "politics" is currently considered more as an

instrument of subversion, exploitation and manipulations instead of

the Gandhian sarvodaya or welfare of all.

Sarvodaya is not possible when almost every nook and corner

of world politics is having a “political leader” by virtue of birth,

criminal activities, money power or sheer bullying of the gentle and

weaker lot. It is happening among nations also .Gandhi had

unmistakably foreseen this predicament in his Hind Swaraj in 1909.

In this booklet, Gandhi characterizes modern civilization as a

"disease" and "a nine days wonder". Even around the time of his

assassination on 30 January 1948 - especially just about two weeks

earlier-Gandhi said, "this (modern) civilization is such that one has

only to be patient, and it will be self-destroyed." Given the present-

day widespread "balance-of-terror"- with its plans for mutual assured

destruction (MAD) even outside the purview of the erstwhile "cold

war" today -- disintegration and destruction is continuing. We have it

from so knowledgeable a source as Jan Tinbergen's Report to the

Club of Rome: "in the rich countries there is growing concern about

the conservation of non-renewable resources and … about how to

keep the world in a stationary state." In the above mentioned contexts,

a beginning has to be made. For Gandhi, "one step is enough" to start

an effort.

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The world into the twenty-first century is going to realize its

past follies of giving the reigns of politics to "Tom, Dick and Harries"

from time to time. Politics as an activity and as a discipline is at the

apex of Aristotelian, Hobbesian, Marxian and Gandhian

phenomenology. There is an oft-quoted phrase in English: "Let fools

contest for forms of government." Indeed, if matters relating to

government are left to "fools" then who will govern! Therefore, a first

step in this direction must be high degree of commitment to politics

by the modern political scientists. Political leaders must seek their

help in every related area regularly. Political scientists must extend

specially designed courses and training programmes to politicians --

obviously on a voluntary basis in the beginning. Such a first step can

bring the modern "Bizarre Politicians" nearer to realities of a normal

political order away from manipulations and extortions etc. After all,

the company one keeps is also very important.

Predicaments and Challenges

The twenty-first century has numerous other predicaments,

perversions and emerging perspectives, namely, high conflict

orientation of society and politics, technologicalised human creativity,

the forgotten missing link between two hithertofore apparently

separate concepts of conflict and cooperation and George Orwell's

idea of a "THINK POLICE" in future! Along with this there is also

the larger question of global degeneration of our combined "global

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village". These are the major five directions of challenges before

humanity today.

The first challenge is in the area of the prevailing Darwinian

and functionalist notion of conflict, especially, the particular way in

which man is generally trained, over several past centuries now, to

THINK on certain given lines of thought. This view of conflict/war is

based on Heraclitus's noted aphorism: "War (or conflict) is the father

of all things. "The basic principle here is that "as there are contending

elements in nature, so there are conflicting ideas and interests among

men .To Darwin … conflict is a constant phenomenon and the cause

of evolution." 6

Johan Galtung has, however, presented a very interesting tenor

of "A Gandhian Theory of Conflict" in David Selbourne (ed.), In

Theory and in Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash

Narayan.7 For him, "What makes Gandhi different from other

thinkers … is his insistence that there are no barriers among men

which the goal of integration cannot transcend … an integration

directed against no one, but rather … an integration for humanity”.

Moreover, Gandhi is optimistic about the prospects for approaching,

if not completely realising, the ideal here in this world.

In the case of compromise, Gandhi very often spoke in favour

of it even at points where it seemed as if the struggle could be won,

all grievances redressed, and the claims of a campaign of Satyagraha

met in full. Such readiness to compromise can only be understood in

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the light of Gandhi's belief that the point is not to 'win' the conflict,

but so to proceed in the entire struggle that the best possible basis for

post-conflict life is established. A general inclination in favour of

compromise, however, does not imply any willingness to engage in

compromise over fundamentals."8

This is clearly a departure from the prevailing and widespread

Darwinian as well as functionalist mode of thought. Accordingly

there are enough repulsions, wars, struggles, contradictions,

disagreements, confrontations, opposition and conflicts in Nature. For

Gandhi, each conflict is merely the result of uncalled for imbalances

occurring through diverse human interactions. How can it be the basis

of "all things" then? The real questions are: How these imbalances

can be prevented? How imbalances occur? What is the real basis of

human nature in its interactions from within and from without?

Nature lives more by attraction, inherent mutual love and

peaceful orientations for Gandhi. Other things are largely resulting

from misconceptions drawn on the basis of ages old continuous

search for modernity in terms of ephemeral additions of information

upon every latest piece of information - mainly numerical piling up

and "loading/downloading". Gandhi is for permanent knowledge and

truth. As such, each conflict is an opportunity for its "creative

resolution" for peace and wholesome development.9 Hence, for

Gandhi," Conflict was a challenge (which) offered (greater)

possibilities of contact… with whom you stand in an interesting and

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significant relation." Such creative understanding of conflicts (and not

just functional cooperation from moment to moment) is likely to

become the foundation of the ensuing century. It is already

scientifically seen, in above mentioned analysis, that how modern

technological world is going towards a logical end of having created a

Frankenstein for itself in the form of uncontrolled surging ahead of

technology today.

Violence Scientifically not Necessary

The only saving grace for us here is in an interesting answer of

346 members out of 378 members of the American Psychological

Association. The question: "Do you hold…..there are present in

human nature in eradicable instinctive factors that make war between

nations inevitable?" About 91% 0f members replied "NO".10 This

answer reflects the essential elasticity and teachability of man's mind.

It all depends upon the training of human mind; body and spirit from

the very beginning .We are teaching ourselves - till now -- the

conflict-prone Darwinian and functionalist syndrome. We all need to

go out of this rut. T.H. Pear, J.P. Das, J.R. Anderson and, even earlier,

Sigmund Freud are a few noted psychologists of the previous and

current centuries - among several other contemporary academics -

who believe in the basic need of keeping a balance between

aggressive and loving instincts of man . Otherwise, for them, conflict

will always be the outcome. Excess of "love" and "aggression" both

lead to situations of conflict and war.11

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A general notion about human thinking is that no earthly force

should ever try to control it for such an act would be in gross violation

of the current and established democratic norms .Yet even the modern

democratic life-styles and education are deliberately being

"implanted" into the minds of homosapiens! Is it not indoctrination?

Or is it "education"? WHY CAN'T THEN A GANDHIAN WAY OF

LIFE SHAPE THE FUTURE OF OUR PROGENY? This will be

more optimistic and fruitful way of carving out our more peaceful and

brighter prospects. We have interestingly already seen that Gandhian

ideas without bringing in his name are being proposed by the modern-

day saner elements also. Actually, the socialists, Marxists, capitalists

and several others are in reality talking in a Gandhian vein, at least, in

the ultimate analysis. Isn't it there a common global vision emerging

here in Gandhi's "practical-idealism"?

The functionalist and Darwinian conceptions of conflict and

cooperation consider these two aspects as mutually opposite realities

(as if the twins shall never meet!) . While, in the Gandhian way of

life, there is a link between these two apparent opposites. This link is

to be seen in the "self-restraint" and need of a balanced or normal life.

Therefore, conflict and cooperation are not like two separate parallel

lines of geometry. They are mutually and positively interlinked.12

What after all is this normal life in a Gandhian vision? Answer

to this question is clearly inherent in the aforesaid major twelve points

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of this research article. Even otherwise this article is replete with the

conception of a Gandhian normal socio-political order.13

The twenty-first century is still in its phase of infancy. It is

growing despite a vast multitude of technology related problems. On

the one hand, the world is getting "connected" into becoming a global

village while on the other hand; there is “Internautian" phenomenon

of privacy versus information-explosion. Similarly, there is also a

very well-known "captive-mind" thesis of Syed Hussain Altas vis-à-

vis modern education and on going endless automation leading to

degeneration of human brain cells due to technological-product-

radiation, over-exposure and under-utilization of natural human

creativity etc. These are but a few examples of the "unfolding" of the

present century. In view of these realities, Mary E. Clark and A.K.

Saran are interested in "new modes of thinking" and for a real

"metanoia".14 This metanoia involves grass-root movements and

root-and-branch transformation of current direction of man's thinking.

Such action and thinking, however, would not involve massive efforts

towards "de-technologicalisation" and "de-industrialisation".

Peace, Global Quest and Education

In contrast to aforesaid possibilities, our present century is

racing towards "intercontinental integration and regionalization" of

global society and politics. The European Union is apparently one of

the first to go in this direction by attempting to evolve common

currency, security, foreign policy and by upgrading the European

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Parliament. George Orwell had foreseen this type of division of the

world into three major continents under the overall governance of a

“think-police". This think-police -- obviously through technological

modern tools of audio-video paraphernalia - is supposed to police

human thinking in George Orwell's 1984. As such, widespread

expansion, compression, technological and global integration along

with a possibility of an optimistic though logical metanoia appears to

be expected trends of the twenty-first century. Of all these prospective

happenings, only those can be regarded as creative for world peace

which make the concerned imbibe and assimilate the spirit of the

Gandhian way by applying it meaningfully to the contemporary

situation.15

Some socio-political experimentation may be sought for

securing a better and more peaceful future. "…a small, autonomous

Centre should be established, preferably by non-governmental public

effort, charged with the following tasks: one, promoting Gandhian

thinking through creative and holistic research; two, designing and

conducting an educational programme in Gandhian thinking for

voluntary novices; and, three, devising and conducting a programme

for educators in Gandhian thinking. … The Centre will take only a

small number of students who evince a minimum competence and

real keenness to be initiated into Gandhian thinking and the Gandhian

way. Their material needs will be met during the programme, but no

inducements or attractions will be offered. The method of education

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will be one that makes sufficient demands on students for self-

education. Dialogue, discussion, meditation, thinking and guided

reading, field work and lectures too, if necessary, may be mentioned

here as educational devices to be used in the Centre. This is only by

way of illustration. Different methods may be followed for individual

students. The idea is to keep the system as flexibly structured as may

be consistent with the discipline required for the effectiveness of any

serious educational enterprise.

The aim of this educational programme will be to create

maieutic design and a moral support-system for metanoia. The

students will gradually experience a transformation of their mind -- a

turning away and turning towards, of their consciousness and a

change in the centre of their thinking. A change in their character is

bound to follow. … It should be clearly understood that in so far as an

educational programme of this kind is at all successful, the graduate

(will have to be a very determined person to succeed in life). … it is

through … (patience) of such graduates that a Gandhian, that is, a

normal, ethos may slowly come to be formed."16

Indeed, "new modes of thinking" for world peace are the real

requirements of the twenty-first century.17 Which way should we go?

It is for us to decide. The world is already going in one particular

direction of ever higher degree of technological advancement. Despite

this, the modern technology has not yet touched the level of

refinement of having created a human-being (despite cloning): full of

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life and vibrating with energy through medulla oblongata. Only birth,

live humans, death and blood are perhaps a few areas where modern

technology has not yet been able to enter fully. Everywhere else it is

there today. How long this current surging ahead of high technology

can continue? Such technology by nature is ephemeral in essence for

what it maybe today; tomorrow it may become obsolete.

A basic poser here is how long can we continue and sustain

ourselves vis-à-vis hyper-dynamic modern technological

perspectives? Is it merely a question of sustenance? Can we go even

beyond the problems of survival and sustenance? Can't there be a

global technological world resting on true freedom and dignity of the

individual without any type of fear and terror? Until we go beyond the

rut, the Gandhian conception of peace cannot become lifetime

"practical-idealism" of our age. Wither world peace? It is not

difficulty to see and perceive. "When can we begin to act?" is the

question of essence. How long this shying away is possible?

Establishing Gandhian link between our needs for Knowledge,

Information, Technology and Peace is the top priority today. Nothing

else can succeed.

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References and Notes

1 Amartya Sen and Jean Dreze, The Amartya Sen and Jean Dreze Omnibus (Oxford University Press, New Delhi: 1999); see specially India: Economic Development and Social Opportunity, p. 87, the third portion of this omnibus volume. 2 Immanuel Wallerstein and Others, Open the Social Sciences, (Vistaar, New Delhi: 1997). Another aspect of this reference number two also needs further explanation relating to the real meaning of politics. "Ecology" literally means "planetary housekeeping" and not merely environmental and other types of pollutions. "Politics" is an all inclusive master science with its continuous concern for establishing harmony in socio-political system at different levels from local to global perspectives. That is why political science cannot but enter the "political-ecological" paradigm for proper grasp of reality today. See also: O.P. Dwivedi, "Political Science and the Environment", International Social Science Journal (Canada: 1980), p.377; Vandana Asthana, Politics of Environment, (New Delhi: 1995). In the modern interdisciplinary age, political science must put more emphasis on studies such as highly systematic explorations in political-ecology, political-sociology, political-economy, political-psychology, political-anthropology and political-history etc. For this purpose, opening up of The Department of Political Interdisciplinary Studies can also be initiated at the behest of the University Grants Commission (UGC) in all the recognized universities interested in such an exercise. 3 Robert Jackson and Georg Sorensen, Introduction to International Relations, (Oxford University Press, New York: 1999). See also Mary E. Clark, Ariadnae's Thread: Search for New Modes of Thinking,( St. Martins Press, New york:1989 ). Jag Preet Singh, "The Political Ecology of India", M.Phil. Dissertation submitted to the University of Jammu (Department of Political Science), Jammu [India] on 05 June 1998 (the World Environment Day). 4 Kanti Bajpai and Harish C. Shukul (eds), Interpreting World Politics: Essays for A.P.Rana, (Sage &Vistaar, New Delhi: 1995). Ronald J. Terchek Gandhi: Struggling for Autonomy, (Vistaar, New Delhi: 2000). S.C. Gangal and K.P. Misra (eds), Gandhi and the Contemporary World: Studies in Peace and War, (Chanakya Publications, New Delhi: 1981). Ashish Kothari, Understanding Biodiversity: Life, Sustainability and Equity (Orient Longman, New Delhi: 1997). 5 Sumi Krishna, Environmental Politics: People's Lives and Developmental Choices (Sage/Vistaar, New Delhi: 1996); Vandana Shiva, Ecology and Politics of Survival: Conflicts Over Natural Resources in India (Sage/Vistaar, New Delhi: 1991).Also Anurag Gangal, New International Economic Order: A Gandhian Perspective, (Chanakya, New Delhi: 1985). 6 Krishanlal Shridharani, War Without Violence: A Study of Gandhi's Method and its Accomplishments (London: 1939). Charles Darwin, The Origin of Spices by Means of Natural Selection or Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for

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Life(London:1968);Johan Galtung, "Pacifism from a Sociological Point of View", The Journal of Conflict Resolution,(1959) No. 3,p.67. See also Johan Galtung, "Gandhi's Views on the Political and Ethical Pre-condition of a Non-violent Fighter", Pran Chopra (ed.), The Sage in Revolt: A Remembrance (New Delhi: 1972), p.203. 7 Johan Galtung, "A Gandhian Theory of Conflict", In Theory and in Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash Narayan, (Oxford, Bombay: 1985). 8 ibid. 100-101. 9 UNESCO Yearbook on Peace and Conflict Studies: 1980(Connecticut: 1981), Pp-145-165. Ibid. Op. Cit. n.7. 10 Quincy Wright, A Study of War, Vol. 1. (Chicago: 1942), p.27; Karl Mannheim, Man and Society (London: 1942), pp.122-123. 11 T.H.Pear (ed.),Psychological Factors of Peace and War(London:1950),p.162;J.P.Das,The Working Mind: An Introduction to Psychology,(Sage, New Delhi:1998);J.R.Anderson,Cognitive Psychology and its Implications(W.H.Freeman and Company, New York:1995). 12 Joan V. Bondurant, Conquest of Violence (Princeton: 1958); also her book (ed.), Conflict: Violence and Nonviolence (Chicago: 1971). 13 G.N.Dhawan, The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi (2nd edition), (Navajivan, Ahmedabad: 1957); S.C.Gangal, Gandhian Way to World Peace (Bombay: 1960); Op.cit.n.4. 14 A.K.Saran, "On the Promotion of Gandhian Studies at the University Level", S.C.Gangal and K.P.Misra (eds), Gandhi and the Contemporary World, (Chanakya, New Delhi: 1981), pp.-177-200, esp.-189,190. 15 E.F.Schumacher, Small is Beautiful (New York: 1973); Ivan Illich, Deschooling Society (Harmondsworth: 1973); Arne Naess, Gandhi and the Nuclear Age (London: 1960). 16 A.K. Saran, Op.cit. n.14. See also: M.K.Gandhi, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule (Ahmedabad: 1939). 17 Mary E. Clark, Ariadnae's Thread: Search for New Modes of Thinking, (St. Martins Press, New York: 1989). Note: More stress here is being put on showing how even the so-called non-Gandhian (not admirers and followers) authors of our present-day world are thinking on somewhat Gandhian lines.

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217


Chapter Eight

Conclusion: Beyond Perversions

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219


Chapter Eight

Conclusion: Beyond Perversions

The latest global contexts in international politics relate to

special focus on seven concerns of human security. These have come

into vogue with the publication of the Human Development Report of

1994.

Seven Heavens!

These are known as economic, food, health, environment,

personal, community and political security and development matters

of high priority including energy needs and sustainable development

for ensuring a fulsome and secure future. Only in this perspective,

United Nations Framework Conference on Climate Change was also

held in Bangkok from 31 March to 04 April 2008. All this in line with

the follow up of the Kyoto Protocol brought into force with effect

from 2005 – having about 175 signatories as member nations and

institutions.. In view of this quest for security and development, it

may be said that the “Gandhian option of politics away from generally

widespread perversions of politics” is now appearing to be in the

offing. Indeed, there is no other way to peace but for the Gandhian

way.

Dandi Spirit

Interestingly, it was only in the month of April 1930 that

Gandhi had completed his historic Dandi March successfully. This

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march also symbolised the victory of “right over might” according to

Gandhi. It this Gandhian nonviolent determined spirit that the world

leaders need today. When looking for hope and positive forces among

nations – who otherwise are marred with diversified vicious violence

against humanity – one tends to question whether there is still an iota

of Gandhi in every individual and nation! The answer appears to be in

the affirmative.

On 05 April 1930, 61 years old Mahatma Gandhi reached

Dandi in Gujarat after walking 241 kilometres in 24 days. He then

defied the law by making salt. It was a brilliant, non-violent strategy

by Gandhi. To enforce the law of the land, the British had to arrest the

satyagrahis in millions. As such, Indian freedom struggle finally

gathered momentum both inside and outside India. Dandi Civil

Disobedience Movement had started on 12 March 1930.

Is Mohandas Karmachand Gandhi worth his name and fame in

this age of Weapons of Mass Destruction, Missile Warfare, Nuclear

Warheads, Modern Networking of Human Hearts and Culture,

Information Technology, Satellites, Globalisation, ''Think Police'' and

the versatile ''Drink, Dance and Dine'' scenario ? This is an obvious

query in the minds of millions of Indian and global youth and ''saner'

intellect.

Answer to this ''interlocution'' rests on our own courage of

conviction and degree of commitment.

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Gandhi is known as a ''practical-idealist''. Gandhi's life is,

indeed, his message. He is also known as a ''prohibitionist'', a

teetotaller and a protagonist of ''no-smoking''. Yet, Mahatma Gandhi

entertained quite a few smokers and alcohol-takers like Maulana Azad

and Jawaharlal Nehru respectively.

Gandhi, similarly, is a great critic of modern mechanisation

and also of centralisation of political, economic and any other type of

power and resources. He wants a nonviolent society and not the State

paraphernalia (representing force and might) in the ultimate analysis.

Gandhi is in favour of a self-governing civil society.

Despite this, he seldom used his status and mass-popularity to

impose his beliefs on others. When required, he had the mettle to

stand all alone against the world. As regards mechanisation and

centralisation of power and resources also, Gandhi was always

sensible and ready to make necessary humanitarian adjustments

where details of a matter were concerned, especially, in the interest of

poorer individuals and national welfare. Similarly, in trade, industry

and economic development also, Gandhi is in favour of imports of

goods, services and materials despite his fundamental objection to

such activities.

Gandhi, in essence, is not a Mahatma. He is a common person

like all of us. He never liked this title of Mahatma given to him by

Robindra Nath Thakur and Indian people.

Gandhian Ethics

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However, the Gandhian ethics of life are not the sole property

of the so-called Mahatma Gandhi. Every person is inherently a

Mahatma Gandhi even in this age of massive and widespread

conflicts and wars. What a man wants from birth till death is primarily

peace and prosperity. Gandhi is also for peaceful prosperity of

individuals and nations alike. All essential needs of every individual

must be fulfilled first. Other things must follow. This is the key to

Gandhian peaceful life. That is why Gandhi, after his years in South

Africa, is always seen wearing just one small piece of cloth upon his

person in order to feel the real and practical difficulties of vast Indian

masses suffering from gross poverty. Gandhi believes in the doctrine

of opting for voluntary poverty when our other compatriots in India

are poor at large. From here flows his ideas of Trusteeship and mutual

sharing of wealth and resources.

What Gandhi is suggesting are very easy and common options

for dealing with diverse challenges. From fulfilling basic need of salt

at very low cost for every poor and common individual, he moves on

to national security and international peace in the similar vein. As

long as there is absence of general, fundamental, practical and

political belief in the efficacy of nonviolence as a way of life, till then

at least a Nonviolent National Defence Army, Navy and Air Force

can be evolved on Gandhian lines of nonviolent spirit and

nonviolence of the brave. This nonviolent national defence system

can work alongside existing defence forces.

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Such simple but effective steps can be taken up – not only

globally but also at the level of Central and State Governments from

within -- when India is able to evolve a defence policy worth its

name. These simple Gandhian solutions to complex current tangles

certainly need spirited and sincere long-term initiatives for






Thinking Beyond Perversions

What we need is merely to think and act in the most common

and obvious terms. We are not doing it. This is possible even in this

age of globalisation. We must learn to sit together like common

human beings without attaching unnecessary airs to our own persons.

That is why Albert Einstein has said, ''Generations to come will scarce

believe that such a man as this, in flesh and blood, ever walked upon

this earth.'' One of the greatest admirers of Gandhi is Albert Einstein,

who sees in ''Gandhi's nonviolence a possible antidote to the massive

violence unleashed by the fission of the atom.'' B R Nanda writes in

the 2001 edition of Britannica Encyclopaedia, ''In a time of deepening

crisis in the underdeveloped world, of social malaise in the affluent

societies, of the shadow of unbridled technology and the precarious

224


peace of nuclear terror, it seems likely that Gandhi's ideas and

techniques will become increasingly relevant.''

This relevance has to be put in action as Gandhi always said,

''My life is my message.'' This action is possible at least at three levels

without affecting adversely the current surging ahead of

modernisation and globalisation. First, at individuals unilateral and

voluntary level. Secondly, at the level of voluntary organisations. Last

but not least, at the level of a national government voluntary

mobilisation and necessary socialisation on a vaster plane. The

international perspective will follow suit on its own as a logical

outcome or natural corollary of other three levels. Otherwise, ''cities

will never have rest from their evils.'' Be it the ''Kashmir'' or any other

issue, they all can be streamlined in this way.

In this centenary year of the writing of Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj,

it is necessary to recapitulate a little from this magnum opus. Mahatma

Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule is relatively a prosaic

presentation from a literary, linguistic and stylistic perspective. Almost

all its translations are also like this only. This is not a masterly work in

this sense. Its dialogue form is quite esoteric. It appears as if all answers

to questions asked were formulated much before the asking of queries.

Questions were apparently inserted afterwards. It is more of a monologue

than a dialogue in real sense of its actual impact upon a reader of Hind

Swaraj. This is, indeed, just one aspect of this unprecedented and,

otherwise, excellent work.

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Hind Swaraj

As we know, 2008 is centenary year of its writing in 1908; and

2009 will be the centenary year of the first publication of Hind Swaraj.

This booklet -- of about 96 pages – has had two editions and

umpteenth number of reprints in Hindi and English languages alone. It

has been published in all constitutionally recognised Indian languages as

well. Nearly 200, 000 copies of Hind Swaraj have been printed in

English and Hindi since its first publication.

There are also so many pertinent issues raised in this small

booklet that its relevance is continuously increasing manifold with the

passage of every year. Hind Swaraj has shreds of strands from modern,

post-modern to post-post-modern trends of writing and analysis. These

visionary themes, interestingly, are also replete with vehement criticism

of modern mechanisation, industrialisation and technologicalisation.

Hind Swaraj is, thus, beyond the limitations of time, space and locale.

However, reading of this booklet alone does not suffice to grasp Gandhi

and his ideas in fuller terms.

Satyagraha and Poverty

Atul Chandra Pradhan has further explained Gandhi’s relevance

anent Gandhian Satyagraha as an instrument of dealing with several

perversions in modern times. Orissa Review, September-October 2007

from pages 52 – 55 presents his views as follows:

Satyagrahi has to pass through five

difficult phases: "First people will greet

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you with indifference; next they will

ridicule you; then they will abuse you; next

they will put you in jail or even try to kill

you. If you go through these five stages

successfully, you will get to the most

dangerous phase — when people start

respecting you. Then you can become your

own enemy unless you are careful."

Gandhi considered Satyagraha to

be a positive movement. During the

struggle for freedom he placed before the

Satyagrahis a constructive programme. He

is reported to have said that "if once

constructive work was accomplished there

would not be any need left for outward

Satyagraha."

…..violence and disruptive forces

sometimes seem to threaten the very

foundation of our social fabric. In such a

situation constructive work needs to be

intensified as the only remedy for social

maladies. As pointed out by K.G.

Mashruwala constructive work will create

"proper conditions for the urge for

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goodness, inherent in man to grow and

gather strength to effectively check the

forces of violence and to put on the right

track man's age-long endeavour to

eradicate poverty, ignorance, filth, disease,

narrow-mindedness, inequality and open or

concealed slavery which makes his earth a

living hell.

Indian PM on Gandhi

Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, during his visit to

South Africa on 02 October 2006 gave highly momentous views on

the subject of relevance of Gandhian Philosophy today as reported by

the Times of India:

‘Every generation has rediscovered

the relevance of Gandhiji's message. I was

heartened to see recently that back home in

India the most popular movie this festival

season is a film about a young man's

discovery of the universal and timeless

relevance of the Mahatma's message,’

Singh said in an obvious reference to the

use of Gandhian methods in modern times

termed as 'Gandhigiri' in the movie.

228


On a day packed with sentimental

visits to memorials to the Mahatma,

Singh's schedule included a tour of the

settlement established by Gandhi in 1904

on the outskirts of Durban and culminated

in a ceremony to celebrate the centenary of

the Satyagraha at the Kingsmead stadium

here, the famous venue of international

cricket matches.

With South African President

Thabo Mbeki and other dignitaries present

at the stadium, the Prime Minister said that

today's commemoration was a reminder

that no one must forget the scene where

Satyagraha was born "particularly when

9/11 has become imbibe with horrific

significance". Posing the question as to the

relevance of Gandhi's message today,

Singh answered it by saying, "What of the

relevance of his message today?

‘Genocide, ethnic cleansing,

religious and territorial wars and the ever-

growing menace of international terrorism

are afflicting many parts of the world. In

229


this background, the Mahatma's

philosophy of peace, tolerance and the

interdependence of humankind is surely

even more relevant than a hundred years

ago.’

Recalling his visit to Petersburg,

where Gandhi was thrown out of an all

white train compartment and to the

Phoenix settlement, Singh said Gandhi

practiced the values he preached--self-

help, dignity of labour and community

living. He expressed India's gratitude to the

Government of free South Africa for what

it had done to preserve the legacy of

Gandhi in this country

[http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/2062181.cms].

A Few Quotes of Gandhi’s

Gandhi has written widely on the question of the relevance of

nonviolence and Satyagraha. Here are a few more of his quotations in

this regard. These are taken from Harijan, vol. 7, pp. 301-302; vol. 5,

p. 41; vol. 9, p. 156. and Collected Works vol. 17, p. 460; vol. 26, p.

140; vol. 48, p. 416.:

230


I hope also to show to India and the

Empire at large that given a certain amount

of capacity for self-sacrifice, justice can be

secured by the peacefullest and cleanest

means without sowing or increasing

bitterness between the English and Indians.

. . . [These qualities of self-sacrifice and

justice] alone are immune from lasting

bitterness. They are untainted with hatred,

expedience or untruth [Emphasis added].

Let the philosophy I represent be

tested on its own merit. I hold that the

world is sick of armed rebellion.

History shows that when a people

have been subjugated and desire to get rid

of the subjection they have rebelled and

resorted to use arms.

In India, on the other hand, we

have resorted to means that are

scrupulously non-violent and peaceful and

strangers have testified and I am here to

231


give my testimony that in a great measure

we seem to have succeeded in attaining our

goal. I know that it is still an experiment in

the making. I cannot claim absolute

success as yet but venture to suggest that

experience has gone so far that it is

worthwhile to study the experience. I

further suggest that if that experience

becomes a full success, India will have

made a contribution towards world peace

for which the world is thirsting.

Indeed, whether Gandhi’s name is proclaimed or not and his

philosophy is adopted or not, his ways provide the only option for the

world to follow if it wants to survive and prosper.

232


233


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234


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236


237


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