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Lifelong learning, lifelong educationand adult education in higherinstitutions of learning in EasternAfrica: the case of Makerere UniversityInstitute of Adult and ContinuingEducationGeorge L. Openjuru aa Makerere University , UgandaPublished online: 02 Feb 2011.

To cite this article: George L. Openjuru (2011) Lifelong learning, lifelong education and adulteducation in higher institutions of learning in Eastern Africa: the case of Makerere UniversityInstitute of Adult and Continuing Education, International Journal of Lifelong Education, 30:1,55-69, DOI: 10.1080/02601370.2011.538182

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INT. J. OF LIFELONG EDUCATION, VOL. 30, NO. 1 (JANUARY–FEBRUARY 2011), 55–69

International Journal of Lifelong Education ISSN 0260-1370 print/ISSN 1464-519X online © 2011 Taylor & Francis http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals

DOI: 10.1080/02601370.2011.538182

Lifelong learning, lifelong education and adult education in higher institutions of learning in Eastern Africa: the case of Makerere University Institute of Adult and Continuing Education

GEORGE L. OPENJURUMakerere University, Uganda

Taylor and FrancisTLED_A_538182.sgm10.1080/02601370.2011.538182International Journal of Lifelong Education0260-1370 (print)/1464-519X (online)Original Article2011Taylor & Francis301000000January–February [email protected]

This paper advocates for policy recognition of lifelong learning by institutions of higher learn-ing and governments in Eastern Africa. Lifelong learning and lifelong education are twoconcepts that aim at widening access to and the participation of adult learners in the acquisi-tion of new knowledge, skills, values and attitudes. There are many reasons for advocating forlifelong learning and education in higher institutions of learning in Eastern Africa. Firstly, thedemand for higher education in Eastern Africa has increased phenomenally. Secondly, theneed to cope with this fast-changing world calls for a continuous acquisition of new knowl-edge, skills and attitude. This paper looks at the concepts of lifelong learning (LLL) and life-long education (LLE) in relation to the changes that are affecting the provision of university-based learning opportunities for non-traditional students in Eastern Africa, with examplesfrom Makerere University Institute of Adult and Continuing Education in Uganda. In lookingat the concepts of LLL and LLE, other concepts of lifewide learning and the learning societyare also discussed. Adult learning and adult education are discussed as concepts that are usedby adult educators in Eastern Africa with very limited understanding of what they really mean.The confusion in the use of these emerging and popular concepts in Eastern Africa isdiscussed. The paper presents some recommendations for higher institutions of learning inEastern Africa to develop a clear understanding of and embrace lifelong learning.

Introduction

There is still some confusion in understanding the concepts of lifelong learning andeducation in the field of adult education in Eastern Africa. In this paper, I undertake

George Ladaah Openjuru is acting head of the Department of Community Education and Extra-MuralStudies and senior lecturer at the Institute of Adult and Continuing Education, Makerere University,Uganda. He completed his PhD in adult education at the University of KwaZulu-Natal and has worked inadult education for over 15 years. His areas of research interest are higher education and adult literacyeducation. His training is in both formal school education and adult or out of school education. He holdsa Master of Education (Adult Education) from the University of Natal in South Africa, and a Master ofEducation (History Education) from Makerere University. He has extensive practical experience as atrainer of adult educators and literacy facilitators and an evaluator of rural community adult literacyprogrammes. He has published widely in the areas of adult education and adult literacy education. He ispresently the regional coordinator of Network of Adult Education Research in Eastern Africa. Correspon-dence: Department of Community Education and Extra-Mural Studies, Institute of Adult and ContinuingEducation, Makerere University, PO.Box 7062, Kampala, Uganda. Email: [email protected]

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56 GEORGE L. OPENJURU

to analyse these confusions in higher institutions of learning in Eastern Africa withexamples from Uganda’s Makerere University Institute of Adult and ContinuingEducation. These confusions are not helping the advancement and articulation oflifelong learning and education in our higher education policies in Eastern Africa.

Much has already been written about lifelong learning and lifelong education.However, the much that has been written relates to Europe, North America,Canada, and Australia (see Merrill 1999, Oliver 1999, Jarvis 2004). Very little is writ-ten on how universities in Africa or Eastern Africa1 in particular, are responding tosome of the forces that are shaping world trends in the provision of adult educationor lifelong learning and education. This of course does not mean that the idea oflifelong learning and lifelong education is not being realized, or having its influencein this part of the world, far from it. Instead Eastern Africans are feeling the fullforce of these ideas and other global forces (see Volbrecht and Walters 2000, Kasozi2003, Mamdani 2007). Indeed, higher institutions of learning in Eastern Africa,particularly in Uganda, are responding to the same forces that are shaping worldtrends in the provision of higher education in the world (see Volbrecht and Walters2000, Kasozi 2003, Mamdani 2007). While the student population is changing withan increasing number of older students turning to university education, lifelonglearning is not mentioned anywhere in policy statements of either universities orgovernment higher education circles. Nevertheless, using Makerere University as acase study, I would like to show how higher education in Eastern Africa is changingin the direction of lifelong learning as a response to changing trends in highereducation in the world (see Kwemara 2003). Before delving into this claim, I wouldlike to start by examining the different understandings of the concept of lifelonglearning and education.

Three conceptual frameworks for lifelong learning

General confusion with the concept of lifelong learning

To begin with, there is a general agreement that the concept of lifelong learning isconfusing. For example, Walters (2000) in an interview with Volbrecht, says, ‘life-long learning is certainly not a well understood term amongst academics. This isn’tsurprising as even amongst advocates of lifelong learning there are very differentviews and ideological commitments’ (Volbrecht and Walters 2000: 286). This issupported by Jarvis (2004: 64–65) who says, ‘the concept of lifelong learning isextremely confusing since it combines individual learning and institutionalisedlearning’. Related to that, Coffield (1999: 488) says, ‘we are clearly not dealing withan unambiguous, neutral or static concept, but one which is currently being foughtover by numerous interest groups all struggling for their definitions’. Schuetze andSlowey (2000: 12) say, ‘the notion of lifelong learning is not only vague but subjectto a variety of conflicting interpretations’. Similarly, Larsson (1997: 251) had earliernoted the same problem with the definition of lifelong learning saying, ‘lifelonglearning is a concept with many meanings used by a variety of actors…It became toouseful for too many purposes. The meaning of the term is often either obscure ormeagre’. Many explanations have been put forward about lifelong learning, andthere is no one authoritative definition (European Association for Education ofAdults 2006).

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LIFELONG LEARNING AND EDUCATION AND ADULT EDUCATION IN EASTERN AFRICA 57

This confusion is also evident in discussions of the concept among scholarsin Eastern Africa. In the following section, I review at least three different explana-tions or discernments of lifelong learning and education to help frame the under-standing and applications of these concepts by scholars in this part of the continent.

Adult education, lifelong learning and lifelong education seen as the same concepts

Firstly, is the perception which sees adult education/learning, lifelong learning asthe same as lifelong education. This group of scholars uses these concepts inter-changeably (Knoll 2004). The use of these concepts in Eastern Africa falls under thiscategory, which means scholars in Eastern Africa maintain a rather ambiguousunderstanding of lifelong learning, lifelong education and adult education.2 Thefollowing remarks relating to adult education, lifelong education and lifelong learn-ing confirm this observation:

Uganda has during the past decade gone through much debate and advocacyefforts in prioritising adult education/learning. The debate has more recentlyextended to lifelong learning, further complicating issues. Hope of enhancedpriority status was triggered off by the re-launch of adult literacy programmesin 1992 and the stated commitment by the Government in its 1992 ‘WhitePaper’ on Education to provide adult and non-formal education to all thecountry’s citizens who need it. (Okech 2008a: 1)

Within the parameters of these definitions as well as Nyerere’s conceptual frame-work on adult education, this paper sets out to discuss the practice of Adult and LifeLong Learning (ALLL) at the Open University of Tanzania (OUT) (Shemwetta2008: 2).

Dessu Wirtu (2008), when reporting his study of adult education providers’ viewson the purpose of adult and lifelong learning, framed his question using the wordadult education, ‘informants were asked to explain the purpose of adult education’(7). This clearly shows that Wirtu sees these concepts as equal in meaning to eachother. He is not conscious about any distinction between adult education, adultlearning, lifelong learning, and lifelong education.

In a bold statement during a lifelong learning conference in Dar es Salaam,Sandhaas (2008a: 3) says, ‘the term lifelong learning is in most cases used justrhetorically—that means just meaningless’

Okech summarises this confusion in the conceptualization of adult and lifelonglearning very well in the following words, ‘ALLL really seems to have failed to developa common working stand-point, rendering it impossible to make a meaningful case.The recent popularisation of the term Lifelong Learning has complicated matterseven further’ (Okech 2008a: 1).

The above discussions show that in Eastern Africa adult education, adult learn-ing, lifelong education, and lifelong learning concepts are not only seen as havingthe same meanings, but also little understood. Okech (2008a) even goes further tobring in adult literacy education as part of this discussion. One thing is for sure theyare not the same although they are often used uncritically and confoundedly inadult education discussions.

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This uncritical and rather ambiguous understanding of adult education and life-long learning has not helped to raise the profile of lifelong learning or education topolicy levels in Eastern Africa, let alone to secure a firm policy commitment for adulteducation. That is there is no specific policy guiding adult education. In Uganda apolicy to guide adult education is still under development.

Adult education, lifelong learning and lifelong education are different from each other

Secondly, inclusive as the concept of lifelong learning may be, some scholars likeBoshier (1998), argue that lifelong education and lifelong learning are completelydifferent from each other. Indeed the concepts are being used to serve differentpurposes for example the concept of lifelong learning is being used to cut stateexpenditure on education, and focusing on increased labour productivity (Marie-Therese 1998). Indabawa and Mpofu (2006) explain that lifelong learning is widerand more inclusive than lifelong education. Although the concept of lifelonglearning is inclusive it’s still being discussed only within adult education and noteducation as a whole; that is if we take adult education as a subset of education. This,I argue, accounts for why the concept has not been embraced in mainstreameducational discussion in Eastern Africa.

Lifelong, life wide, and life deep learning

Thirdly, while there is a lot of confusion in defining lifelong learning and lifelongeducation in Eastern Africa, other concepts such as life wide and life deep learningdo not featuring in these discussions. This means not much is known about them.However, there are ideas of lifelong learning that connect education to life widelearning activities. This type of learning is not limited to school life but made toembrace the entire spectrum of life, which is Education for All (EFA)—that is forboth children and adults without distinctions and dealing with issues of sustainablelivelihoods (Schuetze and Slowey 2000). In this perspective, the focus is on de-insti-tutionalising educational provision to include informal and non-formal learningthroughout the course of life (Brooks and Everett 2008). In this argument, learningsites are democratised or liberalised to increase access. The argument is that institu-tionalised knowledge excludes certain forms of knowledge and knowledge acquisi-tion strategies and with it some groups of people who learn informally through non-formal means (Higgs 2008). The protagonists of de-institutionalisation argue for awidening of access and provision to diverse groups of people from all socio-economicbackgrounds, that is, the provision of education everywhere and throughout theentire life period. This kind of provision will put a lot of emphasis on the accredita-tion of prior learning, which means some limited form of institutionalisation will stillbe needed to recognise informally and non-formally acquired knowledge. However,the question of which knowledge is acceptable for accreditation and which one isnot, and for what reason, still remains an unresolved question. On the other hand,the concept of life deep learning (Bell et al. 2009), is a concept which is not knownby adult education scholars in Eastern Africa. There was no mention of this conceptin their conference on lifelong learning in Eastern Africa (Sandhaas 2008a).

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Definitions and their implication for the provision of education

While these concepts are not yet fully understood and embraced for use in the East-ern African region in both academic and policy circles, their influence has led totheir moving into centre stage in education discussions in the developed world. Inparticular is the perception which sees the popular use of the concept of lifelonglearning as an attempt to transfer the responsibility for education to the individualwho benefits from it and not the state (Boshier 1998, Boshier and Benseman 2000,Palacios 2003). This is because when you deregulate and de-institutionalise educa-tional provision it becomes a little difficult for government intervention to work withit. It is however easier for individuals to fit into it at their own cost, time and style(Marie-Therese 1998). The argument is that lifelong learning will lead to increasedaccess against reduced government responsibility in the provision of education. Irecognise these two contradictory processes of social empowerment and autonomyin learning acquisition as well as the human resource-driven need for education inthe context of a democratised private provision of education.

However it is possible to seek for a compromise position in which the market isallowed to open up access for adults in higher education while the state anddevelopment partners’ intervention makes arrangements to support those who aredenied access due to unaffordable costs. The benefit of this strategy is a reductionin cost of providing education in poor countries like Uganda. This becomes a ques-tion of securing a balance in favour of government intervention alongside individ-ual endeavours in the provision of education for all (Palacios 2003).

Lifelong learning in Eastern African universities

Due to the rather ambiguous understanding of lifelong learning as discussedabove, in Eastern Africa the concept is not yet the defining concept and principlein the provision of education, and only a few universities and other tertiary institu-tions of learning in Eastern Africa are talking the language of lifelong learningand even then in the context of adult education only (see Okech 2008a). Theconcept has not yet been embraced by policy makers in Eastern African countries.However, in spite of the challenges related to understanding the concept of life-long learning and lifelong education (Sandhaas 2008a), from my analysis, thereare developments in adult learning provisions in higher institutions of learningthat can be seen as falling within the realms of lifelong learning and lifelongeducation (Okech 2008a).

The manner in which universities are responding to these changes and chal-lenges defines the shift that universities in Eastern Africa are experiencing inwidening access in response to the increasing demands for education by anincreasingly diverse group of learners (Volbrecht and Walters 2000, Kwemara2003, Mamdani 2007). In other words, it is a market driven change, which is alsobeing experienced in the UK (Brooks and Everett 2008, Mulenga and Liang 2008).This makes it look like universities in Eastern Africa are espousing the idea of life-long learning which emphasises the commodification of education. I would like tostate that this is not a choice but an inadvertent response to the market forces ofincreasing demand for education against declining government support for higherinstitutions of learning.

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There are many higher institutions of learning in Eastern Africa offeringlearning programmes for people who are considered to be adult by their ownsocieties. These universities, especially Makerere University, University of Nairobi,University of Dar-es-Salaam and Addis Ababa University, pursue what they term aslifelong learning and adult education (Shemwetta 2008) by offering a number ofprogrammes ranging from certificates to postgraduate degrees using a variety ofmodes of delivery such as distance education and open learning, evening and week-end classes, and e-learning (Wirtu 2008, Sandhaas 2008b). What defines theseprogrammes as targeting mature and out of full time school learners (which inEurope and other developed countries are referred to as non-traditional students(Schuetze and Slowey 2000)), are their flexible modes of delivery. These modes ofdelivery allow for this category of learners to study while working full time. In otherwords they are part-time learners.

In these institutions, there are two types of training: firstly, training in the profes-sion and disciplines of adult education and the provision of learning opportunitiesfor adults through flexible modes of delivery. Higher institutions of learningprovide training for professionals meant to work in adult education (see Okech2008b). Additionally, they also provide continuing education programmes foradults and people unable to attend full time programmes at the university (Shem-wetta 2008). In all cases, the learners pay for their learning.

Makerere University and Makerere University Institute of Adult and Continuing Education

Using specific examples from Makerere University Institute of Adult and Continu-ing Education, I would like to illustrate how universities in Eastern Africa areresponding to international trends that are inadvertently directing higher educa-tion towards a phenomenon of lifelong learning.

Makerere University, founded in 1922, is one of the oldest universities inEastern and Central Africa. Since then, it has been a leading and prestigiousuniversity in the region (Sicherman 2005). Higher education at Makerere Univer-sity, as in all other universities in Eastern Africa, has experienced tremendouschanges in its student population and demographic composition since the late1990s. There has been a noticeable increase in the student population, with achange in the demographic profile of students in the direction of increasingnumbers of older and working students coming to undertake university education(Kwemara 2003).

The manifestations of lifelong learning as perceived by Boshier (1998), Boshierand Benseman (2000) and Palacios (2003) came through economic liberalizationas a response to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank economicconditionality, and their Structural Adjustment Policy (SAP). The consequence ofthis conditionality was a reduction of government funding to higher education inUganda (Sicherman 2005, Mamdani 2007, Kasozi 2009). The World Bank initiateda number of ideas that directly influenced education funding policies in Uganda asreported by Mamdani (2007: 12):

The first idea was based on the argument that the rate of return on investmentin higher education was much lower than in primary education and secondary

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education respectively. This was because its high net cost yielded fewer benefi-ciaries; thus, even if the benefit was great, it was more private than social. Thus,argued the Bank, it was only right that the beneficiaries share some of theexorbitant cost of producing a university graduate.

With these arguments the Government of Uganda was convinced to shift its fundingto primary education through the Universal Primary Education (UPE) policy.

Universities and other higher institutions of learning had to fend for themselvesby introducing first cost sharing and later fee paying students, what was termed asthe private students’ schemes for a limited number of students in the late 1980s andearly 1990s (Mamdani 2007). A variety of programmes running in the evening,weekends and distance learning were introduced for fee-paying students. Since thenthe practice has been mainstreamed, leading to an increase in the number ofstudents at the university and also a change in the demographic profile of thestudents’ population at the university. Not only working students took advantage ofthe evening and weekend programmes but also an increasing number of lowergrade students from high-income families who could not make it to the covetedgovernment-sponsored day programmes. This was because the universitiesadmission boards use a lower admission cut-off point for fee-paying students.

The changing university population

From the academic year 1992–1993 to 2003–2004 the student population hasincreased in all faculties from a total of 2186 to 10,666 (for details see Mamdani2007: 51). This increase was generally due to the natural increase in population(Uganda Bureau of Statistics 2005). After 2002, the number started stabilizingbecause many private universities emerged with similar higher degree programmes(Kasozi 2003). The increase in student population meant that all university spaceswere in full use up to midnight and almost throughout the seven days a week duringthe semester time.

The single most visible force behind these changes is the need to respond tothe market demands for higher qualifications (Brooks and Everett 2008), and theneed to raise more money through the charging of tuition fees in response todwindling funding from government (Kasozi 2003, 2009, Sicherman 2005,Mamdani 2007). The charging of fees has seen many older income-earningstudents joining the university for both undergraduate and postgraduate degreeprogrammes (Mulenga and Liang 2008). However, these changes, although notdescribed or talked about as such, are, in my view, embracing the idea of lifelonglearning and education.

While the demographic characteristics of the students are changing, as theflexible modes of provision which allow mature and working students to attendclasses are put in place, no effort is being made to train the teaching and adminis-trative staff to deal with more mature learners who come with a lot of experienceand expect to be treated with some measure of respect as adults. The administra-tions of learning programmes such as application, student registration, handling ofassignments, examination and issuance of academic documents have remainedthose designed for younger learners with plenty of time and who do not expect anyrespect from their service providers (Kwemara 2003).

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The Institute of Adult and Continuing Education—examples of lifelong learning opportunities

Before the 1990s, the only university section offering learning opportunities forolder and working people was the Institute of Adult and Continuing Education(IACE). This institute was founded as the Department of Extra-Mural Studies (EMS)in 1953. From this department, the Department of Community Education andExtra-Mural Studies (CEEMS), Distance Education (DE), and Adult Education andCommunication Studies (AECS) evolved to constitute the IACE. In addition to train-ing professionals in the field of adult education, IACE offers continuing educationopportunities for older and working people (Atim 2004a). The programmes at theInstitute of Adult and Community Education are run through the three depart-ments of CEEMS, DE and AECS. The departments run short extra-mural courses,distance learning programmes, and intra-mural face-to-face programmes respec-tively. However, since the 1990s, due to the increasing liberalisation of and demandfor education, other faculties have also begun evening and weekend degree andnon-degree learning programmes.

The Department of CEEMS was created for the purpose of linking the universityto the community and making it a less elitist institution and one which is sensitive tothe development needs and aspiration of the community for which it was created. Itwas meant to bridge the gap between the university and the community and to over-come the ivory tower mentality in university education (Atim 2004a). This was theold liberal arts orientation in adult education thinking that espoused the intellec-tual development of the individual mind (Elias and Merriam 1980, Nsamba 2004).The focus of education at the time was education for intellectual growth andcitizenship for membership of a modern society. The provision of education inthose days was fully initiated and sponsored by the government and this is how theextra-mural studies programme was described:

The main thrust of the original extra-mural studies programme was with moreadvanced education in non-vocational work. It was considered neither wisenor practical to range over the whole field of adult education, but to attemptmainly, though not exclusively, to serve those adults who already had someeducation to help them deepen and consolidate their understanding andculture. The emphasis was placed on regular and disciplined class-work opento those who thought they could profit by it. Lessons were given mostly inEnglish. (Atim 2004a: 43)

The argument above defining the purpose of extra-mural programmes is clear in itsfocus on changing the individual in the expectation that such an intervention willchange the society through committed state responsibility and intervention.

This focus continued from the 1960s through to the years of undefined focus ofthe 1970s and early 1980s. In the early 1990s the IACE started redefining its agendain response to the broad neo-liberal changes that were also being experienced atMakerere University (see Mamdani 2007). The years of turmoil in Uganda’s politicalhistory also saw the reduction in government support for university education.During this period the government was slowly withdrawing from the responsibilityof funding adult education and higher education at large, initially as a consequenceof economic mismanagement and later as a policy recommendation. This was noted

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by Mamdani who quotes one of the education policy review reports as follows: ‘Thetime has come for Makerere University to reduce her reliance on the public purse’(Mamdani 2007: 13). The first casualty of this process, of course, was universityextra-mural courses. Fortunately, in the early 1980s the department continued todispense its social responsibilities through donor support generously provided bythe then Institute for International Cooperation of the German Adult EducationAssociation (IIZ/DVV) now renamed as DVV-International (Okech 2004).

With time even the support from DVV-International dwindled and the depart-ments had no other option but to change tune by starting to charge forprogrammes, and the first such educational programme for money was the projectplanning and management non-credit certificate launched in 1991. From that timeto 1995 the numbers of applicants from the short courses grew from a paltry 20applicants to a total of 150 applicants signifying an increase of 75% or 7.5 times(Atim 2004a). This continued to grow up to a student turnover of 1500 students inthe 2008–2009 academic year (Openjuru 2009).

This was a clear departure from the moral obligation of the 1950s to 1970s to whatMamdani (2007) calls commercialisation of learning provision. The departmentsstarted talking the language of self-sustaining programmes. These are programmesthat meet their cost of provision including the administrative cost of running thedepartments and paying its staff’s additional income called ‘Top Up’. Programmesare now being generated to meet the market demands, and programmes withlimited market demand are weeded off the shelves. Advertising is taking centre stagein addition to informing people or motivating selected individuals to come forlearning programmes for which they are expected to pay. Learning units, especiallythe Department of Community Education and Extra-Mural Studies, paid for primeexpensive television time, took out expensive newspaper advertising pages andconducted regular radio announcements to attract fee-paying learners to learningprogrammes (Department of Community Education and Extra-Mural Studies2005). The learners on the other hand come with the expectation of getting certif-icates to help them get job placements or to become more competitive in the jobsearch market, or to consolidate their appointments as well as to get promotions forthose who are employed.

Distance education

In the Department of Distance Education, programmes run with two weeks of face-to-face interaction between the lecturers and the students per semester. The primarytarget of this programme has been people who have diplomas in education andcommerce for the Bachelor of Education and Bachelor of Commerce programmesrespectively. The distance learning programme was started in 1992 nationally with afew students but over the years the number has continued to grow reaching a studentpopulation of 7000 at one point (see increase in Table 1). Due to physical andhuman resource constraints the Department of Distance Education has been advisedto keep the population below 6000 students. This programme has enabled a numberof teachers and other professionals in active service to upgrade their qualificationswhile continuing to work full time. The number of students registered on the Bach-elor of Education and CYP (Diploma in Youth in Development Work) programmeshave been increasing steadily since 1991 as shown in Tables 1 and 2.

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The admission and registration trends for the CYP Diploma in Youth in Develop-ment Work can be seen in Table 2.

Other programmes in IACE

In addition to providing paid educational opportunities for working adults andthose who could not make it through the mainstream route to higher education,IACE trains adult educators under its Bachelor of Adult and Continuing Education(BACE) offered by the Department of Adult Education and Communication Studies

Table 1. Dropout trends (BEd)

Year Admitted Registered

1991/92 198 1481992/93 0 01993/94 178 1321994/95 120 891995/96 233 1321996/97 600 4501997/98 360 3001998/99 980 6931999/00 2500 16402000/01 1646 10462001/02 1185 3282002/03 1022 3882003/04 547 3872004/05 902 7072005/06 998 5142006/07 501 3812007/08 691 428

Source: Makerere University Institute of Adult and Continuing Education DistanceEducation Registration Records.

Table 2. Dropout trends (CYP Diploma in Youth in Development Work)

Year Admitted Registered

2001/02 54 322002/03 0 02003/04 61 322004/05 82 332005/06 0 02006/07 0 02007/08 135 41

Source: Makerere University Institute of Adult and Continuing Education DistanceEducation Registration Records.

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(AECS). It also provides educational opportunities at the diploma level in projectplanning and management through evening classes for adults who hope to joindegree programmes through the diploma entry schemes. Enrolment in the diplomaprogrammes has been slowly declining from a high figure of about 500 students inboth years one and two to below 150. More applicants started using the diplomaprogrammes as an easy access route to degree programmes through internal inter-programme transfers that are normally conducted after the close of official publicadmission process. Under this arrangement, students admitted to the undergradu-ate diploma programme transfer to degree programmes for which they could notqualify under the public admission process. This academic year out of 180 admittedstudents for the year one only 68 registered for the programmes. The 112 must havemoved to degree programmes at Makerere University or other universities. Thesame trend was being experienced by the distance learning programme of Diplomain Youth in Development run by the Department of Distance Education. Inacademic year 2007–2008, 135 students were admitted and only 41 registered (seeTable 2). This shows that while people are interested in furthering their educationthey are more interested in degrees and not diploma programmes. It’s now not veryeasy to secure a good job with a diploma qualification in Kampala. This is the trendin Eastern Africa as well as elsewhere in other parts of the world such as China(Wang and Morgan 2009).

The IACE also offers short extra-mural training and capacity buildingprogrammes through its Department of Community Education and Extra-MuralStudies (CEEMS). Every year we train over 300 local government district officials indifferent aspects of public governance, financial management, environmentaleducation and gender awareness. The programmes range from 8 to 24 contacthours for which a certificate of attendance is issued. These programmes are meantto improve the job performance and efficiency in decentralised service provisions.The Department is one of the organisations that were pre-qualified by the ministryof local government to provide such capacity building training programmes.

The short course programmes are very popular with people who hope to usethem as a means to access university education or to improve their job chances inthe dwindling job market of Uganda or of promotion at their workplaces. Theshort courses run for between 50 to 80 contact hours spread over one and half amonths with a two-week break to enable the learners to conduct some field-basedstudy informed by the new areas of knowledge they have been learning. Thelearning programmes specifically target people who are out of formal schools butcan also be available to registered university students who are interested ingetting extra knowledge or certification to give them an edge over their peersin the job market. The short courses are offered on and off-campus in a numberof learning and regional centres located throughout the country. The modes ofdelivery are alternatively three hours of evening classes for five working days orsix hours of weekend classes for two days. These modes of provision are the tradi-tional practices of the Department of CEEMS since pre-colonial days (Atim2004a).

In addition to the short courses, the Department of CEEMS offers training foradults who would like to take public examinations but do not have time to attendregular full time schools. Under this arrangement of public examinations, theDepartment prepares learners for the Uganda National Examination Boards two-year national diploma and one-year national certificate programmes in business

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studies, accountancy and secretarial studies. These are credit-bearing certificateswhich can enable a person to access university education through the diploma entryschemes.

The courses are in a wide range of disciplines but with an obvious bias towardsmanagement training. A few examples of these courses and the nature of their clien-tele are project planning and management popular with those who are working incivil society organisations or aiming to work with non-governmental organisations,public administration and management, strategic procurement and logisticalmanagement which is very popular with people working with local government atthe parish level. Sometimes tailormade courses that suit the needs of organisationsrequesting specific knowledge content are also prepared. The Department useslecturers from other faculties and experts in specific areas of knowledge to deliverthe training. The role of the Department is that of designing the learning package/programme, sourcing and training the tutor in adult education methods offacilitating learning.

Reflecting on the IACE lifelong learning focus

The number of people enrolling on our short extra-mural courses has increasedsignificantly. The Department is now offering mass education to all. The focus isundoubtedly on the cost. Inadvertently, in doing that we open up the gates ofuniversity-based education to whoever has the money to pay for it. Universityeducation (including the wearing of the gown) is completely demystified to thedispleasure of other academics in other faculties who decided to attack the Directorof IACE during a senate meeting for cheapening university academic garbs.

In terms of the adult education philosophy of olden days, the IACE is increasingaccess to university-based education with the liberalised provision; the IACE is alsodestroying the ivory tower mentality of the university by making it common, ordi-nary and demystified. These are all significant contributions to lifelong learning andeducation. However those who are not able to pay their fees in full are denied access.Whatever the case, many people were motivated to continue with their education. Iwould like to give one example of a low rank soldier who joined one of the IACEstudy programmes of store keeping and later moved on to study medical stores keep-ing, which in turn motivated him to study more about medicine and he became aclinical officer. This further motivated him to aspire to join the university to studymedicine, which he successfully did by passing the mature entry examinations ofMakerere University. This was a very unorthodox route to the prestigious medicalschool of Makerere University.

In all this process of transformation, there are two forces at play for the IACE andthe learners who enrol on its programmes. First, the need for financial survival isforcing the IACE to develop and run programmes with a market demand. On theother hand competition for the dwindling job opportunities in the economy is driv-ing those who can afford to go back to learning to get more certificates. So in bothcases, we have a demand and supply which are evidence of a market-driveneducational provision. Unfortunately there are no alternative arrangements forthose who are not able to pay. Here is where I will call for some intervention fromdevelopment partners and governments. However, given our weak states, I havelimited confidence that they will be in the position to take up such a responsibility.

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This then leaves us with only one option—which is turning to the developmentpartners and donor organisations and companies to support those who are nowbeing excluded. However, it is important to note that the government is providingfor training for those already in the decentralised civil service or local governmentunder their capacity building training programmes. Therefore it is only thoseoutside government service and who are seeking to join paid employment that areleft to fend for themselves in seeking further education from the Department ofCEEMS.

Conclusion

In spite of the lack of clarity on the meaning of lifelong learning and education,higher institutions of learning in Eastern Africa are engaged in the provision of life-long learning opportunities for adults. However the change to providing educa-tional opportunities to working learners is not being guided by policy provision butbeing influenced by increased demands for higher qualifications to cope with thehighly competitive job market. This is further fuelled by reduced government fund-ing for universities that is being influenced by IMF and World Bank conditionality.Whatever the case, the process has resulted in increasing educational provision tonon-traditional learners in our higher institutions of learning. A number ofquestions will still need to be addressed around the issues of social justice, andmarginalised poor who are not able to pay for their access to higher education.These contradictions will need to be thought about carefully as we think about theidea of lifelong learning for Eastern Africans. This dramatic shift of policies andterminology regarding education which has taken place worldwide over a shortperiod of time needs our serious scrutiny. The terms lifelong education and lifelonglearning serve as examples. The contradiction is a challenge that will need to beresolved to secure acceptability of the use of the concept of lifelong learning andeducation to guide policy formulation in Eastern Africa.

Notes

1.1. This reference to Eastern Africa refers to the countries of Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda,Burundi, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Djibouti. (Somali is politically destabilised therefore it was not partof this discussion on lifelong learning and education in the region.)

2.2. Reading the proceedings of the international conference on challenges of adult and lifelong learn-ing (ALL) in the 21st century on 17–19 November 2008, it was easy to realize this ambiguity betweenlifelong learning and education.

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