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THE PARAMACCA MAROONS: A STUDY IN RELIGIOUS ACCULTURATIONLenoir, John DProQuest Dissertations and Theses; 1973; ProQuest Dissertations & Theses (PQDT)pg. n/a

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14-19,518

LENOIR. John D •• 1941-THE PARAMACCA MAROONS: A STUDY IN RELIGIOUS ACCULTURATION.

New School for Social Research. Ph.D., 1973 Anthropo 1 091

l \ I ( :

I \ UniveISily Microfilms. A XEROll Company. Ann Arbor. Michigan \ , i I j

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© 1974

JOHN D. LENOIR

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PLEASE NOTE

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173

Ufvll


TH E P ARAMACCA M AROONS

A Study in R eligious Accu lturat i on

by

J . D. lenoir

June 1 973

S ubmitted t o T h e Graduate facu lty of P o litical and S ocial Sci ence of the N ew Sch oQI 'for S ocial R es earch in par t i al f u lf i l lment of th e r equirements f or the degree of Doc t or of Ph i l os ophy .

Dissertat i on Committee : Dr . Stan ley Diamond Dr� Michael H ar n er Dr . S o lomon Mi ller

� all rights reserved


T A BLE OF C ONTEN TS

I NT RODUCT I ON • • • • • • v • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1

CH APTER

I .

I I .

I I I .

I V .

TH E S UR I N AM MAROONS • • • • • • • • • • • • • 7

C olon izat ion an d Ear ly Mar o ons The Mar oon Tr eat i es

TH E PARAMACCA PEOPLE--H I STORY

F or mat i on

• 0 • •

F l ight to Par amacca Creek S et t l ement on the Mar ow ijne R iver

• • • • 1 8

TH E S OC I AL S ETT IN G • 0 • • • • • v 0 • • • • 30

River C os mogr aph y The Lo an d Bee M ov ement to M odernity

TH E M ISS IONS • • • • •

The R oman Catholics The Morav ians

• • • • • • II • • • • 51

V . PARAM AC C A O RAL H I STORY AND TH E D I V IS I ON • • • 59

A fr ic a , C ountry of Man S laver y , Th e Pun ishment Revolt , T h e Trial

V I . GOD AND DE I T I ES • • • • • • 0 • • • • • • • • 78

God and S in The Anc es tors Deit ies and Ess ences

ii


V I I . O B I A o • • • • • • • e • • • • • • • • • •

O bia as C ommun icat i on with Supernatur a l O bia a s C onc eptual S ys t em The Kunu

• 91

V I I I. TH E SWELl AND TH E GRANKUNU . . . .. . . . . . 1 1 1

The Sweli Orac le The Grankunu Cult

I X . K INA PO LLUT I ON AND W ITCHC RAFT • • • • • • • • 1 27

Tat a , T on�. and Bwas i Kina Man ' s Kina against W omen W itchcr af t

X� TH E PERSON IN PROC ESS-TH E C ATH O L I CS • • • • • 1 42

The C ompos ite Being The Yooka and Judgment The C oming Out and Transit i on to

Adulthood

Xl . THE mOR AV I ANS • 0 • • • • • • • • • • • • 0 . 1 74

The Christ ian in Trans ition The Church C ommunit y C e lebrat ions

CONC LUS I ON • • • • • • • • • • e • • • • • • • • •

EP I LO G U E • •

APPEND I X I ii

• • • • • • 0 0 • • • • • • • 8 • • •

• • • • • 0 • • • • • • • • 0 • • • •

APPENDI X I I • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

APPEND I X Ill .

GLOSS ARY • •

B I B L I O G RAPH Y

8 0 • • • • • • • • • • • • 0 • • •

• • • • e • • o • • • • o • • • • • •

• • • • • 0 • • • • • • • • • • 0 • •

iii

. 1 93

• 1 98

.201

.203

• 207

• 209

.212


L I ST Of I LLUSTRATtONS

T a b l e Page

1 . Estimat ed Afr ican and Eur opean Popu lat i on of Sur inam , 1630 - 1 86 3 . . . .. . . -

II • • • • • • • • • • • 9

figure

1 . Major Maroon groups in Sur inam and Fr ench Guian a . • .. .. • .. II • •

2 . Par amacca Mov ement during th e Lowsy .

3 . Maj or Par amacca Sstt lements on the

• • • • • . 1 7

. . .. . . . 27

Marowijne R iv er , 1 970 . . .. .. . . . .. . . .. . . 3 7

4 . S eat ing P lan f or M or av ian Church , Langat a bbet je . .. . .. . .. . . .. .. . .. .. .. .. .. 1 8 7

iiii


1

I N TRODUC T I O N

Paramacc a Mar oons ar e descendants o f Afr ican slav es

wh o rev olted f r om Sur inam plantations in the late 1 8th cen

tur y . The ir r ev olt was i n th e f or m of escaping and es tab

lish ing independent settlements in the f ores t bor ders of

the plantat i ons . Par amaccans ultimately se ttle d along the

Mar ow ijne River and became one of f our such gr oups recog

n ize d by the S ur inam g over nment as semi-au tonomous " tr ibes "

{ stam } with in the s tate .

Currently , the y number nearly two th ous and , and s peak

a d is t inc t dialec t of the English - base d creole of Sur inam.

Fish ing , hunting and slash-and-burn agr icultur e p r ov ide

the su bs is tence base.

Par amaccans are heir ' s t o a h ist or y of dr as t ic and

abrupt s oc ial u pheav al. Each trans it ion--fr om Afr ica to

plantation slaver y t o f orest sanc tu ar y t o tr ibal c i t iz en

ship--has involv ed radical s oc ial change , redefinition of

bas ic s oc ial i dentity and the nature of r ela t i onsh ips w i th

external groups . Th is s tu dy is pr imar ily c oncer ne d w i th

the dynamics of relig i ous acculturation as par t of the

transition fr om Mar oon isolation to part ic ipat ion in the

Sur inam s tate s oc ie t y .

S pec if ically . Paramaccans br ought t o the national


2

s oc i a l c ontext an old contr over s y over the succ es s i on rights

to the par amount chieftaincy. W ith the g overnment ' s r ec og

nition of the title as an off ic ial status with in the stat e ,

the controv er s y assumed a dded dimens ion . Prior t o g ov ern

ment r ecognition� th e contrnver s y had been s et in t er ms of

var iation , acc or ding t o s i de , in th e interpr etation of a

critica l div inat ion proceeding .

later , as th e off icially ins talle d ch ief became iden

tified with th e MoraviaR missionar ies , th e opposi tion was

maintained and e luci dated in ter ms of aff i liat i on with

R oman C atholic miss ionar i es . Th e two missions wer e subse

quen t l y es tablish e d in th eir r es p ectiv e s ph er es of influ

enc e , the C ath o lics in th e ups tr eam c ommunities and th e

Moravians downstr eam in th e vi l lag e of Lang atabbetje .

After about h a lf a centur y of th e Christi an mis s i on pr e

sence among th e Par amaccans , r e lig ious differ ences wh ich

have deve loped between Mor avian an d Cath o lic c ommunities

ov er shadow th e ques t i on of succes s i on .

The f irst two chapters out line the h istory of th e

c o lon y and th e f or mation of the Mar oons . The f o l lowing

two chapter s intr oduce th e s oc ia l and ec onomic c ontext and

th e setting of th e r e ligious diff er encesa Chap t er five

es tablishes th e Paramaccan ' s pers pec tiv e of the ir her itage

h is t or y , and in�er nal division . Chapters s ix thr ough nine

detai l r e ligious c oncepts and practices which wer e dev el

oped dur ing the fu gitive p er iod an d ar e s t i l l mai ntained


3

in traditi onalist u ps tream commu n ities . Chap t er s ten and

e leven i l lu s tr ate the c on tr as t of the Cath o l ic and Pr otes

tant appr oaches t o the social being in tr ans ition .

Th e study is based on 26 months of f ie l d research

al ong the Mar ow ijne , from Ju l y 1970 to September 1972 . I

lived for mos t of the time in a thatch hut in th e v i l lage

of langatabbetje and s pent long per iods attending cere

monies and v is it ing in u ps tream v i l lages . F or a per iod of

abou t 4 months , I ma inta ined a res i de nce in th e dis t r ict

t own of A l bina . The s ma l l house became a center f or Par a

macca boatmen awai ting cargo and a s t op ov er f or thos e g o

ing t o or c oming f r om th e city .

Th is f ie ldwor k was n ot funded in the conv ent ional

sens e ; ins tead , s ma l l tr av e l stip ends fr om the New Sch ool

and the r egu lar veter ans E ducational Benef its provided the

basis of financ ial suppor t . The c ircumstances of the field

wor k on such l imited funds affec ted my r e lat ions h ip with

the h os t c ommu nity in ways wh ich pr omote d an appreciation

of pr o b lems and p leasures of Par amacca liv e l ih oo d . I n mos t

as pects , I was mor e p ar t ic ipant than observer , f r om person

a l pr opensity as w e l l as economic neces s it y . The lac k of

ec onomic independe nce forced an immediate exchange inv olve

ment in my v i l lage neigh borh ood . Later , I pr e pared my own

swidde n f ield and became fair ly p r of ic ient in net f ish ing

an d hunting . Als o , by wor king with v i l lage men in r iver

tr ans p or tation , I was u lt imate ly able t o obtain my own boat


4

and ou t b oar d mot or .

Ear l y r e lat ionsh ips, established through exchanges of

food, grew and pr ov i ded the bas is on wh ich I lear ne d language,

h istory and ethnolog ical detai l . O ne of the neigh b or ing

h ouseh ol ds fostered their 1 4-year-o ld s on to me as a " l ittle

brother " . Ku tu - ku tu became an invaluab le fr iend and gu ide

through the initial l ingu is tic and cu ltur a l th ic ke ts . H is

mother and father, S a Madenie and Ti Saij a , and his mother ' s

br oth er, H endr ic k Tiban , were a lso c onstant s ources of sup

p or t and trust dur ing my cu ltur a l adolescenc e .

I was not a b le t o purchase information thr ough paid

infor mants, s o s t or ies of h is tor y and s pecialized know ledge

were , in a sense , exchanged in kin d . Many peop le expressed

a des ir e to learn Eng l ish , and ever yone was v er y eager to

hear of Afr ica and the U n ited S tates . I n a typ ic a l tr ans

ac ti on, one of the funer a l r itual s pec ialis ts wante d to

lear n of bur ial c eremonies among the N orth Amer icans in

exchange for exp lanati ons of Par amacca pr actices . I was

wealthy w ith a c urrenc y of informat ion, which I was a b le

to supp lement with f i lms of Africa borr owe d from th e I nter

nat ional Film Inst itut e in New Yor k, an d back issues of

magazines . For a s h or t p er iod , I a ls o c on ducted open c lass

es in Eng lish . I n a l l, these resources enabled me to rec ip

r ocate infor mation and exper iences and pr ov ided a mu tually

enjoyable an d r ewar d ing c ontext for fie ld r esearch .

Th is s tu dy, then , is a pr oduct of a w or k ing reCipr oc ity


5

of labor , g oods , and knowle dge between the anth r opolog ist

and Par amaccans . At the same time , the s tu dy s tands as an

embarr assment to the f ormer , mar k ing the p oint at wh ich he

c annot sustain the re lat ionsh ip . Although my purp oses re

mained a mys ter y to s ome , 1 was fr eely al lowe d to o bserve

and par t ic ipate in v i r tu a l ly ever y as pect of Paramacca life ,

and was inc lu ded in r itu a l pr oceedings as th ough 1 were a

natu�alized tr i besman .

Th is exper ience , however . w i l l remain heav y as a debt

S61 lfVng as I cannot guaran tee a rec ipr oc a l recept ion f or

. the Par amaccan s ojour ner t o my own nativ e c ommunit y . Could

a Paramaccan young man arr iv e w ith an offic ia l le tter of

intr oduction to the officials of a s mal l , pre dominantly

wh ite v i l lage in wes ter n O k lah oma an d expect t o be shown

accommodat ion in the mayor ' s ne igh borh ood? Wou ld th is

anthropologist be invited t o observe the daily r out ine of

the doc t or as he makes house c a l ls , or to acc ompany people

in the neigh borhood to th e ir wor k? C ou ld he attend birth

day p ar t ies and funer a ls , and as k th e Baptist minis ter the

signif icances of h is a ltar dec or ations? Unt i l such ques

t ions c an be answer e d yes , I mus t apo log ize t o the Para

maccans .

My s tay in Sur inam was rewar ding and enj oya b le pr i

mar i ly thr ough the g ener ous h osp ita lity and support wh ich

char ac terized my r e lat ionsh ips w ith a lmos t a l l Sur inamers .

In Paramar i bo , the fr iendship of Inga Wi l lems and R oy


6

Eman'Ue ls par ticu lar {;' helpe d smooth, the transit ion fr om

Nor th Amer ica t o S ou th Amer ic a . Technical adv ice was cor

dially offered b y Tru di Gh ou da o f the Min is t r y o f E duca

t ion , Chr is t ian Eersal of th e Language Bur eau , and Geor ge

Hu tter of the Summer Institute of Lingu is tic s . Mr s . E .

Br oekhu ysen an d Mr s . E l iz abeth C o l l i have as s is ted me

th rough tr ans lat ions of Du tch mater ia l .

Spec ia l ac know ledgement is du e t o Mr . Petrus Dominie

and h is fath er , Da Aladie , wh o direct ly intr oduced me to

th e language and reality of Sur inam Mar oons . My mos t cor

dial apprec iat ion goes to the Paramou nt Ch ief , �ranmau

C or ne l iu s Zachar ias Fors ter , w i th ou t whose support th is

study wou ld not h ave been p oss ible . I was accor ded warm

hospitality and ass istance by both moravian and R oman C ath

olic mis s i ons . W i lma B ouwer of the Lang atabbetje c l inic

has been espec ia l l y he lpfu l thr oug h ou t my fie ldwor k . I t

i s n o t nec essary t o list the names of the many e lders and

fr iends from upr iv er and downr iver c ommu n ities who accep

ted me into the ir sacr e d and r ou t ine c onf idenc e . My debt

t o them is great ; I have lear ne d more from them th an th ey

from me . I am Simi lar ly inde bted t o my mentors an d c o l

leagues who direc t ly and indirectly encouraged this f ield

wor k . Notably , Profes sors R ichar d Pr ice and H . U . E .

Th oden van Ve lsen , and Dr . S i lv ia de Gr oot have very gen

er ous ly shared u npu b lishe d mater i a ls and ins ights fr om

the ir own research and l ong ex per ience among Mar oons in

Sur inam .


7

CH APTER I

TH E SUR I N AM MAROONS

Th e c o lon i a l h is otr y of Sur inam began in th e f irst

half of th e 1 7th c entur y . Dur ing this p er i od , ther e wer e

var ious independent attempts at c o lonization by Eng lish

an d Dutch s ett lers . These ear ly s et t lements fai led after

a shor t per i od due t o shor tag es , dis eas e and h os t i le I n-

dians . The first successfu l c o lon ization was by th e Br i

tish. G ov er n or o f Bar ba dos , lor d Wi l lough by , in 1 650 . I t 1n

wa� that year that th e f irst Afr icans arr ived in Sur i nam . 1

W i l lough by� success in establishing a p ermanent c o lon y

depended lar g e l y on th e p lantat ion s ystem o f sugar cane

pr o duc t i on , and th e s lav e labor of Afr icans .

The new c o lony , wh ich inc lu ded a large plantation

sett lement of Portuguese J ews , chang ed fr om English t o

Dutch c ontr o l aft er th e S econd Dutch -Eng lish War in 1 667 .

With two br ief i nt er v a ls of Br it ish administration , Sur i-

nam has remained a Dutch pr otectorate s ince th e Peac e of

1 Dir k v an der E lst, "The Bush N egro Tr i bes of Sur inamp S outh Amer ica , A S nythesis " , ( U npublished Ph . D. Dis s er tat i on , N or thwestern U niversity . 1 970 ) , p p . 31 -34 .


8

Bre da . 2 Currently , S urinam , a long w ith the Netherland

Anti l les, shares a "mu tual ass is tance " re lat ionship with

the Nether lands through wh ich legal management of internal

affairs is guaranteed to the c o l ony .

The u t i lity of s lave lab or of Africans t o the c olony

was c learly establ ished early in the new c o l on y . B y 1 687 ,

less than forty ye ars after the f irs t boats of W i ll oughb y

arriv e d , there were approx imate l y 8 0 0 European sett lers a n d

4 , 00 0 Africans in t h e c ountry . 3 Over the n e x t f ifty years ,

the p lantation s ys tem f l ourishe d such that by 1 73 8 , 400

sep arate p lantations had bean es tablished a long the c oas tal

belt and 57 ,00 0 Africans importe d t o w ork the m . 4 ( S se

Tab le 1 ) .

F ifty-sev en th ou s and is the h ighes t number of s lav es

ev er reported for Surinam , and the highest rat i o of s lave

to European--27 to 1 . W ith such. an ex treme proportion of

s laves to p l anters , it is surpris ing that throughou t the

period of s lav ery in Surin�m. theta were no mass slave in

surrec t i ons agains t the c o lony . Patters on c ites as the

2more detaile d h istorica l overview in English of the c olony are cont inued in v an der E 1s t , �o Eii . , and S i lv ia de Groot , D�u ka S oc ie ty and S oc ia l C hange (Assen s V a n Gorcum , 1 969 ) . ea also H . D . Benjamins and J . F . S ne 1 1man ( eds . ) , Enc c lo adie v an N ader1andsch W es t - I ndie (Th e H ague . Mar inus N ijh off. 1 1 7 •

3S i 1v i a de Groot , '� Short H is tory of the Dju kas ( Paramaribo l Gov ernment I nforma t i on S erv ice , 1 965) .

4de Groot , Dju ka S oc iety �·o . e .9.E.. £!1 . , p . 4


9

TABLE 1

EST I MATED AFR I CAN AN D EUROPEAN POPU LAT I O N O F SUR IN Am,

1 63 0 - 1 8 63

y ear Af . rl.can 5 1 ave E uropean R t" a 1.0 IYl ar o on

1 63 0 -- 60 1 6 67 1 , 70 0 400 4-1 1 671 2 , 50 0 "',-

1 68 3 -- -- " s ome hundr eds " 1 73 8 5 7,000 2 , 1 00 27-1 6 , 000 1 78 6 5 0 , 000 3 , 3 5 0 1 5-1 - -

1 79 1 53 , 0 0 0 3 , 3 00 1 6-1 --1 83 0 53 , 00 0 8 , 5 0 0 6-1 --1 863 53 , 600 1 6 , 50 0 2-1 7 , 000 ( p lus 5,600

manumit ted s laves� )

*S ources. S i lvia de Gr oot , Djuka S oc iety and S ocial Change (Assenl V an G or cum , 1 969) , p. 4 ; Dir k van der E 1s t,"The Bush Negro Tribes of Surinam; South America. A Synthesis�(Un publlshed Ph.D. Dissertation , Northwestern Univer s it y . 1 97 0 ) , p p . 5 5 , 5 9 .


1 0

fir st r eas on for the bloody s lave upris ings in J amaica ,

the h igh ratio of s laves to wh ites ( " over ten t o one" ) ,

wh ich he documents as " by far the h ighes t " for a l l of the

Br i t ish s lave s ociet ies . 5 Bar bados , for insta nce , aver -

aged four s laves per Eur opean throughou t the per iod of

s laver y, and in the southern U n ited S tates , on ly in Scuth

C ar ol ina and Miss iss ippi d i d s laves s l igh t ly ou tnumber

the wh ite p opu lation .

The geogr aph y of Sur inam had mu ch t o do in shap ing

the nature of the s laves ' rebel lion in tha t co l ony . The

p lan t at ions were l ocated a long the c oas tal p lain wh ich ex

tends on ly 50 t o 1 00 k i lometers southward from the A t lant ic

c oas t . Beyond th is agr icu ltural region is a belt of marshy

sec ondar y wood wh ich blends into the pr imev a l rain f ores t

which c overs a lmost 90 percent of the country . The r iver

avenues into the inter ior are danger ous with r ap i ds and

waterfalls , so were not cons idered nav igable by the c ol-

onists .

The physical sett ing of the Sur inam p lantat ion colony

was such that s laves could escape t o the haven of the ex -

pans ive and dense jung le wh ich bor dered the cu ltiv ated area .

The f irst Africans in the colony rec ognized the oppor tun ity

and by 1 667 , when there were only 1 , 700 Afr icans c ou n ted in

the reg i on , a free set t lement of "several hu nd�ed" Afr icans

50r l�ndo Patters on , The S oc iology of S lavery ( Lo�don l Macg ibbon and Kee , 1 9 67) , p p s 274-75


1 1

had been established a long the Para Cree k , s ou th of the

p lantation area. 6

The s e Para Creek people were the f irs t of the " bos -

negers " or " bush negr oes " of Sur inam in the t er ms of the

Dutch and Eng lis h c o lonis t s . Independent s ett leme nts of

escaped s laves were fair l y common throughou t the h is t or y

o f Afr ican s lavery i n the New W or ld . 7 Th ese people were

c alled Mar oons from the S panish term cimar r on wh ich or ig in

a l ly r ef er r e d t o lives toc k wh ich reverted t o a wild s tate .

The Para Creek s ettlement in the Sur inam init iated a tra-

dit ion of the Mar oon a lternat ive to p lantation s laver y in

that colon y .

Maroons numbered appr ox imately 1 0 p ercent o f the

African popu lat i on in Sur inam by 1 738 . Around 6 , 00 0 Afr i

cans wer e r eg r ouped in the f orest r eg ion s ou th of the cu l

t ivate d ar eas , and thr ough out the 1 8th centur y these Ma

r oons threatene d the secu r i t y and effic iency of th e sugar

6de Gr oot , Dju ka S oc ie ty • • •• !!..e.. £!i., pp . 5-6

7See , for ins tanc e , Her bert Apthe ker , "Mar oons W ithiri the Present limits of the U n ited states , " J ou r nal of Negr o History , XX I V ( Apr i l 1 939 ) ; A comprehens ive b i b liography is contained in R. S . Price ( e d . ) , Mar oon S ocieties ; rebel s lave commu n ities in the Amer icas , Ms . , n . d.


1 2

cane industr y . Th e European c o l onis ts offer e d bounties f or

returned Maroons , or ganize d mi litary ex pedit ions ag ainst

the escapees , and enac ted extr eme punit ive sanc t ions ( such

as f l og g ings , mu tilation and s low death ) agains t the cr ime

of escap e . 8

In s p ite of ef forts by the c o l onis ts , th e Mar oons

became m or e or g aniz e d an d attac ks ag ains t p lantations in

creas e d . Th e Mar oon groups raided p lan tations primar i ly

for ir on implements and women . Militar y countermeasures

became pr ogr es s ively mor e c os t l y, danger ous ( fr om malar ia

as we l l as c ombat ) and u nsucces s fu l . Th e c ol on ia l mil i

tar y f orces were not able t o contain th e Mar o ons or stop

fur th er s lav e escapes . One c ontemporar y o bserver noted

that , in f ac t , th e militar y expeditions wer e c ounter pro-

duc t iv e in that they increased the arroganc e of both the

Mar oons and the p lantati on s l aves . 9

SCaptain J� G . S te dman , Narrative of a F iv e Year ' s , Ex edit ion A ains t the R ev olted Ne r oes • • • , London : Johnson an d E dwards , 1 79 6 , r ec ou nts, " In 1 73 0 a mos t sh oc king and barbar ous execut ion of e leven of the u nhap p y negro captives was resolved u p on in the expectation th at it might terrify their c ompanions , and induce th em t o su bmit . One man was hanged alive upon a g ibbet , by an ir on h ook stuck thr ough h is ribs , two others were chaine d to stakes , and bur nt t o death bY,a s low fir e . S ix women wer e br oken alive u pon the r ac k , and two g i r ls were decap it ate d . S uch was their r es o lu t ion under these t ortur.es that th ey endur ed th em with ou t even utter ing a s igh . " ( p . 60 ) 9Jan H aris inc k, Beschr i "vin v an Gu iana of de Wi lde Kust in Zu i d-Amer ica, etc . Ams t er dam : G e�r i t Tielenburg , 1 770 ) , p. 767 , c i t e d b y S . de Gro ot , �. £!i. , p p . 6-7


1 3

The Du tch had. litt le ch oice bu t to accept the fait

accompli of th e free and independent groups of the former

slaves. I n the 1 7 60 ' s , the co lony neg otiated peac e trea-

t ies with the three maj or lYIar o on groups wh ich th e y des igna

ted as th e "tr i bes " ( s t arn ) of th e S ar amacca , Djuka an d

IYI t . 1 0 a awa�o

Even th ough the peace was a r esu lt of the p lanters'

frustr at ion in c ontain ing Mar oons , the treaty arr angement

was weighted heav i ly in favor of the colonial g ov ern

ment . The treaty essent ially r eserved the r ight of the

g ov er nment t o define th e Mar oons ' free dom as a qu a lifie d

independence wh ich wou ld be granted on l y i n exch ange for

v ital concessi ons from them.

The tr eat y presented to the Mar oons was bas e d on a

s imilar agreement wh ich the Br it ish had s igned with the

Mar oons in Jamaica i n 1 73 9 . 1 1 I n Jamaica and Sur inam , the

tr eaty arrangements esta b lished a div ide-and-r u l e c ircum

s t ance for the g ov ernment wh ich set u p off ic ia lly free

tr i bes ag ainst other Mar o on groups and as a f o i l to future

s lave escapes . I n Sur inam , the Mar oon treat ies g ave the

tr i bes formal manu miss ion and r egu lar supp lies of ir on

1 0Ho D . Benjamins , " Po l i tieke C ontr acten met de Boschneger s i n Suriname , " B ijdragen �et de Taal-, Land en Volkenkun de van N eder landsch- I ndie LXXI ( 1 91 6) , 37 1-41 1

1 1 for discussion of Jamaican Mar oon treat ies , s e e Patters on , £[. £!io , p p . 2 67-73


1 4

tools , cloth , s a lt , etc •• and requ ir e d them to r eturn an y

Maroons who ther eafter sought to join them. They were to

act ively ass is t th e c olony in captur ing Maroon settlements

not covered by the treaty and s erve as a militar y force of

the colony in combating for e ign enemies or qu e l l ing s lave

r e bellions . As additional incentive th e government guar

anteed to u n derwr ite any expeditions agains t u nauthor ized

Maroons and to pay r ewar ds for any s laves retur ned to th e

p lantations .

Th e treaty Maroons were granted only a limi ted free

man s t atus in the colony as th ey cou ld not trav e l to the .;

popu lated coas tal be lt u n less they s ecur e d a pass from the

government . To su pervise the Maroons ' complianc e with the

tr eat y , the government ass igned officials to es tablish

posts in th e tr i ba l t err itor ies . Th is arr angement demon-

strated the imba lance in the re lationsh ip of the inde

pendent tribes w ith th e gov ernment . Par t icu lar ly humili

at ing was the gov er nment ' s requ irement that the tr i ba l

ch iefs turn over a num ber of the ir c los es t kin t o off ic ia ls

in the c i t y wh ere they wou l d stay as hos tages in gu arantee

for th e safety of gov er nment superv isors in th e Maroon

camps.12

The treaty r e lat ionsh ip of the established Maroon

groups shar p ly a ltered the conditions for s u bsequent s lav e

1 258e S . de Groot, Dju ka Soc iety • • • • for a deta il�d accou n t of the gov er nment su perv isor among the Djuka . 1 91 7-26


1 5

escapes . C l ear l y , the g ov ernment ach iev ed thr ough th e

treaties whaat it CQu ld not win with mili tar y force .

V oorhoeva and R enselaar p oint ou t that onc e th e treat y c on

dit i ons wer e established " • • • the s outhern border r eg i on

w as shut off f r om the p l antation ter r itor y . th e bou ndar y

with f orest , and any wh o wished t o f le e th e p lantat ions had

t o attempt to eke a l iv i ng in the no man ' s land between th e

p lant at ions and the Bush Negroes , liv ing in constant fear

of both ." 1 3

The g ov er nment 's success in ha lting �he esc apes from

s laver y was on ly par t ial , h owever . I n the C ottica an d

C ommewijne r eg ions , in f act , the c ol ony experience d s ome

of the mos t severe secur ity pr o b lems of its h is t or y in the

latter half of th e 1 8th centur y . 1 4 Dur ing this p er i o d

small Maroon gr oups c ont i nued t o f orm a n d harr ass th e eas t

er n p lantat i ons f or supp lies and addi t i on a l recru its . The

p lanter s met the problem w ith mi litar y reinforcements fr om

the ins u rg ent Mar o ons .

Thes e M ar oons ach iev e d cons i der able milit ar y distinc

tion f or their res istance agains t a v ar ie t y of f orces .

1 3J� V oorhoeva and H . C . v an R ense laar , "Mes s ian ism an d Nati onalism in Sur inam , " S i"dra en tot de Taal- Land en V olken ku nde van N e der landsch India , C XV I I I 1 962 , p . 207

1 4Captain St edman, £2. £!i. , d ocuments the Mar o on res ist anc e in detail .


1 6

The A lu ku , or Boni Mar oons , specific a l l y , bat t le d for sev

eral year s against th e Dutch m i litary ex pedit ions , the

" Free C or ps" of manumitted Afr icans , a c ompany of Amer

indian mercenar ies , and las t l y the Djuka Mar o ons . As an

ironic end t o th e A lu ku ' s s e lf determined independence ,

and a vivid examp le of th e treaty's divi de-and-ru le 8ffect�

it was the Dju ka Mar oons wh o u ltimately quelled th e ir r e

sistance an d ki l le d the ir famous war leader , B on i .


.,

1 7

Figura 1 . Maj or Mar oon Gr oups i n Sur inam and French Guiana .

, ,

,. ......... , -... . t

_. .. � " • \, '. '., - •

_f"

,,'

.. - . .. . .

,. • 't.,. . • ... .�. \

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1/11/1 SRA'Z IL.

� , eM. u "'4J

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I..:.J<W�Ir(f:...:.:,...;I. __ .,�,,'\\ (Not �rm:D''f''IMtSm-n,s)

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MAtAwftl , ::::=. ��.:..-�--

. PA�flMOCtA ---

.saRA 111) cc fl 11111


1 8

CH APTER I I

TH E PARAMACCA PEOPLE -- H IS TO R Y

I t tAlas dur ing th is p ost-treaty period that the .Par a-

macca grou p began t o for m . The first sett lements tAlere in

a "no man ' s land " ar ea along the C ommetAl ijne r iver between

the p lantations to the n orth and the Djuka Mar oons t o the

s ou th . U n l i ke the A lu ku, the Paramaccans av o ided mi litar y

confr ontations with either Dju ka o r p lantation f orces .

Perhaps th is exp la ins wh y the Par amacca Mar oons �ave

been lar g e ly over l ooked by his t or ians an d anthropologists ,

an d wh y there is s o litt le agreement as t o their origin .

The Paramaccans rec e iv e br ief an d c ontradic t or y mention

in only two auth or itat ive his tor ies of Sur inam Mar oons :

Benjamins1 suggests that they s p lit off from one of th e

larger treat y tr ibes after 1838 , and W ong 2 s tates th at the y

revo lted and or g anized indepen dently in the jung le at

abou t th e s ame time as the Djukas , in the mid l700 · s .

Bas t i de c ites n o p ar t icu lar re fer ence for h is c ont r i bu-

1 H . D . Benjam ins, �. £!i. , p . 385

2t . W ong, " H o ofdanv er k iez ing an stamv ers preiding der Boschnegars v an Suriname in de 1 8e e n 1 ge Eeuw, " B ijdr�gen XCVII ( 1 93 8 ) � p p . 3 26-27 .


19

tion that the Par amaccans "are all desce n dants of a man an d

two women who escaped toge ther . "3 Van der E lst perhaps

best expresses the s ituat ion with h is conclus ion that " the

Par amaccans appear t o be inadequate ly descr i be d . ,,4

The f irst offic ial mention of the Paramaccans is a

repor t in 1 83 0 , by one of the g over nment su perv isors as

s igned to the Mar o on terr i t ory . Th is r e p ort , c ite d by

Wong , 5 noted a sma l l grou p of n on-Dju ka Maroons at the

mouth of th e Par amacca Cree k , wh o were later to be re-

ferred to as the P aramacca Pe o p le .

Whe ther the or ig inal escaped g r ou ps were pr edomi-

nant l y Afr ican or Sur inam born is unknown ; bu t it is cer

tain that there were no tr aditional tr i bal identities re-

called or represented su fficie n t ly t o carry over to the

Mar oons . E ach new formation of Mar oons took th e name of

the p lantat ion from wh ich they came . Furthermore , to "8S-

cape " in the slaves ' ver nacu lar is t o " loway" , and s o a

grou p of Maroons f r om a c ommon p lantat ion became known as

a "10 " . The 1E. was the or iginal s ocial entity wh ich later

became r egar ded as a kin grou p . Matr il ineal descen dants

of 12 kinsmen were regar de d as family ( famie ) and marr iage

3R oger 8as t ide: , Afr ican C iv i lizatio ns in the New Wor ld (New Yor k . H arper and R ow , 1971), p . 53 .

4v an der E ls t , BE. £ii., p . 75

5Wong , £20" £!i.


20

was pr oscr i bed within each 10. Later fi ss ions within th e

10 families separated matr ilineages wh ich became known as

� ( l itera l ly , womb or be l ly ) . Today , Paramacca consis ts

of 1 6 s e par ate and ex og amous bee wh ich form the distinct

res idential groups and s e lect ch iefs ( kapiten ) wh o f orm

the governme nt c ounc i l of the paramount chief ( granman) .

A h is t or y of the Par amaccans beg ins with the f orma-

t ion of the or ig inal 10 in the late 1 8 th centur y . There -

were thr e e 10 wh ich forme d separately an d later joined t o

gether to make the bas ic grou p wh ich or ganized as a perman

ent Mar oon sett lement . These were the 10 fr om th e p lan ta

tions H antr os ( An t ois i e , in the s lave vernacu lar ) , and

Hazard ( Asait ie) . A th ir d 10, the Molo , j oined th e orig in

al s e t t lement , bu t the ir or ig in is unc lear . �

During the initial f ormation per iod , each 12 main

tained c lan des tine contact with th eir respec tiv e p lanta-

tion ' s s lave commu nit y . There were certain essential

items wh ich could not be du p l icate d ·in the jung le , i.e.

mach etes , ax es , h oes an d coo king pots, Sma l l g r ou ps

wou ld r eturn t o th e p lantat ion t o raid wor k areas or , more

6The Molo 10 possibly or ganized from the Molenh oop p lan tation wh ich was loc ated in th e C ommewijne area . A g ov ernment surve yor!s report of 1 879, h owever , suggests that the Molo p e op le came fr om the p lantat i ons C op i , Be do , and Suzannas Daa l . The re port cont inues th at the term "Molo" der ived from the director of Suzannas Daa l , H r . OOor r on . _ _

( The Molo people th ems e lves have not retained the de tai l . ) "Re p or t o f the Expe dition to Trace a R oad from t.he Ternpati Creek to the Sur inam R iver," ( 1 878 ) , cited in F. Mor s ink , CSSR , Vo lume V of Pers onal Diar y .


21

common ly , to infi ltrate and arrange f or specified items t o

be smug g le d out .

Typ ical of these ruses f or supp ly ing the Mar oons

w ithout repr is a l was the pr e-arranged rai d . A time an d

p lace f or a r a i d wou ld be agre e d on with s laves in the

p lantat ion . On the day of the raid , the s lave wor k party

wou ld be par t icu lar l y w e l l supp lied as the y s e t ou t f or

the f ie lds where the y wou ld be surpr ised in ambush by

Mar oons . I n the confus i on , the tools and food supp lies

wou ld be justifiably abandoned an d los t to the insurgen ts .

Occas iona l l y , the ins i de c ontacts and others wi l ling to

take th e r is ks , wou l d j o in the Mar oon par ty w ith all the y

cou ld carr y . I n s ome c asas a ls o , Mar o ons wou ld abduc t

women who wou l d seldom make the escape on the ir own initi-

ative .

Agricultur e of the 10 camps dur i ng th is t ime was .......

pr imar ily one of mak in g dangerous v is its t o scavenge pl�n

tat ion f ie lds . Later , a bandone d p lantat ions were surr epti

t iously cu ltivated and garden p lots c leare d in th e jung le.

One stor y of the lowaX r ecounts h ow a woman from the An

tois ia plantat i on , wh o had par ticu lar ly long hair , would

each day c onceal s ta lks of seed r ice in h er braids . I n

the wor k ar ea, s h e w ou ld qu ietly r emove the r ice a n d add

it to the c acha wh ich wou ld be p ic ke d up by Mar o ons later .

The largEJs t of th e three or ig inal 10 was the Antoi

s ie grou p . The Antois ie pr obably beg an forming in the


22

1 780 ' s , and grew t o a sett lement of around 1 00 by th e turn

of the centur y . At a bou t that time , the Antois ie made

their way fur ther s ou th , meeting and enc ompass ing the smal

ler Asait ie and 00010 g r oups a l ong the way . N ot long after

the un ion of the thr ee 12 colonial militar y forces began

ac t ive pursu it of mar o ons in th e C ommewi jna reg ion� The

tr oops patr o lled a c or don pass , wh ich enc irc led th e group's

sett lement in an area wh ich subsequently came u nder intens e

mi l itar y surve i l lance . O nce , wh ile the y were f ish ing in a

lar ge s wamp , a s t or y reca l ls , a Du tch patr o l s u r pr is e d

them. Th e g r ou p scattered under the gun f ire in wh ich

sever a l were k i l le d . A few o f the Mar oons were captured

and a larg e grou p s imp l y f le d in another direc t ion , never

to be s een again �7

After this attac k , th e Paramacca g r ou p a bandoned

their sett lement and f le d on foot s ou th acr oss the c or don

and int o the Tempatie Creek are a . Th ey res e t t l e d near th e

creek an d s ymbolized their sens e of r e l ief by naming the

new sett lement " Boa-Futu-N enge " ( R es t yov.r Leg s Pe ople )

7paramacca e lder s and Kw intie s ources ( pers onal c ommun ication fr om E dwar d Green ) suggest that this event pos s i bly determined the two groups ' separate h is t or ies . The y believ e th at the or ig inal g r oup was div i de d in the attack and one half went sou th towar d the Tempatie and the other trav e lled westwar d u n t i l they r es et�le d on the Coppename R iver .


23

and " Aba ' a Ma ' wina P assi Neng e " ( Acr oss the Mar ow i j ne P ass

P eop le ) . 8

Wh i le th e escape across the c or don put the Maroons

out of mi lit ar y rang e , it als o cu t the m off from the p lan

tat i on f ie lds and tool supplies . Mater ial surviv a l was a

matter of ingenu ity an d , as any s t or y t e l ler wi l l add ;

div inely ins p ir e d invent i on . F ish , it was foun d , c ou ld

be drug g e d with the juice of the ne k ko v ine , and f ish

tr aps were c onstructed from stic ks and vines . I n the swamp

ar eas , f ish c ou l d be sc oope d ou t of the mu d w ith bas kets . 9

S a lt , or salt subst itute , was proc es s e d b y burn ing

the c or e of the rnaripa p a lm in a spec ia l way s o as to pre

serve the ashes . G our ds and c a la bashes pr ov ided s tor age

and eating utens i ls wh i le crude p ot ter y and iron pots ,

brought from the p lantat ions , wer e used f or c o oking . What

other ir on imp lements were br ou ght across the c or don , such

as the m ach et es , were ma intaine d for years . A spec ia l

terminolog y develope d among th ese Mar oons , wh ich discer ned

stages of decl ine of an ir oQ too l . A mach e t e, f or

8paramaccan 10 h av e n o warr ior tradition and people , like the A lu ku . are not embar rassed that th e y did not f ight back against the m i litar y . The y p oint ou t tha t .th e y had n o guns and so r e l ie d on inf�ltra t io n and traps. One tr ap r ep or t e dly k ille d a Du tch officer a long the c or don wh ich the P ar amacc ans r ig g e d w ith spiked. pit f a l ls . In other c ontexts , P aramaccans incorporate th e mar t ia l s tor ies of Bani into th e ir genera l h istor ic a l acc ounts .

9The .use .. �f .�he nekko and th e f ish tr ap s h ow an inf luence of the Car ib; Arawak an d Warau Amer indians , wh o shared the bondag e of s lav ery w ith Afr icans u n t i l 1 68 6 .


24

inst ance , is n ormally c a l led a h2; a machete wh ich is wor n

on the cu t t ing edge such that it is near ly worth less is a

t i b iku ku' , and one wh ich has a br oken wooden handle is

s enge b� 1� .

S ome of the or ig ina l Mar oons brough t f l int boxes from

the p lantat ions , bu t the older s t or y te l lers insis t that in

a p inch the y cou ld s tart a fir e by s p inning a stic k of h ar d

wood against a dr y , soft log . I n any c ase , they add , fires

in the ear ly Mar oon v i l lages never r e a l ly went out .

Hunt ing was done in that per iod through various traps.

Animal trails wou l d be s e t with fal ling l og dev ices and

camou��age d p its . S ma l l game and f ow l c ou ld be directed

into a n oose b y c ons truct ing a long s t ic k f ence wh ich wou l d

detour pas s ing anima ls into th e tr ip line . much of the

diet a ls o inc luded palm nuts , ber r ies , grubs an d honey c ol

lec ted in the fores t .

The second nar r ow escape f or the Paramaccans came

about 1 0 year s after the ir escape acr os s th e c or don p ass .

Th is time the y f le d fr om the Djuka Mar oons , wh o found th e

Paramacca set t lement and , it w as presume d . were pr e par ing

to turn the u nau th or iz e d Mar oons over t o the militar y f or

a ransom . The Tempatie sett lement was then a bandoned and

the group mov ed further s ou th u nt i l th e y reached the

Nass au Mou ntains and the head waters of the Paramacca

Creek .

The y estab l ished their n ew locat ion a long the


25

isolated creek and l iv e d in near ly equal regar d f or the

Ojukas as the c o lonial militar y . When Paramacca y oung men

on the Nassau h igh ground wou ld see Ojuka boats on the

Mar owijne R iver in the v a l ley , th e y would keep them in

moc k gun s ights unti l they passed . 10

The initial sett lement on the Par amacca Creek was on

its h ig h land s ource . It was in th is extr eme is o lat ion

that w itchcraf t is said t o h ave f lour is h e d . Many p eople

were cons i der ed supernatur ally p owerf�l an d were capable

of extraor dinar y feats . E lders re late that the creek ar ea

became i ncr eas ingly unc omf or table due to the ev i l and ex

traor dinar i ly p owerful s p ir its ass oc iated with the w itches

and tha lepi (liter a l l y , r ipe , wh ich c onnotes a c onf luence

of one ' s phys ic a l and me taphys ic al be ings pr ov i�ing extra

ordinary abilities ) .

S o , the period on the Paramacca Cree k , £!. 1810 -

1876 , was mar ked b y a gradual movemen t of c amps downstr eam ,

towar d the Mar owijne R iv er wh ich h a d become a . maj or

thor oughfare of the Ojuka . I n 183 0 , the meet ing o f Para

maccans with Ojuka boatmen at the mouth of the Par amacca

Creek (according to th e repor t c ited in W ong ) , pr obably

was the event wh ich reestablishe d contact between the two

100ne e lder shrugged as " p oss i b le " in response to s t or ies I had hear d fr om Ojuka s ources . Thes e s tor ies t old of a danger ous stretch of the r iver near the Nassau Mountains wher e , in the. old days , Ojuka boat cr ews c amp ing ov ern igh t in the area were subject to attac k by mys ter ious animalmen .


26

Mar oon groups . Par amaccan el ders state that the Ojuka r e

gar ded th e p eop le of the Paramacc a Creek w ith a s ense of

amaz ement at firs t . One man charac t er i z ed th e enc ounter inv olv ing s imilar to that which

as / s imilar / peop le show t oday at the discov er y of un-

c ont act ed Amer i n dians . Just as the gover nment sends exp e

di t i ons with g i fts t o th e Akurio I n dians , h e r eas on ed , s o

th e Oj ukas c ame t o th e Par amacc2 Cr eek . They br ought ma-

ch etes , ax es an d other manufac tured it ems t o impr ess the

people on the cr eek , and then ob lig ed them t o cut timber

wh ich the Ojukas wou l d s e l l t o the p lan tat ions .

I n 1876 , the first Paramacc a vi llage was es tablish ed

on the Mar ow i jn e . I t was called Amoesa , and located just

at the mou th of th e cr eek . Amoesa , now on ly i dent i fiable

by a f ew anc ient mango trees wh ich s tand ou t in th e over

gr own f oliage , is r efer r e d to as the las t p lac e wh er e the

descen dents of th e thr ee orig inal 10 wer e s et t led t og eth er

in one v i l lag e s i t e . I n the 1890 ' s , wh en the Antois ie 12

leader . Apensa , assumed leadership of th e en tir e g r ou p ,

th e oth er two 10 elder s p arted with the Antoisie t o es

tablish s eparate v i l lag es.

The 00010 (with tho exception of a matr i l ineag e st em

ming f r om Apensa ' s w i f e ) moved u pr iv er to Loka-loka , and

th e Asaitie mov ed to near by is lands and f ormed the vi llages

of N as on and 8adatab bet j e . Apensa mov ed h is fami ly down

r iver to the Langatabbet j e (Long is lan d ) . The br eakup of in

Amoesa a ls o c u lminatedl the mov ement away from th e spiri tual


, .

r

27

F igure 2. Paramacca Movement duri ng the Lowa y .

a.. c.e. '180t'Yl.d8()D 1. (�. r�f?o - 1-8 It) 3. tt. I � l {) .., I �� -4. ,h I �i� '-l"�� 5. c.", 1 '00' - .P\\��'Nt

\ . ," , ' , ',

\,

" .�

, , ( , C.ORDON PIW -' .. - .. _ - _

.... ' .

�,

"

!. ,

" 50h\.

,T

r


28

and r ou t ine dangers of the jung le f orest (gaan bus i ) . All

of th e new v i l lage s i tes were on r iv er is lands .

These f ir s t Marowijne sett lements demarcated the

boundaries of Paramacca t err itor y : the Apouma rapids to the

s ou th , and the Tapp odam rap ids on the nor th . Th is area was

c omp le tely u n inhabited wh en the Par amaccans mov e d ou t from

th e creek , and s ince there wer e never any Oju ka v i l lages

a long th is 50 kilome ter s tretch of the r iver, ther e were n o

ch a l lenges t o Par amacca occupancy. The Oju ka� neverth e less ,

fe lt a str ong sense of pr imac y over the n ewcomers and tr ie d

t o contr o l th e ir mov ement along the r iv er . Oju kas c on

s ider ed the Paramacc a a p r otec torate and f or bade any v is its

to the c oastal t owns w ithout permiss ion from them . Para

macca swidden f ie lds were r aided with impunity b y pas s ing

Djuka boats, and when obj ec t i ons were r ais ed t o the ta king

of tr i bu te, the Ojukas threatened and occ as iona l ly carr ied

out wh oles a le beatings against the greatly ou t number e d v i l

lag ers . W i th th e off i c ia l recognition of Par amaccan

" tr i bal" s t atus , Ojuka c ontr o l was r e laxe d . Today , r e la

tions between Djuka and Paramacca Mar oons often r e f lect

o l d hosti lit ies in context of c ompe tit ion f or acc ess to

governme nt work along th e r iver .

S laver y was a bo l ishe d in th e c o lo n y in 18 63 , and the

P ar amacca settleme nts along th e Mar ow ijne w�r e j o ined by

sma l l grou ps of emanc ipate d Afr icans fr om the p lantations .

These additions formed the three oth er 10 of the Paramacc ansc


29

Bakka- bu s i , Waj iampi b o , and Wata-We liki .

The Baka-bus i people ar e the matr i lineal descendants

of a woman from a Baka-bu s i s e tt lement near the c i t y of

Paramar ibo . Sh e was or ig inal ly br ought to th e Marowijne by

a Dju ka suit or but the mar r iag e was for bidden by the man's

fami ly . She was not al lowed t o stay in the Dju ka v i l lage

and was delivered bac k downr iver . On the way bac k to Para

mar i bo , th e y s topped in Langatabbetje , where she remained

and married an Ant ois ie man . A dispute later over v i l lage

land grante d t o th em , caused the small matr i l ineage to

move t o the cent er of the is land an d es tab lish the v i l lage

of A kat ie .

The oth er two g r ou ps c laimed kinship w i th Paramaccans

an d trav e l le d u p the Mar owijne R iv er to join the new is land

settlements . One group located near Langatabbetje with th e

Anto is ie , and the other moved next to th e Asaitie at Nas on .

The Antoisie and Asait ie peop le assume d a predominance

over th ose who "came by boat " . The or ig inal Mar o on line

ag es r es ist e d the as sumpt ions of 10 kinship on the par t of

the bakka-f iL ( after freedom ) people . These s ituat ions re

su lted in the new groups forming th e ir own separate sett le

ments u nder thu 12 names �f the ir f or mer p lan tat ions .


3 0

CH APTER I I I

TH E SOC I A L S E TT I NG

The Paramacca terr itor y is r ec koned in terms of a

lineal s tr e tch of the Mar owijne R iv er , bounde d by the fir s t

t w o major water f a l ls leading i n lan d . The firs t fa l ls ,

Tappodan , is conceptua lly important t o Paramaccans and

other Mar oons in that "upr iver f r om the f a l ls " is con

s i dered that terr it or y wh ich is the exc lus ive domain of

the r es pect iv e Mar oon and Amer indian tr i b a l auth or ities :

"her e th e qranman is more impor tant than the ( dis tr ic t )

c ommiss ioner . " Par amacc ans u n derstand th is demarcation to

be legally guaranteed b y the Du tch C r own , alth ou gh I know

of n o documentation of this or any treaty s ig ned w ith the

Paramacc ans .

The Sur inam Mar oons ex is t in a re lat ions h ip of in

dir ec t r u le with the national g ov ernment . Tr ibal offi

c ia ls , p ar amount chief (gr anman ) , lineage c h iefs ( kapiten ) ,

and sub chiefs ( basia ) , ar e appointed by the r e s pec t iv e

grou p s , su bj ect t o r at i f ic ation b y t h e g overnment . W ith

off icial appr oval of a n appointment , the tr ibal off ic er


31

bec omes a g overnment emp lo yee w ith a t oken sa lar y* and an

i l lf itting u n i f orm to be w orn on special occas ions . Ma

roons current l y par t ic ipate in national e lections an d are

th e or e t ically su bject to income tax ( few Par amaccans enj oy

an inc ome suffic ient f or taxat ion ) and mil itar y c onscr ip-

t ion. Dur ing the past few years. the e lder ly and disabled

have r eceived small we lf ar e a ll owances .

The aut h or it y of the tr ibal c ou nc il and the para

mou n t ch ief is granted only l imited sanc t ion in a dju dica-

tion of c i v i l and cr iminal ma t ters inv o lv i ng tribesmen in

their own tribal territor y. Cr iminal mis demeanor c ases

(e x pressed as c ases in which " b lood does not s p i l l " ) may

be tried by c ou nc i l ; a l l other cr imina l matters mu s t be

referr e d t o the Dis trict C ommiss i oner . Nat ional laws con-

earning mar r iage and divorce , c ompu ls or y school attendance ,

cu lt r e lig ious practices , dec ency in pu blic attire , and so

on , ar e ne ither applicable nor enforceable in Mar oon c on-

texts . This au tonomy . h owever , is n ot nec ess ar i l y based

on a r e lationship of respect for cu ltural re lativ ity .

Indeed , what au t onomy fr om the c o l onial g overnmen t the

Mar oon h as ever realiz e d , has been f ounded on h is is o la

t i on and the government ' s inabilit i es in enforcing its

* In 1971� Paramacc a off icial annu a l salar ies wer e as f o ll owsl Par amount Chief--S f3 l50 �$1'800 l lineag e Chief . -- 480 274 Sub Ch ief ( Male ) - 200 . 114 Sub Ch ief ( F emale )- 100 57


3 2

laws in the inter ior .

The waterf a l ls estab lish an actual inaccess ibility

of the Mar oon to the c oas tal g overnment . The r iver " above

the fallsn is s wift and r oc ky . R ap i ds an d fa l ls all a long

the riv er ' c ontinually change the nav igat ional character is-

tics acc ording to the seas onal v ar iat ions in rainfa l l an d

water leve ls . I t r equ ires a special t ype of boat an d c on-

s iderab le s k i l l , teamwor k , and int imate knowledge of the

seas onal channels to travel a long the �upr iver " waterways • .

With few excepti ons , only Amer indian and Mar oon b oatmen

are a b le to nav igate the r iv er be yond the fal ls . The dis

tr ic t commissioner , the miss ion stations , police and th e

per i od ic Dutch and French mi litary patr ols s t i l l mu st r e ly

on the indigenous boatmen t o trans p ort them an d th eir sup

p l ies beyond th e first fa l ls of the Mar owi jne . The only

alter nat ive access t o th e Mar ow ijne inter ior is by air .

Air access has not been seen as a serious ch a l lenge t o

the Par amacc ans' sense of domain , s ince there is o n l y one

airstrip in the ter r it or y. A ls o , th os e near th e airstrip

feel th at th eir c o operat ion is s t i l l necess ar y for ou t

s i ders to enter to v i l lage ; ever yone knows that tree bran

ches left on the airstr ip w i l l pr event any landings .

Par amaccan c os mogr aph y is or iented t o the r iver and

it s f low ; upstr eam (Be£�) and downs tream ( bi l o � ) ar e .. -

the only car dinal referents . Direc t ions in the v i l lages

" Or in the for es t ar e s t i l l r e lated in t er ms of the r iv er .


33

In hunt ing, for ins tance , ter ms such as " bac k " , "far" ,

"deep " , etc . wi l l b e i n r eferenc e t o eas£-wes� dts tance

from the r iv er ; and even th ough one may be s ev eral kilo

meters away from th e r iv er , one always wa lks "upstr eam" or

" downstream " . These bearfngs apply equ a l ly t o either s i de

of the r iv er , th e doish i se (Dutch s ide ) and thB frans i s e - -

(French s ide) .

U ps tr eam waters and terr itor ies ar e gener ally ass oc i

ated with a front ier qua lit y . S ince the first Mar oon set

t lements , th e p lantat ions , co lonia l g ov er nment and s lavery ,II' "

have been downstre am danger s ; escape and freedom h ave a l

ways b een s ought by mov ing upstr eam . Wherever one may be

along the r iv er ' , g ame and f ish_ are invar iab ly c ons idered

t o be more p lent ifu l upstream . ups tream water , moreover ,

is said t o be "sweeter " and "cooler " . I t is not su rpr is-

ing also that soc ia l dts tinctions among Mar owijne people

are of t en set i'n a geopo litical c ontext of ups tr eam and

downs tr eam • . .. - .

A l l gr oups above th e first falls s peak of th e " t ide-

water " people1 w ith subt le c on descens ion . Boat tr avel on

th is par t of the r iv er r e quires no spec ia l s k i l ls or know

ledg e of the river . I t is pointed ou t that even Eur opeans

and Chinese trav e l this part of the r iv er in a v ar iety of

1These inc lu de a few Dju ka , as we l l as Ar awak and Car i b Amer indian villages , and a number o f temporar y c amps of Par amaccans� Oju ka and A lu ku Mar oons .


34

boats . The Ojuka o in turn , cons ider th e Par amacc ans a

"downstr e am" peop le with re lativ ely e as y r iv er p assage

thr oughout their terr itor y . The con temp t ibleness of such a

pos it ion is mos t o bv i ous wh en Par amacca boatmen wish to

tr av e l thr ough dangerous r ap i ds in Oju ka ter r it or y . Often

th e Ojuka paramoun t ch ief wi l l ins ist that Ojuka boatmen

acc ompany the Par amaccans wh o , it is ass ume d , c ou ld n ot

pos s ib ly b e able to nav igate the upstream waters with ou t

such ass istanc e .

Mar owijne ar ea Mar oons grou p the r eg ion ' s Amer in-

dians acc or ding to the b inary dist inct i on of u ps tr eam and

down . Th e Waiana , Tr i o and A kur io ar e c onsider e d opo ingi

(upstr eam I n dians ) and the Arawak and C ar i b ar e the bilo

ingl or f06du Ingl ( tide water tndians ) . Pr edic tably , the

f ormer ar e r eg ar de d as super i or hunters and p owerfu l sor -

cerer s . The lat ter ar e mor e c ommon ly t h e bu t t of j o kes

fi l ling a s ter eotype of s luggar d .

W i th i n the Ojuka and Par amacca gr ou ps thems e lves ,

maj or s oc i a l div is i ons are regar ded as those between up

stream and downs tream peop les . Thaden v an V e lsen notes :

The Oju ka in the Tappanahon i ter r it or y c an be div ided as two su b t r i bes , the u pstream people ( 020 nenge ) and th e downstr eam peop le ( b i lo nenge ) • • • • Th is is not only a geographic div is i on , there ar e social differ entiations as the u ps treamers feel th ems e lv es su per ior to the downstreamers , and they. mutually h o l d depr ec iated s t er eotypes • • • • •

There is a s l ight cu ltura l differentiat ion


35

between th e tribal segments t o b e notic e d . U p and downstr eamers have somewhat different languag e dialects , wh i l e among other things , th eir we dding c er emon ies and funer a� r ites show c laar , alth ough minor , differ enc es . 2

Th e Par amaccan dis tinction between R oman Catholic

and Moravian is charac terized s imi lar ly as a diff er ence

between £2E. .2.2. and b i lo .2.2. peop les . The upstr eam p oeple

consi der th ems elves b oth Cath o lics and tradi t i onalists .

Their C atholic Chr istian i t y does not int er fer e with an

ac tive maintenance of th e tradi t i ona l ances tr a l shrines

and tr aditional div ination and r itual practices . Ups tr eam

Par amaccans f eel a s ense of c u ltur a l pur ity over the down

str eam p eop le wh o have disav owed tr aditional relig i ous

pr ac tices through acc ep tanc e of Pr otestant Chr istian i t y .

Th e downstream p erspectiv e , on th e oth er han d , i s that

th e u pstr eam p eople ar e somewh at path etic in their tena

c ious h olding t o pagan ways . Downstr eam p eop le talk of

" mov ing f orwar d" a long with th e times , an d r egard the up-

s tr eam people as "staying backwar d . "

Paramacca ' s terr itor ial l im its , then , are exp l ic itly

long itudinal ; th at is . i t is c onceptua lized on ly as that

length of r iv er between th e two falls . Ther_e ar e no

2H . U . E . Thoden van V e lsen , "Politieke Beh e er � ing in de Djuka Ma�tschapp y " , ( Unpub lished Ph . D . Disser tation . Univ ersit y of Amster dam , 1 96 6 ) , pp . 8-1 0 . my trans lation .


3 6

es t a bl ished l imits r eg ar di ng the later a l ( eas t-wes t ) extent

of the land are a . V ir tu a l ly all Par amaccans live at the

r iv er ' s edge and o n l y r ar e l y d oes anyone t r avel beyond a

f ew k i lomet ers over lan d or spend a n ight in th e f ores t . 3

Essent ially . the lateral t err itor ial l imits ar e f ix e d by

th e distance one c an walk to and f r om swidden f i e lds for a

day ' s wor k .

The 10 is th e max ima l ter r it or ial domain among Para

maccans . At the t ime of the or ig ina l f or mations of th e

Mar oon sett lements , recal l , th e 10 des ignated an es cape

grou p from a c ommon p lantation . Th e first Mar oon s et t la-

ment wou ld become , in a s ense , an a lt er nate p lantat i on

(Eandas i ) o f the s ame name . Later , the or iginal P ar amacca

s et t lements a long the Mar owijne es tablished the thr e e sep

arats "pandas i " o f t h e A ntois i , Asa i t i a n d 00010 . u ltI

mat ely , the terr it or y thus became div i ded into th ir ds with

the pandasi domain u nders t ood as inc luding the wide land

an d r iv er r eg i on arou n d th e three v i l lag es of Langatabbet j e ,

N ason and Loka- loka . (See f igure 3 ) .

I n th is reg ar d the 1£ has bec ome a step of terr itor

i a l and social segmen tat ion . The · l o i s a t erritor i a l dis

tinction b etween that of " P aramaccaland" and th e v i l lages

qr neighborhoods of the localized � ( matr i lineages ) . The

30n l y men on special hunting tr ips or prospecting expedi- . t ions wi l l ev er s leep in f or est c amps away from the r i v er . Over night c amps on long r iv er trips ar e usually made on is l an ds .


3 7

F igure 3 . Maj or P ar amacca Sett lements on the Mar oruijne R iver , 1970 .

Su R I NAM

. ,

\

I I

", .

� TIISIU1JC H&o& o PA KILA1'Uattl' D. ,s«'I!'N TIf. .. &tn'JL�

f\Sillilii 1.. 0

101(19 ' " OK:t N10LO

J L'

�Rj)5"Afr.u MtL L '

FRENCH C\U I ANFI-

. '

Ie K�'\ '


38

10 level of territor i a l d iffer entiat ion is most appr opr iate

in cons i derat ions' of usage of the f or es t and r iv er ar ea .

Wh ile v i l lage ar eas an d direc t l y adj acent waters are c on

s ider e d � proper t ies , the v i r g in forest4 and the r iv er

beyond t h e boat landings are 10 ter r it or y .

One i s free t o hunt , t o set f ish nets , t o cu t palm

nuts , t o cut down ch oice boat�making tr ees ; and t o clear

swidden f i e lds or establish a h or t icultural camp an ywhere - -

with in h is � region . S uch activities in other 12 regions

wou l d be done only through th a s p on sors h ip of a 1£ resi

dant . Most usual arrangements f or wor king in a different

12 ar ea are the s ame as thos e discussed be low for r esidence

in another bee v il lage .

As a social s egment , the 10 is a s te p in p lac ing

one ' s p ersonal i denti f icat ion . As the Bohannans descr ibed

the we ll-known segmental appropr iateness in a T iv ' s i den

tity , so a Par amaccan traditi ona l l y uses three lev e ls of

s oc ia l and ter r itor ial i denti f ic at i on a long the Mar owijne . 5

To the qu estion , " wh o ar e you ? " one wou ld r es p ond at the

40nc e a man c lears a g ar den p lot , it becomes h is , or r ather h is wife ' s , propert y in p erpetu ity . Anyone wish ing t o c lear a f ie ld adj acent t o or i n the immediate v ic inity of the establish e d p lot mus t f ir s t get the permiss ion of the " owner " .

5e f • laura and Pau l B ohannan , The Tiv of C entral N iger i a , ( London : I nt ernational Afr ican Institute , 1 953 ) , p . 23 .


3 9

br oadest lav e l . " a P ar amacca per son . " Th e next lev e l of

specificity is a 12 identity . I f a man states that he is ,

say , an Asaiti p erson , th is locates h im g en�r ally in the

c entra l r e g i on of Par amacca , in the v i l lage of Nas on or

one of the s maller ne igh boring v il lages .

The next step wou l� be that of his part icu lar matr i-

lineag e . He may say e ith er , " I am a Kapiten A liga p erson , "

or " a 8adat ab betje per s on . " Th e mat r i lineage c an be des ig

nated b y nam ing the lineage chief ( or other notable e lder )

or th e v i l lag e . More prec ise personal identificat ion is

s imp ly one ' s indiv i du a l name . 6

Leadership and corporate r es pons ibi lity are no longer

exercised in t er ms of the 12. The thr e e or iginal Paramacca

pandas i have div i ded into 1 6 localized an d exogamous matri

lineages (�) , wh ich f orm th e unit of s oc ial act i on .

: Each matr i li neage c orresponds t o a neighborhood ( pic i )

with in one o f the thr e e major v i l lages or t o a separ ate and

6A l l Mar oons a ddr ess one another w ith a g eneral k in des ig� nat io n . Th ese kin address t erms are appropriate to the g enerati on and s ex of th e addressee . y oung men and women through their twent ies ar e r eferr e d to by a l l as baala ( " br other " ) and s isa ( "s ister � ) ; thos e i n th e ir thirt ies and forties are t iu or t i ' ( "uncle " ) and t ia ( " aunt " ) ; and e lders are .9.5!§. ( "father,,) and mme ( "mother"). Th ese ad-

; dress terms - ar e u s ed p ervasively Unc lud ing between s p ouses ) either alone or as p r efix t o a per s onal name . A dis t inc-tion is made between these gener a l address . t er ms ' and the terms of k inship r el at ionsh i s . f or instanc e , a man may be my actual baala male s ibling or e ither p ar ent ' s s ibling ' s ' male c h i l d) . bu t h is g ener ational r an king i n the g en er a l v i llage c ontex t is such that I refer t o h im dir ec t ly as �.


40

smal ler v i l lage . ?

Th� term f or the matr i l ineag e , � , means liter a l ly

"womb" or " be l ly " , and as app lied t o a k in g r ou p , indicates

exp l ic it ly those c onsangu ines wh o reckon descent thr ough a

c ommon anc est or . The bee is h eaded by the kapiten wh o , as

chief of the matr i lineag e , is also chief of the v i l lage or

pic i . The v i l lage or pici is the locus of th e bee ances

t or s , r epresente d thr ough the f aaka tiki s h r ine , and the

s i te of all lineag e counci l meetings an d r itual observan-

cas .

The v i llage or pic i i s regar ded as a s pec ific ter

r it or ial entity an d locus of the matr i lineage . A tr avel

ler along the r iv er wou ld today pass 49 sett lements in th e

Par amacca reg i on . E leven of these ar e v i l lages ( kondey )

an d the r emainder ar e camps ( kampu ) . This distinc t i on is

not always apparent on the bas is of s ize and external

appear ance of the sett lements . A la� ge kampu c an c ompr ise

mor e h ouses and p eop le than a small kondey . The f irst

dis t inc t i on a Paramaccan makes between the two t ypes of

sett lement is th at the kon dey a l one can h av e a shrine of

the ancestor s . Any lineag e counc i l meet ings or r itual

7The thr ee o ldest and lar g es t P ar amacca v il lages , Langatabbet j e , N as on and Loka-loka , e ach enc omp as ses more than one matr i lineag e . I n these v i llag es , e ach matri lineage c orres p on ds t o its p art icu lar n eigh borhood or p ic i . The pic i is funct ionally the s ame as a v il lage with i ts res pec t iv e ancestor shr ine and kapiten . The r e is no " v i l lage ch ief " super or dinate t o the chief of a pic i .


41

o bservanc es of p assage mus t take p lace in the v i l lag e with

the direct inv o lvement of matr i lineal ancestors .

Th e matr i l ineage then is essential t o tr adit i onal

Par amacca s oc iet y as the ontological context of . one ' s be

ing . A lifetime is on ly the incar nate per iod of a be ing

wh ich r ec kons its or ig ins and art er l if e in ter ms of the

lineage . Tradit ionally , during incar nate life, one ' s matr i

lineal anc est or s ar e the most v i t a l and immediate inter

me diar ies between God Qnd h ims e lf . At death --the most

critical trans it ion for each b e ing-- on e mus t r e l y c om

plet e l y on the �. It is th e matr i lineage ( living and de

ceas e d members inc lu ded ) which s its in ju dgmen t of one ' s

life , and perfor ms the necessar y funerary r itu a ls wh ich

mar k the pas s ag e into the after life of ancestors .

The matr i l ineage has exc lusive jural r es p ons i bi lity

over its m embers and its v i l lage t er r itor y . The Para

macca saying , "a f ather h as no ch i ldren , " r ef lects the

part icu lar di lemma of the father-ch i l d r e lat ionsh ip in

such a str ong ly matr ilineal sys t em . The father-ch i l d

( tata-pikien ) r e lationsh i p is usually c lose and mutually

suppor t iv e . The mother ' s br other-s is t er ' s child ( t iu -s is a

pikien ) is at leas t equ a l ly c lose , but legally far mor e

s ignific ant . The mother ' s br other has pr imary jur a l auth

or it y over his s is t er ' s children ; the ir f ath er h as n o leg a l

r ights over them a t a l l . Lineage tit les and most material

pr oper t i es such as t oo ls and h ousehold effects , for examp l e ,


42

are inh er ited matr i l ineally .

OOar r iage arr angements , further , ar e the respons i b i l

ity of th e matr i lineages . A man ' s e lder br others and mo

ther ' s br others act as s p o kesmen in a f ormal r equ es t of

marr iage in counc i l with the woman ' s matr i lineage . The

marr iage is established throu gh this c ouncil ( th e pr os pec

t iv e s pous es ar e n o t pr es ent ) by t h e woman ' s matri lineag e

announc ing that the y " g iv e " h e r over t o t h e man ' s matr i

lineag e . One of the f ir s t mar r iage respons ibi lit ies of a

man . h owev er , is t o bu i l d and maintain a h ouse . f or h is w ife

in h er v i llag e . The house and furnish ings wh ich the man

makes bec ome her pr oper t y exc lus iv e ly .

I n addition , a man may be expected t o bu i l d a more

tempor ar y s tructure in a c amp l ocated in her 10 reg ion .

Most men will also maintain a h ou s e for themse lves in

their own v i l lage and possibly a c amp in th e ir 12. if they

ar e from a different reg ion . The h ouseh ol d , wher ever it

is locat e d , is organized aroun d a div i s i on of labor wh ich

is c le ar l y manifest in the adu lts ' maj or activity : food

pr oduct ion . The man pr ov i des the pr otein (� �, or

s ii t i mofu ) through hunting , fishing and · s eas onally cutting

wild nuts and fruit in the forest . Wh ile th e men c lear and

bur n th e s wi dden p lots , women ar e g ener a l ly respons ible

for p lant ing , weeding , h arvest ing and prepar ing s t ap les of

r ice , c as s av a and p lantains . Each meal of the household

is a combinat ion of the pr oducts of both spouses ' daily


43

act iv i t ies �

I t has been indicated that a Par amaccan has fu l l land

an d r es i dence r ights on l y in h is or her own matr i l ineage

and in c amps or swiddan p lots estab lishe d within the 10 re

gion . N ev er th e less , wh i le the matr ilineal v i l lage or gici

is one� permanent res idence , a Par amaccan t yp ic a l l y di

vides t ime in residence among s pous e ' s matr i lineag e ,

father ' s matr i l ineag e , and one or more h or t icu ltur a l camps .

So a p er s on is often abs ent from h is or her own matr i lin

eage and , c onversely , any neigh borhood a lways has a sub

stantial number of temporary or adjunct r e s i dents . There

ar e three categor ies of temporar y res ident within a matr i

lineage-.!!wife/hus band · s c ountr y " people , " father ' s c ountry "

peop le , and s o j ourners ( waka �) . Such r es i dences with in

th e v i llage is thr ou gh an imp licit spons or s h i p of aff inal

or paternal r e latives , a friend, or the kapit en .

The most c ommon type of t emporar y res i dent in any

matr i l ineag e is the wife or husban d . A pers on ' s r es idence

in a s pouse ' s neigh borhood is often a diff icu lt f eatur e of

the marr iag e r e lat i onsh i p . The "in l aw " r es i dent is ex

pec t e d t o behav e with reserve and show extreme res pect

t owar ds the spouse ' s par ents an d mother ' s s i b l ings .

The aff inal r e lationshi p of alter nate g eneration and

sex ( pai-mai ) is , t o the Par amacc an , the "h eav ies t " of a l l

k i n r espons ib i lities . A man shou ld av o i d informa l c ontact

with h is ill!! ( wife ' s mother and her f ema le s i b lings ) ,


44

particu lar ly in the washing ar e as . Wh en speaking to a ms!

h e shou ld not face her direc t ly or use any but the most

f ormal manners and speech . The s ituation is the s ame be

tween a woman and her £Ai ( hus b an d ' s f ather and h is mother ' s

br oth er ) •

The r e lationsh ip of affi nes of a lter nate gener ation

but of the same sex ( pai-pai , mai-mai ) is s im i lar ly for mal

but somewhat less restr ict ive in ph ys ical dis tances . 8 men

and women ar e expected to wor k along w ith their pai an d

�, r espectively . A pai , par t icu lar ly , can be called

�pon f or per iodic labor by both the wife ' s father an d her . -

oldest mother ' s br other . Men occas i onally c omp lain pr i-

v ate ly of this respons i b ility and point out that marr iag es

usually dissolv e only after c omp let ion of su bstant ial wor k

projects .

Tata kondey people are th ose wh o reside with in their

f ather ' s matr i lineag e . The ir res i dence r ights are only

thr ough the father ' s assume d sp ons orsh ip ; the matr i l ine-

age ' s we lcome is contingen� on th is s p ons orsh ip . At the

death of the father , the r esidence r ights may be extende d

or withdr awn b� the matri l ineag e . The Molo matr ilineage

at the Antois i v i l lage of Langatabbetje is an examp le of

tata kondey people f orming a long term residence c ommun

ity with in the host v i llag e . The downstream Molo ar e the

a I f anyone falls in t h e pr esence of his o r h e r ill!! o r EA!. the witness mus t "pu l l h is/her mai/Q.5li fr om the dir t " with a g if t of usually rum and pangi c loths .


45

descendants of Gr anman Apensa ' s last wife , wh o defie d her

own matr i lineage t o conver t t o Mor av ian Chr istian ity and

remain with Apensa in the v i l lage he founded . Vet , wh ile

this 00010 lineage h as been es tabl ished in Lang atabbetje

s ince the turn of th e c entur y , the 00010 peop le ar e s t i l l

c ons ider e d t o b e t a t a kondey peop le wh o cou ld be r equ ired

t o " g o back t o their own v i l lag e " ( Loka- Loka ) " if they were

no l onger welcome.

A v i l lag e w i ll occas ionally inc lu de s o j ourners or

wa ka �. These ar e usually men wh o ar e in the ar ea tem

por ar il y f or w or king or v is i t ing . The kapiten grants per

miss ion f or such r es idence and may with draw it whenev er

the waka � is f e lt t o h ave over s t ayed or abused h is wel

c ome . A man may a ls o temporar i ly s tay at the v i l lag e of

a mati ( fr iend ) . This r e lati onsh ip is a f or malized friend

sh ip between two young men or women , wh ich is established

and maintained by an exch ang e of s mall g ifts and mu tu al

ass istanc e .

Throughout th is ch apter the qua lif ier " tr adit i onally"

has prec e de d v ar ious s t atements . Th is is in c ons ider at ion

of the changes i n th e Par amacc a social sett ing " as a r esu lt

of the Chr ist ian miss ions and th e incr easing c ontact with

g overnment and nat ional s ociety in gener a l .

The fe lt shift from traditional t o modern h as in-

v o lved s ignif icant changes in the tech n ic a l and economic

ou t lines of Par amacc an v i l lages . The dr ift from


46

subs istence t ec�nology and economy has c ons is tently been

led by th e downstr eam v i l lage of the paramount chief an d

the Morav ian Church . Today , there ar e marke d differences

between the Morav i an v i l lage and the upstream , mor e tradi

tional and Cath o lic v i l lag es . First of all , thr ough th e

long-term sett lements of tata kondey people ( such as the

Molo � p oint e d out a bove ) , affines and s o j ourners , langa-_ .

tabbetje h as near l y 1 50 h ouses ,and over 550 r es idents . Th e

downs tr eam v i l lage is , thus , twice as lar ge as N as on and

thr ee t imes the size of loka-loka . The remaining seven

v i l lages aver age around 1 00 r es i dents each . '

The re lat ive economic ascendanc y of langatabbetje

is ou twar dly manif est thr ough the lar g e number of " Euro-

pean-style" houses with tin r oof ing , the l ong , expensive

f ish nets hung in the sun to dr y , th e ou t boar d motors at

t ach e d to most of the boats at , the ' landings , and the small

sh ops sel ling cold dr i nks , t obacco and c anned mac ker a l .

One of the most prestigious f eatures of lang atab betj e ,

h owever , are the "street l ights " wh ich i l luminate the v i l

lage u nt i l 1 0 & 00 P . M . ever y night , c omp liments of th e na-

t i onal gover nment . Th e Mor av ian mis s i on even prov i des an

inci p ient skyline with its moder n , two-s t or y boar ding

school dormitor ies and c l inic .

T in r oof ing and ou t boar d motors ar e t o be f ound in

upstream villages a lso , but th ere is v irtually no r ival t o

th e v i l lage o f langatabbetj e . The R oman C ath olic miss ion


47

is established some dis tance acr oss the r iver from its h os t

community o f N as on . C onsequent ly , the v i l lage cannot in

corpor ate any of the fac i l ities , such as the e lectr ic gen

erat or , int o v i l lage life styles ; Lan gatabbetje . by con-

tr as t , h as a c omparativ e ly ac tive "night life" with young

peop le g ather ing u nder the light p oles to talk or t o dance

to e ith er drums or port a b le r ec or d p layers . Young Langa

tabbet j e people charac ter istically wou ld not consider long

t erm r e s idence in any oth er v i l lage , c it in g bor edom an d

lac k of c ash emp loymen t as r eas ons D

The r e l at ive pr osper ity of the downstream v i l lage is

obv i ous l y a r esu lt of its pos ition as s eat of the para-

mou nt ch ief and the Mor av ian mis s i on . The nat i onal g overn

ment and the Morav ian Church ar e the pr inc ipal s ources of

wage labor in the ar ea ; both spons or maj or construction

pr o j ects and maintain s taffs of employees in th e terr i-

t or y � The G overnment and the Church both r eg ar d the para

mou n t ch ief as the s o le ag ent of the tr i be and scrupu lous

ly c onduct their Paramacca af fairs thr ough him . One r e-

su It h as been that near ly all j o bs ar e h el d thr ough th e

fav or of th e ch ief � The 9ranman direc t ly appoints most of

the cove t ed c iv i l s erv ice pos it ions in the ar ea ( i e . v i l

lag e e lectr ic ian , offic ia l boatmen , scr i be , etc . ) and ad-. .

v ises the mission in its h ir ing pr act ices . Occas ional out-

s ide s ources of emp loyment such as ore or balatta ex p loita-

tion conc er ns , tend t o seek the fav or of the par amount


48

chief by r eferr ing calls for workers thr ou gh h im . I t is

not surpr is ing , then , th at cash employment oppor tu nit ies

center in lan g at ab bet j e and appear to be an exc lus iv e pur

v iew of downstream people .

The Paramaccan economic tr ans ition fr om su bs is tence

t o c ash h as been fair l y recent and abru p t , and g enerally

restricted t o langat a b bet j e . The final departure from

"traditional" t o " mo dern " was announced ar ou nd 1 95 5 by a

you n g man return ing from a long balatta expedition . With

his prosperous ear n ings he became the first Paramaccan t o

bu y a n out boar d motor . later , he opened th e f ir s t v i l lage

store and ann ounce d this new v enture by going abou t cal ling

"city life h as c oma t o langatabbetj e . "

The influ ence of "c ity life" ( foto l i bi ) was s oon

fe lt throu gh ou t th e v i l lag e . Or dinar il y . a lar g e catch of

fish or g ame was div ided and distr i bu ted among kin . Under

" c it y life" , meat and f ish were given a cash v a lu e { 1 . 25SF

an d 1 . 00S F p er k i l o ) 9 wh ich h as remained constan t irrespec

tive of v ar iat ions of supply and demand . Only r ar e l y , h ow

ever , does supp ly exceed demand . Current l y , the maj or ad

v an t ag e that a hunter ' s r e latives realize is advanc e notice

that g ame is avai lable for s a le . When wor d is p as s e d

thr ou gh the v i l lag e that s omeone i s s e l ling meat o r f ish ,

there is usually a rush to bu y . Downstream women , l ikewis e .

9 I n 1 9 71 , 1 . 00S F = $ . 5 6 .


49

h ave begun se l ling chic kens and surp luses in g ar den produce

such as b ananas , okr a and peanu ts . C ommon ly , whatever g ame

or pr oduce offer ed for s ale is s o l d w ithin a few minu tes .

U p s tr eam communities ar e g ener a l l y more tradit ional

in that the "city life" mar ket economy h as not r e p laced k in

distr ibu t i on as the maj or form of f oo d exchange . The dif

ference can be i l lustr ated with th e examp le of a typical

distri bu tion of game . The mos t common r esu lt of a g ood

hunt is a peccar y , weigh ing appr ox imate ly 25 ki logr ams .

The d ownstream hunt er typ ically wou l d div i de such a k i l l

by keeping ar ound 5 ki los f or h is h ouseh old a n d s e l l ing

th e r es t . H is wife wou ld cook large mea ls an d shar e p or

t i ons w ith near by kin , such a s p ar ents a n d s i bl ings . The

meat wh ich he r e t ained wou ld b� sufficient f or h is h ouse-

h o ld f or near ly . 4 days . The meat h e so ld wou l d br ing h im

24 g u i lders 1 0 , dr a bou t one week ' s . laborer ' s wages .

The u pstream hunter , on the oth er hand , wou ld div ide

the s ame peccar y as f o l lows ( assuming on ly one wife pre

s ent ) ,

1 0 k i los f or h is own h ouseh o ld , h a lf of wh ich h is wife wou ld preserve by smoking .

3 k i los t o h is parents ( or perhaps 2 t o e ach if they ar e l iv ing separ ately ) .

2 ki los among s i b lings w i th h ou s eh o l ds .

1 0The f e e for use of one of tihe s t or ekeeper ' s scales is usually one p ound of whatever is being s o l d .


50

3 k i los among bee r e latives , p ar t icu lar l y mother�s i b lings e

2 k i los among the kapiten and other � notables .

3 k i los t o wife ' s parents ( if in another v i l lage , th e meat is s a lt e d or smoked and s ent t o th em ) .

. . 2 k i los among v arious mati and others .

2 5 k i los

Th e upstre am hunter realizes abou t two weeks ' supp ly

of meat f or h is h ousehold , formal thanks fr om his kin and

con s idera b le credit as a p r ov i der . H e c an expect r e turn

pr esentat ions t o h im in the f orm of meat , p r o duce and in

ass is tanc e in v ar iou s pr ojects . OOor e ov er , h is ac t of dis-

tr ibuting h is surp lus is an inv es tment i n a s ystem of re

Cipr oc ity in kind thr ough wh ich he expects to ins u r e h is

subsis tence when h e is too old to g o into th e f ores t t o

hun t .

Perh aps the most signif icant effect of P ar am acca

accu lturat ion has been th e ir Chr i s t ianizat ion . Th e fol-

low ing chapters discuss the impact of the c ompet ing

C at h o lic and Pr otes t ant Churches an d the ir influ ences on

the practice of r e lig ion and the s ense of s acred auth or it y .


51

CH APTER IV

TH E M ISS IONS

I n the preceding chapter , it was sh own t h at the

off ic ia l r ecog n it i on of the Paramaccans and th eir granman ,

Apens a , c o inc ided w i th the es tablishment of the Morav ian

miss i on in the Antoisie v i l lage of Langatabbe tj e . . Apensa

announced that P ar amaccans mus t begin a new l if e to c orre

spond with the ir "c oming ou t of the bush " . Th e benef icence

of the Chr ist ian God t ow ar d Par amacca , he emphas ize d , was

demonstrated in God ' s gu iding h is hand in drawing the

mar ked paper f r om the lotter y box . This determine d the

quest ion of tr i ba l s tatu s , independence from the Oju kas ,

and settled the ques t i on of succes s i on with th e u p r iv er

peop le . The Mor av ian missionar ies had brought news of th e

coming end of the wor l d an d offer e d pr ocedur es f or salv a

t ion . Apensa invited the Morav ians t o bu i l d a church and

school in h is v i l lage , wh ich he dec lar ed to be "church

c ountr yn . By 1 91 5 , a p as t or h a d moved t o Langatabbatje

and begun baptiz ing Paramaccans . B y this time a ls o , the

R oman C athol ic Church was seeking conver ts in the area and

bitter disputes c ontinually mar ke d the r e lat ions h i p between

the two c ompeting miss ions . Asait ie e lders were unable to

successfu l l y chal leng e the g overnmen t ' s r ecogn ition of


52

Apensa as granman of the new P ar amacca Maroon tr ibe . Th e

c laim to the t i t le and succes s ion t o paramount ch ieftainc y ,

h owever , was not for g otten . Just as the Antois ie e lders

bas e d th eir au thority to the p os ition on a s ense of a new

life f ounded on Chr ist ian princ i p les , th e express ion of

opposit ion to th e downr iver ch ief emer ged in a religious

idiom .

The legit imac y of the Asaitie p os it ion became articu

lated thr ou gh an ass oc iat ion with th e R oman C ath olic

Church and a r eorganization of the tr aditional r e l ig ion

of th e loway t imes . F or th e mos t p ar t , the u pr iver people

rejected the ear ly mission efforts of the Mor av ians and

turne d instead to Du tch R oman C ath o lic miss ionar y pr iests

for baptism .

Wh i le a l l Par amaccans wer e baptized u lt imately as

Chr ist ians , th e upr iver people subs t itu ted C ath olic r itual

for that of th e Pr otes t ant miss ion wh ich was c los e l y iden

t if ied with the downr iver Ant ois ie .

Apensa had r eserve d h is v i l lage as the exc lus ive do

main of the Pr otes t ants , wh ile the R oman C ath o lic p r iests

conc entrated the ir attent i on on the As aitie l ineages fur

ther u pr iver . The Mor av ian miss ion at the Antoisie v i l

lag e inv o lved a res ident pas t or r ecruited fr om the blac k

p opu lat i on in the c ity . The p as t or ser ved as pr eacher ,

doctor , and sch ool teacher . Later pas t ors were t o bring

their wives an d ch i ldr en , wh o wou ld serve as a mode l


53

Chr ist ian f ami ly . Th e Morav ian church prov i ded an ear ly

link w ith coas tal " outside " c ommun it ies for Par amaccans .

W ith the church contact th ey c ou ld travel t o the distr ict

t own and h av e a p lac e t o s tay at the chur ch g rounds . The

Mis s i on at Lang atabbetje h as maintained, unt l l t oday , the

features of Sur inamese r es i dent pas t ors and p r ov is ion for

health and educat i on serv ices . Th e miss ion has ex p anded ,

h owever . to inc lude a modern c l inic w ith a fu l l time pr o-

fess ional nur se an d a large co-ed b oar ding school w ith a

pr ofess ional t each ing staff . The�e is a lar ge , modern

cement church wh er e weekly an d s pecial church s erv ices are

c onducted . Th e miss ion c ontinues to prov ide the maj or

links to th e " ou t s i de " w ith its regu lar c ontact w ith the

city through boat and sma l l airp lane . Th e sch ool h as s ix

gr ades , where s tu dents learn ru dimentar y ar ithmet ic , read

ing . wr iting , h is t or y , Bible s t or ies an d church s ongs .

The instruct ion is in the off ic ial languag e of the nat ion--

Du tch .

Th e permanent R oman Cath olic mis s i on s t at i on was es-

tablished s everal years later among the As aitie lineages ;

fir s t at th e v i llage of Badatabbetj e , then at its present

locat i on near N as on . Th e pr iests who estab lish e d an d later

maintained the mis s ion h ave a l l been Du tch and except for

a period in the 1 940 ' s , non-resident .

The Pr otestant and Cath o l ic mis s i ons have kept a - .

s t r ong s p ir it of c ompetition until the pres en t . Th e two


54

missions have deve loped near ly e qu iv a lent sch ool an d health

s erv ices . The C ath o l ic miss i o� h as a professiona lly

s t affed c linic and s ix-grade boar d ing sch oo l , and an air

strip was under c onstruct ion i n 1 972 . I n terms of numbers

of Paramaccans bapt ize d , the R oman Cath olic miss ion eas ily

outs tr ides the Pro t es t ant stat ion . The r e lative impact of

the two organizati ons on the r espec t iv e v i l lages , h owever ,

is c ons iderable .

One of the R oman Cath olic pr iests with long s er v ice

among the Par amaccans exp laine d the church ' s or ientat ion

towar d miss ion wor k as one wh ich s ought to convert n on

Christian Par amacc ans within a c ontext of r espect and tol

er ance for their tradit ional cu ltur e . He out lines the

r o le of the pr ies t , t o the p otential Chris t ian , as being

the c onveyor of f our p oints of Chr ist ian doctr ine .

F ir s t , there is one Su preme God , who is maker of h eaven

an d ear th . - Secon d , that J esus Chr is t is man D s mentor

on earth . With h is ex perience and tria l on earth , he es

tablish e d man as fr ee in the eyes of G o d . man was in s in ,

bu t the crucifix ion of J esus remanded that s in bef or e G od

an d establishe d eternal life f or those who f o l low the

teach ings . Th ir d , intr oduc tio n of the Ten C ommandments as the

bas ic pr oscr iptions of a Christian l ife , and f ourth , in

struct ion , the observat ion of cu ltural ideals of the

Chr istian life ; such as monogamy , western dr ess , pers ona l

enter pr is e , and s o on .


55

A p er s on is bap t iz e d an d cons i der ed a Cath o lic on the

bas is of h is acc eptance of th e f irst two p oints . Th ere is

rarely any disagreement fr om non-Chr ist ian mar o ons'" 'I:egar d

ing the c oncept of a superordinate g o d . Th e idea of sal

vation throu gh death of Chr is t is less well u n derstood ,

bu t usually accept ed . The ins truct i on is carr ied further

t o inc lu de th e C ommandments on ly with th ose c onverts wh o

indicate a des ire for a forma l ass oc iation with the Church .

The pr omot ion of the ideals of Chr ist ianity and cu l-

ture was r arely under taken among c onver ts in the ir tr adi-

tional settings . The priest ex p l ained th at the mission

ap pr ec iat e d the import ance of the traditional c osmology

an d cu lture t o the Par amaccans , and that it wou ld take

many g ener at i ons for Chr ist ian pr inC i p les to bec ome man i-

fest in most aspects of the cu ltur e . The fact that cur

rent l y a Paramaccan can be both a R oman Catho lic and an

obia spirit medium at the same time ref lec ts the h is t or ic

t o lerance of the Cath olic mission t owar d the tradit ional

cu ltur a l ins t itution .

The Pr otestant m orav ians ' v iew of the ir m iss ion and

the Mar oon ' s tr adit ional cu ltur e was different from that

of the R oman C atho lic Church . Accor ding t o a Morav ian

pas t or who s pent sever a l years in res idence among Para-

maccans :

I n g enera l the Bush land Creole • • • l ives under the influ ence and fear of evil s p ir its . And in c onnect i on with th is they have to observe


5 6

s o many laws , r egu lat ions , a n d kinas that a su pernatural p ower is nec ess ar y t o r e lease them . Well , many have f ou nd th at p ower in the G os p e l wh ich is a p ower of God t owar d s alvat ion f or anyone that has f ai th . 1

The Protestant miss ion ' s or i entat i on t owar d c onver -

s ian is t o not cons i der one as a Chr istian s o le ly on the

bas is of bapt ism and an acceptance of th e c oncepts of G od

an d J esus Chris t . A Christ ian mus t be s omeone wh o r ejijcts

th e pagan customs an d lives a Chr istian life . I n th is

sense , th e Pr otestants v iew the ir p otent ial c onverts less

as peop le of an ingraine d , traditional cu lture than as

t ormented s ou ls .

They imag ine themselv es surrounded by great cr owds of eV i l s p ir its wh ich s t are them in the face and threaten their lives at a l l t imas . 2

The f e lt purpose of the Protestant miss i onar y was t o

rescue the pagan from h is cu ltur e . The .wor k of c onvers i on

was , t o the Morav ian n oth ing less than a c omp lete trans

f or mation of the pagan ' s s ense of s e lf and c ommunit y . T o

b e a Chr ist ian in the M or av ian ' s c ontext was t o b e " liber-

ated" fr om or as simi lated into the tradit ional cu l tur a l

Th is gr eat f ear which used t o h ov er over their ent ir e lives l i ke a dar k c loud has disappear e d thr ough their

3encounter w ith

J esus Chr is t , S on of G o d .

1 H . Leer dam . "Onze Bos lander bewoners I -X XX I I I , " De West ( Par amar ibo , Sur inam ) , 1 95 6-1 957 , June 26 , 1 95 7 .

2 I b i d .

3 I bi d .


57

In sum , th e miss ion of th e Pr otestants in Langa-

t a b betje differ e d fun damentally from th at of the R oman

Catho lics in its orientat ion towar d mor e urgent mess ian-

ism . The resu lt w as that the imp lementation of Chr is ti-

an ity by the Pr otestant or ganizat ion has been f ar more o b

v ious in affect ing life styles of the downr iver Chr istians

than the C atholic pr iests have been w ith the u pr iv er

Chr istians . The divis ion of upr iver and downr iver Para-

macca is most man ifest in the diverg ent r e l ig ious in-

s t itutions . Th e r e lig i ou s dis t inc t i ons ar e so str ong ly

apparent that the or ig inal issues of the success ion c on-

tr ov er s y ar e su bmerged under more overt and pervas ive

differ ences between the R oman C ath o lic ( Lomsu ) and the

Mor av ian protestants ( Aniti ) . 4

The f o l lowing chapters i l lustrate the separate re

ligious s ystems of the Par amacca . The r e lig ion of the

Catholics is treated in detai l as it ref lects the c osmol-

ogy of the or ig inal P ar amacca Mar oons dur ing the l oway

per iod . This r e lig i ous s ystem is less a s yncr e t is m of

tradit i onal ins t itut i ons with R oman Cath o lic Chr is t ianity

than it is an a daptat ion of c lass ic Afr ican patter ns with in

4Th e t er ms "C atho l ic " and "Prostes t ant " as used throu gh ou t th e t ex t , r ef er t o the g eneral or ientat ion of the two dist i nc t r e lig ious communit ies . There are a few Par amaccans whose assoc iat i ons w i th the R oman Cath o lic Church are such that the more tradit i onal r e l ig ious featur es do not apply to them . S imilar l y , there are members of the Pr otest ant C ommunity whose acceptance and prac t ice of the Morav ian miss i ons ' i deal of the Chr is t ian l ife is n ot c omp lete .


58

a c ontext of the extr eme s ocia l uph eavals of s laver y and

th e reformat i on in th e is o lation of th e rain f or es t .


59

CH APTER V

PAR AOOAC C A OR A L H ISTORY AND TH E DI V IS IO N

Beyond a spec i f ic a n d fu t i le inqu ir y after a n or igin

myth ear l y in m y field r es earch 1" later c o l lect i on of tr i

bal h istory was ess entially unstruc tur e d . Usually , I was

only one of sever a l people invo lved in s t or y tel ling ses-

s ions , and I learned tr i ba l stor ies , u lt imate l y . much as

an or d inar y t r ib es man does--thr ough l istening to e lders in

var ious c ircums tances from cou nc i l s peeches t o pr ivate

c onv ersat ions . Th e body of or a l narrative wh ich I lear ned

over the two years of r es i dence , I fee l , repr esents the

r ang e of s t or ies and the s ense of r e lative impor tance

attached to the var i ous aspects of th e Paramaccas ' h is-

t or y .

H istory t o P ar amaccans i s n ot a c ont inuum of factua l ,

documentable events ex is t ing independently of human int er

pret at ion . I t is r at h er a know le dg e of f irst-t imes as

learned thr oug h out a lifetime . Such know ledge is regar de d

a s a currency with wh ich one gradu a l l y accumu lated sacr ed

1 T o an y such inquir ies I drew confess ions of ignor anc e . O ne thoughtfu l e lder suggested that I as k the I n d ians : " Ev er y p lace we ' ve ever been t h e Indians h ave been ther e a n d g one l ong befor e ; th ey mus t know about the beg innings of ear th . " H e was referr ing t o shar ds and r oc k drawings wh ich are evident a l l a long the r iv er .


60

understan ding of human experienc e . One ' s ch i l dhood through

h is t eens is an appren ticeship to a du lth oo d . You ng Para

macc ans ar e av a i lable t o their e lders f or errands and

ass is tanc e . Thr ough th is arrangement , a you th acquir es

most of the tech nical s ki l l h e w i l l be r equ ir e d t o use as

an adu lt , sllch as boat and h ou s e bu i lding an d prepar ing

swidden f i e lds f or cultivation . The menial errands , such

as deliver ing messag es , f etch ing water , etc . , f or e l ders

establish th e r e lati onsh ip wher e by an e lder wi l l , on

occas ion " p ay" a youth by "giv ing " h im a story of th e

f irst-t imes .

I n this manner , the o ld impart s acred kn ow le dg e of

me dicines , r o l ig ion , and explo its of ances t ors at the

pr ice of respect , deferenc e , and serv ice from the young .

In this s ens e , know ledge of h istory is a curr ency of pr es

tige . One c an be old with out be ing r e�pec ted as an e lder .

Pr estige in age depends on an u n derstan ding and detai le d

know ledge o f t h e ancestors--a knowledge wh ich c an on l y b e

acqu ire d thr ough defer enc e and s er v ice a s a youth .

I n another regar d , such kn owledg e that is transmitt e d

or a l ly thr ough t h e g iv ing o f s tor i es i s , o f c ours e , subject

t o s elective emphas is and intr epretat ion far more than wr it

ten histor y . Th is chapter discusses the order ing of first

t imes r ecol lec t ions as they out l ine a r ev italization se

qu ence in descr ibing the or igin of the Paramaccas . Secon d ly ,

the chapter considers the s e lective interpr etat ion and


61

spec ial emphasis wh ich the oppos ing 10 e lders g ive to th eir

s t or ies wh ich document their v ers ion of the disputed suc-

cess ion .

Discuss ions an d s t or ies a bout th e or ig ins of th e P ar a

macc an people a lways appear to f low from an or der ing of

th e ir h istor y ar ou nd thr ee maj or epics . These are th e life

in Afr ica ( Nange Kondey ) . the s laver y ( s lafu ) , and the es

cape ( loway ) .

" Nenge Kondey" means Afr ic a ; but a c los er look at th e

term in dicates the s ense of s ignific ance at tached t o th e

ter m , " Kondey " , of tan a s ource of confus ion in trans la

t i on as it does not differ entiat e between our "cont inent " ,

"countr y " , " s tate " , " c it y " , " t own " , or " v i llag e " , c lear l y

enough i n this s ense wou ld be " countr y " .

The p oint , h owever , is th e meaning of " N enga " , wh ich

is usually t rans lat e d t o Eng l ish as " Negr o �2 In c ontext

of the or ig inal lingu ist ic communit y , the t erm carr ies no

ethnic distinc t i on , and can in s ome cas es be mor e proper ly

trans lated as " p er s on " , " p eop le " , or "Man " . For instanc e ,

th e admonition "c onnie ' anga £!!!!!. nenge " ( ( be ) car efu l/

smar t with th os e people ) wou ld be g iven t o one , inc lu ding

myse lf , g o ing to the c it y where he wou ld be in contac t

with people o f the entire eth n ic spec tru m . V i l lag ers '

comments on a crew o f East I ndian c ar penters bu ilding a

sch ool on the is land wou ld inc lude , ".E.!!!!. nenge wooko gau • • "

2G lossar y of th e Sur inam V er nacu l ar , Par amaibo , 1 9 6 1 .


6 2

( th ose people ( obv i ou s ly not N egro ) wor k fast • • • ) � More

over , th e s p ec ific c ombination of "pikien " ( little , small )

with "nenge " pr oduces the t erm for ch i ldr en , "pikien

nenge " , wh ich carr ies n o ethnic or sex dis t inction . The

spec if ic t erm f or "man " , as opposed to "woman " , irrespec-

tiv e of age or ethnic it y , c onj oins " man " w ith · "nenge " :

" man-nenge " .

The t er m " nange" then refer s t o a pers on or people

wh o , b y the fact that th e langu age c ommunity was or i� inally .

and among Mar oon speakers remains , ethnic spec ific , ar e

also " Negr o " t o the Eur opean observer . S o it is th is or ig -

inal s ense of th e term " nenge " that shou ld apply t o the

tri besman ' s h is t or ic a l or myth o logical refer ence to N enge

Kondey ; i . e . , C ountr y of Mankin d .

N o tradi ti onal s t or ies3 r e late s pec ific detai ls of

Afr ica , bu t Neng e Kondey is often invoke d , not on ly as the

source of or ig in , but a ls o in an id,ealized sense of the

t ime of a p aradise and a c loseness to G od . Men w i l l assert ,

f or inst anc e , dur ing du l l an d ar du ous wor k in the agr icu ltural

f ie lds th at such p ov er t y an d dru dger y of . l ife was unknown

in Afr ic a . Afr ica c an a ls o be referred to as th e essence

{ mama } of the 9b ia r e l ig ion of anc es t ors . Par amacc ans

3 I n 1 9 71 , the Du tch g overnment spons or e d a v is it of th e four Mar oon t r i bal ch iefs of Surinam to West Afr ica . O n h is retur n , Gragm§D Forster r e lated s ev er a l s tor ies of h is v is its to the 01 s lave f orts and cer emon ial meetings with tr ibal c ou nc i ls .


63

believe that it was th e sma l l p i ec es of th e Afr ican r e li

g i ous know ledg e and sacr e d it ems that pr ov i de d the spir i

tu a l strength t o sur vive a s Mar oons . Th e sweli or ac l e and

Kr omant i e obia r itua l proc edu r es ar e s p ec ifically r egar ded

as having b een trans por ted direct ly from Afr ica .

Th eir involuntar y r emov a l fr om N eng e K ondey was

s laf u ( s lav er y ) . Again , linguistica l ly the t erm is im

p or tant in conveying th e sens e of the r ec o l lec t ion :

"s lafu " is ph onemic a l ly c l os e t o , an d i n most cases in

terchangeable with , " s tafu " ( pun ishmen t ) .

S laver y is s een as punishment , a f a l l from th e Afr i

can grac e . Th e r easons of th e fall ar e unc lear , bu t th ere

is total agr eement that i t was at th e hands of the out

si ders ( bakaa ) . Th e "fac t " that Europeans c au gh t th em in

th eir own h omeland , eith er through forc e , rus e , or c orrup

t i on of oth er Afr icans , t o carr y th em away , is easily the

mos t sign if icant an d endur ing f eatur e i n Par amacca accounts

of s laver y an d Eur opean c ontact . This is s een : a lmos t as a

pr ima l humi lat i on and r emains as a fac t or in c ons ider ations

of r e lationsh i ps w i th Eur opeans . An a lmos t s tandar d pr e

fatory c omment on discussi ons of Eur opean-Mar o on r e lations

r emembers I " th ey caugh t us , th ey won us w i th int e l li g ence

( c on�i ) , we ar e th e low ones • • • " . One man e la bor ated

that Eur opeans "have" ( abi ) the earth : " Ev er y manufac

ture d th i ng you can s ee , the tin cup h er e , th e air p lan e ,

is made b y th e bakaa . H ow do they do i t ? G od mus t have


64

given th em th e c onni . � 4

The on l y myth I was taught which r e lated t o God an d

first man was less a s t or y of h ow man was cr eated , than of

how he was created unequa l . But the s t or y indicates the

sense th at God ' s g r anting of c onni to th e Eur opean was done

not out of pr ef er ence for the wh ite man . I t was , rather ,

the gr eed of the b lack man that was h is own downfa l l l

I n th e first-t imes , God had two s ons , one b lack and one wh i t e . A t one point , G od dec i ded t o s end h is sons to ear th to fend f or th ems elves .

H e instruc t ed th em that on ear th H e w ou ld p lace two lar g e ches ts wh ich w ou l d be th eirs f or their sojourn . Each s on was to take one ches t , and as th e b lack s on was the e lder , he h a d first choic e . Th e first s on examined th e s ea led chests ; · they wer e identical on th e outs ide but one was much heav ier than the oth er . Th in king that the h eavier one c on taine d mor e r iches , he chose i t , leav ing the ligh t on e f or h is whi t e br other .

4 I n th e t r adit ional Mar o on c ontex t , a man operates w i th in a mat e�ial cu lture a lmos t exc lus iv e ly " man-made " . The hou s e he lives in , h is b oa t , paddles , f urnitur e , etc . , are pr o duc ts he made from w oo d an d leaves . I r on impl ements ar e t h e exception . Ever y "man-made" s tr ucture of the environment is r ec og ni z ed as such . Wh i l e th er e are o bv ious diff er en c es r ecognizable in indiv i dual men ' s a b i li t y and talent , ever y man l earns h ow to make a l l t h e things that ar e made , and par ticipates in making th e m thr oughout h is lif e . This is one of h is definit i ons of manh ood .

But , "h ow do they make an Evinrude outboar d motor1 " I was asked this mor e than onc e . Th e making o f s uch an o bj ect is f oo d for the i mag inat i on of a B akea w ith inconc eivable resour c es of G od-given mat eria ls and i nt e l ligence wh o s its down and makes , not one . but h undr eds , of outb oar d mot ors l An d i f one man knows h ow t o make s uch a mach ine . i t s tands to r eas on that th e oth ers of that cu ltur e w ou l d know too-with indivi dual v ar iation , of cours e .


65

They opened th eir chests arid f ound that the h e av y one c ontained noth ing but iron wor k t ools s p ic ks , axes , shov e ls , an d s ledge h ammer s . The wh ite s on ' s light ches t c ontained penc i ls , papers� and b ooks . Th is th en became the legacy of God ' s chi ldren on ear th ; the b lack man h is h eavy iron t oo ls of wor k , th e wh ite man h is books and papers of c onni.

S lav er y w as the u lt i mat e punishment der ived f r om the

u n equal legac y of b lac k an d wh ite men on earth � Par amaccan

e l ders on ly occ asionally make spec ific r ef erence to the

p lantation exper ienc e . These s t or ies r e lat e ' instances of

the p lant er s' tr eatment of the s laves " li ke animals " . The

f o l lowing two summar ies ar e t yp ical examp les :

a ) When the dir ect or of the p lant a t i on wou l d

v is it the f ie l ds where t h e s laves were w or k-

ing , h e wou ld c ome in a c ov er e d chair borne

on the shou lders of fou r s laves . A l l day

he w ou ld observe the wor k f r om h is shaded

chair wh i le the p orters had to stand ,

suppor t ing his weight in th e sun .

b ) One day the mas t er g ot a new gun . H e was

pr ou d of it and c a l le d a European friend

t o c ome look at it . The fr iend wanted t o

see h ow accur ate the gun was , s o the mast er

t old a s lave boy t o c limb a c oc onut tr ee .

When the boy g ot t o the t op of the tree �


66

th e man aimed and shot at h im from wh er e

they wer e s it t ing: The boy fell dead f r om

th e tree , and the Europeans c ongr atu lated

each other on what a f ine gun it was �

The Paramaccans wer e not t o c ar r y the s tafu forever .

however . Ther e were t h os e people who dar e d take the chal

lenge of esc ape into the bush . The loway , in a s ens e , is

told as a t es t of faith ; n ot a faith i n G od as much as a

test of f aith in man h ims e lf . The s t or ies of the loway

ar e mar ked w ith the acc ounts of depr ivation , danger , and

har dsh ip . F or ins t anc e , one acc ount t e l ls h ow once in

flight , a pr egnant w oman gave bir th as she was c r os s ing a

deep and rapid str eam . Th e g r ou p c ou ld n ot s t op and the

ch i ld was washe d away unseen .

But th e s ignific ant message thr oughou t the l oway

stories is perhaps one of pers ev er ance thr ough tr ials .

Th e p eople of the loway ar e r emembere d as the f irst ances- .

tors of Paramac c a . I t i s spec ifically noted that it was

upon their c ou r ag e and ingenu i t y , a long with benef icenc e

of God and the 2we li bun d le frpm Afr ica , that th e gr ou p

is founded . The ir survival--of prepar ing medicines fr om

the f o liag e , c onstruct ing fis h and g ame tr aps , cr oss ing

r iv er s , etc . --is r ecounted as pr oof of the ir extr a or d in

ar y abilit ies and the grace of G o d .

O f these ances t or heroes , t w o s t an d out w i th h igh ly


67

deta i led an d p opular s tor ies of th e ir exploits . Actually ,

th ey c an be called the h er o-warr ior B on i5 • an d the anti

her o ogie � ( ev i l man ) H endrick Amawis .

The extr aord inary faci lit ies , or obia , of the A lu ku

warr i or ar e incorp orated into Par amacc a recollect ions of

the loway� Boni c ou ld , f or ins tanc e , walk on water but

that was unnecessar y bec ause h e c ou l d - s imp ly w i l l h imse lf . .

to be a t a cer ta in p lace and . b y that wou ld be ther e : A ls o ,

the v er y popu lar s tor y is told h ow h e once challenged

forty heav i l y arme d Du tch s o ldiers s ing lehandedly an d w ith

only h is machet� . B on i s tepped forwar d in fu l l v iew and

range and t aunted the� to sh oot . The tr o ops began f ir ing

madly ; Boni turned h is b ac k t o them and caught the bu llets

w ith h is anus . When the f orty sold iers h ad expended th e ir

ammuni t ion , Bani shook the bu llets ou t of h is anus , turned

ar oun d and decap itated them all w ith h is machet e • .

One of B on i ' s maj or war h eadq�ar ters areas on the

Mar owijne R iv er is s t i l l called " Bon idor o " - a der ivat ion of

the or ig inal " B oni-doing-adde " ( Boni-severs -head ) � This i s

in r eference t o the fear s ome p le asure B an i is said t o have

t aken in per s onally decapitat ing E�r opean capt ives . One

of the s ma l l is lands in th is ar ea is th ought s t i l l t o con-

tain the obia par aphernalia of B on i . Mar o ons c ons i der it

a ver y '�eav y " ( hebi ) p lace and no Mar oon w i l l pu t h is

5Althou gh Ban i was an A lu ku Mar oon , Par amacQans g enerally cons ider h im in the ir panth eon of a ncestor s .


68

boat ashor e ther e . I t is told that on ly a f ew years ag o , a

man p addled ar ound the is land thr ee times , and on the th ir d

round myster ious ly capsized and dr owned .

H en dr ic k Amawie was als o a man of extraor dinar y

c apac it y , but pu t t o different use . Ever y s t or y of Amawie

that I hear d was p refaced with ment ion of his Bakaa ning

( Eur opean name ) D H en dr ic k . Often this preface was accom

panied by the s t or y t e l ler and l is t eners a djusting pr o-

nunc iat ion of it t o f i t the t ime of the s t or y . ." En-die- ki e " - - -th ey wou l d h ave cal led h im in th ose da¥s . " On such occa

s ions it was pointed out to me that the Euro pe ans wou ld

g ive f av or e d s lave ch i ldren such Eur opean names .

Hendr ick Amaw ie ' s r emember e d activ i t ies begin with

a woman as k ing h im f or a g ift . The story6 g oes that in

those days , par t ic u lar ly , one had to be c arefu l with oth er

men ' s women . T o g iv e her a g if t wou ld surely r esu lt in

a beating at th e hands of her husban d . H en dr ic k Amawie was

such a man that h e gave the woman a cush i on and then has ten

ed to enlist th e aid of h is frien d , N er o , in th e tr ou b le

wh ich was t o c ome when the woman ' s husband dis c over ed it .

As expec ted the hus band , with a s ma l l par t y of kinsmen ,

c ame t o c a l l Amawie t o take h is beating . Amawie and Ner o

bThe s t or y of Amawie is pr esented h er e in some deta i l , bu t in much c ondens e d f or m f r om th e oral sett ing . Such a s t or y c an occupy sev,eral h ou rs with the narrator recalling infinite detail , offer ing s ide c ommentar y , and act ing out c e�tain p oints f or emph as is .


69

were prepar e d , h owever . an d f ought bac k injur ing one of

the men with a c lu b . Amawie realized h e was in the wr ong

on at least three c ou nts , he shou ld not have g iven the

other man ' s woman a g ift ; s ec on d ly , if you h av e made such

an adv ance to a marr i e d woman , you h av e no r ight t o f ight

back when her hus band an d h is k insmen c ome to beat you J

and f inally , reg acdless of th e nature of the quarr e l , the

pers on who esca lates a fist f ight by taking a c lu b is in

the wrong .

R ather than face a f ine and c or p or a l punishment fr om

a c ounci l ju dgment of the- issu e , Amawie f le d . He made his

way thr ough the jung le until h e r e ached the Dju ka v i l lage

of Pu lig udu . , Amawie dec ided t o resettle ; he bu i lt a

house an d was s oon living w ith a Oju ka woman . By th is t ime ,

of c ourse , th e Oju kas h a d made peace w i th the Europeans .

When the Dju ka granman lear n e d of Amawie ' s pr esence

as a s tr anger in Pu li gud� , he sent f or h im . After s ome

c ons i der at i on , the gr anman dec i de d to turn h im over to the

Europeans f or mone y . Two escorts were ass igned t o trans

por t Amawi e d ownr iver . One even ing en r ou te was s pent in

a small c lear ing near the Apouma rapi ds . Dur ing the n ight

the pr is oner strugg led unt i l he untied h is hands and feet .

He crept t o wh ere the esc orts wer e s leeping and f ound on e

of th eir machet es . H e tr ied to f ind their gun ( a f lint

loc k ) , but h is obia spirit cried out ( Amaw ie , as

people in th os e days , was a s pir i t me d iu m ) and the guar ds

wer e awakene d . Amawie fled into the bush with the machet e . -


70

He walked thr ough the trac k less jung le until he made h is

way bac k t o th e Paramacca sett lemen t . ( As ide fr om the

incr edible accomp l ishment of f in ding th e �et t lement , t o

surv iv e i n the bush alone a t night , psych olog ically as

well as phys ica l l� is cons ider e d superhuman ! )

Meanwh ile the Ojuka escorts returne d t o Dr ie tabbetje - -

w ith the st or y of their pr is oner ' s escape . The granman

f e lt Amawie wou ld return to h is group and sent a dele

g ation of two men to s eek ou t th e Mar oon sett lement on

the Tempat ie . The messag e from the Dju ka gr anman was a

demand for Amaw ie ' s return and a pr oposal that th e entir e

T empat i e settlement c ome t o the main r iver and j oin the

Djuka tr ibe .

The Dju ka emis sar ies r eached Tempatie and were

o b liged t o dr ink a b lood oath es tablish ing mu tual trust

before th ey wer e accepted into the c amp . A c ounc i l was

c a l led and the Dju kas pr esented the ir granman ' s mes s age .

The gr anman of the t ime then , Papa Doff in , dec lined the

offer t o bec ome part of the Dju ka g r ou p . The chance of

the Dju ka exch ang ing the entire camp f or a rewar d was t oo

g r eat . On the matter of Amawie , h owever , g ranman Doffin

s aid that th e Dju kas were welcome t o take h im if they

wishe d , and pointed out th e hut in wh ich he was h i ding .

Hendr i c k Amawie overhear d th is and was furious at such

a betraya l . He took h is machete and f led into the jung le

agai n , and again the Oju kas returne d t o Dr ietabbetje empty


7 1

hande d . T h i s t ime Amawie did not trav e l f ar . He swore

vengeance agains t Gr anman Daffin and s tayed near the camp

wa it ing f or h is opportunit y . One day Cranman Doff in ....

c a lled the people t ogether t o harvest rema ins on an o ld

p lantation f ie ld . The f i e l d was s ome dis tance and r equ ire d

more than one day ' s trave l . Amawie f o llowed the gr ou p ,

keep ing just ou t of s ight .

He watch e d the others c onstruct their br anch and

leaf beds in a c le ar ing and wai ted u nt i l they wer e as leep .

He crept to wh er e th e ch ief lay and with a great chop of

h is mach ete tried to dec apitate h im . The b low missed

the chief ' s neck but g ave h im a severe g ash on th e f ore-

head . E v er y one was a larme d at the cry of the mor t a l ly

wounded Doff in and a l l dashed into the u nder brush . Amawie

remained to k i l l the chief , then cut off the g enitals of

h is v ic t im and p laced th em in the c or pse ' s mouth .

After mur der ing Granman Daffin , Amawie trave l le d :c .

alone in the jung le f or a per io d . Then h e met a Dju ka

hunter who was armed with a f lintloc k and a macheta .

Amawie . with a b lend o f tricker y an d f orc e , took the gun

fr om the Oju ka . A f ierce due l w ith machetes was f ought

over the gun , and ende d with Amawie s laying th e Dju ka .

( The mach ete dua l is re inacted b y the s t or yt e l ler and

is rec ounte d in such detai l as to inc lu de the th oughts

wh ich entere d the adversar ies ' minds . )

I n these days th e Oju kas had r egu lar supplies of

t oo ls and arms f r om th e Eur opeans . Th e Paramaccans knew


7 2

n o guns , and mache t es wer e r ar e . Amaw ie took the Oju ka

hunt er ' s gun an d machet e and returned t o the Tempat ie

sett lement . Amawie called ever yone t og ether in the v i llag e

and showed them h is gun an d two knives . "With thes e , " he

said , " I wi l l be the new gr anman . " H e then c a l le d h is

friend Ner o an d made h im a chief with the extra mach et e • .

When th e Ojuka granman learned of th e mur der , he was

ou tr aged and or dere d tha t Amawie mus t b e k i l le d . N ot long

before th is the Oju kas h a d k i l le d B oni . The preparations

wer e the s ame f or Amawie as they wer e f or B on i . Their guns

and shot wer e f ir s t r itually pr epar e d b y Oju ka obiamen so

that they wou ld penetrate extr aor dinar y p owers of Amawie .

B oth Amawie an d N er o were k i l led b y two Oju kas fr om Pu ligudu .

The overv iew of Par amacca or a l h is t or y suggests a

fami liar chain of ev ents . F ir s t , a par a dise c lose to God

i n the C ou ntr y of Man ; th en a fall fr om g r ac e and a punish

ment of s laver y as a resu lt of an unwor th iness in th e ir

fundamental human charac t er ( greed ) ; and th ir d . the or deal

of the harsh trans it ion ou t of the s lave p lantations and

into an u n inh abited an d f ears ome jung le and u lt imately ou t

of the f or es t t o se t t le Par amacca c ountr y on th e br oad

Mar owijne R iv er .

The episode of the loway features tales of the

S we l i or acle and the extraor d inar y men , Boni and Amawie .

The Swe li was the orac le c onsecrated t o God in the Afr ican

h ome land . I t gu ided them thr ough s laver y , escape and


73

res istance against the c o lonial f orces . An indiv idua l ' s

per s onal obia p owers , as sug ges ted in the s t or ies of th e

loway ances t ors , enabled them t o face the superhuman

chal lenges with a su perhuman wherew itha l l par t ic u lar ly

Afr ican .

The s tor ies of the gr eat loway f igures , Bon i and

Hendr ick Amawie , c ontras t with import ant features of the

Afr ican ' s obia . Both men had v er y powerfu l obia wh ich

prov ided them with a s pec ial fac i lity of c ou r ag e among

men and pr owess of m ov ement in the jung le . Amawie w the

og ie ( ev i l )'

man , used h is power to " make trou ble " and k i ll

other Mar oons out of sp ite and greed t o be paramou n t

ch ief . 80ni the war r ior k i lled on ly n on-Mar o ons in the

f ight f or freedom . Bon i ' s demons tr at ion of h is Afr ican

c ourage and ext r aor dinar y powers agains t f or t y armed Du tch

men is matched i n the obv erse b y Amaw ie ' s total c orrupt ion

by s laying and mut i lating h is kinsman and chief . '

To the Paramaccan h istor ian and h is lis tening au di

ence , there is no dist inct ion in the h is tor ical v a lidity .

between Amawie ' s mur der of h is chief , and Bon i ' s c atbh ing

Dutch bu l lets w ith h is anus . B oth events ar e s t or ies of

actual men in a spec ia l t ime so there ar e no quest ions as

to the ir " truth . " S tor ies of anoth er epis ode of h is tor y

rev e a led a mar ked divergence in recons tructing events ,

h owever . These divergences r e late d t o the recalling of

events surrounding the success i on of the f ir s t par amount

chief , and the natu r e of granman success ion in gener a l .


74

The oppos ing stories c ome from the two 10 , As aitia and

Antois ia , both of wh ich c laim the r igh t to name the para

mount ch i ef .

When a gr anman dies , h is c orpse is c onsu lted in div

inat ion to determine the nature of h is death and to point

ou t h is succes s or . The c orpse of the mur der e d Antoisie

granman , Doffin , was interrogat e d a bou t the case of h is

death and success i on acc or ding ly . The s pir it (yocka ) of

the granman indicated th at h is Antoisia kinsman , Amawie ,

k i lled him out of jealous y and g r ee d for the p os i t i on of

chief . The s p ir it then indicated that the a nc est or s re

qu ired redress f or the crime and that r e dr ess mus t be in

the form of c ensure of the Antois ie .

There is g ener a l agreement between Asaitie and

Antoisie e lders re gar d ing the div inat i on ' s ins truct i on for

censure of the Antoisie 12. Concerning success i on , inter

r og at or s asked the spirit wheth er t h e Ant ois i e shou ld name

t h e next chief and the answer was " n o . " The Asaitie

e l der , A dj igwa , was than s e lected t o succeed Doffin wh os e

c orpse was then bur ied . Th is d iv inat ion was understood by

the Asaitie t o mean th at the censure of the Antois ie

was f or permanent dispossess i on of the r ight to name the

p ar amount chief . It was very c lear to the Asait ie that

they wer e to be th e � of th e Paramacca c h ief .

The ch ieftainsh ip reverted back to the A nt ois ie b y

means wh ich t h e As ait ie describ e a s witchcraft and theft .

Antoisie e lders u n ders t ood the Doffin divinat ion as settimg r


75

terms of c ensure and as the re linq u ishment of th e t it le

f or one success ion only . I t was believed that after th e

death of the Asaitie 9tanman the succes s or would again be

ch osen f r om among th e Antoisie .

When the Antoisie leader Apensa assumed the p os i tion

ar ound 1890 , it mar ked a new era for the Par amaccans .

Apensa tr av e l le d t o the c it y and petit ioned the c o lonial

g overnment to gran t the group official r ec ognit ion as a l ike

tribe { s t arn } just / th e Treaty tribes of Djuka , S aramacca

and matawai . I n s o doing , they w ou ld also ins tall h im as

the first official gr anman of th e new tribe .

N o arch iva l recor ds were f ound t o c orroborate th e

meet ing with t h e g ov er nment and P ar amacca h eads of state .

The occas ion , neverthe less , is v iv idly rec a l led b y A nt ois ie

s t or y t e llers :

When Papa Apensa made the r eques t f or recognit ion as a tr ibe , the g overnment off ic ia l told h im that the Paramaccans were t.oo s mall a gr oup t o b e a tribe . Th ey said the the Paramaccans shou l d keep the ir own lineage chiefs , but that they mus t bec ome a par t of the , Dju ka tribe an d r es pect the author ity of th e Djuka granman .

Papa Apensa s a i d a bsolutely n o t o that arr angement and t ol d them that he w ou ld take his peop le acr os s th e r iver t o the french s ide . H e said th at th e fr ench g ov ernment had a lr eady as ked h im t o b ecome French , and had promise d h i� full r ec o gn it i on as a tribe like the A lu ku .

Th en th e g overnment men t ol d Apensa not t o leave just yet . The y t alked about it f or a wh ile and th en told Papa Apens a that th e y wou ld have a g ame of chance (lEi) . Th ey cut u p many s mall p i eces of paper and stuffed them into a big s ac k . O n one of the papers th e y made a mark like an " X " and mixed it in with th e r es t .


76

They t old Apensa tha t if he c ou l d draw the marke d paper f r om the s ac k in one tr y , h e . . wou ld g et h is wish of official ins t a l lation . The one t r y was successfu l and Granman Apensa was presented with a unifor m and s t aff of off ice as� the f irst off ic ia l chief of th e Par amaccans .

To mar k th e new era among h is people , Granman Apensa

imp lemented a humber of p o lic ies in acc or dance with their

off ic ial s tatus within the c o lony . First of all , he

ann ounced a new phas e of P ar amacca h is t or y -- the c oming

out-of-th e-jung le ( c ' moto .� bus ie ) . I n the jung le , he from

had t old people they were fug it ives / the g overnment , but

th at n ow they wer e par t of i t . He acce pte d the Mor av ian

Chr is t ian miss ion t o h is v i llage and announced th at it

wou ld be the offic i a l church an d r e lig i on of Langatabbet j e .

H e said that the P ar amaccans mus t become a Chr is t ian people

and encourag e d everyone t o be bapt is e d .

To establish this tr ansition from out - of-the-jungle

c le ar ly in ever yone ' s . mind , Granman Aponsa h e ld a f inal

Sweli c eremony at the mouth of the Paramacca creek . As

gr anman , h e was ch ief pr iest of the Swe l i or ac le . H e t ook

th e s acred or ac le back t o the Paramac�a Creek and pr aise d

it f or h av ing de liv ered them safely thr ou gh th e diff icu lt

t imes in the jung l e . He then sent men to c arr y the orac le

far into the f orest wher e it wou ld r emain f orever . · O ther

mat6r ials of the Swali or ac le such as the s acred !9 ida

dru m were thr own into the r iver .

A new cemeter y f or Chr is t i ans was estab l ished on the


77

is land of Lang at abbet j e to rep lace the tradit ional bur ial

grou n ds in the Paramacca cree k � Fr om then on th er e w ou ld

be n o neces s i t y to r etur n to the r eg i on of the loway

ancestors .

C ommensur ate w ith the n ew s ystem , the par amount chief

and the lineage ch iefs w ou ld be g iven unifor ms , s taffs of

office and small s t ipends . E ach l ineage c ou ld name their

own ch iefs and , if the g ranman c ons ent e d t o t h e nomina

t i on , he wou ld f orwar d t h e name to th e g over nment f or

off ic i a l reg is trat ion . Th e granman became the link be

tween the t r i b e and th e s tate g ov ernment . S ince the p os i

t ion w as off ic ia l and th e first of a new er a , any c laims

t o succes s i on stemming f r om the per iod " in the jung le "

shou ld be f or g otten . As a Chr is t i an peop le , certainly no

c as e f or succession wh ich was b as e d on pag an r itu a ls of

divinati on sh ou ld be c ons i der e d further . The ch ieftaincy

w ou l d f o llow the pr inci p le of mat r i lineal inher itance and

r emain s t r ic t l y w ith in the Ant ois ie grou p .


7 8

CH APTER V I

GOD AND DE I T I ES

A l l Par amac cans can agr ee t o a monoth e is t ic God .

One r efers often t o God in da i ly life ; an expr ess i on of

pers onal intention or expec tation is a lmos t a lways pre

faced with " Ga ddu wanni" ( God w i lling ) , and " Ga ddu de" 4 -

( G od is ther e ) is a c ommon phr as e of r eassurance i n t ime

of tr ial and .fear . Bu t G od is remote and becomes man ifest

t o mankind thr ough deities .

I t is in the nature of the intermediar y de�ties and

the t ype of human c ommunication with th e s u pernatu r a l that

the two inst itu t i ons of Par amacca re lig ion most n otic eably

diver g e . H owever , an import ant differenoe can be seen in

the fundament al not ions r e l at ing to G od . G od t o th e

Pr otes t ants tends t o b e anthr opomorph ic ( m assa Gaddu ) .

h ier archical ( Gaddu Tata , God the Father ) , and essentially

European ( the Father of J esus ) . Among C ath o l ics , God is

mor e th e pr inciple or ideal than a being . For ins tance , t o

the Protestant , G od is just , wh i le t o the C atho lic , G od is

mor e in the nature of justice .

The Pr otes t ant r e a lizes the Christ ian G od as maker

and onder of the u n ivers e . God created man , and prov ided

h im with an ideal of the g oo d Chr ist ian life and


79

Commandments wh ich mus t be followed . U lt imately , H e will

des t r oy the eart� g r ant ing s a lvat ion in H eaven on ly t o those

wh o h av e l iv e d acc or ding t o H is way _ For the Pr otes t ant ,

God makes th e ru les g overn ing human behav i or and H e a lone )

passes judgment c oncerning salv at ion or damnat ion .

Behavior c ontrar y t o the C omman dments is s in (s ondu ) .

I n the Pr otes tant c ommunity one learns that man is un

wor t h y of God ' s mercy as h e is b or n with s ondu . The only

son of God was s ent to liv e among men to teach men h ow the y

shou ld l iv e , and h e was crucifie d . I n this death h e paid

the de bt of sondu f or th os e p eop le wh o lear n and fol low

His teach ings . Man was g iv en another chance for r e demp

t i on and it became each person ' s indiv i dual respons ibility

t o e ith er r emain in s in or t o reject all other f or ms of

relig ion and acc ept Mass a J esus as the s ingu lar deity of

salvation . It is s in , then , t o not accept Chr is t ian ity

or t o break the C omman dments .

I n Cath olic v i l lag es , G od is regarde d as the s ource

of or der and r egu lar i t y in th e u n iv erse . God is less we l l

kn own a s t h e cr eat or o f man a n d t h e universe than He i s as the

pr oc ess of what on e might call an all encompass ing N ature .

I n t h is sens e , f or man t o l ive the g oo d life in the e yes

of God , he mus t live in harmony w ith others wh ile on earth .

Disharmony is manifest thr ough i l lness , har ds h ip or death .

Ther e is no s t igma of the Protestant ' s s ondu ; r ather , when

man f inds h ims elf in d isaccor d w ith G od , he beg ins to make


80

r eparations t owar d pr oper or der .

Final ju dgment f or the C atholic is c on ducted by a

deceased ' s k insmen on the day of death . O ne ' s salv ation

dur ing life is in terms of health and r es p ect , damnation

is s elf-aggrandizement thr ough i llicit supernatural

agencies . A t death , the . ju dgmen t of kinsmen e ither rati�

f i es one ' s salvation by ac knowledging h is s tature aS , an

a nc es t or and guar dian of h armon y among kin . or c onf irms

his damnat ion b y dispos ing his body in the f orest withou t , ,

bur ial and f orgetting h is name f or ever .

T o become an a nc estor is t o take you r p lace in �a�

Kondey ( th e c ountr y of God ) . £� Kondey is c ons i dered t o

b e i n t h e heav ens , but more imp or tant ly it pr ov ides a

locus of the a ncestor s on e arth as we l l . A c orpse b orne

in div inat ion is called Gaddu Kondey , as is the f lag pole

shr ine of the a ncestors ( faaka t iki ) in the C ath o lic

communit ies .

Anc es t ors ar e th e c entral f igures in the cr itical

intermediar y r ealm b etween God an d man . Be yon d th e s ense

that an a ncestor seeking v eng eance ( kunu ) is the most

dang er ous and powerf u l of deit ies , ther e is no pr ec is e

h ierarchy of deit ies . C ath olic Par amacc ans speak of

deities u n der the f o l lowing gener al categor i es :

( a ) Anc es t or s < Gaanl�ma� t ( b ) De it ies ( litera l ly , kinds

of Gods , � �· tu G addu ) , and ( c ) Essences ( Mama ) .


8 1

Ancestors ar e i n the form o f spirits ( yooka ) , but

ar e referred to as gaans ama ( adults ; lit . , great peop le ) .

I n G addu Kondey th e a nc estors ar e near t o God , wh i le on

ear th they ar e remember e d by th eir matr i lineal descend

ants . C athol ic Paramacc ans symbo l ize the pr oximity of

elders and a nc es t ors lingu is t ically as the term "gaansama "

refers t o both c at e g or ies of people .

E lders make oblation to the ances t ors on behalf of

the ir lineage k insmen . Infor ma l l y , each t ime an adu lt

dr inks a g lass of rum , beer or s oft dr in k , it is pr oper

to p our a f ir s t few dr ops t o the gr oun d ! Th is can be

done s i lent l y and cas u a l ly , or it c an inv olve th e c a l ling

of par ticu lar a nc es t or s ' names and dir ec t ing th eir at ten

t ion to th e occas i on of the service . Formal libat ions are

perf orme d on occ as ions wh en th e a nc es t or s ' attention is

sought on a c ertain matt er . In such ins tances , lineage

e lders g ather at the f lag pole shrine ( a pole usually with

a cr oss beam at the t op from wh ich a wh ite f lag hangs ) as

one among them c a l ls u p on anc es t ors by name with rum

pour ed to th em .

Ancest ors ar e the pr imary ag ents of s oc ia l r espon

s i b i lit y , and as such ma intain a scru t iny over the affairs

of their living kinsmen . I t is th e a nces t ors wh o mos t

c ommon ly ar e s een t o a l low dis eas e and h ar dsh ip t o str ike .

The c auses of tr ou bles are s ought thr ough div inat ion , and

usu al ly inv o lve br eaches of s oc ial beh av i or on the part of


8 2

th e v ict im or patient . Any obv i ous an d overt antisoc ial

behav i or , such as f igh ting among c los e kin or inces t , is

couse for f or mal l ibat ion . I n such cases the l ineage

e l ders call upon a ncestors t o s pare pu n ishment in r eturn

for guar antees of r es o lu t i on of the pr oblem b y the liv ing .

S imilar ly , an i l lness or tragedy may br ing for ma l libat i ons

for the a nc es t or s for merc y on pr omis es of c orrec t ing the

pr oblem wh ich br ou ght th e punishment . Las t ly , a v enture

wh ich may inv o lv e dang er , such as a long r iv er or f or est

tr i p , wou ld n or ma l ly be pr efaced with a l i bat ion to invite

th e a nc estors t o "stan d w i th " th e un dertaking .

C ommu nicat ion between mor tal an d s p ir itual gaansama

is also in the f or m of medium p osses s i on and div ina t i oA

tech n iqu es . A currently p opu lar f or m of div ination with

anc est ors is examinat i on of r ooster testic les . A cr itical

ques t ion is p osed t o wh ich th e ances t or s ' r e p ly , aff irm-

at ive or negativ e , is s ough t . " The r o os t er is ki l led an d ,

un der th e direction of a medium or a lineage e lder . the

tes t ic les ar e examined s l ight color e d t es t ic les mean

aff irmative , dar k is nega t iv e . Direct med ium poss ess ion b y occurs

an i dentified ancestor / usually only when the s p ir it

s eeks v engeance f or h omici de .

A s econd categor y of the C atholic Paramacca c os mo l-

og y of God is the Deities . Pr inc ipal among th ese ar e the

Papa G ad du or Foa du pyth on snake , the Kankanti ( s i l k

cotton ) tree , th e Kantas i ( termite nest foam ) , an d the


83

Ampu ku and Ingie ( Amer indian ) s p ir its of th e fores t .

The python , c a l led b oth Papa Gaddu and Foadu , is

c ommon ly encountered in cu ltivat ed fields an d in h ouses .

Par amacc ans , for th e most par t , ar e n ot concerned about

th e or igins of dei t i es ; most w i l l say that th e snake is

not an ordinar y one bu t a " th ing of God " or a " kind of

G od . " One r itual specialis t s u ggested that once in the

very ear ly days , the sna ke was a h uman wh o f e l l in dis

favor with God an d was c on demned t o the f orm of a snake

f orever . 1

Wh en Par amaccans enc oun t er the snake , th e y avoid

its gaze and i n the v i l lag es or cu ltivated ar eas , take

measures t o entice it away wi th ou t caus ing i t any disc om

for t . I f the snake does n ot leav e , a f i eld or house can

be abandoned to it unt i l i t mov es on . The Foadu does not

trou b l e humans unles s it is attac ke d . T o mol es t or to

ki l l th e snake is t o r is k spiritual r et r i bution f r om it .

The burial of an acci dentally killed Foadu is often a s im

plifi ed v ers ion of a bur ial c er emony for a human .

1 M . J . and F . S . H er s kovits , Surinam Folklore ( N ew Yor k : C olumbia Univ ers i t y Press , 1 93 6 ) , p . 64 trap �s the Papa Gaddu Deity t o a Dahomean or igin . A Sur inam G ov er nment pa mphlet , however , ( c i t e d in , v an der Els t , £2. £!io , pp . 2 24-25 ) sug g ests that the " pagan worshi p " of the canine boa is der ived from a c orruption of th e p lant ers ' regard for th e snake as a c ontr o l of v ermin . They w ou l d ent ice th es e s nakes t o r emain near th eir hou s eho lds by occas ionally offering them chic ken eggs . Th e s laves misunderstood this as an offer ing , and c onsequently adopt ed an attitude of r ev er ence t owar d the snake f or th emse lves .


84

The Kankanti is the maj est ic s i lk cotton tree

(C eiba p entandra ) wh ich s t an ds ou t pr ominently in the

forest arch itectur e . N o Paramaccan ever sug ges ted t o

me a n Afr ican or igin of the tree , but i t i s c los ely

r e lated t o the Kapok of tr opical A fr ic a . Th e K an kanti

is s acr ed , a " th ing of G od . " I ts sacredness appears

pr imar ily in its funct ion as locus of other s ac r ed e le

ments . I was t old that a �an kant i once grew ar oun d and

env e loped an ir on p ot c ontain ing obia preparations . Th e

tree is often ass oc iated w ith the P apa G addu as be ing

its s p ir itua l h ome on ear th . The v amp ire witch als o

uses th e Kankanti to survey its v ic tims .

I t is in th is sens e that th e Kan kanti is specia l .

I t i s nev er f e lled by mar oons a s i t wou ld los e whatever

deities or w itches it may enc ompass an d leave them t o

wander o r bes iege t h e per s on wh o destr oyed th eir tr e e .

The Kankanti c an a ls o s tand between men as a s or t of f o i l

to extraordinar y s enses . F o r examp le , it is dangerous t o

u t ter the name of a p erson w ith extra or dinar y powers . Such

a per s on w i l l usually know th at h is name is being calle d

and c a n pr epare r etr i bu t ion . Bef or e s peaking such peop le ' s

names , one makes t h e st atement , "ooi h e lu , it is not me ...... s peaking , the Kankanti is s peaking . "

The Kantas i is a mound of f oam occas iona lly en

countered in t h e f or es t near termite nests . Paramaccans

av oid it as it is believed to caus e disor ient ation and


85

i l lness if moles t e d . A hunter , f or inst anc e , will make

a wide det our to avo i d st epping over the Kantas i . T o

s tep acr oss i t i s t o lose one ' s way i n th e fores t . T o

abuse the Kantas i i n the f orm o f ur inating on it wou ld

r es u l t in s er ious i l lness or perhaps death .

Th e Kantas i is " a th ing of God" with an unknown

or ig in and u ncertain pur p os e . As a man ifes tat ion o f God ,

it can b e u s e d as a r eferent f or oblation , bu t generally

it is av oide d . libation may be made in or der to forstall

an y r etr ibut ion in the ev ent the Kan t as i h as been d is

tur be d . When a man f inds a Kantas i wh i le c lear in g a

swidden field , h e w i l l mos t like ly offer a l ibat ion against

an y p ossible damagel and abandon the field .

Ampu ku is more proper ly an eth er eal deit y wh ich is

ass oc iated with th e fores t . Ampu ku is gener a l l y f eared

and r eg ar ded as a malevolent s p ir it . I t c ommun icates w ith

humans thr ough p ossession of mediums wh o man if es t its

pr esence with fr ightfu l laugh t er . Ampu ku usually c laims

credit f or mis f ortu�e , and disp lays its charac t er with

th e c o lors r e d or b l ac k . The Ampu ku me dium w i l l wear th e

co lor ( r e d is f or ev i l , blac k is v er y e v i l ) of h is s p ir it ' s

natur e , and maintain a smal l shr ine with an appr opr iate

f lag ( red or black ) . One Paramaccan me dium obser v e d that

th e p opu lar f ear of Ampuku is a misu nder s t anding of th e

deit y . Wh i l e tr agedy such as lost ch il dr en , hunt ing mis

haps an d i l lness c an be attr i bu table t o Ampu ku , the deity


86

is a v er y g oo d s ource f or div inat ion . he explained� Ampuku

may be r es p ons ible f or s ome ona losing h is way in th e f or

est , but it w i l l a ls o b e a maj or s ource i n h e lping kinsmen . .

find h i m .

A s imple Ampuku div inat i on is for one to take a green

ca labash fr om a tree . paint one half blac k and the other

half wh ite . U nder the dir ection of the medium ( who need

not be i n tranc e ) the c a labash is p laced on the g r ound

an d s p lit w ith one b low of th e machet � . . I f the wh ite half . �h e

falls cu t-s ide u p . s ig n i s g oo d a n d aff ir mat iv e ; when the

b lac k h a lf falls open the answer is a bad negativ e .

Be yond t h e f lag shr ines of th e mediums , Ampu ku has

no s pecific locus . Occas i onally Ampu ku can be perceived as

an appar iti on in the deep fores t . An e lu s iv e bird of the

f orest is called Papa-� or Ampu ku-� ( b ir d of Ampu ku ) .

Th is b ir d is thought t o have spec ial pr oper ties du e its

ass oc iat ion with Ampu ku c " I f y ou tr y t o c apture or k i l l

t h e b ir d . i t s s ong w i l l k i l l you . " T h e s ong o f t h e Ampuku

� is an intr ic at e , l i lt ing c a l l h ear d on ly in the r ain

f or es t , and r ep or t e d ly u nd erstandable t o v er y p ower fu l

Ampu ku mediums . P ar amaccans state that the most important

Ampu ku mediums ar e t o be f ound among the S ar amacc as .

Th e I ngie de i t y ( Amer indian ) is v er y s imi lar t o

Ampu ku a it is a f orest s p ir it and man ifes ts th e c olor r e d .

I t s pr incipal feature i s that it i s a means of c ommunica�

t i on with th e supernatural v ia p ossess ion s tate in wh ich


87

cau s at ions , medic ines and cur i ng pr oc edures are d iv ined .

Mediums of the I ngie deity ar e said to s peak the

Amerindian languag es in tranc e .

The f inal categ or y is th e Essences ( mama ) � A

Par amaccan exp lained it as " jus t l i ke humans , ever yth ing

has an essence . " Th e term " mama " refers t o . the k insh ip

r e lation of moth er , but encompass es the sense of a th ing ' s

ess enc e . Ever yth ing , just as ever yone , s tems from its

ess enc e .

Two such essences f igur e pr ominently i n th e

Par amaccan C atholic c osmolog y : Bus i Mama ( Forest Ess enc e )

and Wata Mama ( Water Ess ence ) • . A th ir d , G oon Mama (Cu lti

v at e d earth Essence ) is r ec og n ized in r eg ar d t o agr i-

cu ltural p lots and success of crops . U nl i ke Goon Mama ,

h owever , Busi mama and Wata Mama are fundamentally host i le

to mankind and are s ources of t orment and dang er assoc iated

with their r es pec tive r ealms . The f o llowing p opu lar

s tor ies r e late " t ypica l " encounters with th e Mamas :

Bus! Mama

One day f iv e men set off f or the deep f or es t to look f or g o l d . They made the ir c amp ,-�nadv er tently , near a great h ole in the g r ound wh ich was the dwe lling p lace of Bus i Mama.

The men did not s ee the h ole and knew noth ing of Bus ! Mama . After they made their t empor ar y hut , t hey hung their hammocks in a r ow and s et abou t t o begin s earch ing f or g o l d . One of the f iv e , h owev er , said that h e w ou ld not g o to wor k that day . Th e others cursed h im saying h e was laz y . The man still refused to leave th e she lter becau s e s omehow he fe lt he should not • • • s o he staye d .


88

The other s were angr y when they started off t o wor k . When they left § th e man wh o r emained t ook down h is hammock and c limbed to the r afters of the hut an d s at qu ietly . S oon Busi Mama c ame into the she lter ; she was a woman with a bald h ea d and one great eye in the center of her for ehead .

� �M_a�m�a looked at the hammocks all neat ly l ined u p in a r ow . S tan ding in the doorway she pointed her f inger at each and c ounted alou d : · 1-2-3-4 . At that she turne d and went away . She did not s e e the f ifth man in the r afters .

When th e others r eturned from digging � th e f ifth man , s t i l l in t err i b le fr ight , t o ld th em of th e strange v isitat ion . The y only lau ghed at h im and paid n o heed to his warn ings not to s le ep in th eir hammoc ks . That n igh t the four lay in th eir hammocks an d went t o �leep --the f ifth man rema ined in the rafter s . Dur ing th e n igh t the four men died �u dden ly , one by one .

I n the mor n ing th e f ifth man ran bac k t o the v i llag e w ith the stor y . A for c e of f or t y well armed s o ldiers was sent t o investigate . As they arr ive d at the p lac e . they saw Bus 1 Mama . The s o ldiers began f ir ing guns wi ldly . bu t Busi Mama ' s skin was like ir on ; the , bu llets SimPly bounced off . Th e s o ldiers f ir e d u n t i l s oon th ey r an o u t o f ammu n ition . When th e shooting s t oppe d . Bus ! Mama appr oach ed the s oldiers an d k i l led eeeh one by c las p ing her h ands around th eir nec ks , or b y b l owing h er br eath on them .

Wata Mama

One evening Da A- of P i ki en Tabbet j e went down r iver near the s and bar in h is sma l l canoe . Paop le had warned h im ag ainst g oing near the sand bar as str ange things had been s ighted in that r eg ion .

He was th er e as dar kness fell ; su ddenly . he s ays , a f laming sh ip r os e ou t of th e water


89

befor e h i m . H e made it to the r iv er bank and r an into th e bush a litt le w ays and began c a l ling f or h e lp . S ome t ime lat er a large motor ized c an oe passed by an d came t o h is r escu e . The men o f the motor ized canoe d i d not see t h e f laming ship ; all knew A h owever , that it was the w or k of Wata Mama . L

- _.

W ata Mama en joys the t orment of man and appears oc

c as i ona l ly as a fr ightf u l appar i t ion . Mor e c ommon ly , how

ev er , she is respons ible f or boat sin kirigs and h oar ds th e

c ount less wealth in c ar g o and pr oper t y lost fr om b oats

caps ized in the rapids . Wata Mama is a woman wh os e u pper

t or s o is that of a human , and the lower t ors o that of a

f ish . She is said t o have long straight r e d h air ; she is

s ometimes wh ite and s omet imes b lac k . The b lack ones ar e

c ons ider ed mor e ev i l .

B y contras t t o Bus i and W at a Mama , G oon Mama - - some

t imes G oon Gaddu -- is c ons ider ed the potent ially bene

f icent essence of th e cu lt ivat e d ear th . A lineage will

usua lly maintain a small shrine in th e v i llage wh er e li-

bation is made f or successful cr ops .

Div inat ion and the performance of l ibat i on with food

and dr ink mar k one of the maj or differences in th e r e lig ious

s ys tems of C ath olic and Pr otes tant Paramacca . Thes e prac

tices ar a! expr ess ly forbidden in th e Protes tant villag e , but

f orm the bas is of a .�ath olic ' s r e lat i onship with anc es tors

2S oth s t or ies ar e t o ld in the same s ense of h is t or y ; no distinc t i on is made between h is t orical and myth ological acc ou nt s .


9 0

and oth er deities .


9 1

C HAPTER V I I

O S IA

T o th e Protes t ant , the f ir s t d is t inction he w i l l

make b etween t h e downr iver peop le an d t h e upr iver p eople

is usually that the latt er " do o bi!" or " li ke obia . "

"O b ia " is th e most c ommon term r e lating t o th e non-

Chr ist ian supernatu r a l , and is probably der ived f r om the

Ashant i term for mag ic , O beyi fo � Par amaccans use " obia "

i n g eneral reference t o th e c ontac t between man a n d the

supernatu r al . C h aracteristica l l y . th e term applies in

b oth th e n ominat ive and ver bal s enses : one does o b ia

with an obia . S pecifically obia is ( a ) any deity whi ch.

maintains c ontac t w i th the liv ing thr ough a mediu m ,

( b ) a talis man usually w or n on the body wh ich h as been

c ons ecr ate d by th e ances t or s , ( c ) a medicine preparation

( des s ie ) wh ich has been learned fr om a supernatura l s ource ,

an d ( d ) the pr ocess invo lv e d in preparat ion or c onse-

crat ion of the a bove .

S ix e l ements o f the tradit i ona l su pernatural are

capable of t emporary p os s ess ion of humans and s o c an be

called obias . These are the Kun� , Ampu k 'u ,. I n9.i.£, an d

Papa G ad du deit i es , and the Kr omant i and B akuu obias . - -

The kunu medium is c entr a l to C ath o lic Paramacc a


9 1

CHAPTER V I I

O S I A

T o th e Pr otes tant . t h e f irst dis tinction he w i l l

ma ke between th e downr iver people a n d th e upriver people

is usually that the latter " do obi a " or " li ke obia . "

" O bia" is the mas t c ommon term r e lat ing t o the non

Chr is t ian su pernatura l , an d is pr o bably der iv e d fr om the

Ashant i t er m for mag ic , O beyifo ; Paramaccans use " ob ia "

in g eneral refer ence t o t h e c ontact between man and the

supernatur a l . Character is t ically , th e term applies in

b oth the nominative an d verba l s enses : one does o b ia

w ith an obia . S pec ifically obia is ( a ) any deity which.

maintains c ontac t with the living thr ough a medium ,

( b ) a talisman usually wor n on the body which has been

c onsecrated by the ances t ors , ( c ) a medic ine preparat i on

( des s ie) wh ich h as been learned f r om a superna tura l s ource ,

and ( d ) the pr oc ess inv o lv ed in prepar at i on or c onse

crat i on of the abov e o

S ix elements o f the traditional su p ernatural are

capable of t emporary p ossess ion of humans and s o c an be

called obias . These are the Kunu , Ampuk u , I ngie . an d

Papa G addu deit i es , and th e Kr omant i and Sakuu ob ias .

The kunu medium is c entr a l to C ath o lic P aramacca


9 2

social or der a n d w i l l b e discussed under a separ at e h eading .

Ampu ky and th e Ingi� mediums are principally c oncerned

with divination of maladies and pr eparat ions of me dic ines .

Ampu ky . mediums ofte n c laim cr edit f or h ar ds h ip ; and the

Ampu k u p osses s i on trance is character istically r aucous

and fr ight en ing to onlookers . Th e I ngie obia p oss ess ion

is dis t inct in that the me dium speaks " I ngi e " ( Indian ) .

Papa G addu mediums , as ment ioned abov e . mimic the beh av ior

of t h e Papa G addu or Foa du snake dur ing the p osses s ion and

div ine mat t er s from the perspective of Papa Gaddu .

The usua l form of such c ommunicat i on w ith deities is

thr ough seance of a medium wh o summons obia into h is or her

h ead . A seance is called t o s ee k supern atura l ass istance

in a wide rang e of issues such as determining cau s at i ons

of i l lness or catastroph e , prepar ing med icines , locat ing

and e x or c is ing witchcraft , finding los t per s ons , and under-

standing the natur e and purpose of the f or eign ethnol

og ist . 1

The Kr omanti and b akuu o bia are n ot pr ecis e ly deities , • •

and p os s es s ion b y eith er is a special case . The b akuu

possession , f ir s t of all , is an unwanted t orment wh ich is "

discussed in a f o llowing s ec t i on as witchcraf t .

lmy presence was f ou nd t o be acceptable t o the anc estors in a s e ance s oon after my arr iva l .


93

The Kr omanti obia is most probably d er ived fr om

ear ly quas i -ethnic grouping of C or omant yne s lav es , that

is , p eop le who wer e shipped fr om the Gold C oas t ports

called Gr eat C or oman t yn e and Lit t le C or omantyn e . 2 S uch

s o l i dar i t y w as r estricted t o a c lan destine level on

p lantations ; Kr omant i r emains among Paramaccans as a

man ' s pres erve of s emi-s ec r et , an d sacred African know-

ledg e . Kr omanti knowledg e and prac t ic es include th e

ritual languag e ( Kr omant i ) , a body of g lyphic s ymbols ,

songs · , dances , and r i tual pr eparat ions for extraor dinary

act ivities an d obia possession . Par amaccans point out ?mong

that Kr oman t i , u niqu ely of all other p os itive obia posses -

s ions , is entirely vocat i onal and man-made ; unlike other

obia poss ess i ons , a man c an train t o become a Kromant i

medium. A medium ' s instr uction of a novice invo lves t each-

ing the Kr omant i languag e and s ymbols , and the medicine

and r itual pr eparat i ons f or possess i on .

Kr omant i pos s ession enables the medium to divine

c ausat ions of i llnes s , har dsh i p , an d t o dr ive out a bakuu

fr om its v ic t i m . B u t a Kr oman t i obia , u n l i ke oth er obias .

c annot c laim credit for death . Th e Kromant i p oss ess i on ,

indeed , is an insurance ag ains t death an d

2m . J . H er s kovits , R ebel D estiny , .!:!.e.. c i t .


94

injur y . Through th e Kr omant i obia men make thems e lves

immune t o bu l lets , knife wounds , th orns , wasps , and f ir e .

I have witnessed a number of r emar kable d is p la ys o f th is

�-nenge o b ia ( man ' s obia ) in wh ich men dance on br oken

bot t les , walk on bonfires , pick up g lowi ng r e d axe heads

from the f ir e , ch ew and swallow dr inking g lasses , h ac k at

their b odies with machetes , and s o on . That ther e is a

meaSure of actual ef f ic ac y to the Kr omant i pr eparati ons

is u ndeniable .

N ot all men w i l l aspire t o bec ome full Kr omanti

mediums but the s p ec ial �-ne nge obia dev ices ar e per

vas iv e . Near l y ever y Paramacca ma le ov er twenty will have

s ome t ype of �-nenge obia . Thes e ar e pr epar ed by th e

Kr omanti r itual s pec ialists on r equ es t and usually f or a

pr ic e . m os t c ommon of the m!n-nenge obia are the s pec ial

immunities to guns h ot and knives , and extraor dinar y power

in f ig h t ing . 3 These p owers are transmitted with instruc-

t ions on th eir proper use and c ommensurate p ersonal pro

h ibiti ons , kina . ( kina w i l l be discus s e d in the

3Such o b ia pr eparat ions eas ily adjust t o new c ircumstances as i n the c it y of Paramar ibo � Paramacca you ths w i l l seek Kromant i preparat i ons in s eeking wor k , c i t y girl fr iends , atc . One curr ent pr eparation f or u pwar d mob i l ity in the c it y is the r itual h er ba l wash to assure successfu l c omp let�on of the dr iver ' S licens e t es t . For 1 7 g u i lder� ( S lO . OO ) a Kr oman t i s pec ialist in dr ivers license pr epar at i ons will g iv e an asp irant a b ot t le of c ons ecrated " medicine" ( dess i ) t o wash thr e e t imes with � -and a dr ivers tr ainiOQ manual to s tu dy weeks before th e exam . I t is made c l ear tHat neither the medic ine wash n or the manual s tu dy a lone c ou l d be eff ec tive in getting t h e applicant thr ough the test .


9 5

f o llowing chapter ) .

The Kr omant i s pec ialist will pr epare a drink , a wash ,

amu let , or a c ombina t i on of thes e , f or the nov ice . The

most p opu lar �-nenge among young men ( part icu lar ly

thos e wh o g o t o the cit )' f or wor k ) is t h e 12!!i ( u pp er

arm brace let ) .

The � is pr epar e d f or an immunit y t o knif e and

gun . Dur ing my field wor k ther e wer e s everal r eports of

the efficac y of the � from the c it y . Mos t notably was

the s t or y of a Par amaccan wh o was attac ked by a c i t y street

gang o One of the ass ai lants r eportedly swung a machet e

with a f orce that wou ld have decapitated a normal per s on ;

bu t as the macheta struck Ba L- it fell ou t of th e attack

er ' s h an d with no harm t o th e intended v ictim . B a L- tore

off h i s shir t r evealing h i s �. at whibh the entire g ang

f le d in fear .

The �' s power of immunit y over gun sh ot is no less

demonstrable . A n ass a i lant wh o ass erts th at h e w i l l sh oot �

but u lt imately does not , is said t o be deterred by th u}

effec t of the B!t!. Th e f ir s t l ine of the B.!!!' s defense is

e f fecting a change of hear t in the attac ker , a misf ire of

th e gun , or a miss in the aim . But I was assured repeatedly

that even if the gun were f ir e d pr oper l y and the bu llets

f ou n d th eir mar k , the shot wou l d either bounce off your

s k in or s imp l y turn to w at er on c ontact -- if th e obia

wer e in good or der .


9 6 I n addit ion , mos t b w i w i l l have s ide benefits depend-

ing on the Kr omant i s p ec ialist ' s proc liv ities . H e can f or

instanc e s e ic a ( fix ) the � to f or ewar n the wearer of

dang er . I f you fee l th e � s qu e ez ing your arm , I was

instruct ed , do not do wh atever it was you wer e going to do .

S omet imes the � w i l l thwart a danger by other means as

we l l . A Par amacca man r eturned from t h e c it y with a n

acc ount of h ow h is � s av e d h im from e ither witchcr aft

or pollu t ion . H e h a d ordered a meal in one of the in-

expens ive Ch inese r es t aur ants and wh en the waitress was

br ing ing the plate to his table , she stumbled and dr opped

the f o od on the f loor . Th is was obv iou s l y caus ed by

th e diligenc e of h is � wh ich s ought to prevent h im fr om

eat ing food wh ich had either baen p oisoned or prepar e �

by a mens truat ing woman . H e l e f t th e r es t aurant immediate ly

without s ay ing a wor d .

When a � pr oves itself t o b e powerfu l , as in the

above examp l e , it c an be r e lied u pon in pers onal d iv ination .

A man can suspend th e � on a s tr ing and pos e a qu es t ion

i . e . sh ou ld I do such and such . He wi l l o bserve t h e �

c ar efu l ly and if it mov es forwar d and bac kwa�d t th e r es pons e

i s p os i t ive ; a s ide to s ide mot i on i s negat ive . I was sus o

shown a � wh ich the s pec ialist s t at e d h ad the pr opert y of

r ender ing the wearer i nv i s i b le . Wh en such a s t at e w a s

desir e d , th e bearer mus t assume a s pec ial s tance against a

tr ee or other structur e and he will escape th e percept ion


9 7

of a passer b y .

S pec ial pur p os e bw i inc lude the wr estling and f ist

figh ting obias . One such � is pr epar ed with hair from

the back of a c ommon h ouse cat . With this � on the

upper arm and/or a cat h a ir bundle in a twis ted-c loth

waist band , he can wrest le with the assurance that h is bac k

will naver touch the ground . A s imilar � c onsecrated

with a s o lution c ontaining , among other th ings , a c losed

padlock and a f ish noted for its death gr ipp ing f ins ( th e

sokle ) � can empower a man to debilitate a wrestling op-

ponent with an extraor dinar y armloc k . I t even r equires a

Kromant i spec ialist t o obtain the releas e of the hold .

Popu lar fist fight ing devices are a bwi which g ives

extraor dinary power to the biceps , and a wr ist brace let

of twisted c loth and lead weights which makes th e hand

light and especially fas t . Either of these obia will

de bi litate ons ' s opp onent with one b low -- pr oviding the

obia is in good or der .

We see then from the spec ial �-nenge obia powers

that one need not , h ims e lf , be a s pir it medium to "have"

an obia . likewis e , one need not be an adu lt male to r eal-

ize obia prot ect ion . Again , most Protestant Chr is tians

Paramaccans above the age of three will have some type of

talisman dev ice -- an " obia" -- f or extraor dinar y ass ist-

ance against evi l . These ar e called the tappa obia .

The G�d� _�_e_t_e�i ( literally G od ' s r ope/str ing ) is


9 8

common , particu lar ly among children G These ar e prepar ed by

obia specialists ( usually me diums ) after a serious ill

ness in the ch ild . The tetei is prepared by twisting a

str ip of b lu e c lot� into a str ing necklace . I nc lu ded in

the necklace is a small packet of such th ings as hair ,

spec ifll leaves , ashes of the child ' s umbilical c or d , etc .

The . t�tei provides the wearer with an immunity to fur

th er oc�ur� ences of the d isease . S imilar tetei are pr e

pared f or protection against p ossession by the bakuu o

These tetei are worn aroun d the neck or waist and inc lu de

a small bundle of a s p ec ial leaf preparat ion .

An important t appa obia is the sama-mofo-obia ( lit o

peoples ' mouth-obia ) . I n learning of this obia I was first

t old of the par t icular power of wor ds . For ins tance . if

s omeone s ees a tree h e especially fancies , say for making

a b oat , he mus t be c ar ef u l not to speak of it often . If he

were t o g o to the tr ee and speak of its g ood featur es daily ,

the tree wou ld d ie in perhaps one wee k ' s time .

The same pr inc ip le h olds f or humans , I was c aut ioned .

To speak too much of someone ' s worth and good f ortune can

u lt imate ly cause h im to lose it . This is the r eason for

the s ama-mofo-obia . S omeone with good f or tune can fa l l

i ll a n d have i t divined as a resu lt of "§ama-mofo , " i . e .

people talking a bout h im too much . I n such a c ase , a wr is t

brac elet is prepared by a mediu m . The sama-mofo bracelet

is usually a twisted c loth with a parr ot feather and c owr ie


99

shell attache d . When th e client is wear ing the br ace let ,

an ything spoken of h im with any but comp letely pur e in-

tentions wi ll rever t to th e speaker wh o must suffer the

consequences .

Finally , any of the bush medic ines can be referred

to as obia . These are the prepar ations of leaves and

plants wh ich but f or the c ommunic ation from the super

natural thr ough dr eams or divinat ion , wou ld r emain

unknown to man . There are hun dreds of medic ines wh ich

have become fair ly s tandar dize d among the Paramacca .

Some examples of the r ange and nature of Paramacca

medic ines are as fol lows :

-Ath lete ' s f oot ( konsaka ) Take a lar g e handfu l of konsaka leaves ( Peperomia pellucida ) ; crush them and squeeze the juic e ont o affected are a .

-Diarrhea ( Ion bee ) Place r ic e-rn ;-Pot and h eat unt i l r ice is burned blac k . Take th e burned r ice and crush t o powder : s ift and s t ir into cup of water until s olut ion is blac k , and dr ink .

-

-Stomach ache (� attie ) Take about one meter length of 10an90 b itta v ine (A r ist olochia marcoba ) and chop into small pieces . P lace v in e piec es in a bottle and f ill the bottle with taffia rum (a 50-55 per cent alc ohol beverage disti lled with raw sugarcane juic e ) ; shake well and sip as r equ ir ed .

-Headache ( edde atti e ) . Take lar g e mas oesa leav es ( Renea lmia exalta ; fam e ,ingiberaceae ) and crush in mortar . Strain and · collect 8ma ll amount of juice in paim of hand . Snuff th e liqui d into each nostr i l .

-Sor e ear ( s oo �ess ie ) Warm a bunan-o baka oeman leaves ( Cor dia graveole .ns ;


100

fam e 80raginac eae ) over an open fir e . Wrap warm leaves in a c loth , mash and squeeze liqu id dir ec t ly t o the mortar t i ll fu l l .

H eat a n a x e h ead until r e d h ot , then p lunge ax e head into mort ar . When water is c ool , wash body with the solut ion thre e t imes in one day .

For s ever e f ev er with trembling . salt the bottom of a p ot wel l , th en p lace s everal stalks of Kappoa t ieke ( a tall green p lant wh ich gr ows in still water and swampy areas , s pecies unknown ) in pot over the salt . Add water and bring to a boi l . A llow pot t o c ool , draw one cup of the s olut ion for patient to dr ink and wash body with r emainder .

-Jaundice or Hepatitis ( gallie s i kie ) Make a tea with swiet e s i es iebie p lants (S copar ia du lcis ; fam e Scropbru lar iaceae ) and dr ink as often as possible . · Patient mus t r emain indoors and abstain from oily f ood , peppers , and alcoh o l .

-Enur es is ( pisie ' n amaka ) Take th e intest ines from s ev eral crabs t o eat direct ly befor e g oing t o s leep . urinat e , ch ild wi l l awaken .

for ch ild At ur ge t o

Mor e import ant medicinal obias , such as preparations

for fractures , int ernal h emorrhage , gunshot wounds and

s ever e lacer ations are the pr oper t y of spec ialists . One

man is the tr ibe ' s orthopedist as h e is the s o le possessor

of the h er bal preparat ion and r itual proc edur es f or

skeletal injuries and deformiti es . H is s,ervices are

preferred over those of the miss ion h ospital , and I

witnessed r emar kable r esu lts in his s et tingJD/ractures e

The c ommon feature of thes e var ious aspects of obia

is the e lement of c ontact between man and the supernatural .

The v er bal sense of the t erm is c lear : an obia is what an


1 0 1

obia does . The doing of an obia always involves c ommun

ication between th e r ealm of the supernatural and man .

To work divination , whether through a medium or th e prepar

ation of oracle devices , is to do obia ; to prepare and

administer a talisman or a medicine is to do obia .

"O bia" then is a) a deity or supernatural e lement

wh ich maintains direct c ontact with man , b ) th e pr ocess

of contac t between man and thes e supernatur als , and c ) th e

direct , tangible manifestations and r esu lts of this c ontact �

I n its br oades t s ens e th e term encompasses a conceptual

s ystem of a logical cause-effect relationsh ip .

The following example is a t ypical practice of obia

wh ich relates i l lness or misfortunes to soc ial dis or der .

I n the v i llage of Loka-laka , I was as ked t o assist

in the treatment of a man with a s er ious l y infected f inger �

My small first-aid kit was consi der e d handier and at least

as effective on minor injuries as the h er bal pr eparations .

The pat ient had a very s imple cut which became infected

to the point that he was in great pain and cou ld n ot mov e

h is h an d at a l l . The treatment invo lved dress ing the

wound and u ltimately a trip t o the fr ench h ospital in s t .

Laurent wher e h e was treate d until comp letely h eale d .

Th e s ignificance of this incident lies in the s earch

for the cause of the infec tion . The man ' s family and I

shared a g eneral u nderstanding of th e re lat ionship th e

or iginal cut had with the infection , and the natur e of such


102

an infect ion . I n th e tradition of the Azande granar y c ollapse ,

h owever , the fami ly sought t o determine wh y this particu lar

cut on th is' particu lar man ' s f inger became infected at th is

t ime .

S o wh ile we were c leaning the wound , lineage e lders

c onsu lted an obia specialist of the v il lage who pr epared

an afalaku orac le . The orac le c onfirmed what most people

had suspected , namel y that the infection was br ought on

by the ances t ors of the matr i lineage . These ga ansama were

pun ishing him for a quarrel he had had a few weeks pr ev ious

with h is s is t er . H e and h is s ister had had a v iolent

argument over the use of a canoe . S uch soc ia l dissonance

within a matr i lineage is offens ive to the lineage ancestors

wh o indicate their disappr oval with s ickness and h ardsh ips

such as infections .

Ancest ors , as such , concern thems elves with intra

lineage affairs and require n o spirit possession of a

medium or formal cult organization . I nstead , matr i lineage

(�) is s een as a s ocial ent it y which inc ludes living and

decease d kinsmen . As the former operate c or p or ately

towards propitiati on of their ancestral e lders , th e

lineage acts as a cu lt group . Th e lineage e ld ers will

uti lize th e var i ous forms of divinati on available within

the gr oup in communication with their decease d c ounter parts .

An incumbent lineage chief ( kapitep ) is usually an

older and h igh ly r espected man , i . e . an elder or .gaan s;ma • .


1 03

Each lineag e , h owever , w i l l have a number of r es pected

el ders --ma le and f ema le--who ar e a lso ca l led gaansama .

The gaans ama of a lineag e must be pr es ent for a lineag e

counc i l kuutu as its lanti , and must shar e th e burd en of

soc ial r es pons i bility within the localized lineag e . The

s ocially r es pons i b le gaans ama ar e r egar ded as c los e t o

the anc est ors wh o , o f c ours e , ar e also ca lled gaans ama

in divinati on and li bat i on addr es s .

Ther e is an ob� ious sense of mediation b etween peo

ple and their ancest ors thr ough their elder s . One elder

r emar ked that it is us ( the elders ) among the living to

whom the anc es t ors look when th i ngs go wr ong . She was

indicat ing that no one b ut an elder p er s on can perfor m

li bations at t h e anc estr a l shrin e . The lanti of lineage

elders then is ess ential to the log ic of th e upr iv er

P aramacca , in which t h er e ar e n o " accidents " . Soc ial

or der is a mar k of acc or d with th e s upernatural , th e

disor der of death , in j ur y , or diseas e is manifestation of

discor d .

I n a s er i ous i llness , for examp le , th e pati en t ' s

fam i ly w i l l call a f or ma l lineage c ounc i l - to cons ider th e

c as e . Th e lan t i w i l l convene and r ev i ew th e social be

h av i or of the patient and the s oc ia l health of th e lineag e

n eighborhood (pic i ) as a wh ole . F r om th is r ev i ew , and in

f ormation from divination , the counc i l wi l l deter mine the

c aus e of the mal ady . Such causes usually c entered ar ound


1 04

any pas t or pr esent socia lly aber r ant behav i or of ' the pa-

tien t or matr i lineal kin smen .

The lant i is then r espons i b l e t o insur e corrective

act i on . The spec i f ic natur e of c orr ective act i on , of

cour s e , dep en ds on the t ype of s oc ial infraction . N ev er -

th eless , the lant i mus t attempt t o r es o lv e a n y c on f lict or

inap pro pr iate social act i on by r i tually c leansing the pa

tien t and other s involved4 an d p leading th e cas e before

th e anc es t ors . The patient ' s mother ' s brothers w i l l us-

ually pr ov i de rum f or th e f orma l libat i on in which the gaan

sama call upon the anc estr a l gaansama--man y b y name--an d be

seech them t o "stand f or " th e pat i ent and t o accept the li

bat ion and the r es o lut ion of the pr oblem as suffic i ent f o�

a r eturn t o or der . On ly a par t i a l amount of the li bation

is actually p our ed ont o t h e groun d at the bas e of th e f lag -

pole shrin e , h ow ev er . The gr eat er por t i on is consumed on

th e s pot b y the lan t i of liv ing gaansama .

S o , from the p at ient ' s or t h e s ocial offen der ' s

point of v i ew , lanti is a v it a l liason between h im an d the

anc es t ors ; mor eover , t o pr opitiate the anc es t or s is

u lt imate ly t o propit iate lant i--th e communi t y of lineage

elder s . I f the lan t i is satis f i e d with the r es olution of th e

4This is calle d � mofu and is don e by s pewing mouthfuls of rum over th e fron t and bac k of an indiv i dua l .


105

precipit ating s oc ial infr action and is c onv inced of g ood

faith behind the libation off er ing . i t i s a g o od indicat ion

that the ancestors will be appeased .

Another manner in wh ich a matr i lineage is br ought

to c or porate r itual action is in res ponse to a kunu . The

kunu is the avenging s pir it of someone outside of the

matri lineag e who had died as a direc t r esult of act ions by

a member of the lineage . The kunu of a lineag e may be the

pr incipal s ource of s ickness and death one has t o fac e in

restituti on f or th e crime of h omicide by a kinsman .

Such homic ide can inclu d e behav ior on one ' s part

wh ich causes another t o c ommit suicide . Dur ing my field

wor k I knew of numerous s erious attempts at su ic ide .

Mor eover , threatened suic i de is a fair ly c ommon feature of

Paramacca disputes . I f one is successfu l in suicide in

the h eat of a dispute , there is the felt poss ibility

that the death will emerge as a kunu against th e matri

lineage of the opponent . So it is felt that if all

else fai ls , one can always get the last wor d in a

quarrel and possibly kill your adversary and/or h is or


106

her kinsmen by ki lling yours elf "for th�m" . 5

Ba K . , a thirty- year- old man of the 00010 lineag e ,

had bec ome known thr ough out t h e ar ea for h is seeming ly

c ont inuous domestic cr ises . His life was mar ked with

conf lict between h im and h is affines . At one point dur ing

my s tay , one of his two wives left h im , appar ently at the

urg ing of h er matr ilineag e . She r eturned to h er villag e

and announced that sh e was n o longer to be c onsidere d h is

woman . A few weeks later she enter taine d a su itor wh o was

thereupon s eized and s ev erely beat en by Ba K . and two of

h is br others .

The woman ' s matr ilineage was outraged and r eprisals

were threatened . I t was th e woman ' s mother , h owever , who

made the affair the cr itical c oncern of Ba K . ' s matr i lineage .

S h e announced that sh e would see t o it that jus tice pre

vailed and drank about one-half liter of C lorox bleach •

. I n doing s o she shouted that she was dying for Ba K . ' s

indignities and that h er spir it wou ld visit h is lineage

ward f orever aft er . She r ec ov ered after emergenc y

5S u icide is s een as Sweli retr ibution f or escalating a dis pu te to the purview o f t h e supernatura l . Th e successfu l ' suicide must be r ec onciled �ith Swell bef or e there can be funerar y r ites and bur ial . Th is involv es the deceased ' s matri lineag e "paying " the Sweli a pr escribed amou nt of t affia and c loths . S imilar ly , the unsuccessfu l suicide is usually r equired to pay a fine of taffia and prepar e d food (gaan nja-njang ) wh ich is c onsumed by the tr ibal lant i .


107

treatment by the mission nurse at Langabbetje and 8a K . ' s

matr i lineag e c onvened a counc i l meet ing immediately to

seek r eparation and r es o lution of the dispute .

As in this cas e , th e threat of a kunu is sufficient

to underscor e c or porate r espons ibi lities of a matr i lineag e .

One perceiv es th e poss ibi lity of a matr ilineal kinsman

su bjecting h im to the wr ath of a kunu , for the kun�

strikes against the entir e matri lineage of an offender .

So if someone is involved in a contr oversy in which

homici de or suic ide is threatened or consider ed . l ineag e

kinsmen have an immediate vested int erest--the ir s ecur ity-

in mediat ing the dispu t e .

Unlike a lineag e ' s own ancest ors , its kunu i s almost

always manifest in t erms of medium poss ession . Var ious

forms of div inat ion of , say , a grave illness , can suggest

a kunu causation , bu t un less th e s pir it of the deceas ed

manifests itself " in the head " of a liv ing medium , it

cannot c laim cr edit for the v engeance . Currently there

ar e no act ive line ag e kunu med iums in Paramacca . As

th e cu lt of the Grankunu became established , less er kunu

memberships wer e passed on . Th e -kunu obia , accor d ing to

elder s , was a pr incipal f eatur e in inter lineag e r e lation

sh ips dur ing th e loway per iod , and the inf lu ence of the

kunu medium was cons iderable .

A lineag e ' s kunu is established wh en a medium of

anoth er l ineage bec omes posses s ed by a yooka which


108

i dentifies its elf as th e victim of homicide and announces

its aims as the vengeance of the wr ong ed D Once es tab lishe d ,

th e kunu can c laim credit for "causing " any deaths , infirm

ities and suffer ing within the matr ilineage .

A kunu medium can thus become a central figure �n a

matri lineage ' s c or porate ritual attent ion . The kunu wh ich

can successfu lly c laim credit f or misfortun e , enjoys

eff orts made at appeas ement by the offending lineage .

That is , wh ere a lineage accepts the medium ' s divination

of kunu causalit y , it must also accept the medium ' s pro

nouncements of r itual pr eparation and libation cos ts .

Mor eov er , an active kunu is felt as a constant thr eat to

th e welfare of a matri lineage and must be attended with

libation lest it strike more oft en .

I t is c lear , then , that traditionally a kunu obia

establishes n ot only a c or porate i dentity and res p onsibility

of a lineage , but it defines a r itual r elat i onship between

lineages as well . A kunu relationship between two lineages

descr ibes the s ense of debt and r etr ibution tha t actually

exists in cases of inter lineage h omic i de . I n inter lineage

homicide , ther e is usually a n attempt at immediate v en

geanc e on the part of kinsmen of the victim . Such actions

rar ely involve additional deaths , h owever . as elders and

tribal officials ver y actively mediate th e conflict . The

vengeance th en becomes r itually estab lished as the kunu

obia posses�es a medium ( usually of the victim ' s lineage )

and claims r es p ons ibility for subs equ ent deaths and


109

har dship within th e offending lineage . A kunu r e lationship

between lineag es , however , does not pr oh i bit marr iages

between bhe two grou ps , although in such events the kunu is

bes eech ed in special libation to not trou b le the u nion .

Mor eover , any status of mediu m , b ut par ticu lar ly

that of kunu wh ich c an "cause death " , r equ ir es su bstantial

ritual author ity of the medium ( the yookg' s "hors e " ) , and

the obi� must c orrespond t o actual s ocial c ircumstances

before its leg itimacy is established . When a person g ees

into an initial trance state of obia poss ess ion , e l ders and

r itual specialists ( other mediums and div iners ) g ather and

observe the trance in or der to " fix " ( s aica ) the obia .'

The diagnos is c an ass ess the trance in any of the f o llowing

ways : a ) th e pers on in trance is struck s ic k and inc oherent

by the Sweli as punishment for attempts to impor t or

practice witchcraft , b ) the s pirit p oss ession is false and

the suppos e d medium should be beaten as a frau d , or r i d

icu led as a fool , or c ) the possession is leg itimate and

the p er s on is c ons ider ed a s pirit medium .

I n t h e f irst instanc e , where a person wh ose actual

prestig e within the lineage c ou ld not support the h igh

r itual status of being a s pir it medium , the p ossess ion is

often tr eated as an illness . Such i lln ess usually involves

the practice of witchcraft wh ether by or against the


110

possesse d . 6 In the s ec ond category , the possessed may have

adequate status or even be estab lished as a s pirit medium . . .

If the obia does not appropr iately descr ibe the actual

social situation , h owever , it may be r egar ded as il

leg itimate . S uch · was the cas e when an est ab lish e d medium

of a Molo lineag e went int o trance to c omment on a r ecent

death in th e vi llage Loka-l oka . H is obia announc e d that it

had c aused the death of a woman . This divinat i on seemed

to have no justification so it earned the medium a s ever e

beating instead of pr opitiation by the kins men of th e

decease d . Las t ly , when a possess ion s tate is c ons i dered

to be legitimate , th e next step is t o i dentify the o bia .

S ince the establishment of th� cu lt of the Grankunu ,

other kunu mediums h av e not b een ins talled . Curr ent spirit

mediums are r ecognized as Kromanti , Ampu ku , I ngie , Papa

Gaddu , or s imply an unknown ancestor . The Grankunu is the

kunu f or a l l the lineag es , and it ' s cons idere d the " boss "

of a l l other obia in Par amacca .

6Sse J . D . Lenoir , "Tiv ' Extra Processual Events� " Paper deliver ed at the Annual Meeting , American Ethnological S oc i et y , ottowa . Canada , 1970 , f or a discuss ion of r itua l legitimacy among the Tiv .


111

THE SWELl AND THE GRANKU N U

Sur inam �ar oons h ave long been pointed out as

especially s ignific ant among New Wor ld Afr ican soc iet ies

for their r etent ion of Afr ican cu ltural traditi ons . The

Paramaccans ( and other Sur inam Maroons ) are most notable

among Afr ican-Amer ican peoples in that th ey established

a s ocial c oh es ion ar ound explic itly Afr ican institutions

such as the s weli . l The sweli is a t ang ible link w ith the

C ountry of Man and sacre d manifes tati on of God . I t pro

vided them an oath of trust among strangers dur ing the

loway , an orac le g u i ding the g r ou p t o freedom , and the

Granman ' s c u lt def ining the unit y of the gr oup .

o The sweli is a bundle of sacred objects which

Paramaccans say was br ought by an u nknown anc estor fr om

Africa . The swel i was brought into the bush as a g u iding

oracle at the loway and r emained as the c entral orac le

until Granman AP ensa r et ired it in accepting Christianit y .

The sweli is a "carr y orac le" . 2 that is , the bundle is

IC f . E . franklin fraz er , Th e Negro Church in Amer ica , N ew Yor k : Schoc ken . 1964 ) . pp . 6-9 .

2van V e lsen ' s distinct ion between c arry and medium orac les among the Djuka is valid f or the Par amacca , �. £!i.


112

secured t o the c enter of a narrow boar d about two and a

half meters long . The boar d is c arried on the heads of

two men . one at each an d . The lanti of tr i ba l e lders

and the priests of the s weli pose questions to the orac le

and it replies by ' mov ing ' its p orters forwar d for affirm-

ativ e , or backwar d f or negativ e . Sweli can indicate

direction and point out c ertain . peopl� and p laces by

mov ing its por ters in the pr oper direc tion � A ls o . it c an

r eveal displeas ur e by s ending its port ers in a c irc le .

The mos t s ig n ificant pr oper t y of the s w eli in the

ear ly days of the loway is said to be its ability t o

forwarn��e appr oach of outs i ders t o t h e Par amaccan

sett lements . Wh en the s we li wou ld alert Paramaccans to

an imminent approach of c o lonial militar y , they w ou l d

abandon t h e s ett lement immediately . I n addition , .the

sweli would be c onsu lted on directions of travel and

var i ou s c ourses of act ion . The swe li is s till r eg ar ded as

having been ins trumental in bringing Paramaccans thr ough

the loway safely .

When the g r ou p r each ed �heir mor e or less per manent

settlements along the Paramacca creek and u lt imately the

Mar owijne , the e we li orac le t ook on a new role . I ts

concern was still with maintenance of tribal integrity

but the s ources of v io lati on chang ed . The threat to

tr ibal u nity was no longer from the colonial militar y but


113

fr om evi l influ enc es imported by Paramaccans thems e lves

and from interna l dissension .

Th e sweli began t o be credited with deaths and

diseas es . A special c ateg or y of death , the miss i dede , -

and a c er tain type of i l lness , th e sweli s iki , was incor

porated into Paramacca oracle div inat ions . Even after

Granman Apensa r emanded the orac le to the f or est , sweli

deaths and sickn ess remain a poss ibility to anyone wh o

might attempt to br ing into th e Paramacca c ommunity any

supernatural device for p ersonal gain . f or instanc e ,

curr ent ly th ose who are said to purchase the bakuu in

the city for p er s onal gain among kinsmen offend mos t

befor e the sweli . Without the sweli orac le itse lf , its

shrine and pr iests , th e orac le has been acc or ded the

unusua l r ole of br inging on manifestat i on of its v ig i lance

without facilities f or pr opitiation .

N ev ertheless , upriver people r eg ar d th e sweli in

th e capacity of protector of the group fr om foreign forces ,

and of s entr y against inimica l influences in s ocial

re lations . As late as 1968 , f or example , a young man was

str icken by th e sweli through which he fell i l l and went

int o a psycholog ical withdrawal . H e r emained in a small

hut without speaking to anyone for over a year . Later h e

began to speak but with onl y occas i onal c oh er enc y . The

man is about twent y-five , and r ep ortedly v er y u nsuccessfu l

with women pr i or t o his i llness . H is c ase was put t o

div inati on which r evealed that the sweli caus e d h is


1 1 4

tr ou bles because h e had gone t o the c ity and purchas e d an

obia pr eparation which wou ld enable h im to attract women

against their wi ll . The sweli r evealed that this was not

a good abia to be brought from the city to the Paramacca

community .

The sweli aler ts to the pres enc e of ev i l g en erated

from within the group as well as from without . Th e two

major areas of the sweli c oncer ned h ere are when s omeone

"mandie" something t o anoth er and when one maintains a

grudg e against anoth er " in his h ear t " . T o "mandie " s ome

thing is to aban don it in dis gust or anger . This is a

fair ly c ommon r eaction in dealing with theft or misus e of

food and mater ial possessions . ( I n s ocial ' r elations , to

mandi e is to withdraw out of vexat ion from a r elationship ,

or t o abandon a claim or p osition out of disgust ) .

I f , for exampl e , you discover that someone has sto

len one of your two or thr ee canoe paddles and you throw

away the r emaining onos "for the thief " , you subjec t your

self to the punishment of sweli . Ever yone will agree that

ang er is j ustified in such a case , but to abandon or des

troy material proper t y in the paSSion of anger against an

other , is to call the attention of evi l supernatural forces

against the culprit . So , even though one is justified in

his anger , to attr ac t malevolent forces agains t another is

tantamount to withcraft and is a transgression of the sweli .


115

Any s er ious dis agr eements such as violent quarrels

over issues of adu ltery , must be s ettled formally and

involve a c ounci l bearing of th e c as e . The counc i l lant i

lis t ens t o both sides of the issue and r enders a decis ion

for r eparatio n . A par t y judg ed in the wrong will have a

fine ( usually in taffia ) to pay t o the party in the r ight ,

and also must bear c ou nc i l costs . 3 Part of the taffia of

the c ounc il c ost is pour e d out in formal libation t o

anc estors , par t i s consumed by t h e lanti and part ic ipants

of the c ounc i l , and part is u s ed in a c eremonial c onc lus ion

of any animosity whic� h ad ar isen between th e oppos ing

s ides in the dispute . A s ing le larg e g lass full of

taff ia is c onsumed by ancestors , in simp le libati on , th e

lanti representative wh o br ings the parties t og ether in an

embrace befor e th e ass embled c ou nc i l , and the pr inciples

thems elves .

This mitie mofu ( lit . meeting of mouths ) f ormally , '

and publicl y set t les th e dispute and r emoves th e an-

imos ity between the parties . I f , h owever , one of the

parties maintains a grudg e agains t the oth er after the for ma l

3Usual counc i l c os ts are as f ollows : f or a s imple lineage c ou nc i l with out lineag e chief presiding--one liter of taffia ; lineage c ounc i l with lineage chief pres iding-two liters ; Tr ibal coonc i l with grannan pres i ding--thr ee or more liter s of taffia depending on th e nature of the case .


116

sett lement , h e is sinning against sweli . A div inat ion

of an i llness , injur y , and occas ionally death can deter

mine that the sweli br ought on th e misfortune because th e

victim had held a grudge " in h is h ear t " aft er the pub lic

and formal r es olut i on of conf lic t .

The concept of sweli remains in f orce among

Catholic Par amaccans even without a locus or c u lt organ-

ization . The c ont inued vitality of th e oracle perhaps

der iv es from the social nec essities of Paramacca i dentit y .

Sweli , f irst of all , i s th e c ertainty o f t h e or igin in

Afr ica . mor e importantly . the bundle s erved as the s pec ia l

link which God used t o show the Afr ican s laves that

although they had fallen from grace and int o a punishment ,

th ey wou ld not be forsaken . The swe li g uided them through

th e obv ious h ar dsh ips of s lavery and the escape into the

jung le . Later the sweli w ou ld g ui de them in the more

subt le and r outine problems of s oc ial or der . The orac le is

the ess ence of a sacre d and tang ible link with a t ime of

God in a g lor ious h omelan d .

With t h e establishment of Paramacca independenc e

fr om the plantations and the Djukas , sweli prov ided the

r itual descr iption of tr ibal integrity and unit y against

disruptive inf luences . The orac le is not c oncerned with

lineage i dentity , but with all th ose of th e Paramacca I

c ommunity whom it defends against f or eign and h ostile

forces . Within the community it is v igilant against


117

behavior and s ocial attitu des which c ou ld lead to witch-

cr aft and dissens ion .

The s ec ond aspect of sweli , then , is the ritual

definit ion of " Paramaccaness " . Th e ter m , "sweli� . is

usually trans lated into Eng lish as "to swear an oath " �4

Among the Paramacca , h owev er , such a definition is only

partially c orrec t . Th e Paramacca swe li was used dur ing th e

loway as a p oison or ac le drunk in judgment of witchcraft

suspic ions ( that is th e sweli bundle was used in pr epar

ation , c ons ecration and adminis trat i on of the h er ba l

potion drunk as oath ) e The pr oc edure was for one t o enter

th e sma l l shrine of the sweli and dr ink the oath . I f ther e

was witchcraft i n the person ' s heart , h e or she would not

be expected to leave the s acred hut alive ; sweli poison

causes the stomach of a witch t o swe l l unt i l it bursts ,

ki lling th e per s on immediately . I f , on the other h and , one � s

hear t wer e c lean . the oath cou ld be drunk with impunity .

A form of sweli oath r emains t oday which does not

inv olve drinking and is not confined to witchcraft cases .

I n situat ions wher e there is an impasse r egar ding two

persons ' s i de of an argument , f or instance , one can r efer

the matter t o sweli . Th is is done by one par ty ' s going to

the other part y ' s ancestor shrine , br eaking a full b ott le

4G lOssary of the Sur inam V ernacu lar , 19 6 1 .


1 18

of t affia rum or a liter bott le of beer at its bas e , and

utter ing alou d that God will know the outc ome of this issue .

Such is s een as a dras t ic action and is avoi ded by

mediator s wh en possible . When a bott le of taffia is

br oken in th is for m of "sweli " , th e part y wh o is t�u ly in

th e wr ong in the disag r e ement wi l l be expected to die

sh or t l y . I f i t i s a bot t le o f beer wh ich is br oken , th e

tru e wr ong and right s i des of the case wi l l be deter mined

by the f ormer ' s expected sudden i l ln ess .

A much more c ommon and indivi dual form of sweli as

oath is the audible utterance : "Sweli .f..E. mi tat a • • • "

( oath on my father • • • ) . This phrase is usually in pr eface

to a statement of resolv e . I have h ear d i t used mos t ly in

refer enc e t o expected fights where a man w i l l , swear an

oath on h is father that h e wi l l pummel his opponent . T o fail to

make g oo d on s uch an oath is to open one to shame and

poss ible ridicu le , but n ot necessar i ly s upernatural

sanc tion .

The br oader c onc ept of sweli , h owever , transcends

the s ense of swear ing of an oath . When a Par amaccan

s p eaks of sweli in the g en eral i diom of its sacr ed

efficac y , he is referring mor e t o a c oncept of mutual

trust wh ich th e sweli s ymbolizes . With th e exception of

th e Moravian , t o be a Paramaccan is t o be s ubject to the

scr ut iny of the swell . I n other wor ds , a Paramaccan per

ceives h i ms e lf as implic i t ly "under oath " to the sweli in


1 19

soc ial transaction within the Paramaccan c ommunit y .

When Granman APensa disavowed h is traditional r o le

as c hief pr iest of th e sweli orac le f or the Chr istian New

Life , ther e was no l ong er a cu lt organization or orac le

divi nity with tri bal-wide scope . This vacuum was fil le d

b y t h e innovat ion o f th e Gran kunu cu lt .

Kunu . a s pir it of veng eance which p lagues a matri--

lineage in b lood debt , is manifest through s pir it p osses-

sion of a medium . The C atholic Paramaccans establish e d

the Grankunu medium which wou ld be the aveng ing s pirit

for all of the Par amacca peop le . The medium and orac le

wer e dev eloped on the basis of a h omic ide which involved

the Ant oisie leader , Apens a . The v ic t im had been a man of

th e 00010 grou p who was known to be the most powerf u l obia

man in the are a . Th is man was both r es pect e d and f eared

for h is extraor dinar y p owers ; u ltimately , he was accused

of witchcraft and Apensa t ook the lead in punishing the

witch by bur ni ng h im at the stake .

S ometime after the accused witch ' s executi on , h is , -

spir it c ame t o possess a n Asaitie man . Thr ough the medium .

th e spir it announc ed that it had been wrong ly accused of

witchcr aft and that th e d eath was a cas e of mur der wh ich

wou l d be avenge d . N or mally , the matr i lineage o f th e

mur d er er wou ld bear th e vengeanc e . How ever , the inci dent

was modified to c orrespond to the deve l oping contr oversy


120

over the success ion and the 9 ranman ' s destruction of the

sweli or ac le in accepting the Moravian Church . The medium

stat ed that as the g r anman is r espons ible to all the p eople ,

all Par amaccans ar e r espons i ble to him ; as actions of any

of h is people r ef lect upon the granman , so the granman ' s

actions r ef lect upon the peop le . Ther efor e . as th e granman

c ommitted a mur der which will be aveng ed . all Paramacca

peop le must suffer the v engeance with h im and nis lineage .

The effect of the Grankunu was s ignificant . f irs t ,

the Gran kunu bec ame a tribal-wide cu lt t o replace the swe li

orac le in certain asp ec ts . I n doing so , the orac le divina

tion meth od was a ltered to r ely more on the human medium than

a sacred bundle c arr ied by bear ers . This enabled a mor e

centr alized c ont ol ov er the s pir it ' s pr onounc ements . A

second and mor e important res u lt of th e medium c u lt was to

mar k a r adical chang e in th e natur e of tr ibal auth or it y .

T h e Granku nu effectively s eparated the traditionaly sacr�d

and secu lar roles of the aranman by symbolically with drawing

the sanction of th e loway anc estors fr om the Antoisie

regime . The Grankunu cult became the principal sacred

ins t itution of the ancestors ' r eligion from which the

Pr ot estant Antoisi e exc luded thems elves . fr om that time

on , the paramount ch ieftaincy bec ame incr eas ing ly i den

tif i ed with the bur eaucratic authority of the co lonia l


121

g overnment and the mor a l author it y of the Moravian 5

Church . ,

A thir d effect of th e Grankunu was that it pr ovided

a r itual expr ession of the challenge to th e Ant oisie

chi eftainc y . Each t ime one of- their kinsmen died as a

r esu lt of th e Grankunu vengeanc e , Asaitie s uffer ing from

actions of Antoisie p eop le is s ymbolically r einacte d . The

Ant oisie rejection of the anc est or r eligion is made even

more obvious s ince only Cath olic communities divine th eir

deaths and acknowledg e Grankunu vengeanc e . The Moravian

Ant ois ie do not s eek supernatural causations of death

( "we do not want to look ' int o the dark anymor e " ) , and

r emain a loof from the kunu .

The pr esent medium of the vrankunu is the th ir d

incumbent , Ma T . , who was possessed by the kunu looka

aft er the death of the previous medium , h er father . Ma T .

was a woman of about fifty who is clear ly the prinCipal

r e lig ious s pecialist among the upriver Par amaccans . She ,

5The Mor avian regional minister ( Dominae ) assumed the traditional functions of intr oducing a n ew paramount chief or lineage chief to tAe r ealm of the sacr e d . A t the installation of tribal officials , the Dominae b less es the new leaders and commends them to G o d . This r ole r ec eived s ome s u bstant iation with -tr ibal elders at the unt ime ly d eath of a young lineage ch ief . At h is i nstallat ion ther e

- had been two other chiefs t o be ins talled at th e same t ime . F or h is b leSS ing th e D ominae places h is han d on the person ' s h ead . As there wer e - three chiefs , one r ec eive d on ly a par tial b less ing s ince it was impossi ble f or th e Dominae to p lac e his hands on three h eads at one t ime . The chief wh o died only a f ew years after the c er emony was the one who did not r eceive the fu ll f orm of the b less ing .


1 22

as medium and keeper of the Grankunu afalaku 6 orac le bun-

dIe , heads the Gran kunu cult . 8y cu lt , is meant the

informal organizat ion of those , ( a ) wh om the orac le has

des ignated as pr iests ( literally "wor kmen " ) for th e Gran

kunu , ( b ) thos e who are considered g enerally obia specia l

ists and who ass ist in r itual and s erve as bearers of th e those

orac le bundle , ( c )/who are mediums of any obia as the kunu those

is par amount to all obias , and ( d Y who accept the divina-

tion pronouncements an d li bation r es p ons ibilities of the

Grankunu and who accept th e sacraments of the orac le .

The cu lt ' s afalaku bundle is a carry orac le , wh ich

serves as an ext ension of , and adjunct to the trance div in

ation of the living mediu m . The Grankunu medium officiates

with any of the pr i ests at a c onsu ltat i on afalaku in divin-

at ions and administration of sacraments . Divination can

inc lude both the medium in trance and the afalaku orac le .

Typically , the medium wi ll ascer tain . th e major issues in

a cas e and leave the detai ls of libat ion fees , medic inal

preparations , etc . t o the carry orac le . The first among

the pr iests , the mediu m ' s s on , usually acts as trans lator

and h ost dur ing the s eance sessons and often will be dele

gated to c onsu lt the afalaku for r outine divination .

6The t erm , "afalaku " , is a g en eriC r ef er ent t o this type of carry orac le , which is used by local obi a specialists in divining . The afalaku is the Grankunu , just as th e medium herself , assumes . the pres ence of tHe kunu anc es tor and is addressed appr opriately as such during c onsu ltations .


1 23

Most s er ious i l lnesses in th e Catholic ar eas are r e-

ferred to th e Grahkunu for diagnos is and tr eatment . Th is

i s in spite of . or in addit ion to , c onvenient and free ' .

'

c linic and hospital s ervice pr ovided by both R oman 'Catholic

and Moravian missi ons . I t is not uncommon f or one to seek

tr eatment of both the Eur opean doc tor and the obia practi-

tioner . C ertain i llnesses , however . ar e the s tr ic t purview

of th e Grankunu . Paramaccans p oint out t o the west erner

that there are bus i s iki ( for est s ic kn esses ) , against which

Eur opean medicine can have no eff ec t . Possession by a

bakuu , for instanc e , can only be treated by the medium ' s

exorcism o f t h e malevo lent obia . Mos t ps ych iatr ic dis

or der s , such as the loss of on e ' s akaa ( breath , s ou l ) . and

sic kn ess felt to be c aus ed by witchcraft , ar e treated in

th e Grankunu ' s vi l lag e wher e the patient may r emain under

the c u lt leader ' s par e f or s ev eral weeks .

The major activity at the shrine of the Grankunu .

c ult is the minister ing of sacraments or bless ings of the

high obia. These blessings ( the Pu Mofu . Lontu , an d Was i )

are simi lar to the sacraments of the Djuka c u lt or the 7 Gaan Gadu , as r eported b y Van V els en .

Pu �fu is the c leansing of past i l l feelings har-

bor ed and r eceived f r om a dispu t e . The r ite , per f ormed

by spewing taffia rum over the person , is adminis tered b y

7H . U . E . Thoden van V e ls en , B£. cit .


1 24

the Grankunu medium t o pr egnant women to r emove any dis

c or d within a nuc l ear fami ly or between c lose kinsmen .

Such discor d can hamper th e delivery of a ch ild or make

on8 "accident pr one" . This r ite is n ot exc lusive to the

Gran kunU 1 but it can also be adminis ter ed by the granman

an d other lant i .

The lontu and the wasi , h owever . ar e b lessings of

the c u lt an d ar e performed for adh er ents at the shrine of .

the Grankunu in the v illag e of Atemsa , or th e n ewly pre-

par e d sacred grotto at the mouth of the Paramacca Cree k .

T h e lontu involv es passing under the afalaku bundle a s i t

i s h eld b y i t s two bearers , o r by th e bear ers passing the

orac le ov er the communicant . In eith er case , the long red

drape that c ov ers th e bundle wipes h eavily over the per

son ' s body . causing s ome to fall into a frenetic tranc e .

Often this blessing is per formed i n conjunction with the

r itual c leansing ( was i ) by the Grankunu . I n a typical

blessing at the Grankunu shrine , a pers on bows under the

afalaku , whi le the three bott les of c onsecrated beer are

pour ed over the orac le to s p ill into the c ommunicant ' s

body . Thes e bless ings ar e consider ed of g en eral thera-of

peutic benefit with the Cleans ing/the body of " dir t " .

Th er e is also a s ense of propitiousness in making phys ical

contact with the ancestors . One c an r ec eive a b lessing of

the Gran kunu S imply by c ontact with the medium dur ing

tranc e , i . e . when sh e is the ancestor . S uch was the blessing


1 25

of the newly ins ta lled lineag e chief , who came t o the

shr ine of the Gran kunu and p lac ed his new uniform hat on

the medium o s h ead dur ing a s eance .

At the beginning o f each new year , ther e is a large

gath er ing in Atemsa , o r the Paramaccan sacred grotto , for

the annual c leansing and r enewal r itual f or all Catholic 8 Paramaccaris . The pu b lic part of the c er emony inv o lves

first , palavers to discuss the r e lig ious state of the land

and attention to in dividtial cas es r equiring divination ,

spec ial � mofu blessing s , c onsecration of obia talismans ,

etc . S econdly , offer ings of taffia r um are collec ted and

dis p layed in two lar g e pi les--oRe for the "old father ' s ,

the kunu ' s new year " and the oth er for begi libi ( praying

for life ) .

Thes e offer ings are c onsecrated with sacred wh ite

c lay ( pamba ) and stor e d for c onsumption at the evening

dance and later libations at the shrin e . A l l people pra-

s ent are called to r ec eive the r itual c leansing which

wi l l pr epar e the n ew y ear by "pu l ling dirt from the body" .

S ma l l groups of s ix to t en women , then men , pass under the

afalaku drape and s tand in a c lus t er , while one of the

pr i ests pours three beers over their bodies . I n the pr e

vious years , h er ba l was h es have baen pr epare d for th e

8There is much attenti on to the consecrati on of the sacraments and a food offer ing to the Grankunu , wh ich is undertaken v er y pr ivately by the medium and the priests pr ior to the pu blic blessing .


1 2 6

g eneral wash under the dir ection of the afalaku . This

wash ing often caus es th ose who are obia mediums to fall

into exc ited dancing or uncontr olled convu ls ions immedi

ately . After the wash , the group passes bac k through the

afalaku portal held by bear ers .

Wh en th e last group has r ec eived the wash , ther e is

a period of drumming , and obia mediums are expected to

join in the disp lay of their obia ' s prowess in danc ing and

s peaking . Th e speeches involve th e Kr omanti r itual lang

uag e , and imitations of languages of th e Amer indian , Chin

es e , and Eng lish . Many of the dancers , of c ours e , simp ly

seem to los e c ontrol of their s ens es at the first sound of

th e sacre d obia drum beat and collaps e in f itfu l shaking

or dance about in a �ear fr enzy occas ional ly attac king the

drummers or demolishing the s pecial shrin es erected for

the c leans ing rit e . Las tly , ther e is t h e g ener a l danc e

in the even ing and a f inal libation the following morning .

The ent ire c er emony usually lasts thr ee days .


1 27

CHAPTER I X

K INA POLLUT I ON AND W ITCHCR AFT

Tradit iona l Paramacca c oncepts of body pollu t ion are

set in t erms of v iolat ing one ' s kina . Ever y person is

born with a fundamental kina , wh ich is inher ited from the

father . Th is kina is expr essed in two aspects--the tat a

( f ather ) kina and the bwas i kina--which proscr i be contac t

with a c ertain an ima l and a certain type of p lac e . respec

tive ly . There ar e f ive tata kina animals among the Para

macca ; the partr idg e ( mama-foa ) , c atf ish ( lowi ) , tortoise

(�) , c aiman ( caiman ) , and jaguar ( bu bu ) . Each of th es e

animals pr ov ides an idiom for def ining patr ilineal kinsh ip ;

one c ommonly expresses such a r e lat ionsh ip by the phrase s

"we carry the s ame kina . "

E lders state that orig inally ther e was an event

which began the spec ial r elationsh ip betwe en man and the

indiv idual animals wh ich wer e to become h is kina and the

kina �f his ch i l dr en . One such story explained the orig in

of the partr idge kina as foi lows l

One day a wata bu bu ( th e myth ica l water jaguar ) captured a man of the or ig inal loway and carr ied h im into the water . Water jag uar took the man a long d istance underwater . When they c ame out of the water again . ever yth�ng was c omp letely dar k . Water jaguar left , as


1 28

h e was not hungr y at the moment , bu t h e wou ld r eturn to eat the man s oon .

The man was on land , but cou ld not s ee anyth ing and had no i dea of where h e was or what to do . Just then , h e felt s ometh ing falling o n him--it was dirt and pebb les , and then dr y leav es . H e hear d a scratching s ound above h is head and then began t o see a ray of light . As the rust ling overhead c ont inued and more and more ligh t appaared . he r ecognized the act iv ity and immediately understood where he was and h ow to escape . The c ommot ion was that of the mama-foa ( literal ly , " mother b ir d " ) scratching out her nest in t h e grou n d . His pr edicament was that he was ins i de a hollow mount ain and the mama-foa had shown h im where t o c limb in order t o escape . S o , it became a kina for the man and his ch ildren forever after .

I n spite of the propitious natur e of the or ig inal

r e lat ionship . Paramaccans do not r egard their kina ani-

mal as any sort �f patron . I n fact , one has no qualms

about shooting h is kina animal with a shotgun . s ince it

can be done withou t t ouch ing it . The po l lution is to

t ouch the kina fig ur e ; t o touch , or be t ouched by any

thing that has been in phys ical c ontact w ith the kina .

A thor ough wash of kina pol luted items . s�ch as a net

wh ich c au gh t a c atfish . r emoves the dang er . After the

polluted object is washed in the r iver , it c an be r e

turned t o general c ircu lation .

i Q ):'egar d th e � as a food prohibition is only

partially c orrec t among the Paramacca1 • C ertainly ,

fm . J . and F . S . Her kovits , Sur inam F olklor e ( New York a C o lu mbia U niversit y Press , 1 936 ) , p . 3 6 , defines the kina concept in Paramaibo as a food taboo .


1 29

c onsuming the kina is the grossest form of contact pollu

tion . The most danger ous aspect of kina pollut ion is t o

come in c ontact with t h e blood o f t h e anima l . I f . for in

stance , one inadvertent ly touches h is kina , an immediat e

and thor ough wash in the r iver is c ons i dered suff icient to

offset the pollution . H owever , if one s omehow touches the

blood of his kina , the pollut ion is extr eme and pr obab ly

irr evocab le . I n any s ens e . th e food as pect of the kina

pr oh ibition is only applicable t o the c atfish , partr idg e

and tortois e , as t h e alligator and jaguar are c ons idered

univ ersally inedib le .

The bwas i kina inv o lves pollu tion of contac t with

c ertain s paces such as the points on earth on wh ich the

b lood of a dog h as dropped , wher e the fi lings from sharp

ened machetes have fal len " or where a cat has bur ied its

fec es . 8was i kina has an unknown or igin and does not have

the patr i lineal significanc� of the tata kina . O bservance

of the bwas i kina is s imply one of av oiding pollution

wh ich , as with t ata kina pollut ion , r esu lts in lepros y or

yaws (� !.ill).

There is an obvious pres ence of lepr osy in Paramacca

vi llages despite scrupu lous observance of the ' tate kina .

When a hunter c omes in c ontact with a kina animal of

another , h e maintains a strict avoidance of those who carr y

the kina until h e c leans es himse lf in the river . Yet ,

lepr os y is seen as a d ir ec t r esu lt of kina pollut ion . 8was i


1 3 0

kina was probably deve loped to provide an e lement of inadver

tency in kina pollu t ion . Paramaccans point out that it is

impossible to know of such kina p lac es ; b lood dr oppings and

iron shav ings ar e not obv ious on the gr ound , and the c at

c overs its feces wel l . I f one is str icken with the s ic kness

of kin.a pollu tion withou t hav ing violated the tata kina ,

then the pollution is u nderstood to have been from the bwasi

kina .

Later in life , people may develop the additional kina , , of the t one and , f or men , the man-nenge obia . The t one

kina is par ticu lar to an individual , and not ever yone must

obs erve this prohi bit ion . One ' s ton� is a ph ysical locus

in one ' s be ing-- "the p lace wher e you come from"--wh ich can

be determined thr ough divination . Th e kina of a ton� is

found through the same pr ocess , but only in cases where it

is deemed nec essary becaus e of medical r easons .

Most c ommonly , persistent skin rashes or eruptions

ar e diagnosed as a c onsequence of the patient ' s violation � of h is or her t one kina . The next step is t o determine

where and what the t on' is . /

Once the t one is locate d , de-

t erminat ion must be made of the feature of that s pot which

is the patient ' s kina . This is usually found to be a type

of fish or iguana wh ich div inat ion establish es with the , t one . The pat ient assumes th is kina proh ibition along with

the tata and bwas i kina . With th is kina obs ervation , the

skin condit ion shou ld res p ond to herbal medication .


1 3 1

A mor e g en er a l k ina ass oc iated with remote ar eas of

th e bush or r iv er is c ommonly obs erved by Mar oons . On a

long tr ip through unpopu lated ar eas far inland , Par amaccan

c ompan ions c aut ioned each oth er and me t o avoid point ing , . -

loud talk ing , �tr iking r ocks , star ing a t land mar ks , and

other manners wh ich might "spoi l" ( poli ) the kina of that

sect ion of th e r iv er . A ls o , kina days ar e g enerally ob-

serv ed in Paramacca , ie • • Friday is kina day f or the

Fr ench s i de of the r iv er and mon day is c ons ider ed kina

day f or the Dutch s i de . On th ese days , wor k in the

f ie lds and hunt ing in th e kina ar eas ar e av oided . The

Chr ist ian m iss ion inf luence is noted as it is now g ener-

ally r egarded that Sunday is a " Gaddu k ina dae " and heavy

wor k is put oFf in both Catholic and Pr ot estant c ommuni-

t ies .

T h e kina of man-nenge obia is r eceived as par t of

the instructions one is g iven along w ith the bwi or

t alisman . The Kr omant i obia s pec ia lists point out that

to r ec eive an d maintain th e special power of the man

nenge obia , one must acc ept certain kina . Thes e invar i

ably involve av oidaDce of women dur ing their mens es . In

Cath olic v i llages , v irtually ever y adu lt Par amacca mala

wi ll have s ome form of man-nange obia or a Kr omanti medi

c ine pertain�ng to manh ood � 2 I t is th es e kina wh ich

2Such medic ines ar e for v ir i lity ; to insu r e faithfu lness of wives , to prevent co-wives from quarreling , etc .


1 3 2

establish the c onc ept of s exual pollution .

Dur ing menstruat ion , women r etir e t o spec ial non

houses to s leep and c oo k . Th e menstrual period is r e

ferred t o as t o gw ' a � ( going outside ) , and the woman

may not s t ep across the threshold ( goon �) of any h ous e .

Women t i e their h ammocks i n cooking huts , beneath ele

vat e d h ous�s , or oth er s tructur es which do not r equire

cr oss in g a thr eshold . C ontac t with men is minimal dur ing

this period ( no ph ys ical c ontact at all ) , and no f ood pre

par e d by the woman during th is time c an be eaten by men .

Wh i le " outside " . women wear a man ' s type loin c loth ( iden

tical even in name--kamis s a ) c oncealed u nder their normal

pangi wrapar oun d s kirt . Before a woman r eturns to the

hou s e . she may r itually wash with an herbal preparation

and c leanse h er self with app lication of wh ite pemba c lay

over h er body .

Men r egar d th is r egu lar month ly avoidance as a .

smal l pr ice t o pay f or man-nenge obia prop er t ies . More

over , this kina an d th e three month post-partum s exual

abs t inence ar e oft en proposed by men as jus t if icat ion for

polyg yn y . W omen , by c ontrast . are g enerally opposed t o

polyg yn y and actively s ee k to avoid c o-wife relat ionsh ips .

Ne�ther do women n ec essar ily shar e the male ass essment of

the man-nenge obia kinA agains t menstruating women . A wo

man may say that she obs erves the kina . ou t of r es pect for

the man . I f a woman were t o cross a threshold dur ing the


1 33

period , noth ing wou ld h appen to her . I nstead , only the man ' s

obia and medicines wou ld b e spoi led wh ich , t o s ome women ,

seems a small r eas on f or the inc onv enience of s leeping out-

side .

The spec ial re lationship of women as p ot ent ially dan-

g erous to men is i llustrated in Paramacca stor ies . I n the

first-times epic of the ev i l man , H endr ick Amawie , it was

a woman wh o su ggested and encouraged h is or ig inal s oc ial

transgression of g iving a g ift to a marr ied woman . I t was

th is act and th e consequ ences r esult ing from it that

started Amawie on his cr imina l adventures . C onversely .

the invinc ible war her o and obia man , Boni , met h is death

as a r esult of women . Paramacca e lders r ecall that the

Ojuka gr anman or dered that Bani be ki lled , not onl y t o

p l ease t h e c olonial g overnment , but als o because t h e gran

mAn did not want anoth er g r anman on the r iver . Th e, s tor y

of 80n i ' s death is r ecalled as follows :

T o kill Bani t ook special supernatural means because he was a very powerfu l obia man himse lf , and his o bia made bu llets bou nc e off his skin .

Th e Ojuka obia men were powerful t oo , and ' they j oined tog eth er t o prepar e a beau tifu l woman t o g o and learn Boni ' s s ec r et (c onni ) . Th ey knew Bani had a weakness for women , and no oth er way c ou ld they g et the secre�.

Wh en Bani f ir st saw the woman , h e exc laimed that she was the most beaut ifu l woman h e had ever seen . Immediately he wanted h er t o be h is woman . H er plan


1 34

was t o g o along with h is advanc es ; she wou ld lie with h im until he divu lge d h is secr et . In unguar ded pass ion , Bbni r evealed that h is secret was a small hammer ins ide of his h ead . At that , the beau t iful Dju ka woman disappear e d .

Th is secret was th e key i n the Oju ka obia men ' s development of an obia c onsecration of gun and shot wh ich wou ld penetrate the obia of Ban i . The assassinat ion boat was prepar e d an d sent to Boni ' s camp .

B on i was sitt ing outs i de holding an infant for one of h is wives . He saw the appr oach ing Djukas and called to ' h is wif e ; she must c ome and take the ch ild immediate l y l He knew h is survival lay only in r eaching h is obia hut , wher e even the special bul l�ts of the Oju ka c ou ld not penetrat e .

But . typically . th e woman d i d not r espond to h er husband ' s call and that g ave th e Djukas just t ime to g et c lose to Boni and kill h im .

I n th is ver y popu lar st or y , women ar e posited i n two

r oles which spoil the effic ac y of even the most extraor din-

ary man-nenge obia . Th e c lever and beautifu l s iren uses

h er seductive power to dece ive and double cr oss , and th e

lazy wife leaves the bas ic respons ibi lity of an infant t o

t h e man and ignor es h i s voice . A th ird s t or y explains the

or ig in of death in terms df an uneven reciprocity between

Anansi and Death . Anans i g ives Death one of h is daughters

in marr iag e to make legitimate th e taking of food from the

silent o ld man in th e forest . As his pai ( fath er-in-law ) ,

Anansi would be justified in h e lping h imse lf t o the old

man ' s surp lus . Th e old man , Death , ki l ls h er and after


1 3 5

Anans i ' s attempt t o kill Death in r eturn , pursu es h im back

to the land of the l iv ing , where h e has r emained ever

s inc e . ( S ee text in Appendix . )

Th e c oncept of kina is maintained by most Pr otestant , Chr istians , as we l l as the Catholic Paramaccans . A r ecent

cas e of lepr os y among the moravian boarding school ch i l-

dren was r egar ded as a r esu lt of the pastor ' s car e lessness

in keeping kina an imals from the school menu . A maj or mod

ification in the Pr otestant communit y , h owev er , is in the

men ' s kina avoidance of women . Morav ian men still g ener-

ally r egard women dur ing mens es as polluting , but in many

cases r es tr ict the avoidance r equirements to sexual " inter-

c ourse and eat ing f ood prepared by the women dur ing this

per i od . Downr iver men h ave begun t o construct the Euro-

pean style h ou se w ith no goon � threshold p lank , so that

a menstruat ing wife may r emain in the dwe l ling . The logic

is s imply that s ince there is no obvious thr eshold , there

can b e no danger of the pollution of th e woman ' s stepping

over it .

A mor e d ifficu lt matter of tradition for both Mora

vian and Catholic c ommunities is that of witchcraft ( wisi ) .

Witches will be exposed and punish ed on Ju dgment Day-

whether by God at Armageddon or by one ' s matr ilineag e in

c or ps e divination to c ommenc e th e funer a l . But t h e Mor

av ian Church pr ov ides no procedur e s f or identif ying or

purg ing witchcraft : and with the dismant ling of th e sweli


1 3 6

orac le , Catholics do not have t h e traditional means o f put

ting witchcraft suspic ions to r itu al tr ia l .

Dur ing the loway t ime , s everal witches were r eport

edly burned at the stake ; others expos ed by funerary div in

at ions wer e thr own into the brush with ou t bur ia l . Curr ent

ly , suspected witches ar e not moles ted and c orpse div ina

t ion rar e ly confirms witchcraft . I lear ned of only two

cases of c onf irmed witchcraft in Paramacca funerals over

th e past fifty years . Th is lack of c onfirmat ion does not

mean that Paramaccans cons ider thems elves free of witch es .

Rather , incr eas e d miss ion and g overnmental presenc e and

police supervision of the terr itory makes it near ly impos

sible for v i l lages to ph ys ically punish witches or t o

leave c orpes u nint err e d . I n addition , with t h e absence

of the sweli orac le cu lt , there is no formal r itual agency

with a mandate to administer witchcraft ver dicts and con

fiscate witches ' propert y .

Witchcraft , then , p oses a c ommon pr oblem to both

Pr otestant and Catholic Paramacca . Witchcraft wor ks in

two bas ic manners through ou t the terr itor y . first , th er e

ar e witches who " dr ink the blood of people " . S ec ondly ,

there are th os e wh o practice " bad" ( taku ) sorcer y in th e

form of either Ufix ing someth ing " ( seiCUl sani ) or "s ending

someth ing " ( s eni sani ) against other s .

The i diom of " dr inking s omeone " is usua l ly discussed

in terms of t h e Azema . Azema is s omeone ( male or female )


1 3 7

with an ev i l h ear t who , by a s pec ial herbal wash , tur ns him

self into a winged vampir e at nigh t . Th e �e�� washes with

with the herbal preparat ion as th e village s leeps . W ith

gr eat wings wh ich emerge , the 8zema soars to the h eight of

the kankanti tre e , where he stands and surve ys the vi ll�ge

for vict ims .

The victim knows h e or she h as been attac ked during

s le ep by Azema if h e wakens pale and list less . The Azema

ar e said to h ave definite preferences in b lood ; t hey will

taste several befor e choos ing s omeone to dr ink . O nce they

acqu ir e a fondness for s omeone , the Azema will seek t o

dr ink his blood r egu lar ly . but car efu lly s o as not t o kill

the sourc e of sweet blood . Paramaccans say that Azema is

a constant threat , and at night bolt th eir h ouses securely

and keep ker os ine lamps burning . Each door and window has

a cros s marked prominent ly on it , as Az ema c annot pass

through a thr esh old mar ked with a cross . N otwithstanding

th e f e lt pervasiveness of Azema , only rar e ly is anyone

open ly suspected of being Azema , and during my stay only

very occasionally did someone c omp lain of being " drunk"

dur ing the night .

The witchcraft of "fixing someth ing " or "s ending s ome

thing " ag ainst another is more manifes t in interpers onal r e

lationsh ips . my f ir st instructions from an e lder wer e to

be extremely carefu l about food and dr ink in any of the

v i l lages . Ther e are people , I was told , wh o are so jealous


1 38

and s pitefu l that th ey will "fix" food by s pr inkling poi

son from their f ingernails onto the p late . I n addition ,

I was cau t ioned never to leav e sandals , h ammoc k , or any

c loth ing out of doors overnight . S omeone cou ld "fix" them

to cause h arm or discomfor t . Per s istent s kin s or es and

boi ls . deafness and blindness wh ich occur after infancy ,

ar e oft en attributed t o s omeone h aving "fixed someth ing "

against the victim .

Paramaccans insis t on an important point in consid

er ation of this type of witchcraft . I t is not just th e

ability to " fix " thing s , n or ev en the act of " fixing " , b ut

th e natur e and mot ivat ion of the act that makes sorcer y

become witchcraft . Most adu lt men , for ins tance , can and

do prepar e candu bundles t o guar d th eir fie lds and mater

ial property . 3 The candu can be a s imp le bundle of twigs ,

cloth and a bott le with an herbal solution which is p lace d

pr ominent ly in , say , a f ie ld with r i p e cane , watermelons

and cor n . The cultivator has announced i n the v i l lage that

he has pr epared a candu in h is f ield wh ich h as the power

to r ender anyone who may v iolate h is crop by theft or de

structi on ( tr espass is no conc er n ) s er ious ly i l l . Furth er

mor e , anyone suffering i l lness u nder h is candu mus t c oma

to h im to seek proper medication .

3The candu is ineffective against patrilineal kinsmen .


1 39

Thus the man has " fixed" h is field with no witchcraft

imp lied at all . The preparation is announced pu blicly

indeed , boastfully ; th e purpose is t o s afeguar d h is pro

duce , and any victim mus t violate th e c an du ' s exp licit

char g e b efor e he c an become "fixed " . I f , however , the c u l

tivator was suspec ted of h aving pr epar e d a bundle in s e

cret t o make a r iv a l i l l , then th e matter becomes witch

craft .

The most f ear ed type of witchcraft is the " s ending

someth ing " ( s eni sani ) . The "sending " imp lies a v er y

powerfu l communicat ion and wherewithall with the super

natural . and the "someth ing " is usually a bakuu . Again ,

adu lt Paramaccans have access to extraordinar y abi lit ies

through obia of one form or anoth er . The obia of the baku u

is w itbhcraft because of the natur e of its power an d the

motivation behind its acquisition .

The b akuu is the property of the ambitious . I t is

exp lained that when someone wants extraor dinar y p ower in

accu mu lating wealth and power , h e can g o to th e c ity and

c ontact a Paramaribo obia man . Th e bakuu ( or oft en a pair

of bakuu ) is p urchased f or a sum of money and it is your s

f or l if e . I f the purch as er ever attempts to r i d hims e lf

of the baku u , it will k i l l him . The obia man pr epares the

bakuu in a dr y c oc oa s ee d and the new owner takes it h ome

to h is vi llag e . The bakuu has a vorac ious appetite and its

owner has a r es p ons i bi lity to f eed it . The bakuu is fond


1 40

of sweets and c an consume a barrel of s ugar in a ver y shor t

wh i le , i t i s said . The owner does not mind feeding the

bakuu at first because it he lps him get money . S omet ime ,

however , h e does not have enough sweets to satisfy his bakuu

and it demands of him a human lif e . The bakuu threatens

to consume its owner u n less it is fed soon . At th is , th e

owner s ends it t o . devour one of h is matr i lineal kinsmen .

That a baku u has been sent is disc losed thr ough div ination .

Tr eatment is in the form of ex orc ism .

I n many cases , the v ictim will r ev eal h is i llness

himself thr ough a trance poss ess ion stat e : In tranc e , one

may call th� name of a kinsman who is suspected of impor t

ing a bakuu . I n a r ec orded incident , a 24-year- old g ir l

was s peaking Chinese and another mediu m was calle d to in

terpr et the speech . A seanc e �as held with a medium wh o ,

also in a state of p ossess ion , understood the g ir l ' s "Ch in

ese " and spoke "Ch inese" back to h er . Through this commun

ication , it was determined that it was a bakuu s peaking

thr ough the young g ir l . H er mutter ings were then tr ans

lated to r eveal the name of the person who had purchased

the bakuu-her mother ' s brother who had s ince left the v i l

lage to live with a Djuka woman in the c ity . The seance

went on t o f ind that th e previous deaths of two children

in the matr i lineag e had been the r es u lt of the Eakuu .

A medium of any other obi a is usually able to "see "

th e bakuu . and such persons are called upon to exorc ise


1 41

th e bakuu obia from its v ictims. . A s eance is h eld in

wh ich other mediums w i l l call out th e bakuu fr om th e body

of the patient and f ight with it with machetes . I n one

s uch c ase , two mediums ch�s ed an object p erceivable on ly

to themselves ar ound a v i lla9� quar t er with machetes unt il

th ey captured it in an empty bott le . When the exorc ism is

successful . the bakuu is captur e d or it may f lee fr om the

pat ient in fright to r eturn to its " owner " . I f the owner

is dec eased , the bakuu becomes a wandering ev i l . O n ly an

obia man from the city can ever s ucceed in killing a

baku u , accor ding t o Paramaccan specialists .

The Paramacca app lication of the bakuu concept r e

flects sanction against personal acc umu lation in a l imited

good s ituation . The mission orientation of the community

does not s eem t o affect the bakuu conc ept . Two of the

thr ee men in the Mor av ian village �ho wer e openly suspec

ted of hav ing purchased b,akuu wer e th e local pr opr i etors

of the two sma l l g eneral s tor es in the v i l lage . S o , even

in the Pr otestant c ommunity , �o become r e lative ly wealthy

thr ough s el ling to kinsmen is s piritually dangerous .


1 42

CH APTER X

PERSON I N PROC ESS--TH E CATH O L ICS

Wh ether Cath olic or Protestant , a lmos t aver y Para

maccan will def ine a human being as a unique combination

of an akaa . a t on� t and a nensek i . The akaa ( probably

fr om the Ashant i , kra , meaning soul ) is the life s pir it

wh ich God sends to the newborn infant in th e f orm of its

first breath . The akaa its elf is unique and par t icu lar to

each or ig inal life on ear th . An akaa is one ' s own c on

sc iousness ; it is that aspect of a person wh ich appreci

ates p leasur e and endur es pain . An aka a is capable of

be ing lost or entrapped when away from one ' s body and s o

must b e tr eate d with some c onsideration . Dur ing s leep ,

the akaa leav es th e body , encounter ing exper iences wh ich

pr ovide the mat erial of dr eams . But one should never be

awakened abr upt ly , lest the akaa may not g et back in p lac e .

Similar l y , one c an lose his akaa dur i�g s leep t o a witch

who may capture it . The " loss of ak�" is a c ommon diag

nos is o f a type o f mental disorder wh ich is charac ter ized

by a p erson ' s loss of c oh er enc y or s peech . One must be

mindful of h is or her akaa , not only against w itches , but

also against its loss thr ough th e carelessness of walking

under a fish net , by p lac ing a t in c an or toy calabash


1 43

boat in the r iver t o f loat away , or by exp er iencing an ex-

tr eme frigh t . , The t one is exp lained as simply "wh er e you came from" .

Each per s on has a g eograph ic locus wh ich can be det ermined

through divination . The pr ec is e tone is s ought in cas es

of i l lness where the t one kina is sus p ected as h aving been

violated . OOor avians avoid t on� divinat ion , but have a g en

eral idea of their ton' thrnugh dr eams and by taste pre-

f er encss in fish or meat--one w i l l be a "water person " or

" land per s on " r espectively . 1

N ens eki is the ancestor in one ' s being . Ever yone

compr is es a r eincarnat ion of an ancest or who often is ( but

need not be ) of th e same matr ilineag e and sex � Ear ly in

ch ildhood , the nenseki is determined b y divination or , as

among the Moravians , thr ough persona lity or ph ys ic a l char

act er istics or dr eams . Among Cath olics , determining th e

nenseki is important , s ince ch i ldh ood dis eases are often

divined as the r esult of the nenseki ancestor agitating

for r ecognition and attent ion . I n the Moravian community ,

obv i ous character ist ics of nensaki r eincar nat i on ar e s poken

of only pr ivately .

Among Paramaccans , it is c ommonly unders tood that

' C atholics tend to r egard toni in mor e s p ec ific des ignations of points along the var ious waterways in the Paramacca territ or y . Ther e was some disagr eement among r eligi ous experts over th e nature of land t one . S ome maintained that a l l �aramacca ton6 wer e of the water areas ; land or bush t one wer e c onsidered dang erous .


1 44

each unique being is r ealized in both a phys ical incarna

tion and in a metaph ys ical being called the yook!. 2 Whi le

the ph ys ical body is " aliv e" , one ' s yooka p lays no special

role and normally r eceives no attention . A notable excep-

tion , however , is obia s pirit p ossess ion , which is seen

as a s pecial instance wher e someon e ' s living being enc om

pas s es a c ommunicating yooka in addition to his own .

A ls o , the term f or · anyone wh o is g ener a lly cons idered to

hav e extr aor dinar y powers is " lepi " . The term literally

means "r ipe " when used t o describe fruit or plants ; a lepi ,

or r ip e p er s on , is one whose ph ys ica l and metaph ys ic a l be

ings appr oach c onf luenc e .

The agr eement o f C atholic and Protestant Par amacca

r eg ar ding yooka spir its , akaa s ou ls and nenseki r einc arna-

tion ends with the definitions of what th ey ar e . Th e Mor-

avian does not c oncer n h imse lf with the " darknes s " of th e

r ea lm of yookas . Processes of Mor avian passage will be

discussed in the following chapter ; the r emainder of th is

s ec t ion out lines the concepts of life trans ition and de-

scribes their r itual obs ervances as they are maintained

by the C atholics in the c u ltur a l tradition of the loway.

2M . J . and F . S . H erskovits , �. c it . , p . 1 09 , and other s g iv e a C ar i b Indian or ig in for the term "yooka" . Bastide , h owever . stat es that the orig in is ess ent ially Ghanaian. " But even if the ( Indian ) etymolog ic a l der ivation is s ound . the c oncept imp lied by such a t erm h as a character istical ly Afr ican quality about it . " £!E.. £!i. , p . 6 0 .


1 45

A h uman i dea l ly liv es on earth for four c omp lete life

times . Th e first life is that unique incarnation of akaa ,

ton� and nenseki . Wh en the ph ys ical body dies , the akaa ,

r eturns t o God , while the tone and th e nens eki s imp ly ex-

pire in that par t icular be ing . Th e person , h owever , lives

on in the form of his or h er yooka . As ¥ooka , th e person

r emains near the c or ps e and can be c onsu lted in p os t mor -

t e m d iv inat ion o f the bo dy or o f a small bundle o f h air

and f ingernai ls . I f the body is interred , the ¥ooka re-

mains n ear the bur ial gr ounds , is present in Gaddu Konde¥ .

and is in the ancest or shr ine of its matri lineage . I n

this stat e , the pers on r emains inv olved in th e affairs of

the incarnat e beings as ances tor e I n deaths wher e there

is a s urviving s pous e , the ¥ooka h as a s pec ial locus with

th e s pouse ( usua lly in a basket ) , and is tende d to daily

with food and dr ink libation thr oughout th e year of mourn-

ing .

One ' s " life " as a ¥ooka is act iv e and diverse . In

addition t o being committed t o l ineag e matt ers as an anc es-

t or . t he ¥ooka r eceives p ermiss i on fr om God to r es ume a

more or less incar nate life on earth as the aspec t of n!n

seki . This is p ossi ble for thr ee occasions on l y . To be

come the nenseki asp ec t of an or ig inal incarnation , the

100ka passes unnoticed into the womb of the moth er during


1 46

pr egnancy . 3

Existence as an ancestor looka . and r e incarnat ion as

nenseki ar e rewar ds of not h aving been a witch in the orig

inal incarnation . Those p ersons who are found to be

witches are taken at death to a remote ar ea of par ticu lar ly

dense j ungle brush . The c orpse is not washed and is car

ried as th ough it were a foul obj ec t . The bear ers throw

the body into the br ush , shou ting the tI& h e e':'luu " r itual

disc laimer of invo lvement . As s oon as the c orpse leaves

th eir hands , th e bearers run back to their boat as qu ickly

as possible . This marks the f inal end of that being ;

ther e is no funeral o bs ervanc e , no mourning , no mention of

name , never a notice of the person as ancest or , and never

recognit ion as n ens eki .

T o make th e cr itical trans ition fr om inc arnate being

to ances t or , the yooka of the being mus t undergo judgment

of the matr i lineage . Judgment is the f irst funer ary pro

cedure and inv olves two t ests of the yooka . The yooka is

still pres ent near the body after death , so the c orpse is

used as th e locus of the spirit . I n s ome c as es , a small

bundle of h air and f ingernails of the deceas ed can be sub-

stituted f or the body .

3A f etus is vulnerable t o a number of s p ir itual influ ences . F or this r eason , i t is said a man must not k i ll deer or tapir wh i le a wife is pregnant . Th es e two animals have looka much as man , and if the physical being is k i lled by he hunter , the yooka may enter the womb of h is woman and

destroy the f etus in v eng eanc e .


1 47

The tests invo lve two bear ers carr ying th e wrappe d

body on a long p lank . The p lank is carr ied balanc ed on

th e h eads of th e bearers , one at eith er end . The bearers

ar e usually young er men as c ons i derable ph ysical endurance

is r equir e d to carry the c orpse thr ough the proc e dur es .

Als o , b ear ers ar e men trus tworth y t o the lineag e gaansama

that is , b ear ers ar e ch osen from th os e men wh o d emons trate

respect and defer ence to e l ders and the ancestors .

Th e r equirement of r elig ious trustwor th iness is es

peci ally true of the front bearer , wh o has the mor e impor

tant posit ion in d et ermining the cor ps e ' s indications of

dir ect ion . Paramaccans ins ist that the bear ers have no

contro l ov er the movement of the cor pse as orac le . I t is ,

rath er , the yooka wh ich dir ects its porters as to movement

and direction thr o ugh the weight and c ontac t of th e body

on the h eads of th e two bear ers . Befor e lifting the

corpse to their heads , the bear ers ar e c ons ecrated t o

their sacred duties by libation of r um to ancestors , per

formed by lineag e e l ders . Many bear ers ass ume an attitu de

of s emi-trance dur ing th e div ination procedures .

The f ir st j u dgment pr oc edur e r equ ir es the yPoka to

cross over a demarcated line on a path . E lders will per

f or m a solemn oblation to ancestors a long a path and will

mar k a line across it with the r um used in libation . The

bear ers r emain some distance away with th e c or ps e and do

not s ee where the mar k is pour e d . This line i s not r eadil y


1 48

vis i ble , nor are the bearers able to look c los ely at the

ground because of th e weight of th e bod y on their h eads .

Th e l ibation at the path is directed to the ances t ors , who

ar e asked to stand in j udgment of th e yooka : if th e person

was a witch , do not a l low the yooka to cr oss over the line .

Wh en the trai l is pr epar ed , the bearers br ing th e

cor ps e to the site . As they begin to pass along the path ,

th e yooka is told to show that its incar nate being was n ot

a witch by gu idi ng its bearer s freely over th e libation

line . The bear ers th en pr oceed s low ly along the path c om

pletely under th e dir ection of the yooka . As they r each

th e invis ible line of rum . th e process ion may halt abruptly

with the front bearer finding himself unable t o take anoth

er s t ep forwar d . I f this happens , i t is seen as the ances �

tor s b loc king the way . The yooka and its bear ers turn and

run back in f ear as th e ancestors have ex posed th e yooka

as a witch . A lt ernatively , the bear ers may pass across

th e line and manifest n o c onfusion or h es itat ion along the

path . This would indicate that the yooka is accepted by

the ances t ors as wor th y of r emembrance , and th e judgment

pr oceeds to a s econd trial .

I n the s ec ond ph as e of j udgment , e lders dir ect three

parsons t o g o into the v i l lag e and c onceal themselv es in a

house wh ich they ch oos e at random . Again , the bear ers r e

main near the c orps e , out of s ight of th e pr eparati ons .

Once the persons ar e h i dden in the h ous e , th e yooka is


1 49

instructed t o lead its b earers t o the p lace wh er e the peo

ple are c oncealed . Th e body is then mov ed throughout the

villag e . The bear ers w i ll eith er wander aimless ly about

the v i l lage or they wi ll go to a h ous e and str ike against

it . I n the f irst instance , th e c onfusion of the bear ers

is c lear ly the confusion of th e yooka , which is unable to

perc eiv e th e h i ding p lac e . This i s an exposur e of the

)looka as that of a witch . In th e secon d c as e , the bear ers

ar e directed t o th e h ous e by the c or ps e orac le , it is as

sume d . The bearers will str ike agains t th e h ous e as the

onlookers call out p layfu lly that the yooka is mistaken ,

it is the wr ong h ouse , no one is in ther e , etc . Usually ,

the bear ers persist and the c or ps e is knocked against th e

h ous e f or a s ec on d time . The audienc e chides the yooka

f or its mistake again . The bear ers may then rush against

the h ouse a th ird time , us ing the corpse a lmost as a bat

ter ing r am , to "knock" f or the people in th e h ous e . O n

this th ir d " knock" the c oncea led people emerg e fr om the

hous e and there ar e comp liments for the yooka ' s demonstra

tion of n ot having b een a witch . A gun is then fir ed ,

mar king the commencement of the funeral cer emon y .

Befor e discuss ing t h e funer ary r ituals , we must fi�st

c onsider the p oints of proc ess of the incar nate life on

earth . f irst of a l l . birth is att ended by women only , and

an experi enced midwife pres ides . Delivery is usually f� om

a squatt ing p os ition and the umbilica� c ord ' is cut with a


1 50

knif e and bur ied near the hous e . A portion of the cor d

is kept and burned t o ash es , wh ich are preserve d for in-

c lusion in an obia ta lisman lat er .

The child has r eceived its nenseki and t on� in the

womb ; th e midwif e and women attendants take par t in the

s pecial event when G o d directly adds th e akaa with the

first br eath of air . Just at the p oint of bir th , one of

the women r ushes t o pick a green calabash from a tr ee .

The calabash is br oken at the thr eshold of the h ome , and

the baby is immediate ly s p ong ed with the c oo l . fibr ous

pulp of the go�r d . The calabash wash usually induces th e

first breath and the cr y , which transforms the sober and

appr ehensiv e group of men outs i de of the hut into a happy

par t y of c elebration with drinking and c ongratu lati ons .

Mother and ch ild r emain s ec lu de d in the h ous e for eight

days after deliver y . During this period , on ly the women

kinsmen attend th e mother with food and fr equent wash es

with warm h er bal s o lutions .

On the eighth da y of a person ' s lif e , h e or she is

pr es ented t o the lineage public . Th is is th e first of the

formal rituals of passag e in wh ich a p erson is the princi-

pal subj ect . One ' s trans ition into adu lthood is mar ked - .

by a cer emony to g iv e c l oth ing . Th e final r itual is the

passag e at death from incar nate exist ence into th e r ealm

of ancestors .

A per s on ' s first intr oduction t o the lineage is in


1 51

the c er emony t o "pull outs ide" (.Ill!. .! .f!.2..g,) th e infant and

moth er from th e eight-day s ec lusion . On th is day , peop le

ar e called to the h ous e and the mother and ch i ld ar e

br ought to s it at th e fr ont of the door . An e lder is

asked to officiate in the libati on and pres entation of

c loths . Th e e lder c an be of anoth er lineag e and often

women are selected . Libation is made t o the mqther ' s akaa

( s ince it bears the pain of chi ldbir th ) by dau bing an al

c oh o lic s yr up .( swiet i sopi ) on h er f or eh ea d . ches t . back

and t oes . Libation is a ls o pour ed t o th e ancest ors t o

"stand for " the new kinsman with str ength and h ea lth .

Th e father of the c h i ld , who is often not involved

with th e act ua l r itual , pr ovides g ifts of pangi c loths f or

th e mother , and r efr eshments of rum for par tic ipants and

on lookers . The officiating e lder pr es ents the g ifts to

th e mother by unfolding each c loth ( appr ox imat ely 1 by 2

meters ) and placing it ov er the mother ' s shoulders . This

s erves t o announce pub lic ly the r ecipr oc a l love of the

couple .

An e lder exp lain ed the pangi g ifts t o me as . part of

marr iage a

Wh en you lov e a woman , you tr y t o s ee her s ec r et l y at n igh t . S om etimes you s en d a fr iend t o talk t o h er for you becaus e she may not even talk to you at f ir st . I f you love her . thoug h , you show h er by making sma ll things for h er l ike a c omb or a paddle • • •

You h av e t o do a lot of talking t o h er ,


1 52

but you can tell if she loves you . Wh en you �o to ask h er if she will live with you { s ecuring the woman ' s acceptance usually prec edes the more formal neg otiations of the lineages ) you should t ake h er a h ammock , and maybe she will give you s omething in retur n .

I f h er fami ly gives h er to you , you must make a boat f or h er . ' When you g iv e it to h er , she will g ive you a fine kamissa ( loin c loth , often embroider ed ) .

You cut a field for h er and s h e br ings you gr eat f ood and makes a s pec ial dish f or the occasion .

Y ou then bui l d a hous e f or h er and she will prepar e fine things for you , s uch as palm oil ( matpa fatu ) and dr ied p epp ers with s alt fom pepe ) f or y our meals .

When sh e makes a child for you , you g iv e h er many ean�! and ma ybe s ome m oney for th e E.!:!. !! do o .

T h e transition from ch i ldhood t o adulth ood i s s ymbol

ized by a c er emony of pres enting c l othing to the indivi dua l .

This r itual is c al led s imply " giving o f pang i " (.91 pangi )

for women an d "giv ing of l oincloth " (.9.!. kamissa ) for men .

Th e c er emony is a raucous and , f or the 1 4- t o 1 6- year olds

who fac e it , a dreaded affair . By th e t ime of th e f ormal

change of s tatus , most t eenagers h ave l ong b efor e start e d

wear ing c lothing . T h e formal g iving o f c loth ing , h owever ,

involves the public r emoval of chi ldr en ' s c lothing befor e

the pres entation of new and appropr iat e adult gar b . I t is

this aspect of the ceremony wh ich usually draws g reat atten

t ion from v i l lag ers and pr ompts attempted escapes by the


1 53

subj ect of the c er emon y .

The father and mat ernal uncles prov i de the c lothing

for presentati on and the r efr eshments for the par tic ipants

and on lookers . As with the � � poo obs ervances , an e lder

off iciates in the libat ion t o ancestors and pr esentat ion

of c lothing . Libation in this instanc e is t o invo lv e the

ancestors in the proc eedings and to encourag e their ass is

tance in the h ea lth and welfar e of the young p erson . Then

the e lder takes a knife and c uts away the ch i ldr en ' s c loth

ing . As the c loth falls t o the g r ound , th e initiate stands

nude befor e t h e entir e v i l lag e . This is a bois terous moment

in the c er emony as onlookers j os t l e for a better v i ew , and

offer c omments r eg ar ding f eatur es of the initiate ' s g eni

tal development . The e lder bids a l l t o look at th e mor t i

fied t eenager , because this wil l be th e las t t ime h e or

she will be s een publicly with out c loth ing . Th e initi

ate is then c lothed and each g ift of c lothing is announc ed

alou d . unfolded and admired , t hen r efolded . Ther e is mora

dis tr i bution of rum and th e tr ans ition is c omp let e . The

t eenager adult is ther eafter more appr opr iately r ef erred

t o with the "broth er " or "sis t er " ( Ba or �) pr efix before

their p ersonal name .

The g iving of kamissa c er emony f or a young man is n ow

only r ar ely pr ac tice d by Paramaccans . Young men object t o

the humiliation o f th e p ublic exposure and refuse to ac

quiesc e . Gir ls also obj ect and usually run away on the


1 54

day designated f or the r itua l . N evertheless , the cer emony

for g iving pangi is maintaine d and the g irls ar e a lways

found and br ough t weeping to the affair . Men are a llowed

t o r efuse the g iving of c loth ing r itua l , and g ir ls not ,

p erhaps becaus e of s u bstitute r itual obs ervances wh ich de

scr i be a youth ' s trans ition t o manhOOd .

O n e of these trans it ions t o adulthood for a young

man is with h is f irst acquisition of a man-nenge o bia .

This initiates a youth into the extraordinar y abilities of

manhood and p lac es a kina prohi bition on him against the

pollut ion of women . Fr om this point on , h is manhood is de

p en dent upon h is awar eness of th e fundamental differ ences

between man and woman , and the str ict avoidance of women

and whatever they touch during th eir menstrual per i od . S o ,

in par t , manhood becomes defined in a r itualized c ontradis

tinction from its opp os ite , womanh ood .

Anoth er s ymbolic transit ion from boyhood t o manhood

is found as part of the funerary rites . The first time a

Par amaccan youth ( or the ethnograph er ) accompanies the

gravediggers to the sacred bur ial gr ounds in th e Paramacca

Creek r egion , he underg oes a fair ly e laborate initiation

into th e duties of a gravedig g er . P erhaps the most social ly

r esponsible acts a Paramaccan adult faces , is in the pr oper

pr epar ation and dispos ition of dec eas e d kinsmen . Thus , th e

c ounseling of a youth in the procedur es of the gravedig g ers

( oloman ) . mar ks h is inclus ion in th e f u l l respons ibilities


1 55

of an adu lt.

Five Paramacca y ouths and I wer e c on ducted through

the instruct ions in th e manner descr ibed from field notes

below a

At th e grave s ite c lear ing . the init iates ar e in

structed to sit near the chi ef gravedig ger and obs erv e

the wor k c los ely . Shoes and Eur opean-type shirts ar e not

p ermitted in the bur ial grounds . W ork beg ins in the mor n

ing and at a bout 1 0 : 00 o ' c lock the grav ediggers stop to

hav e the first meal of the day s Th e initiates and th e

chief grav edigg er begin eat ing befor e the others . This is

c ontrar y to normal customs , wh en the young must def er to

th eir e lders in s uch matters . At th e grav e s ite . h owev er ,

th e init iates ar e serv ed first , along with the off icia

t i ng gravedigg er o Dur ing the food breaks , the men dis

cuss iss u es of theolog y , ancest ors , death , diff er ences

among r ac es of men , and so on .

Wh en the grave is about h a lf c ompleted , attention of

the grav edigg ers is turned t o the initiates . One of the

men beg ins to paint large designs on the initiates ' faces

and chests with wet c lay from the grav e . whi le anoth er

goes into the for est to find the special l eaves for "c lean

ing the eyes " . After the initiates have a l l been painted ,

they ar e led to the grave by the chief gravedig ger . He

perfor ms a f ormal libation with r um at the foot of th e

grav e . The libation r equir es near ly a half bottle o f rum


1 56

and is addressed to the ancestors . Th e speech intr oduces

the initiates to the ances tors , and vice versa ; then it

continu es with an admon it ion to the ancestors and the ini

tiates to not f ear each other . but to work togeth er with a

sense of mutual r espons ibi lity and trus t . Afterwar d , each

initiate mus t c limb into the grave and draw three shovels

of dirt from th e bottom .

The next phase of th e instruc tion is th e "c leaning

of eyes " . "C lean eyes " is a common euphemism for u n der

standing or c omprehens ion . In this instance , the " c lean

eyes " of understanding gravediggers ' r es ponsibi lities is

symbo lized very literally . The init iates are seated on a

log and one of the gravediggers emerges from the bush with

three s eparate preparations of mashed leav es . H is instruc

tion is that although it will be painfu l , these leav es

will c ause the eyes t o become c lean s o that they can s ee

c lear l y . H e holds each fellow ' s h ead bac k and squ eezes

ju ice from the crushed leav es into their eyes . ( The eye

wash bur ns f iercely and I was c omp letely unable to s e e for

about f ive minutes . )

The next and final step c omes wh en the women br ing

food to the gravediggers . At about 2 1 00 P . M. , a boat car

rying the women and food arr ives from th e vi llag e . The

bur ial c lear ings ar e a long a path appr ox imately 200 meters

fr om the boat landing . The grave dig g ers h ave prepar ed a

number of whips and switches out of vines and branch es , and


1 57

have c onstructed an archway of these switches over the path

as an entrance to the bur ial c lear ings . Wh en the boat ar

rives , the initiates ar e taken t o the switch thr eshold and

made to form a line along the path on the grave s ide of th e

archway . Th e grav edig g ers arm th emselves with switches and

ver y brusquely instruc t the init iates that the women bring

ing the food ar e the unmarr ied g ir ls who will be looking

their finest . As they pass thr ough th e archway , each ini

tiate ( still with mu d mas ks and body des ign ) mus t reach

and h old each of the g ir ls and kiss them s o lidly on the

mouth . The gravadiggers menace the init iates with the

switches and exag g erate warnings against anyone wh o balks

or g igg les �

Two men arr iv e first and formally announce that they

have escorted women wh o ar e br ing ing food f or th e grave

digg ers . P ermiss ion t o pass through the archway is grante d

on ly after t h e grav e digg ers dramatical ly accost t h e women

with the switch es and inf orm th em of the ru les of entr y .

The beau tifu lly dr essed and gr oomed young women pass

through the entrance s ing le file and are stopped by each of

th e initiates u nder the spirited s upervision of gravedig

gers .

Th is initiat ion pr ocess is only one aspect of the

funerar y r itual . The s ymbolic passage from incarnate life

to an ances tor being is the most e laborate r itua l sequence

of the Paramaccans o After c ompleting the div ination of


1 58

j u dg ment , e lders announce the c ommenc�ment of the r itual

with a gun fir e d into the air . Thr ee men of the v i l lage

are sent to carr y the annou nc ement of the death to th e

p aramount c h ief and t o all th e other v i l lag es . Such mes

sag es are always carried by thr ee men in one boat . These

messengers c arry the news dir ect ly to th e lineage chiefs ,

wh o th en call f or th e vi llage t o ass emble for the an-

nouncement .

One typical death message arrived befor e dawn one

morning in an upriver vi llag e wher e I was staying . Th e

incident was r ec or ded in my field notes as f ollows : A

boat with thr ee men came and left quickly ; b efore the

morning mist had c lear ed . Shor t ly afterwar d , a bas ia be-

gan mov ing about the v i l lag e , calling for ev er yone to

gath er at the h ou s e of Kapite� A . People arrive quick ly

carr ying stools ; the mood of the gather ing is appr ehen-

s iv e , as it seems obvious to all that th e message is one

of death . The lin eage chief bids an elder to br eak th e

news . R e luctant ly , h e beg ins the v er y shor t , but formal

speech wh ich is addr essed to and r espondedJb� a bas ia :

( elder ) ( basia ) ( e lder ) ( basia ) ( elder ( basia ( e lder ( bas i a ( e lder ( baS ia l ( e lder ( basia

As we ar e hare tog ether , E a ya , papa A boat has come to us this mor ning , Ai , Da ba It is a bad boat , Na so , Da I t tells that Sister E • • • is no long er her e , E e ya Death has taken h er Ee ya Yester day , in this night . E e ya


1 59

S ome women who ar e lineage kins men t o th e deceas ed

begin to wai l . for a f ew moments th e g athering s its bowed .

Then p lans ar e made for travelling to th e vi l lag e wher e

the funeral c er emony will be held . A libation of rum is

poured to the ancest or s befor e th e people begin prepar ing

to leave .

I n the meant ime , the body is being washed u n der th e

superv ision of one of the two Paramaccan funeral spec ial

ists . One of th es e two men is always pr esent to c ounsel

the lineag e elders r egar ding r itua l procedures . They main

tain th e informal title of gravedigger , bu t lac k the r e

lig ious organization and political power available to their 4 Oju ka c ounterparts .

Th e body is wash ed , . wrapped in a white hammock , and

p lace d in s tate in the lineag e ' s ke � ( cr ying hous e ) by

the time most peop le arr ive . Th e lineage chief officiates

and , in c ou nci l with c lose kinsmen of the dead p erson , as

sign men to dut i es of kissi !!!All ( c offin maker ) and .f!.!.!! IDAO.

( gravedigger ) for th e funera l .

The deceased ' s S i blings , spouse , and often other c lose

kinsmen t i e their hammocks in the � � and r emain ther e

unt i l the bur ial . The widowed spous e , h owever , is i n a

stat e of mourning and r emains in the � � until after th e .

eighth day ceremony ; and poss ibly longer . P er iodically and

4See H . U . E . Thoden van V e ls en , 22 . £!i.


1 60

on specific points dur ing the funeral obs ervanc es , the r e

latives in the ke �. p laintively cr y alou d ( h ence , the

des ignation , ke �) .

The evening of the f irst day of th e death r itual is

for the t ouca . Touca is the dance and song motif speci

fically for ancest ors on the occas ion of death . I t is p er

formed only on th e f irst night of a death . Th e t ouca is

dance d by p eop le moving ar oun d in a lar g e c ircle , s ing ing

shor t song v er s es over and ov er . Th e t ouca s ong is sung

in the usual call-r espons e manner , but u nlike other types

of s ong , touca lyrics ar e c ons idered spir itu ally "heavy"

in their concern f or death . F or examp l e l

Na wan Gaddu manu A mi asu . ba Wissiman kon tekk ' ing

A f ikka baana bu ba g immi

Th er e is a man of G od I n my h ous e , oh A witch has c ome and taken him And left a p lantain skin for me .

( Plantains ar e c ommon s ymbols of death . )

As the dancers c ir c le with the drum rh ythm , one per

son s ings the song . then all r epeat in the same manner .

The dancers may encirc le th e body and the entir e � �

dur ing the singing . The dance its elf may last all nigh t .

The evening dancing and a l l that follows ar e called "play"

(�) , and ar e exc iting and l ou d affair s . I t was exp lained

t o me that the ancestors , jus t as th e living , enjoy a good

p lay ; and a p lay is on ly g ood if the p eople are having fun .

"The t ouca p lay " , ari old woman remar ked , " is for the


1 61

anc est ors and the dead one we c ome to honor ; it is t o show

th em we ar e happy with them . "

Dawn of the sec on d day is intr oduced with the f ir ing

of a gun and wai li ng from the ke �. On this day , wor k

beg ins o n th e coff i n , women begin pr epar ing food , and th e

lanti of e l der s beg ins its inv es t igation of th e c ircumstan

ces of the death . The c of f in maker s ass emble in a work

ar ea n ear the ke � ; n ot far away the women beg in pr epar

ing food f or the c offin makers and the grav edigger s . A

lively and s omet imes bawdy ver ba l exchange is maintained

between the two wor k ar eas throughout the day . Occas ion

ally , c of f in makers will s t op t o as s ist or watch th e di

vinat ion p r ocedures at th e near b y ke �.

C of f in making is r eg arded as a r i tu a l ly dangerous

pr oc es s . The c ons truc t i on , first of a l l , is not refer r ed

t o b y th e ter m "coff in" but by euph emisms such as

" boat " or " box " . When nai ls ar e to be hammere d into th e

coff i n , s ev er a l men take s t icks and hammer s and beat on

th e wood t o disguise th e s ound of the h ammer . The yooka ,

I was t o l d , sh ou ld not h ear the s ound of the coffin being

nai l ed together , lest it h old th e c offin makers " in its

hear t " an d carr y th eir akaa to th e grave with it . On a

mor e immediate l ev e l . men must b e c arefu l wh er e they walk

in the construct i on ar ea , as it is said that anyone wh o

steps acr oss a b oar d used in the c offin construct i on w i l l

become impoten t .


1 62

The c offin maker s ' danger is c ompensated with con

si der able licens e dur i ng their per i od of wor k , h owev er .

Dur ing the construct ion of th e c offin , any c offin maker

can catch any domestic fow l he finds loos e in the v i l lag e e

Any f ow l caught is k i l led and turned over t o the women

for c ooking . This liber t y can significantly r educ e a

vi llag e ' s stock of chickens an d duc ks ; in one 1 9 71 funer

al , 22 f ow l wer e caught dur i ng th e coffin c ons truc t ion .

I n addition , any d og wh ich may wander into the wor k area

can be caught an d c laimed by a c of f in maker . At one fun

er a l I attended , t h e own er of a dog seized by a c offin mak

er begged for its r etur n . Th e coff in maker r elinqu ish ed

his c laim t o th e dog , bu t h e ld it a loft by a h ind leg and

painted it b efor e r e leasing it t o its owner .

The c offin makers eat the chickens th ey catch with

cassava meal ( kwa-ka ) , palm oil and pepper wh ich the w omen

p r ov ide for th em . The maj or activ i t y of th e women is in

husking r ic e wh ich wi l l be cooked f or th e fo l lowi ng day ' s

wor k by th e gravediggers . A line of young women p ound the

r ic e with th e large w ooden mor t ar and pest les , mak ing s low ,

rhyth mic al thumps , a backgr ound t o all oth er activ ities

like the beat of a g iant h ear t .

Dur ing the day , c offin maker s wi l l s t op their wor k

t o assist or watch the div inat ion p r oce dur es c onducted by

the lanti of elders at the ke �. Since n o death is acc i

dental or of natur a l causes , the su pernatural causation


1 63

must be deter mined o The lineage chief directs th e ques

tions o f causat ion to wh ich t h e yooka r esponds affirma

tiv e ly or negativ e ly by mov ing its bear ers f orwar d or back

war d . r espec t iv e l y . Once it is determined what the caus e

of death was --v ictim of wi tchcraft , kunu v eng eanc e , sweli

punishment , etc . --th e yooka is question e d as t o amends

wh ich mus t b e made s o that oth ers may avoi d th e same fat e .

Wher e witchcraft was the c ause , th e yooka is as ked a bout

th e natur e of th e witchcraft and the p er s on r es p ons i b l e .

I f an anc es t or cau s e d t h e death as ku nu . t h e yooka mus t

demons tr ate th e par ticu lar kUQ[ and th e c ircumstanc es . I f

appr opr iat e , t h e lineage wou l d lat er consu lt th e kunu med

ium f or t erms of propitiat ion . Today , kunu deaths among

Paramaccans usu a l l y inv o lv e the Gr ankunu . s inc e that is

th e on ly fu l ly operative kunu cu lt . I f divinat ion sh ows

that the death was a r esu lt of the s weli ' s punishment

( miss i dade ) . the matr i lineag e must s ecur e p er mis s i on of

th e sweli orac l e befor e the fun erar y r itual can pr oceed .

This p ermissi on usua l l y r equ ires c onsider able libation pay

ment of up to a cas e of rum to t h e or acl e shr i n e . I n th e

year s f o l lowing the abolit i on of the swe li oracle an d cu lt ,

the or ac le shr ine of the Gr ankunu has occas ionally b een

subs titut e d .

The h ead gravedigger dir ec ts a n enquiry with th e

c orpse orac le from t ime t o time , r egar ding pr oc edur a l mat

ters of th e c er emony . The yooka is as ked if th e c onstruc t i on


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of its " boat " is t o its satisfac t ion . shou ld th e c offin

makers or the women be prov ided with addit ional rum , an d

s o on . When matter s of distr ibution of food and rum are

taken u p w ith the yooka . ther e is often liv e ly discuss i on

an d debate of c laims i n or der t o inf luenc e the yooka ' s

dir ect ions t o its bear er s .

Th e ev en ing of the s econd day is again one of " p lay:

Ther e is the t e l ling of Anans i s tor i es , wh ich prov ide the

forum for s inging and danc ing unt i l v er y late into th e

night . ( The s p i der tr ickster " Anans i , h as an Ashanti

or igin . ) Dur ing t h e formal t e l ling of the Anans i t a le ,

called mat o , lis t eners w i l l inter j ec t a song or s ide story

by calling out " I was t h er e " . These Anans i s t or ies ar e

usua l l y ass oc iated with the funer ar y ceremoni es and ar e

exp lained as les s ons of exper i ence ( ondo f enni ) . One

never spea ks an Anansi story dur ing the daytime , a lthough

they ar e oft en r ec ounted for enter tainment in the evenings

(S ee Appendix I and Appendix I I ) .

The morning o f the foll owing day is again open e d

w i t h a g un s h o t an d wai ling . T h e gravedig g ers ass emb le

ear l� and pr epar e for the tr i p t o the Par amacca Creek . The

women br ing cassav a meal , which the men w i l l have with the

morning mea l . Tur t les and ch ic kens ar e ass emb led , which

wi l l b e c ooked by the men at the grave s i t e . The grave

digger s' main mea l of ear l y after noon is a v er itable feas t

of s ev er a l v ar ieties of r ic e , p eanut g r av y , s tewed meats and


1 65

omelets . This is th e mea l wh ich women pr epar e in t h e mor n

i ng and th e u nmar r i e d g ir ls br ing t o th e grave s it e , just

prior to the arr ival of the c offin .

Grav edigg ers c annot catch ch ic kens as can the c offin

maker s . They do , h owever , enjoy license t o the v i l lag e ' s

coc onuts , and women can r esor t t o a lmos t any means t o stea l

th em from the grav edigger s . Pr epar a t ion for the dep ar tur e

inv o lv es th e gravedig gers gathering doz ens of c oc onuts ,

wh ich they wi l l dr ink at the g r av e s i t e . A s t h e men c limb

the tr ees and c u t th e c oc onuts , women rush t o s t ea l them

from th e gravedigg er s . Throughou t th e ear l y mor n i ng , ther e

is much r aucous scuf f ling between m en and women ov er coc o

nu ts . Gr oups of women w i l l besieg e a man with coconuts an d

attempt t o wr es t le them away from h i m . A t oth er t imes , wo

men wi l l tr y to " sweet talk" men ou t of th eir c oconuts .

Th e gravedigg ers O boat tr ip is c o lor fu l and b ois

tr ou s . S ev er a l pangi f lags f ly above th e b oats an d drum

mer s in the boats c l ear l y i dentify th eir mission . Boats

enc ou nter ed a long the way mus t l ow er any f lag they may be

f lying an d yield to the boats of the g r av edig ger s . Pass

ing boats ar e often mad e to stop and f or c e d to pay tr i bu t e

to th e grav edigger s . Any car g o is ins p ec t e d and i tems ,

such as fr esh pr oduc e , palm nuts , sugarcane or g ame , may

be c onf iscat e d .

Aft er th e gr av ediggers depar t , th e c offin maker and

th e lanti of e ld ers g ather at the ke 2!Y, to pr epar e the


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cor ps e f or bur ia l . Th e coffin is br ought t o the hut and

lined with a new wh ite hammock an d wh ite mosqu ito sh eet .

Th e body is p lac ed ins ide and made c omfor table with a

smal l p i l low u nder the h ea d . The h ead is expos ed and th e

fac e cov ered w ith a small wh ite c loth with air h o l es cut

int o it . The g ifts wh ich have been br ou gh t f or th e occa

sion are ass embled in front of th e c of f in and then pr esen

t e d on e by one t o th e yooka .

The g i f ts , c onsis ting pr imar i ly of pangi c loths and

bott les of ru m , ar e gr oup e d in five s eparate p i les before

the yooka and th e c ounc il of lant i . Thes e g r ou p ings are

des ignated as : ( 1 ) lineag e bur ia l ( bee beli ) ; ( 2 ) s p ous e ' s

lin eag e bur ia l ( man/oeman beli ) ; ( 3 ) ch i l dr en ' s bur ia l

(pikien beli ) ; ( 4 ) paramount chief bur i a l (gr anman beli ) ;

an d ( 5 ) others ( liter a l ly , "those wh o ar e in th e h ous e and

thos e wh o ar e not in the h ouse" ) . Th e s tac ks of g ifts from

the first two categ o� ies of g 1f t g ivers--the lineag e and

th e spou s e l s lineag e . ar e usua lly a bou t equ a l in qu antity

and make u p a lmost twice the quantity of any of the oth er

stac ks . Any i nequ a lity in th e gift pi les is o bv i ous to th e

lant i , and any n ec essary a ddit i ons ar e made befor e th e f or

mal presentations t o t h e yook a .

C offin mak er s ass ist as one man is des ignat ed t o mak e

t h e presentations of gifts . Pang i c loths from each p i l e of

gifts ar e t ak en firs t ; as each c l oth is unfolded and p lac e d

over th e corps e , t h e pr es entation i s annou nced by t h e alder


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in a forma l chant which identifies the gift item and the

stack from which it came . The first s ever a l Qangi p r e

sented ar e p lac e d car efu lly over the c or ps e ; the r emain der

ar e pres ent ed and then r efo lded and p lac ed in baskets . As

th e Qangi often number over a hundred , th e pr es en tations

take mos t of th e late morning . Af t er the pangi ar e pre

sent ed � each bott le of rum is h eld a loft , knoc ked thr ee

times against the c offin or th e divination boar d , and for

ma lly announc ed in a v oice dir ec t e d t o th e yooka l i . e .

" lineag e bur ia l , one bottle of rum" .

E lders ex p laine d that the Eangi and rum were like

" money " . The dead was embar king on a v oyage and needed

this type of money . Food for the j our ney is i n the f orm

of p lantains p lace d on the gr ound a long the paths leading

to the ke osu ar ea . Pr epared food is also p r ov i ded on the

thir d day f o llowing the bur ial with a formal food li bation .

The g ifts ar e essential to th e process of the funerar y r i

tuals an d ar e consumed or us ed b y par t iC i pants . Th e Qangi

c loths s erve as s p ec ia l insignia for c offin makers and

g r av edigg er s , p ayment f or s ervic es , and f lags f or the ri

tual ending th e period of mourning for the spous e . The rum

provi des th e ingredient for a happy " p lay " which is impor

tant to the ancestors .

Th e c of fin is then c lose d , s ealed and decor ated with

a wh ite c over ing c loth c r os s ed with lon g strips of r ed c lo th .


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The t op is sealed with nai ls wh ich ar e dr iv en in a s pec ial

mann er . For this "h eavy" dut y . the coffin makers may stand

on one f oot and af t er ev er y few stri kes of th e hammer � stop

and wip e th e h ammer acr oss h is head . Each c offin maker has

h is own manner of dr iv ing the last nai ls , such that the

yooka will no t try to take his akaa into the grav e . Once

th e coffin is s ealed , the c los es t k ins men f ile past v ery

c los ely wh i le a coffin maker strikes the s i des of th e cof

fin with a switch to detach any of th eir akaa from it .

The coffin i s then loaded onto a boat and taken to

the bur ia l grounds by th e c offin maker s . As with th e jour

ney of the grav ediggers . any boats met in tr ans it mus t

yi e l d a n d l ower their f lags . N o tr i bute is demanded b y

t h e coffin maker s . Th e arr ival of the c offin boat is an

nounced t o th e g r av ediggers by a formal c a l l from th e boat

lan ding . Wh en th e gravediggers r eturn th e call . th e c offin

makers leap fr om the b oat and rush t o the grav e s ite t o tr y

to s t ea l s ome food away fr om the grav edig g ers ' feast .

Th er e is a g r eat commoti on and scuff ling between th e two

gr ou ps . Th e you ng women wh o hav e brought the f ood t o the

grav e s i t e ar e usually j os t led and kissed in th e melee .

There is a t emporary licens e in social pr opr iety her e and

men c an make other wise c oars e r emar ks before th e women .

O r der is r es tor e d after about 25 minu tes , and th e cof

fin makers r eturn t o the boat t o carry th e c offin to the

grav e . A t the h ea d of the coffin . a few embroider ed c loths


1 69

have been att ach ed by th e young women , just before th ey

br ou ght the f o od t o th e g r avedig gers . As th e coffin is

lower ed into the grav e , th e head grav edigger r emov es th e

c loths and pr es ents them t o th e young men wh o have just

been initiated int o th e r es pons i bi lities of gravedigger .

The initiates tr y t o deter mine wh ich g i r l made the c l oth

he r eceived , s inc e it w i l l bec ome one of his mor e s ignifi

cant p ossessions .

Car e is taken s o that dir t does n ot soil th e coffin .

I t is c onstructed with short legs t o keep it from res ting

dir ec t ly on the gr ou n d . The t op o f t h e grave i s s ea le d

with logs s o that no ear th falls onto th e coff in . Earth

is r ep laced ov er the sealed grav e and each p erson pr es ent

must add s ome s o i l t o th e mound . Two s ma l l v ine arches

ar e c onstruc ted on the c omplet ed grave mou nd by the h ead

grav e dig g er . A l l of th e wooden hand les of the shov e ls

an d picks used in th e digging are r emov ed and p laced on

th e mound . The grave s it e activity is comp leted with th e

fir ing of a gun thr ough th e two archways in or der to mar k

th e disengag ement of any p artic ipant ' s akaa , wh ich may

hav e b ec ome attach e d to th e c off in or the grav e . A t th e

sound of th e gun , ev er yone turns quic k l y and r eturns to

the boats . Grav edig gers destroy any s h e lt ers they may

have c ons tructed , and r emind the women and th e ini tiates

that nothing from th e burial grounds must be taken into

the v i l lag e .


1 70

Befor e any of th e c offin maker s or grav edig g ers may r eenter

th e v i l lag e , they must wash s ome distanc e away in th e r iv er .

Th e iron imp lements ar e scru bbed , th e b oats ar e washe d , and

cloth ing is wash ed and r ewash e d . I t i s crit ical that n o

dirt o r foilage from th e burial grounds be brought into

th e vi llag e . After the wash , th e men walk t og eth er into

the vi l lage and ass emble at the ke �, wher e th e lanti is

seat ed . Th er e th e h ead gravedigger r ep or ts � o th e elders

that the bur ial was pr op er and c omp lete . Th e wor kers ar e

then purif i ed with an h er bal " medic ine" which is applied

to the legs just below the knees .

O n th e s ec on d day af ter burial , the lant i of alders

per f orm a v er y f or ma l li bation of rum t o the anc es tors .

Th e f o l lowing day , a li bat i on of food is made . Again , s ev

era l var i eties o f r ic e , gravies , a n d de licac ies ar e pr e

par ed and p lac ed in the � �. An e lder makes the l i ba

tion at the s i de of the structure by cal ling u p on the an

cest ors and s erving p or t i ons of each dish onto banana

leav es p laced on the groun d . V i l lage ch i l dr en with b ow ls

gath er excitedly n ear th e e lder . When h e indicates th at

he is finished , th e ch i l dr en fall u pon th e l i bation an d

gr apple t o g et th eir bowl ov er th eir favor i t e dish .

O n th e eighth day . there is th e cer emony of th e

booko dei . B ooko £!i means t o br eak th e day and , as the

term implies , th e cer emony is an all night " p lay" . Th e

p lay beg ins with th e t e l ling of Anansi ta les ; later ,


1 71

people s ing and dance tu s ever a l rhythms o f the drummers .

Rum is s erved throughou t the night , an d ther e is an inter

mission f or h ot choc o lat e and cassava brea d . A s the danc e

br eaks u p the next morning , the dec eas ed ' s kinsmen r emove

their hammocks from the � � an d t h e funera l ceremon y is

comp lete for deaths wh ich do n ot inv o lv e a mourning s pous e .

A w i dowed s pouse must en dur e a year of mourning

( baaka , liter a l l y b lackness , b lac k ) un der th e super v is ion

of the dec eas ed ' s lineag e . The first few months of mourn

ing ar e v er y stric t I the mourn er is under th e c omp lete

contro l of th e lineag e and may b e r equired t o r emain

secluded in the � �. food is br ought t o t h e b er e aved ,

an d any activity outs ide of on e ' s s ec lus ion ( including bowe l

mov ements ) must be super v ised b y s omeone of th e lineag e .

A mourner must w ear a white band ar ound th e h ead and a

wh ite c loth over the shoulders . One cannot cut or c omb

hair , trim f inger nai ls or do anyth in g sugges tive of gr oom

ing : it is n ot pos s i b le t o th ink of r emar r iag e or s ex

during mour n ing . The lineage of the deceas ed g iv es th e

mourner a bas ket which was used in th e funera l proc eedin g .

The yooka is said to res ide in the bas ket which the widowed

s p ou s e c ar r i es at a l l ti mes . Each day at morning and ev en

ing , t h e mourner must p er form a l i bation of rum t o t h e

yooka , an d each mea l is shared w ith t h e yooka by s imp le

libation .

The mourning per iod is ended w ith a v ery festive


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cer emon y , cal l ed th e � baaka ( pu l ling of b lac kness ,

mourning ) . People travel long distances t o attend this

danc e . A week before the cer emony , th e lineage e lders

ass ign men t o go hunting deep in t o the for es t ; the

women beg in pr epar ing larg e s t ac ks of cassava br ead �

At t h e star t of the � paaka , e l ders divide t h e dr ied

meat of the hunt and the c assava in much th e s ame or der

as the g ifts of pangi and rum w er e r eceived during th e

bur ial cer emon y the year b efor e . The mourner is th en

wash ed an d groomed for t h e first time s inc e th e death

of the spou s e . The evening is one of Anans i stor i es ,

sing ing , and danc ing u nt i l day light .


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C HAPTER X I

TH E MOR AV I ANS

The designat i on , Mor av ian communit y , r ef ers t o the

v i l lag e of Langatabbet j e . Mor e specific al ly , thr e e of the

four lineages of th e v i l lage f orm th e c or e of the church ' s

member sh i p , wh i le th e four th largely favors th e Catho lic

mis s i on . Th e Morav ian miss i on , nonethe l ess , dominates in

vi l lag e affairs with an influ ence dir ec t l y r e lated to the

ac tive and f u l l su p p or t of the paramount chief . With th e

c los e cooper at ion of the A ntois ie chiefs s i nc e th e time

of A p ensa , the mis s i on h as been able t o affect su bstantial

alter at i ons in the v i l lag e ' s ov er t r e lig i ous or ientat i on .

Th e mission ' s efforts, t owar d supp lanting th e c onc ept

of anc es t ors with Christ ian idea ls , hav e pr imar ily been in

the form of s u bs titu ting Church or iented c e lebrati ons of

tr ans ition f or tradi t i onal r i t es of pas s ag e . For th e in

div i du a l , Chris t ian obs ervations of passage i nv olv e the

confer r ing of Church s acr aments : baptis m , c onf irmat i on ,

an d bur ial . These ar e ac knowl edged as th e necessar y steps

towar d th e u ltimat e tr ansit ion of J u dg ment Day .

The Church c ommunit y as a wh ole c e l ebrates annual

ev ents of the Chr istian year : Christmas , G ood Friday and

Eas t er . P en tacost and H arves t Feas t ar e times of mission


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fund r aising , and New Year� and Sur inam ' s Emanc ipation Day

ar e secu lar obs erv ances . which ar e enc our ag ed b y and in

cor p orated int o church ac tivities .

Christian bir th , ideally , is little c onc erned with

the notion of akaa . Church people ar e enc ourag e d to g o t o

t h e c linic f or deliv er y under s t er i le c onditions a n d pro

fes s i onal supervis ion . I n the hospital s ituat i on of birth ,

it is cumber s ome and imprac tic a l f or p eop le to observ e the

eight day s ec lusion of moth er and infant . The S ignificance

of the pu-a-doo r itual is diminis h ed , and bapt ism is pre

s ent ed as a s u bs t itute c er emony .

S oon after a child is bor n , the par ents arr ange for

its baptism into the c hurch . Th is r equir es se lect ing an

appr opr iate " baptism name" ( i . e . Eur op ean or B i b lica l

fir s t name and f ami ly surname ) and a pepe . Th e �pe is th e

church member who w i l l be pr es ent at th e baptism c er emony

to take th e infant f r om th e mother and c arry it to th e a l

tar . Th e p as t or p laces his hand on the infant ' s h ead and

th e pepe p lac es h is or h er hand on top of the pr eacher ' s .

The pr eacher th en asks the par ent i f she wi ll raise th is

ch i ld to believe in God , th e One G o d , maker of H eaven an d

Ear th ? As the p ar ent affirms s o , the pr eac her as ks f or the

name of th e ch i l d , then pr oc eeds t o p our water ov er its

h ead , announc ing a lou d : " I bap t is e you , • i n the

death of J esus , in the name of th e Fath er , and of the S on ,

and of the Holy S p ir it . And s o , w i th th e baptism in H is


1 76

death , you and Christ wi l l be bur ied together . "

The pepe re lationsh i p is one of Godpar ent/Godch i l d ,

and is maintained thr ough informal gift giv ing and pater na l

concern for spiritual welfar e . The g odpar ent is a lways a

confirmed member of th e church , and is r es pons ible to th e r

church f or insur ing that the child is raised as a Chr ist-

ian , g oes to sch oo l , an d u ltimately underg oes confirma-

tion .

Mothers wh o br ing chi ldr en to bapt ism ar e c ou nselled

by a r es i dent pr each er as t o th e significance of th e rit-

ual . I n one such sess ion I attended , th e preacher exp lained

that the baptismal washing mar ked th e ch i l d as a Chr istian

wh o , as such . must c on tinu e the Chr ist ian lifa thr ou gh

sch ool attendanc e and conf irmat i on into th e church . Th e

moth ers wer e t o l d that no obia medicines w ould be able t o

t a k e eff ect on th eir chi ldren ' s bodies after t h e baptism ,

so they must be raised comp letely with in the Chr is t ian at-

titu de .

Th e par ents ar e encourag ed by th e miss ion t o send th e

ch i l d t o the sch ool wh en it is about 5 years old . A pr imar y

du t y of the chi ld ' s pepe is to s ee to it that the par ents

allow school attendance . Teaching or iginally was the re

spons ibility of th e r es i dent pas t or ; i n the past few years

the school has grown and at pr esent , trained teachers from

the c it y conduct the c lass es . The cur r icu lum ref lects the

c hurch or ientat i on of th e schoo l , in that much time is


1 77

spent dai ly in lear ning Bible s t or i es and hymns .

A Moravian Chr istian education als o pr omotes western

dr ess in school attendance and Sunday church s erv ices .

Traditiona l c loth ing of the kamissa and pang� s kirts are

not permitt ed in either school or church :

• • , the Bush lan d Creole arr ives at c onsc iousn ess and knowledge of his own w orth by means of th e G ospe l . H e g ets mor e r espect for his body and wants n o longer t o exp os e i t t o ever yone ' s gaze . 1

Th e occas ion of an i l lness of a langatabbet j e man

i l lustrates th e importance of c lean liness in th e Pr otes-

tant c ommunity o A man who had been attending l essons for

the c onf irmat i on exami nati on dr opped out of the less ons .

Alth ough h e maintained church attendance occasi ona lly . he

g av e up his ambi t i on to bec ome c onfir med as a member . One

day he fell s er i ou s l y i l l and gr ew wors e , until people b e

liev ed that he w ou ld di e . This g av e r i s e to s pecu lati on

( div inat ion , of cour s e , is not p ermitted in the church

c ommu n it y ) as to th e r eas on for the drastic s ic kness .

The rumor among th e Moravians was th at th e i l ln ess was

God ' s r etr i but ion f or his disc ont inuat ion of c onfirmation

less ons , and for wear ing dir t y c lothes t o th e church on

G ood Fr i day .

The education in th e mission sch ool is t owar d pr epar

ation for Chr istian adu lth oo d , wh ich is r itu ally descr i bed

1 H . Leer dam . £E. £!i. , p . 77


1 78

through c onfirmation into the C hurch . C onf irmation r equ ir es

a maj or c ommitment of r esourc es and effor t . A man must bu y

a wh ite suit . wh ite shirt and pos s i bly white shoes ; w omen

bu y a wh ite dr ess and h ead cov er ing . Time and effort ar e

r equired t o lear n th e litany of c onfirmation and t o prac

tice for th e examination of the distr ict pr each er . Prior

to a dmission t o th e c onfir mat i on s ervic e , each asp irant

mus t pass an or a l ex amination . Th e t est is for Bible

stor y proficienc y an d for understanding of Christian doc

tr i n e . Questi ons include : "H ow many G ods ar e there? " .

and "What di d Moses do? "

W ith th e succ essfu l c omp let i on of th e examinat i on ,

the new commu nicant r eci tes the Apos t l es ' Creed as par t of

the c onf irmation litur g y in Church , r eceives a blessing

from th e district pr eacher an d a large c ert ificate of c on

firmat i on . wh ich inscr i bes th e pers on ' s name u n der a color

r epr oduc t i on of th e las t Supper and a phras e from th e

Bible s e lected espec ially for th e communicant . Th e p ic

tur e of th e last Supper si g nifies that the member , thr ough

c onfirmation , wi l l b ec ome a par ticipant in th e r itual of

Ayenma l (H oly C ommunion ) . Communion c er emonies ar e h e ld

once ev er y thr ee months , in an evening s ervice r es tr icted

t o th e fu l ly confir med and wh ite c lad Church member s . At

the t ime of my f ie ldwor k . th is grou p number ed abou t f or t y ,

most of wh om wer e r e lated ( matr i lineally or patr i l ineally )

t o the par amou nt chief .


1 79

As a member of th e Moravian Church , ana is ex pec t ed

t o s erv e as an examp le of th e Ch rist ian life f or a l l oth er s .

C ommu nicants tend to bu ild Eur opean s t y l e h ouses wh ich ar e

blessed by th e r es i dent p astor on c omp letion . A typica l

Sunday after noon c er emony to b less a new h ous e beg ins with

h ymns . later th e pas t or r e lates how th e man and h is wife

shou l d set the Christ ian examp le f or other s b y never pour-

ing libation t o anc es t ors , and by having many chi l dren .

Aft erwar d , young p eople danc e in the h ou s e to th e mus ic

fr om a battery ph onogr aph .

Th e past or ' s b less ing usu a l ly has the effect of sanc-

tioning n ot only th e new style of th e h ous e , bu t the Chr is t

ian nuclear fami ly h ou s eh o ld as we l l . C ontr ar y t o tr adi-

tional norms , a young man may bu i l d an expens ive Europ ean

s t y le hou s e f or hims elf in h is own lineage neigh borh ood e

with ou t constructing a h ouse for h is w i f e in h er lineag e .

Marr iag e , as a church s acrament and a ' lagal s tatus , has

never been p opu lar among the Paramaccans , h owev er . Cur-

rent l y , only the marr iage of th e p ar amount chief t o h is

wife is s anct i oned by th e church and s t at e .

Th e matr i lineal fami ly or ganization i s s een as funda

mentally contrar y t o the Christ ian attitude . Th e f ormer

r es i dent pas t or stated it as ,

Those wh o let th eir liv es be ru led by the G ospel r enou nc e i n pract ice th e p opu lar customar y r i ght t o command th eir s ister ' s father , accor ding t o the precepts o f th e


1 80

Gos p a l . 2

This patr icentr ic ideal is furth er s u ppor ted by re-

cent g ov ernment pr ograms of r eg is tration of fami lies and

fami ly names . As a fami ly is r egistere d , fathers " offic i a l-

ly" bec ome r es p ons i b l e f or their chi ldren , and th e chi ld-

r en ' s acqu ired family sur name is t aken from th e fath er .

Po lyg yny is , of c ours e , abs o lutely for bi dden among

Moravi ans and tradit ional fami ly marr iage arrang ements ,

an d is s een as a su bjugation of women . Th e pr eacher p oints

ou t that with the acc ep tanc e of th e church , a woman beg i ns

t o occu py the p lace in th e c ommunity which G od p lanned f or h er at h er c r eation , that is . s i de by s i de with the man . I n th e Christ ian community . she is no l onger th e obj ect of th e satisfying of the man ' s sexu a l urges . 3

The mos t s ig nificant alterati ons of traditional rit-

ual observanc es ar e found in the M or avian funer a l . One of

the first innov ations of the moravian miss ion in Langatab-

bat j e was t o establish a c emete r y on th e is land adjacen t

t o th e v i llag e . This new c emete r y provided an a lter native

t o th e traditional bur ial grou nds i n the Par amacca Cr eek .

N o long er wou ld Pro t es tants need t o r eturn t o the bush t o

2I bid . , p . 78 .

3 I bi d . But c ons ider the catechism litan y . ( Pastor ) you mus t not s ee k oth er peop le ' s wif e , or s lav e , or c ow , or h or s e . or any oth er th ing , to t ake away from th em ! ( J oe n o

o z oekoe tr a soema wef " , ofoe s lavoe ofoe kow , ofoe h�s i , ofoe iniwan tra sani , poeloe na dem han ! vange �sc e Broederg emeent e . Oem Litanij Nanga Liturgie ( Par amar i b o , Sur iname ) , p . 63 . --OOy tr ans lation o


1 81

confront th e tradit i onal s acr ed pas t . S econd ly , th e c eme

t er y establish e d a manifest descr i p t ion of the Chr is tian

concept of abs o lu t e and spir itually iner t death . The mis

s i on c emete r y is s imp ly the repos i t or y of th e dead bodies

of p eople wh o ar e "s leeping " unti l the day of r esurr ection .

Wh en a Morav i an di es , the body is pr epar ed for bur ia l

immediately . Th er e is no c ons ideration of th e natu r e of

the being . S ince wh ether th e p er s on was a wi tch or not can

not be determined , ev er yone r ec e iv es th e same bur i a l . Mor e

over , ther e is no div ination as to the cause of death . Th e

obvi ous and prec eding circumstance is sufficient ex p lana

tion , i . e . death by i l lness ; struck by fal ling tree , etc .

The two Par amacca h ead gravediggers per form th e func

tion of wash ing the corpse in b oth C ath o l ic and Pr otestant

c ommunities . I n the latt er , th e pas t or is dir ectly in

v o lved in the funer a l pr eparations and c er emon ies . Th e

lineage of th e dec eased , as in the Cath o l ic c ommunity ,

bears most of the ac tual c osts of the funeral , but lessen

their ex p enses by dir ect h ouse to h ouse c o l lections through

ou t the v i l lag e . Th e Mor avian lineage neigh borhoods hav e

neither anc es t or shrine nor ke �. The body i s prepar ed

in state in th e deceas ed ' s own h ous e .

I n th e Morav ian funeral . ther e is a f e lt imperative

to inter the b ody as qu ickly as p oss ible . Men ar e ch os en

to make the coffin and dig the gr av e at onc e ; both grave

s it e and coffin ar e prepar e d s imu ltaneous ly . H owever ,


1 82

ev en i n the Pro t est ant c ommunity the c of f in makers exercise

traditional pr er ogatives to v i l lag e ch ic kens and treat

th eir w or k with r itu a l caution . Th e grav e dig ger ' s r o le ,

on th e oth er han d , loses much of its significance in the

Morav ian c ontext . Th ere is n o initiation proc e dur e for

young man , and young w omen do not prepar e a gravedi ggers '

feast . Th e s ens e of p o l lu t ion of the v i l lage b y the dirt

fr om th e Church bur ia l gr ounds is not impor tant and no rit

ual or medicine c leans ing is r equ ired of grav ediggers .

The ev ening of th e day is an occas i on f or Ei sali ,

s i lent griev ing . I n c ontrast t o th e t ouca p lay of th e

C atho lics , the moravi ans gather and sing Church hymns from

th e s ong book . Th e mood of th e Ei sali is s omber , and

th er e is n o drumming or dancing at a l l . The following day

is usually th e day of bur ial .

T h e bo dy is p lac ed in the coffin and only a very few

pangi c loths ar e added . The coffin is th en taken f or bur

ial , wh ere the r es i dent pastor offic iates ov er a shor t

litu r g y wh ich describes th e fulf illment of th e promise of

the Mor avian bapt ism--that th e dec eas e d and J esus Christ

"wi l l be bur ied tog eth er . " Th e bur ial c er emony opens with

a s ong a

J esus , H e our h e lper R aised again f r om h is grav e 50 that I too can G o t o my grave without f ear S i nc e I know , J esus can A ls o r a is e my r o o m .

J ezus , h e m wi H alpiman H op o baka na gr a bi Dati meki mi toe kan Go na g r ebi zondr o frede , Oi mi sabi , J ezus sa H op o toe mi kamer a .


1 83

• • • ( Pas tor ) W ith your breath in th e grav e , W ith your r esur r ec t ion from death . W i th th e g lor ious way you asc ended into H eav en . With your s itting at th e right han d of God , With your sweet by and by

( C ong . ) B less us . of God , our Good Mas ter l W e p oor miserab les beg you , For your p leasure to ,h ar ken t o us . Oh God , our g oo d Mas ter .

( Pas t or ) H e lp us t o live a lways like r ight believers . And when the hour for us arr iv es to o . for us

t o die . Just like ------�--�--�-. . A l low us t o g o and s leep in th e r ight

Chris tian belief , R es t ing at your side for ev er .

( C ong . ) H ar ken t o us , our Good Mas ter !

( S ing )

• • •

Tru e . the s inner ' s body of mine must g o t o th e ear th t o r ot . But aft erwar ds I shall s e e A n ew G od-body ar is e . Then I sh a l l s ing J ehova G lor y and H a l l e lu j a !

Chr ist cann ot leav e me N o , h e h ims elf awoke agai n ; H e is my leader , I shall walk behind him , live with h im forever I n his land over th er e .

• • •

H ow good for th os e wh o end tru e , Th ey that hav e their pass es , They that love J esus h er e , And whos e names stand wr itten I n th e G o d- book ov er th er e ; When they shall see the big day , Their h earts wi l l r e j oic e ! 4

4Evang e lische Broederg emeente , OP e c it . , pp . 8 7-89 . my trans lat i on .


1 84

Eight days after the bur ia l , th er e is a g athering

ag ain at th e house of the dec eas ed , f or an a l l n i ght E!

sali . R u m , beer , s oft dr inks and hot chocolate ar e s erved

throughout the nigh t . The pi s a li begins with h ymns sung

by ev er yone in u nison i n a church atmos pher e . After hours

of s ing ing , th e c ongregation may take up Anans i ta les and

sing the tradit ional mato s on gs . Ther e is n o drummin g p er

mitted and often n o dancing . R h ythm is pr ovided by s oft

hand c lapping . At one such p i saIl I att ended , p eo p le

wer e continually r eminded of the s o lemnity of the affair

and the necessity for pr oper dec orum of n o j o king or loud

ta lking ; hymns wer e sung f or n ear ly the entire n i ght .

F o llowing a s p ouse ' s death , th er e is a s ix- month

per io d of "church mour ning " ( keliki baaka ) . The pr o

scr i pt ions the lin eag e of the dec eas ed p laces u pon the

spouse ar e much less s ubst antia l than those of the Catholic

commun i t y . Church mourning ess entia lly r equir es the sur

viving s pous e to exhibit s ome outwar d S ig n of mourn ing

( s uch as a b lack b er et ) , s how extr eme defer enc e and formal

res p ect towar d the lineage of th e deceas e d , and avo i d any

thought of c our tship or r emarriage dur ing this t ime .

Gr ooming and travel ar e permit ted in the cours e o f wor k

and church atten danc e . The r emoval of mourn in g , p erhaps

the lar g est and most f estive event in Catholic Paramacca ,

can b e o bs er v ed by the dec eas ed ' s lineage preparing a f east

which may be distr i bu t ed throughout th e vi l lag e in


1 85

individua l por tions . O ptiona l ly , th e lineage can hold a

r outine dance to mar k th e occ as i on .

The Moravian c ommunity in Langatabbet j e . as a whole ,

o bs er v es a schedu le of relig i ous c er emon ies in accor danc e

with the church ca lendar . R egu lar Sunday attendance is

inf orma lly man dator y f or c ommunicants . People of th e mor

avian c ommunity wh o miss church c ons istent ly ar e s ought out

and enc ourag ed to atten d . One man o n h i s way t o church no

ticed a woman not pr epar ing for th e s erv ices ; he casually

a dmonished h er that she h ad better start c oming to ch urch

becaus e th e ear th was g oing to c ome t o an end s ome day

without war ning .

Each S unday is announced by th e church b e l l at 6 : 00

A . M . At this first bell . ever yone is t o rise , wash , and

or der their h ou s e and gr ounds . The s econd bell is at

8 a OO A � m • • which s ignals ev eryone to change into Sunday

c lothes and b egin taking p lac es in th e church . As the 9

o ' c loc k bell s ounds. th e S unday s ervice b eg ins pr ompt ly w ith

the first hymn . S tr ict c omposure is obs erv ed in church ;

ch i ldr en wh o fidg et or g ig g le ar e s t er n l y scolded by a du lts

or the pr eacher . Th e congr egat ion is s eated in or der ac

cor di ng to age . sex and church standing . Th e paramount

chief s its dir ec tly to th e r igh t of th e p as t or on th e e le

vated pu lpit , fac ing th e congr egation . The c ongr egation

itself is s epar ated into seating groups of adult male c om

municants , a du lt ma les , school boys , school gir ls , adult


1 8 6

women , and adu lt women c ommunicants . ( S ee figur e 4 ) .

The h our long service f o l l ows th e pub lished liturgy

an d includes s everal h ymns . a c o l lec t i on and � s ermon .

The language us e d in church s ervices is a f or malized style

of the Surinam " ling ua franca " . This sp ec ia lized f orm ,

called "church creole" by Voorhoev e , is ph on ologically dis

tinct from the P ar amacca languag e , and is only used in the

Mor av ian Church contex t a 5

One of th e mos t consis t ent topics of s er mon is th e

invali dat ion of tradi tional c oncepts of ances t ors and dei

ties ( "ghosts " t o th e pr eacher ) by Christiani t y . O ne Mora

vian pr eacher at Langatabbetj e explained that th e fundamen

tal pr ob lem he fac e d was to ma ke people understand that

th er e is no spec ia l being or power af ter death . " Anc es -

tors ar e s imp ly dead p eop le ; if they wer e s o s mar t and

powerf ul , " he as ked , "why are they dead? " Th e for mer r es-

ident pr eacher char ac t erized the pagan Mar oon as a lion in

an iron cag e . The s oc ial or der o f th e cag e was th e people ' s

f ear of th e chief ' s c a l ling up evi l spirits agains th em .

The pagan indiv i dual has n o s e lf c ontro l an d mus t be h e ld

at bay by this f ear l

5Jan V oorh oev e . "Var ieties of C r e ole in Surinam : Church Creole and Pagan C u l t Lang u ages , " in De l l H ymes ( ed . ) Pidginizat i on and Cr eo lization of Lan u a es ( C ambr i dg e , C ambr i dge Univer s i t y Pr ess , 1 9 71 , pp . 305-1 5 .


1 87

Figure 4 . S eating P lan f or Mor av ian Ch urch , lang atabbet je •

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1 8 8

Ever y moment th e animal eager ly looks f or an op p ortunity t o go an d live acc or ding t o h is natur e . 6

One of the first aims of th e church has been t o inst i l l a

sense of " inner strength " of th e Chr isti an fr om wh ich will

come an appr eciation of citizensh i p and author ity of g ov ern-

ment officials .

As this inner s t r ength increases , man bec omes f i lled with the f ear of G o d , wh ich is t o lead h im h enc eforth . Th e dis t ur bed spir itual balanc e-- between f ear of ev i l spir its an d f ear of G o d-is r estor ed and that makes h i m an obedient citizen . Then such people arr iv e at the r ecognition of auth or it y . 7

Th e S un day litur g y outlines th e structure of govern

mental auth or i t y with the or der of b lessing and the r e la-

t i onshi p of God , g overnment and c i tizen s

( Pastor ) 0 ' . B les s t h e kings and elders of all lands , look aft er th em well • • • • B less the e l ders of o ur c ountry too , our dear King/Queen 0

B less o ur paramount chief an d a l l th e e l ders of the c ounci l . g uide a l l o f their wor k , make them do Your wi l l , and keep them f r om all evi l . s o we c an live in p eac e and guide our liv es un der th em , and we can walk i n your path without trouble .

( C on g . ) H ar ken to us , 0 God , our Good Master ! 8

6leer dam , �. c i t .

7 I bi d .

BEvan g elische Br oeder g emeenta , £2. ci t . ; p . 6 . My tr ans lat ion .


1 89

Chr istmas and Good Fr iday ar e th e maj or church c e le

br ations of the morav ian c ommunit y . The church is washed

and decor ated with f lowers ; a p lastic Christmas t r ee stands

bef or e the p u lp i t . C ommunicants wear wh ite t o the midnight

service on Christmas Eve an d the Chris tmas morning 9 o '

c loc k s er v ic e . Each house in the c ommunity is indiv idua l l y

scr ubbed i n s i d e a n d outs ide w i t h c oc onut hus k brushes and

soap and sand ; f urni tur e is taken to th e r iv er for th or ough

wash ing and scouring . Lar ge pr ov i s i ons of f ood an d dr ink

ar e bought f or enter t aining . Dur ing the eight-day ho liday

of D ecember 25th t o J anuar y 1 s t , Chris t ian h ouseh o lds i n

Lang atabbet j e pay f or ma l visits t o on e anoth er f or a meal

and r efr eshments . Personal c l ean liness is great ly empha

sized , and thr oughout the h o l i day per i o d , one is expected

t o wear a c lean and diff er ent set of c lothing each day .

N ew Year ' s Eve is c e lebrated in a midnight ch urch

s ervice wh i ch en ds with f ir ewor ks . N ew Year ' s Day is us

ua lly h igh l ighted by a soccer match . I n 1 971 , ther e was

a t ense match , p itting the Moravian t eam agains t one from

th e C ath olic commun i t y . Th e ev ent ended just shor t o f a

br awl , and the fo l l owing year a t eam from Fr ench G u iana

was inv ited to p lay .

Good Friday b eg ins a so lemn thre e -day c er emon y in

the M oravian c ommuni ty . At noon on th e Thurs day before

Good Friday , f our " kina" proh i bitions ar e p laced on the

vi llage t o las t unt i l mi dn ight F r i day . These kina


1 90

symb o lize , in r evers e , the trials o f J esus at his crucifix -

ion :

-N o fighting in th e v i l lag e ; to strike s omeone would be the mob ' s str i king J es us on his way t o th e cross .

-N o hammer ing l t o hammer a nai l on this day would be the nai ling of J es us to th e cross .

-N o dr i n ki ng of rum ; t o dr i n k rum on this day would be the giving of vinegar t o J esus t o dr ink when h e was o n the c r os s .

-N o eating o f meat ; to eat meat dur ing this time woul d be th e ki ll ing of J es us as th ough he wer e an anima l .

f r om the Thurs day befor e G oo d Frida y , unt i l E as t er

Sunday , ther e ar e evening church s ervices for the r eading

of the s t or y of th e cruc i f ix i on . The Good F r i da y mor ning

church s ervic es ar e wh i t e occas i ons ; p eop l e wear a l l white

c loth ing and the p u lpit is dr aped with wh i t e sheets . The

s er mon and scr iptur e r eadings , fr om the Book of J ohn , r e-

count th e trial in wh ich th e J ews deman d the crucifixion

of J esus in pr eference t o th e c ondemnat ion o f th e cr iminal ,

Bar nabus . At 3 . 00 P . M . , th er e is an extremely s o lemn s er-

vice in which the c ongregation kneels on the c ement f loor

in prayer , wh i le the bell in the church t ower tolls soft l y .

S at urday , th e women gather at th e church for a thor

ough was h ing of the bui lding and furnitur e . The men meet

at the church c emetery and spend most of th e day c lear ing

the grounds of overgrowth . Eas t er morning , befor e s unris e ,

the congr egat i on ass emb les in the c emeter y and rea ds th e


1 91

litany with the light of lanterns l

( Pas tor ) O ur Mas t er awakes , r is es again from death ,

( C ong . )

( S ong )

True , True , h e r ises again from death .

Gr eetings mast er J es us , in your grav e ! Gr eetings , I say t o you ! I am hungry to embr ac e you , t o kiss You , my Zie libr iudigom .

C ome � my dear , sweet Mas t er J esus l I am hungry ; to see the won ders And My s oul and body cr i es f or your troos t e en Gadofri

• • • ( Pas tor ) On the thir d day he ar os e fr om toe grav e : the dead bodies of holy p eo p le , that had been s l eepina . they r ose again with h im . H e asc ended int o h eav en ; Ther e h e sits on a throne of h is Father , later h e will c ome ag ain , just as they saw him asc en ding into the sky .

( S ong ) Th e s p ir it and the ch urch of h im Pray for h im t o come back t o them ; W e too , we ar e h ungr y . C ome Mas ter Jesus l D o not wait so long , C ome bac k qu ic k ly ; C ome , J esus , C ome !

( Pastor ) H e wi l l come again , out of h eaven t o us on ear th , with a great shout , and a gr eat v oice of the Archang el , and with th e gr eat tr umpet of God , t o h o ld a big trial ( kroetoa ) t o tr y all th e living and a l l the dead . 9

• • •

Lat ar , Eas t er morning . ther e is a 9 o ' c loc k s ervice in the

chur ch and communicants wear their whit e su its and dr ess es

agai n .

9 I bi d . , p p . 23 , 25 . M y tr ans lation .


1 92

The next maj or church events i n th e annu a l c yc le ,

ar e the Pentacos t ( Pin ks ter ) and the H arves t ( O ogs tf ees t ) .

Pentacost is o bs erved w ith a s pec ial lit any i n th e church

s erv ic e and a fu n d r a is ing dr ive . E nv e lopes mar ke d Pink

s ter are g iven t o th e indiv i du a l members of the congregat ion

dur ing the prev i ous we ek . The contr i bu t ions are t o be sub

s tantial and are s et in t erms of a c ompet ition between men

and women . In church , th e packets are t a l lied and th e win

ners , the men or the w omen , announc e d . I ndiv i du a l packet

contr i bu t ions av erage ar ou nd $ 2 . 50 , or one day ' s wages , for

mos t maroon laborers . The Morav ian harvest fest iv a l in

v o lves a l itany of thanksg iv ing f or the fruit of the har

v est . A s ample of the harves t of each member is th e n c ol

lec ted as contr i bu t ion to the church . After the church

serv ice , the c ontr i bu t ions are auct ione d off on th e church

g r ounds by the preacher .

July 1 s t is Emanc ipation Day and a s pec ial church

s erv ice is held to mar k th e occ as ion . Th is is th e one

event of the year in wh ich p eople ar e permitted to wear

tradit ional c loth ing to church . The Emanc ipat ion Day

service has n o litan y , but involves th e r ec o l lect ion of

s t or ies of s laver y b y an e lder . followed by a recap i tu la

t ion by the pr eacher of the r o le of th e church in br ing ing

about the emanc ipat ion of s laves .


1 93

CONCLUS I O N

The Par amacca people f or med as a s oc i a l en tity i n r e

volt agains t s laver y . The par ticu lar c onfigur ations of

their s oc i ocu ltur a l instituti ons wer e developed in fugi

tive iso lation in f or est s ett lements . Th eir emer g enc e

from the bush in the late 1 9 th c entur y , was as a peop le

beg inning th e pr oc ess of adapting to a c onquest stat e .

This s tudy has attempted t o i l lustrate the dynamics o f r e

lig i ou s s yncr et i zati on , inv olved i n th e Paramaccans ' ac

cu lturation to the dominant societ y .

Chr istianity provi ded an initial an d p ervasive med

ium of c ontact with the ou tsi de wor l d . Th e ac tive c ompe

titi on of R oman Catho lic and Mor av ian missionar i es f or ad

herents among th e Paramaccans , h ow ev er , provided an insti

tut i onal setting f or ar t icu lat i on of interna l c ontrovers y .

Opposition t o leadership , a featur e o f the fugi t iv e s ociety

sinc e the succ es s i on of its first ch ief , was traditionally

expr ess e d thr ough the f lex i b le mediat i on of ances t or divin

ation . With the c u ltural transformanc e to Christiani t y ,

diff erences ov er t h e succession t o ch ieftaincy wer e es tab

lished through oppos ing miss i on affi liat ions . Par amaccans

thus inc or p or ated th e h i stor ical c ontrover s i es of R oman

C ath olicism an d C a lvinist Protestantism , " mu tatis mu tandis " ,


1 94

as th eir own .

Par amaccans u ltimately wer e div i ded in a r e ligious

sch ism thr ough contrar y p r oc es s es of s yncr etism . Th e R oman

Cath o l ic influ ence has not led to s i gnificant a lt eration of

traditional r e lig i ou s concepts and practices ; Par amaccans

g en er a l ly accommodat e Catholic sacr amen ts as adjunct t o

tr aditi onal institutions . Th e Pr otes tant ( Moravian ) mis

s i on , h ow ev er , h o lds th e Mar oon " pagan ism" as anathema ,

an d f or bi ds non-Chr ist ian r elig i ous practices . Prostes tan t

Par amaccans r en ounc e t r a dit iona l s acr e d institu t i ons as r e

qu isite t o church member ship .

Th e o p p osing Par amacca r e ligious or i entat i ons as cur

r ently prac t ic ed , contrast along fundamental onto log ical

lines . Th e diff er ent c onc ept s of person i n passag e is best

i l lustrated in the Protes t ant Chr istian and th e Catholic

tradit ionalist funera l r ituals . Th e death of a Pr otestant

is an inc omp lete r e def inition of one ' s status in life or

death . Chr ist ian death is a laying to r es t and an ambiva

lent suspens i on of being unti l J esus r eturns for th e J u dg

ment of Salvat i on . Such church funer a ls ar e r e latively

perfunctory and s o l emn affairs as c ompar ed with th e funer a l

r i tuals in t h e traditiona list r eg i on . Th e traditi onalist

Cath o lic kn ows the day o f death as the day of ju dgment by

his matr i lineag e . If th e dec eas ed is j u dg e d worth y . th e

lineag e r itually des cr i b es his trans it i on t o an anc es tor

stat e . Th e funer a l c e lebrates h is passag e , wh i l e


1 95

incor p or ating an d r eintegrating the extensive fabr ic of lin-

eag e s ocial r e lations v ia c or p s e divinat ion an d ass oc iated

r ituals .

The Chr istian miss ion inf luence on the Paramaccans

pr ovi des an ex amp l e . in micr ocos m , of a g ener a l trend . in

re ligious accu ltur ation of N ew W or ld Afric an s oc i eties .

H ers kovits n ot ed th e differ ent for ms of " N egro Christian -

it y " by c ompar ing the dominant r e ligious prac t i c es of

"Catholic c ountr ies " an d " Pr o t estant c ount r i es " . Thr ough

st udies of C u ba . Br az i l and H aiti . he o bs erved that " the

Negr oes prof ess nominal C atho licism wh i le at the same time

th ey belong to ' f et ish cu lts ' wh ich ar e under the dir ec tion

of pr iests wh ose f unctions ar e es s entia lly Afr ican • • • " 1

On the oth er han d , in th ose c ountr ies where Pr otestantism

pr evai led as a r esu lt of insis tent miss ion pr ose lytizing .

it was only " at a cost of substantial c onc ess ions to Afri-

can f or ms of worship and of r einterpretati ons of belief

within th e fr amewor k of Chr istian theology and r itual . " 2

H er s k ov i ts ' s o bs er v ations r eg ar ding Cath olic and Pr otes-

tant countr i es ar e borne out in th is study of Cath olic and

mor avian Par amacca .

1 00 . J . H er s kovits , " Afr ican G o ds an d Catholic Saints , " Amer ican Anthr opol ogist , X X X I V ( 1 93 7 ) , p . 63 6 .

2m . J . H ers kov its , myth of th e N egr o Pas t , ( B os ton , B eacon Pr ess , 1 958 ) , p . 220 .


1 96

Th is s t u dy h as only t ouch ed on other issues of accu l

tur ation wh ich des er ve fur ther attent i on . S pec ifically ,

th e C ath o lic-Pr ot est ant poles reflect differ ent or ientations

towar d s oci oeconomic behavior of the maj or s oc i et y . I t has

been sh own . for instanc e , that acc ess to th e nat ional cash

ec onomy has been a f eatur e far mor e evident f or Pr otestant

downstr eam than for Cath olic upstr eam c ommunit ies . Wh ile

th e Moravian mis s i on an d the par amount chief have been in

str umental in dr awing emp loyment opp or tunities to Pr otes

tants , the differ ing pr i or i ties of the u pstr eam tradit i ona l

ists may serve to exc lude them fr om th e wage labor mar ket .

Tr aditionalists often r emar k with dismay that coas tal em

p loyment prec lu des f u l l attention t o r itu a l matter s . Th ey

point out that emp loyers will al low only a few days off t o

attend t o th e death of a s p ous e , par ent o r c h i l d , an d n o

time off a t a l l f or r e lated r ituals o r f or the death of

any oth er within one ' s matr ilineage . A man , they say , is

c ons t ant ly f or c e d t o choos e Detween requ ir ements of h is

j o b an d fundamenta l r es pons i bi l ities of his matr i l ineag e .

F or th e C ath olic traditionalis t , c u ltur a l r es pons i

bi lit ies ar e irrec onc i la b le with s oc i a l c ommitments r e

quir ed in mar ket ing one ' s labor . Th e Pr otestant , on the

other hand , appr oach es a r esolu t i on to the di lemma through

radical syncr etization of traditional social and c u ltur al

institut i ons . Mor eover , differ enc es g enerated thr ough

thes e diver g ent appr oach es to accu lturation hav e transf ormed


1 9 7

the basis of Par amacca social c ohes i on an d have altered th o

nature of s ocial r e lati ons within th e grou p .

In sum , th e Paramacca social ex is tence is a creation

of p lantat ion col onialis m . Th e soc i et y was es tablished

thr ough r ec onstr uction of tr aditional Afr ican soc i oc u ltur a l

s ystems i n defianc e of , and as a n alternative to , a system

of ex p loitat i on . L ess than two hundr ed years after th eir

s ocial or igin , the P ar amacca Mar oons ar e a people divi ded

ag ainst thems elv es as Chr isti ans undergoing a pr ogr essively

W estern acc u lturat ion and as " t r i ba l " citizens of th e f or

mer s lav e co lony .


1 98

E P I LOGUE

Events occurr ing dur ing th e latter months of my fi eld

wor k wi l l probably hav e lasting c ons equence among the P ara

macca . Thes e ar e a dded h er e as epi log ue , s ince it is pr e

matur e to j udge th e ov er a l l effect of these incidents .

A . Before th e year ly r en ewal r itual wash in J anuary

1 9 72 , men from the Catholic communities went into the for

es t and r etr ieved r emnants of th e sweli or acle . A sacr ed

g r otto was prepar ed at the mouth of th e Paramacca Cr eek ,

and a s p ec i a l hut was bu i lt f or the sweli and Gran kunu

orac les . R i tual s p ec i a lists r e iter at ed that a kunu s pirit

( li ke the n enseki ) on ly manifests itself c lear ly among hu

mans for thr ee g enerat ions . Pr esumably , the r es t orat ion

of th e sweli is con t in g ent on th e death of th e present

Gr ankunu medium wh ich w i l l mar k the end of the Granku nu c u lt

alt ogether .

10 Later , on th e Emanc ipation Day servic es in th e

Mor av ian Church , J u ly 1 . 1 9 72 , Granman C orne lius Forster

p er s ona l ly g av e the s t or ies of s laver y har dships and in

c luded a speech c oncer ning fr eedom and i dent ity . He told

th e congr eg at i on th at peopl e h old the mistaken notion that

Mar o ons became free when they r ev o lt e d from th e p lantations

and f led into the f or est . Th e f orest existenc e , h e Sh owed ,


1 9 9

was more of a har dsh ip in many ways th an that of th e p lan

tations � F o od was scarce and ther e were c ons tant dangers

fr om wild an ima ls an d people tr ying to capture them . Tr ue

fr eedom , he said . came to the Maro on and p lantation s lav e

a like . in the acceptance of th e Chris tian Church . A l l the

dist inct ions wh ich ar e c ommonly made betw een Mar oons and

c it y N egr oes shou l d be forg otten ; he emph asized that as

Chr istians , they became par t of a wor ld brotherhood united

in the Grace of G o d .

£. During the f irst months of 1 9 72 , there wer e a

s er i es of bit t er c lash es between young Par amacca men wor k

ing in the city . The s porad ic fighting h ospi talized s ome

an d r equir ed inter v ention of p o lice an d tribal elders to

h a lt th e at tac ks . S pec ific causes of the initia l fighting

wer e var ied o l d gr u dges h e ld between indiv i dual youths of

Cath o lic an d m or av ian ar eas . As the dis pu t es grew in the

city wor kers ' quar t er s , ther e was n o p oss i bi li t y of ear ly

mediat i on by lineage counc i l , and litt le danger of �w eli

r etr ibution . U lt i mat ely . the c onflict took the form of a

g ener alized g ang-t ype warfar e b etween Catho lic and M ora

v ian men .

Q. It was dur ing th is time , a ls o , that a hun t er r e

turned to his vi l lag e with the s t or y that h e h a d encounter ed

a big aut omobile deep in the f or es t . Th is s ur prising dis

cover y was soon s ubstantiated as a r oad mat er ialized thr ough

Par amacca t err itor y . Th e r oad and mach iner y wer e par t of


200

an A lc oa exp lor a t i on pro ject in s ea'rch of baux it e . P ara

macc an s now h av e a r oa d to th e Alc oa-ma de lake , wh ich inun

dat ed Sar amacca v i l lag es , and the p ossibi lity of an open pit

mine at the s it e of th e tr aditional bur ial grounds .


201

APP END I X I

A S t or y of Exper i enc e ( ondofeni ) : Lie H urts mor e than a S or e .

Tur t le to ld monkey one day that a lie hurts mor e than a sor e . Monkey said that that was impos s i b l e • . Mon k e y thou ght noth ing c ou l d hur t l i ke a sore , a n d t o p r ov e it t o tur t le , h e t ook a big tr ee br anch and dr opped i t on tur t le ' s bac k . Monkey then w ent away and left tur t le under neath the br anch .

Tur t l e was fastened under the branch for s o long that t h e wood began t o g r ow mo ld . Tur t le at e the mo ld a l l u p and was able t o craw l ou t f r om under the wo o d . H e then went t o an old mother and as ked h er to bake him s ome cookies . H e w�nted cookies s uch that you s me l l them faraway , l i ke fr om here to laka- loka .

Tur t le took h is cookies and soon jag uar ( bubu ) caught t h e sme ll and came r unning e J aguar asked t ur t le wh er e h e had gotten such sweet smelling cookies . Turt le said that thes e cooki es w er e r ea l ly monkey ' s shit . Monkey h a d s h it them f or h i m .

Jaguar went r ight away t o find monkey . In those days , mon key lived on the ground . li ke the other an imals . When jag uar saw monkey , he caught him and deman ded that h e shit som� of thos e sweet c ookies for h im , l i k e the ones h e had shit f or tur t l e .

Monkey di dn ' t know what t o do , s o h e began t o shit . J ag uar took the shit , but cou ldn ' t s t an d the smel l at a l l . I t didn ' t s m e l l like the sweet c ookies that t ur t le h ad ; i t smel led just l i ke monkey shit . J aguar thought that monkey was tr ying t o fool him . H e knew that monkey cou ld r e a l l y shit sweet smel ling cooki es , b ecause tur t le had told him that was wh ere he had g ot t en h is . Th is is t h e lie that t urt le t o l d to jagu ar .


202

Jaguar grabbed monkey and told h im that h e would h old h im unt i l h e shit some o f thos e sweet c ookies f or h i m s Every t ime min k e y would s h it his bad smel ling shit , jag uar wou ld g et mad 'and hold him tigh ter . But one day , Granman C oni ' coni ( agouti ) called eyer yone to a big c ounci l meeting . J aguar came , s t i l l ho lding onto monkey . , Gr anman C oni ' c oni t o ld a story in the counc i l , and ever yon e h ad t O , c lap th eir hands . Wh en jag uar went t o c lap , he let g o of monke y . Monkey ran away and c l imbed up a tr ee and has stayed ther e ever s ince . That is wh y h e is a tr ee animal now .

When monkey g ot away , jaguar was s o angr y that h e ran aft er Gr anman Coni ' coni . Coni ' coni j umpe d int o a hola and jaguar s at down t o wait for h i m t o c ome out . Jaguar looked u p and s aw pig c oming . H e called for pig t o c ome and loo k into the hole an d s ee i f G on i ' coni \.,UJes i n ther e . Wh en p ig s tuck h is face i n th e hole ; C oni ' coni thr ew pepper in his eyes . Pig jump ed u p an d began shouting . H elp me l H e lp me l Th er e ' s p epper in my eyes ! Pig ran aroun d shou t ing and making s uch a nois e . th at jaguar knoc ked him dead . The end .


203

APPEN D I X I I

A S tor y of Anansi s H ow Death Came t o P eop le . 1

One day Anansi went hunting v er y far into th � for est . H e had to go deep into the jung le because ther e was not good hunting th en . He came upon a house and went t o look inside . H e saw an o ld man and pi les and pi les of well pr epar ed dr ied meat . Anansi looked agai n ; yes ther e wer e stac ks of a l l kin ds o f meat--peccar y , tapir . bir ds--a ll kinds .

The r eason he had come to th is par t of the f or est in th e first plac e , was because he was hungr y . So , Anansi cal led out a gr eeting to the old man-- "O miti-o papa" .

( Paus e )

The old man di d not answer Anans i . Anans i stepped lnto the doorway an d called again--"Papa , mi g i y · omit i " .

( S tylized s i lence ) "Peeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee" The man made no sound at a l l .

Anansi knew what he wanted s o h e went ahead : ( nasalized ) "Wel l , o l d fath er . if you don ' t want to talk to me , I ' l l talk to you anyway . Wher e d i d you g et a l l o f that fine meat? I ' v e been hunting for weeks and have n ot caught anyth ing . Hunger is getting the best of me . "

" Peeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee . "

Anansi j ust had to get some of that meat , so h e 6a ked the old man for some . "S ince you hav e so much meat and I hav e non e , g i v e m e a little to take h ome?"

l This stor y of death is simi lar to the orig in of death stor y of the Krachi of Togolan d . See , A . W . Car dinalI , Tales Told in T ogoland , ( London : Oxfor d Univers ity Pr ess , 1 931 ) , pp . 30-33 .


204

" P eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaee . "

( N asalized ) "Well papa , when I as k you for some meat and you don ' t answer , that means that you say · yes ' , okay? "

"Peeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee . "

" Goo d ! Papa , dan I take s ome mea t ? "


"Thank you v ary much , o l d father ; you ar e a g oo d person . "

Anansi h e lp e d hims e lf t o a load of dr i e d meat an d r eturned h ome .

Anans i didn ' t know that the o l d man was Death . N ear the o ld man ' s house was a big ch ingo ( dead-fa ll an imal trap ) wh ich ki lled ev er y anima l that wa lked u n der it . Ever y day , the old man g oes an d c o l l ects the dead ani mals with out saying a wor d . H e r es ets h i s chingo and pr epar es th e meat .

Wh en Anans i g ot h ome th at day , h e was v er y happy and t ol d his wife about the old man . When Anansi ' s food r an low again , h e r eturned to the o l d man ' s house . Same as b efor e , h e t o l d the o ld man that if h e didn ' t say anythi ng , that meant yes .

Anansi made many tr i ps to th e o l d man in th e f or es t . One day , Anans i th ought that s inc e the old man is such a capable pr ovi der . i t wou l d be a g o od i dea t o give him one of his daughters i n marriag e . As s on-in-law ( pie ) , th e o l d man wou ld be even mor e h elpfu l , s o Anans i thought .

Anansi t ook h is daughter th e n ext time he went to the o ld man ' s h ous e . Anansi gr eeted him , an d then s ai d . " Look , I ' m going t o g ive you a woman . I ' m going t o give you my dau ghter , do you want i t s o ? "


" V er y g o od l " said Anans i . Anansi took a gr eat load of meat an d left . When the g ir l wou l d talk to the o l d man , h e would nev er say anyth ing . That


20 5

n ight the gir l as ked the o ld man if she sh ould c ome t o bed with h i m . H e said nothing at a l l , but w ent t o bed and was s oon as leep .

The n ex t morning the gir l g ot u p ear ly an d went t o the near by creek t o wash c loth es . N ot knowing of the chingo , she walked un der it and was k i l led . Later , the o ld man came and reset th e trap . He took h er body just like th at of any an i ma l and dried her for h is stac ks .

After s ome time , Anansi dec i ded to g o an d get s ome mor e meat and s ee h ow his daught er was doing . H e arr iv ed at the h ouse ; called for the g ir l . She didn ' t answer , so he th ought she must b e wor king in a gar den p lot that th e o l d man h a d pr epar e d f or her a lr eady . Anans i went to take some meat an d , as h e was l ooking thr ough the stacks of dr ied meat , he found his daughter p i led with the oth er dr i ed meats .

That ev en ing , Anans i watched from ou ts i de th e house unt i l th e o ld man went t o bed . Anans i burst in with a heav y c lu b and struck the o l d man on the h ead with a l l h is might . T h e o ld man di dn ' t s eem t o n otice it at a l l , an d Anansi became fr ightened . Anansi h it h im again an d again in the h ea d an d noth ing happened to th e man . Anans i then hit him once i n th e knee and th e o l d man r ose i n fear s ome ang er .

Anans i fled . H e ran t o his h ous e as fast as h e could run and yel led t o his wife and chi ldr en to c limb a t a l l tr ee becaus e s ometh ing terri ble was after th em . They a l l c limbed into the tree just as the old man arrived . He sat down an d waited f or them at the bottom of the tree .

Aft er a wh i le the younges t c h i l d g ot s o t ir e d that h e couldn ' t h o ld ont o t h e tree any longer . When he let go , th e ch i ld fell and Death k i l led him . One by ana , a l l of Anans i ' s chi l dr en had t o l et g o an d Death ki l led th em all . Then Anans i ' s wife had to fall because she cou ld not h o ld on anymor e .

Ana�s i too g ot tir ed and f e lt that h e c ou l dn ' t h o l d on much longer . Just as he was a bout t o fall . h e cal led out t o the old man , saying that s ince he


206

had such a fat buttoc ks � it wou ld be a shame f or it t o bur s t wh en he fell . Anans i to ld the waiting man that if h e , g ather e d a p i le of dr ied leaves f or him to fall on , h is nice fat butt oc ks wou l d nat burst .

The o l d man went and gath ered a big p i le of leav es . Anans i f e l l in t o the cushion an d ran away befor e Death cou ld catch him . That is wh y Death has stayed in the land of people ; h e is s ti l l looking for Anans i .


207

APPEN D I X I I I

T h e teach ings of th e li fe and meanings of Christ ar e

conv eyed pr imar i l y thr ough Bible s t or i es . Th es e s t or ies ,

de liver ed in Church an d taugh t in school and conf ir mat ion

c lass es , ar e oft en s et in much t h e same genre as the tradi-

t i onal Anans i and animal tales . T h e f o l lowing s t or y was r e-

c or d e d as part o f a s er mo n in the Mor avian Chur ch , wh ich

dealt with the c oncept of salvation thr ough the death of

Jesus Christ .

There was once a f armer wh o beat h is wife ever y day before g oing to h is f i e lds t o w or k . One day , wh i l e h e was off i n h is f i e l ds , two s o ldiers came to his hous e an d as ked th e w i f e wh er e the man of the hous e was . Th ey exp lained that the Pr i ncess was s i c k and the Qu ean had s ent t h em to seek a medic i n e man wh o c ou ld cur e h er . She was n ear death , becaus e of a bone which had lodg ed in h er thr oat .

The w oman q uic kly thought of a g o o d idea and t h en t o ld th e s oldiers that h er hus band was just t h e man they wanted b ecaus e h e was an exc e l lent doct or . Sh e told th em that he knows a l l ki nds of medic in es and has gr eat powers of h ealing , but that h is powers can o n ly b e cal led u p w ith a s ev er e beat ing . " I f you want him t o h ea l t h e Princ es s , " she sai d , ' " you must give h im a good beat i ng firs t . "

The s oldi er s w ant to the farmer and to l d h im of the Pr i nc ess a n d his dut y t o c ome to the c as t l e and h eal h er . He pr otested that h e d i d not know a n y medicines an d c ou l d n o t h ea l anyb ody . With t hat , the s ol di ers as sur ed him that they unders t ood the s ituation an d b eg an


208

beat ing h i m . They beat h im unt i l he cr i ed that he wou ld go and tr y to heal th e Pr inc ess . W h enever he wou ld s t op along the way t o tr y and exp lain , the s o ldier s would b eat him s ome more .

H e was taken before the Queen and t o ld that if h e wou ld sav e the Pr incess , h e wou ld r eceive half of the king dom and would become the chi ef doct or of th e lan d . The s o ldier s th en took h im t o the Princess .

The farmer di d n ot know what t o do . so h e b egan jumping u p a n d down a n d tear ing a t his hair as soon as they entered the Pr inc ess ' s chamber . H e made s uch a p ec u liar s ight with his jumping and c arr ying on . that the Pr incess s at up an d laughed alou d .

S h e laughe d s o har d at t h e poor far mer , that the bone became dis lodged in h er thr oat and dr opped ont o the grou n d . T h e far mer was prais ed as the gr eatest doctor in the lan d . A gr eat h ospital was bui lt f or h i m i n wh ich h e wou l d tr eat a l l t h e sick p eo p le i n th e king dom .

Wh en the hospital was fin ished , the doc t or c a l le d a l l the sick p eople t o a meet ing at th e p l ac e . H e bui lt a gr eat f ir e in th e middle of the meet ing p lace and told the peop le that befor e he c ou l d cure any of th em , he mus t have medic in e . The medic ine he n eeded would have to be pr epar ed from th e ashes of one of them who w ou l d vo lunt eer to s t ep into th e f ir e and b e r oast e d . He waited an d waited for s omeone to c ome forwar d to give h is body for the medic in e wh ich would h ea l all the others .

S o this story sh ows how J esus sacrif iced h is life so that all oth er p eople could be saved .


209

GLOSS AR Y or S EL ECTED P AR AMACC A TERMS

Or th ographic a l ly . v owels have "cont ine�tal" v alues ;

the accent < I > indicat es s tress an d doub l e v owels indicate

elon g at i on . S ome s p e l lings , however , f o l low c onv ent ions of It . tt

th e wr itten coas ta l cr eo le , in wh ich 1 e is pr onounced as i ,. t o . t I l an d oe 1S pr onounce d as u , and h e r r ep aces an e onga-

t i on of the a dj acent v owe l .

bakaa

bakuu

basia

bee -

bilo !!!.

conni

gaankunu

Any n on-Afr ican or " bush " p erson ; Europeanized outsi der .

A s up ernatur a l ass istance bought from outs i ders wh ich enab les accumu lati on of wealth at th e expens e of kinsmen .

A sub-chi ef ; the t er m and the office pr o ba b ly der iv ed from the Dutch bas tiaan , p lantat ion overs eer .

liter a lly . womb or b e l ly ; t er m used t o denot e t h e c once�t , people and l ocus o f one ' s matrilineage .

D owns tr eam or down r iv er a g enera l ly "N orth " in r elat ion t o the Marowi jne R iv er .

An upper arm brac e le t , pr epar e d as an extr aor dinar y pr ot ect ion against witchcraft or other dangers , an d an ass is tanc e in fight ing .

An inte l ligence or br ightness ; also indicates s ecret or �xc lusive informati on .

Aveng ing spir it wh ich affects a l l non-Morav ian Par amaccans , cons ider ed the most imp or t ant of all obia deities .


Gaansama

� granman

hebi

kapit en

kina

kon dey

kunu

kutuu

lan t i

lep!

obia

21 0

liter a l ly , gr eat peop l e ; denot es adults in g ener a l and elders and anc estors s pec ifica l ly .

Liter a l l y , gr eat man ; h er editar y paramount chief .

Phys ically heav y , or s ymbolic a l l y s ignificant with potentia l ly dang er ous imp lications .

Ch i ef of a matr i lineag e , h enc e ch ief of th e v i l lag e or pic i .

Pr oh i bit i ons o f bodi l y contacts and beh avior , transgression of wh ich can r es u lt in lepr os y o r other misfortunes .

Designat i on f or stat e , City , v i l lage or g ener a l "countr y" , depending o n c ontex t of the usag e .

Avenging spir it of a v ictim of h omic ide agains t th e matr i lineag e of the offender .

.

C ounci l s es s i on ; denot es p aramount chief ' s counc i ls with ass emb led lineag e chiefs ( lanti kutuu ) and th e f orma l meet ings inv o lv ing adults of a s in g l e matri lineag e , as in th e r es o lution of minor s ocial infracti ons .

State or tr i ba l government ; i nc lu des adu lts whos e pr esenc e at an event estab lishes its pub lic and socially r es pons i bl e natur e .

Lit erally , f u l ly dev e loped or r i p e ; wh en us ed t o d escribe a person , impl i es a high deve lopment of extraordinar y abilities .

Original Mar o on gr oup from a c ommon p lantat ion ; curr ent ly des ignat es th e g eographic r egion and . s egmental unit y of matri lineag es which or ig inat ed' from a s ign19 1 0 • . -Gener a l t erm r e lat ing t o th e extraor dinar y and the pract ices and p arapherna lia of h uman communicati on with the supernatur a l .


pitl

sweli

yooka

2 1 1

Upstr eam , " South " in r e lation to the Mar owijne R iv er .

Specific matr i lineag e neighborhood in mu ltilineage v i l lag es .

Orac l e be l iev ed to h av e or ig inated in Afr ica . Provi ded an initial bas is of soc i a l c ohes ion in Maroon groups .

Gener ally , s p ir its of dec eas ed h umans and c er tain other anima ls .


21 2

B I BL I O GRAPH Y

Aptheker , H er bert , " Mar oons Within the Pr es ent Limits of the U nited S tates " , J ournal of Negr o H is t ory. X X IV ( Apr i l 1 93 9 ) .

Bast ide , R og er , Afr ican C iv i lizat ions in the N ew W or ld . N ew Yor k : Harper and R ow , 1 971

Benjam ins , H . D . " Po l it ie ke C ontracten met de Bosch negers in Sur iname " , B i " dr a en tot de Taa lkunde van Ne der landsch - Indie . LXX I

Benjamins , H . D . and S ne l lman , J . F . ( e ds . ) , Encyc lopaedie van Neder landsch Wes t- I ndie . The H agu e : OOart inus N ijhoff , 1 91 7 .

B ohannan , Lau r a and Pau l , The T iv of Centr a l N ige r ia . London : I nter nat ional Afr ican I nstitute , 1 953 .

C ar d i na l I , A . W . Tales Told in T og olan d . London s O xf or d U n !ve·rs i t y Press , 1 93 1 .

E lst , Dir k van der , " Th e Bush Negro Tr i bes of Sur inam , S ou th A mer ica , A S ynthes is . " U np u b lished Ph . D . Dissertat ion , N or thwes tern U niv er s it y . 1 970 .

Evange lische Br oedergemeente , Oem Li tanij N anga Liturgie . Par amar i b o , Suri nam .

Fr azer , E . Franklin , The Negr o Church in Amer ica . New Yor k : Schoc ken , 1 9 64 .

G lossary of ,the Sur inam V er nacu lar . Paramar ibo , Sur i nam .

Gr oot , S i lv ia de , D�uka S ociety and S oc ia l Change . Van G or cum , 1 69 .

Assen :

H er s kov its , 00 . J . , "African G ods and Cath ol ic Saints " , Amer ican Anthropolog ist . XXX I V ( 1 93 7 ) .

Hers kovits , 00 . J . , �yth of the N egro Pas t . B os t on : Beacon Press , 1 95 8 .


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H erskovits , M . J . and H erskov its , F . 5 . , R eb e l Des t iny , Among the Bush-liegr oes of Dutch Gu iana . New Y or k e Whitt lese y H OUSd , 1 934 .

H ers kovits , M . J . and H ers kov its , F . 5 . , Sur inam Fo lklore . N ew Yor k . C o lumbia U n iver s ity Pres s , 1 93 6

Lenoir , J . D . o " Tiv ' Extra Pr ocessual Events ' . " Paper presented at the annu a l meeting of Th e Ame r ican E thnolog ica l S oc iet y , ottowa , C anada , 1 970 . New Yor k . 1 9 70 . ( Mimeograph ed ) .

Leer dam , H . " O nz e Bos lander bewoners , I -XXX I I I , " De W es t . Par amar ibo , Sur inam . 1 9 56-1 9 57 .

Mors ink , Fath er , CSSR , Diar y .

Patterson , Or lando , Th e S oc i oloQ Y of S lavery . London : /Ylac g i bbon and Kee , 1 964 .

Pr ic e , R . S . ( e d . ) , Maroon S ociet ies ; r e be l s lave c ommu nit ies in the Amer icas , Ms . , n . d .

S tedman , Captain J . G • • Narr ative of a F ive Years ' Expedit i on aga inst the R ev olte d N egr oes in Sur inam • • • • • •

2 V olumes . London : J ohns on and E dwar ds , 1 796 .

Th oden van V e lsen , H . U . E . , "Po litiake Beh eer ing i n de Dju ka /Ylaatschap py . " U npu blished Ph . D . Dissertat ion , U n iv er s i t y of Ams ter dam , 1 96 6 .

V oorh oev e , J . , " V ar ieti es of Cr e o le in Sur inam : Church C r e o le and Pagan C u lt Languages , " in De l l H ymes ( e d . ) , PidQ inization ' -and Cre o lization of Languag es . C am br idg e a C am br i dg e U nivers ity Press , 1 071 .

V oorh oev e , J . and Rens e laar , H . C • • " Mess ianis m and Nationalism in Sur inam , " Bijdr agen tot de Taal- . Land en V o l ke n ku nde van Neder landsch - Indie . C XV I I I . ( 1 962 )

lenoir - the paramacca maroons ocr

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