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  • This article was downloaded by: [Florida State University]On: 08 October 2014, At: 04:07Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House,37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

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    LAND TRANSPORT POLICY AND LAND-USE PLANNING INSINGAPORETAI-CHEE WONG aa Division of Geography , Nanyang Technological University , SingaporePublished online: 15 Dec 2010.

    To cite this article: TAI-CHEE WONG (1998) LAND TRANSPORT POLICY AND LAND-USE PLANNING IN SINGAPORE, AustralianPlanner, 35:1, 44-48, DOI: 10.1080/07293682.1998.9657808

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  • TAI-CHEE WONG is a Senior Lecturer in the Division of Geography, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.


    'F iscal measures such as Central Area licensing, road pricing or parking controls offer other means by curbing demand. Such

    measures are generally restrictive in nature, and they require considerable political resolve for their implementation and effective use ... Singapore's well-entrenched, un$ed government may accept the need for them even though they may be unpopular." (Olszewski & Skeates 1971 p68)

    The newly published white paper by the Land Transport Authority of Singapore describes an ambitious transport policy proposal. The policy provides Singapore with a world class transport system through expansion of the road network, better management of road usage and inte- gration of land-use planning and transport policy, the latter in particular designed to promote greater transit usage. The white paper proposals reinforce land transport policy implemented more than two decades ago and concepts of economic and financial sustainability (World Bank 1996; Toh 1969 & Willeke & Simons 1994). Revenue-generating traffic restraint policies which have been effective in financing expensive transport improvement schemes in the past, are also described.

    This study examines the origins of the integration of transport and land-use plan- ning. It also evaluates the long term land- use planning intentions of the city-state contained in the Concept Plan revised in 1991 (URA 19911, and its potential prob- lems in matching the objectives of the 1996 white paper's transport policy. Final- ly, the study looks at some practical prob- lems and questions the effectiveness of car restraint policies in a society, at least in the

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    short and medium term, where car owner- ship is seen as much as a status symbol as a commuting tool.

    Origins of integration of transport and land-use planning

    Before 1965, Singapore's land-use planning policy was focused primarily on public health and housing. Planrung objectives were modest, being restricted to urban design and control measures granted to regulate physical development of the island (Bristow 1992; Wardlaw 1971). Having lost a direct hinter- land following a political split from Malaysia in 1965, the newly independent city-state pursued a survival strategy exploiting the world trade network. In the face of high unemployment and political instability, thls survival strategy adopted an 'economic priority model' in which transport was expected to help raise the efficiency of the city-state's economic functions (Burtenshaw, Baternan & Ashworth 1981; Bmton 1992). Typical of t h model was the initial liberal transport policy from 1965 to 1974 which was accommodative to car growth.

    Singapore has long had strong seaport services to its hinterlands in the Malay Peninsula and the Indonesian archipelago. As seaward trade developed, linlung goods and services from Singapore to other key nodes in Southeast Asia and major devel- oped economies, so too did air transport services. From the small colonial airport at Kallang, Singapore has built up the intema- tionally known Changi airport. At the same time, land transport facilities have had to catch up to match rapid industrial growth and trade development. land transport was

    seen as instrumental in attracting multi- national investments and technology by achieving two key objectives. First, it should serve to ensure smooth flow of traf- fic, particularly in the central business IS- trict (CBD), which is adjacent to the sea- port and houses key financial and trade-related services. Second, it should facilitate the commuting of workers from new towns to the CBD and new industrial estates in industrial areas such as Jurong. In a decentralisation process begun in the early 1960s. new towns built by the Hous- ing Development Board have served as new homes to resettled low-income households from the Central Area and its fringes.

    The 'economic priority model' was fur- ther reinforced by a study of the Ministry of Finance in 1969 which confirmed road expansion projects as being beneficial to the economy in terms of time and cost sav- ings for vehicle operators, rising land val- ues and through enhancement of user com- fort and convenience. Negative effects were recognised but were seen as less important (Toh 1969).

    The Concept Plan and transport planning

    The first broad-based land-use plan was prepared by a United Nations Development Program Study in 1971. The team pro- duced a Concept Plan which comprised an island-wide transportation network, based on a 'ring concept'. The aim was to build high density residential areas, industries and urban centres in a ring pattern, con- nected by a high capacity and efficient transportation network. The 'ring develop- ment' encircled the forested Central Catch-




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  • ment Area in the centre of the island which serves as a water conservation and recre- ational zone.

    Three objectives were identified for long-term transport planning. They were: a) minimising travel demand with appro- priate land use planning; b) providing a transpon system which supplied adequate services, thereby influencing commuters' choice of travel mode; and c) undertalung administrative measures to restrain private car usage, particularly commuting trips. A 'car-oriented' transport policy was con- ceived by the Concept Plan team as expen- sive, a waste of land, incompatible with basic planning objectives and destructive to the city fabric (Olszewski & Skeates 1971).

    Having accepted an island-wide policy framework in 1971 to guide future trans- port development, the Singapore Govern- ment was prepared to implement car restraint measures. Attention was focused on the Central Area, the island's financial core located adjacent to the seaport.

    Policy to control car usage and ownership

    Led by an export-driven strategy since the late 1960s, the modem manufacturing base expanded and jobs gradually increased in Singapore. Growth brought higher living standards which helped the ruling govern- ment to win political support through votes, a strong jusufication that the economic pri- ority model should continue to dictate the transport policy. However, as living stan- dards rose and the business sector expand- ed, private car ownership also increased substantially. From 1969 to 1973, while annual population growth recorded an aver- age of 1.7%, the average annual growth of private cars was 9.2% (Depament of Statis- tics 1978/79). The Central Area, containing the CBD, saw a drastic increase in traffic flows as a result of the sharp rise in office blocks and urban renewal whch had gener- ated additional traffic demand. By the end of 1973, it was estimated that 28,000 cars daily entered the CBD during the two morning peak hours and strong concern was expressed by the Ministry of Communica- tions at its impact on business (Mincom 1974). Fiscal measures such as increases in import duties, registration fees and taxes on petrol were considered useful restraint mea- sures to car ownership by the Road Trans- port Actio


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