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  • (1) I. fiskulturni slet Hrvatske u Zagrebu / Zlatko Zrnec

    refleksije vremena 1945. 1955.

  • Refleksije vremena 1945. 1955.12. prosinca 2012. 10. oujka 2013.Galerija Klovievi dvoriJezuitski trg 4, Zagrebwww.klovicevidvori.hr

    Pod visokim pokroviteljstvom predsjednika Republike Hrvatske dr. Ive Josipovia

    Produkcija izlobeGalerija Klovievi dvori

    Izloba je ostvarena u suradnji s Muzejom istorije Jugoslavije iz Beograda

    Koncepcija i izbor izloaka Jasmina Bavoljak

    Likovni postav Nedjeljko Mikac

    Audiovizualni postavDarko Bavoljak

    Kustosice pripravniceKatarina SrdarevDanijela Markovi

    Tekstovi na izlobiLucija BenyovskyVladi BraliIgor DudaRenata Jambrei KirinIgor GraovacMaa KolanoviMartin Previi Reana SenjkoviDavorin Vuji

    muzej istorije JugoslavijeVoditeljica projekta Ana Pani (mij)

    Struni suradniciSlavica Drobac (mij)Tatomir Toroman (mij)

    KustosiRadovan Cuki (mij)Momo Cvijovi (mij)Marija orgovi (mij)Veselinka Kastratovi-Risti (mij)

    Dragoljub Kupreanin (mij)Ivan Manojlovi (mij)Aleksandra Momilovi-Jovanovi (mij)Ana Pani (mij)Tatomir Toroman (mij)

    KonzervacijaIvanka ivadinovi (mij)

    Vizualni identitet i grafiki dizajn izlobeHamper studioIvana VuiTomislav Jurica Kauni

    Restauracija djelaMirta KrizmanAna DumboviDragan DokiHrvatski restauratorski zavod:Vinja Brali (hrz)Mario Braun (hrz)Davor Filipi (hrz)Darko Ivi (hrz)Mario Mioi (hrz)Vjeran Potoi (hrz)Slobodan Radi (hrz)

    Izbor arhivske filmske graeDaniel Rafaeli

    Montaa filmskog materijalaVinja Skorin

    Montaa audio materijalaPetar Vujai

    Koncepcija promidbenog spotaVinko GrubiiFredi Kolombo

    Filmska graaHrvatski filmski arhiv Carmen LhotkaMladen Buri

    Fotografska graa Sredinji fotolaboratorij HDAZvonimir BarieviHrvoje GrinaDamir PildekJasna VlaiFotodokumentacija Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije

    Audio materijalHRT Hrvatski radioTajana BregeAris Angelis

    Uveanja fotografijaAstroclima, ZagrebArskopija, Zagreb

    Pedagoki programLiljana Velkovski

    Struni suradnici na pedagokom programuNikolina Oko ZanokiMario Perani

    Marketing izlobeAntonio Picukari

    Tehnika produkcijaDragutin MatasTomislav AntoliDamir BabiDavor MarkotiVinko Soldan Tomica etek

    TransportGalerija Klovievi dvori

    OsiguranjeCroatia osiguranje, Zagreb

    Suorganizatori izlobeHrvatski dravni arhiv Hrvatska radiotelevizija, Hrvatski radio Hrvatski restauratorski zavod Jadran film

    Izloba je ostvarena uz podrku Ministarstva kulture Republike Hrvatske i Gradskog ureda za obrazovanje, kulturu i port grada Zagreba kao i sredstvima Galerije Klovievi dvori

    Izloba je realizirana zahvaljujui dravnom jamstvu Vlade Republike Hrvatske

    Organizatori zahvaljuju institucijama i privatnim vlasnicima koji su posudbom djela omoguili ovu izlobu: Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, ZagrebEtnografski muzej Istre, PazinGalerija Antuna Augustinia, KlanjecGalerija likovnih umjetnosti, OsijekGalerija umjetnina, SplitGrad ZagrebGradski muzej Karlovac, KarlovacHrvatska radiotelevizija, Hrvatski radio, ZagrebHrvatski dravni arhiv, ZagrebHrvatski muzej arhitekture, ZagrebHrvatski povijesni muzej, ZagrebHrvatski kolski muzej, ZagrebKabinet grafike HAZU, ZagrebKnjinice grada Zagreba, ZagrebLovaki muzej Hrvatskog lovakog saveza, ZagrebMinistarstvo vanjskih i europskih poslova Republike Hrvatske, ZagrebModerna galerija, ZagrebMuzej istorije Jugoslavije, BeogradMuzej moderne i suvremene umjetnosti, RijekaMuzej Slavonije Osijek, OsijekMuzej Staro selo, KumrovecMuzej za umjetnost i obrt, ZagrebNacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, ZagrebNarodni muzej Zadar, ZadarUmjetnika galerija Dubrovnik, DubrovnikUred predsjednika Republike Hrvatske, ZagrebVila Brijunka, BrijuniBorna BaracLucija Barada BenyovskyDarko BekiRadmila BiondiZora Cazi GotovacVladimir Dodig TrokutIgor Jovi Marijan i Neven KockoviJosip KovaiMario PeraniZvonimir koriBranko Zec

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.4

    SADRAJ

    PROLOG 6 Jasmina BavoljakI POVIJEST

    UhODAVAnJE SOcIJALIzmA 10 Igor DudaJUnAkInJE I JUnAcI RADA 40 Tomislav AniPIOnIRI mALEnI 58 Igor DudaDRAVA I cRkVA 66 Ivan GrubiiII UmJETnOST

    IzmEU DIkTATA I SAVJESTI 72 Jasmina BavoljakSPOmEnIkA PLASTIkA 106 milica Radulovi, Davorin Vuji, maro GrbiARhITEkTURA 146 Vladi BralifILmSkI URnAL 154 Daniel RafaelihRVATSkI fILm 158 kreimir mikiOD kULTURE mASE DO mASOVnE kULTURE 166 maa kolanovi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 5

    III DRUTVO

    EnE U fORmATIVnOm SOcIJALIzmU 182 Renata Jambrei kirin

    POLITIkI RITUALI 202 Reana Senjkovi

    mIT O TITU U PROSTORU 228 nevena krbi Alempijevi

    TITO kAO DAnDY 234

    S POTOVAnJEm TITU 244

    JESmO LI JO UVIJEk mODERnI? 260 Leonida kova

    LEkSIkOn 289 IGOR STAnI

    kATALOkE JEDInIcE 293

  • 2PROLOGJasmina Bavoljak

    REfLEkSIJE VREmEnA 1945. 1955.6

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 7

    Utopijska vjera u ideale slobode, jednakosti i pravde koja je obiljeila nae bake i majke, djedove i oeve u jednome od prijelomnih trenutaka 20. stoljea sigurno je ostavila neizbrisiv trag i u nama samima!

    Okonanje Drugoga svjetskog rata u nas i tema 1945. godine te prvih poratnih godina, kao godina epohalnog prijeloma i obrata u suvremenoj povijesti, iva je i danas, ne samo zbog relativne vremenske blizine, nego i zbog svoga znaenja te jo prisutnog djelovanja na forme i sadraje historijskog pamenja. A vrijeme odreeno 1945. godinom, godinom poraza dvaju totalitarizama (faizma i nacionalsocija-lizma), te godinama u kojima ubrzo nastaju i sukobi unutar treega totalitarizma (staljinizma) i raanje titoizma, ujedno je i vrijeme pobjeda ostatka ovjeanstva ili, rjenikom politike i vojne povijesti, Saveznika. To vrijeme, stoga, nije i ne moe biti samo okamenjena historijska injenica, ve je obiljeeno konstituiranjem novog svjetskog poretka, sve brim protokom informacija, razvojem drutvenih i eko-nomskih odnosa te, do tada u povijesti nezabiljeenim, civilizacijskim napretkom u svim segmentima drutvenog razvoja.

    Ova izloba bi nas trebala podsjetiti na dinamine i vieznane drutvene impulse razdoblja od svretka Drugoga svjetskog rata pa do poetka emitiranja prvog televi-zijskog signala u nas. U tome e posjetiteljima pomoi, uz tradicionalne muzejske eksponate, i razni multimedijalni sadraji toga vremena raeni s jasno odreenim ideolokim predznakom, koji su posueni iz Hrvatskog dravnog arhiva i audio arhiva Hrvatske radiotelevizije. Takoer e materijal posuen iz Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije iz Beograda dati vaan biljeg ovoj izlobi, oslikavajui poklonima, osobnim predme-tima i umjetnikim djelima okruje u kojem je ivio i radio Josip Broz Tito. Vano je napomenuti da je izloba samo jedan od moguih kulturolokih pregleda i pogleda na vrijeme od kojeg je proteklo ezdesetak godina, te da se njome eljelo upozoriti na cenzure i tabue, prijelome i drutvene poticaje koji su mijenjali sadraje historijskog pamenja uvjetujui da neke fenomene tog vremena lako zaboravljamo, dok se drugih s radou ili nelagodom prisjeamo.

    U horizontu ivoga povijesnog vremena zbivanja djeluju na dugi rok, u interakciji sa stvaralakima i/ili razornim ljudskim djelovanjima i djelima. Ako je tome tako, onda i vrijeme od 1945. do 1955. godine, prisutno kroz sjeanja na obeani, ivljeni i urue-ni komunizam/socijalizam, takorei ivi i djeluje, otvoreno ili prikriveno, na (samo)spoznaje dananjih narataja, na njihovo (samo)tumaenje, na vrijednosne predstave te drutvene, kulturne, umjetnike i ivotne prakse.

    (2) Titov govor na Markovu trgu 28. 5. 1945. / autor nije registriran

  • POVIJEST

  • Hrvatska u desetljeu poslije 1945. godine

    3

    UhODAVAnJE SOcIJALIzmA Igor Duda

    REfLEkSIJE VREmEnA 1945. 1955.10

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 11

    Kada je u svibnju 1945. zavrio Drugi svjetski rat u Europi, Demokratska Federativna Jugoslavija postojala je ve godinu i pol: sukladno meuna-rodnim dogovorima ve su dva mjese-ca u njezinoj vladi djelovali politiari komunistike i graanske orijentacije, a drava je dobila meunarodno pri-znanje od strane antifaistikih sila.

    Tri mjeseca kasnije Antifaistiko vijee narodnog osloboenja Jugoslavije, pojaano nekompromiti-ranim zastupnicima iz predratnoga jugoslavenskog parlamenta, preraslo je u Privremenu narodnu skup-tinu te su krenule pripreme za prve poratne izbore. Dio federacije bila je i Federalna Drava Hrvatska (FDH) ija je vlast u svibnju 1945. u Zagrebu ula u urede poraene nacistike tienice Nezavisne Dra-ve Hrvatske (NDH). Novu hrvatsku vlast u tom je tre-nutku predstavljala mjesec dana stara Narodna vlada Hrvatske, na ijem e elu osam godina biti Vladimir Bakari. Vlada je stigla iz ranije osloboenoga Splita, a svoj je politiki legitimitet temeljila na tada ve dvogodinjem djelovanju Zemaljskog antifaisti-kog vijea narodnog osloboenja Hrvatske (ZAVNOH) koje e u srpnju 1945. godine na svome 4. zasjedanju u Zagrebu prerasti u Narodni sabor Hrvatske.

    ZAVNOH je jo 1943. u svojoj rezoluciji naglasio:

    Komunistika partija bila [je] jedina partija u Hrvat-skoj koja je ostala vjerna naim narodima. Komuni-stika je partija pozvala sve narode da se dignu na oruanu borbu protiv okupatora i njegova sluge Pa-velia. Ona je organizirala prve udarne grupe i prve partizanske odrede, koji su s orujem u ruci ustali protiv faistikih osvajaa i ustaa.1

    lanovi KP Jugoslavije (KPJ) u rat su 1941. uli poslije razdoblja dvadesetogodinje zabrane i ilegalnog dje-lovanja u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, a iz rata su uspjeli izai na nain da su sebi osigurali glavnu rije pri

    uspostavljanju nove vlasti. Na podruju Hrvatske KPJ je od 1937. djelovala preko KP Hrvatske (KPH) koja je ve pri svom osnivanju najavila borbu za ostvarenje socijalnih i nacionalnih prava za najire mase:

    Hrvatski narod je jednoduan u borbi, da raskine lance nacionalnog ropstva, da izvojuje demokratska prava i slobode, da obuzda pljakanje i izrabljivanje naroda, koji su doveli narod na prosjaki tap... I upravo zato jer volimo svoju domovinu i svoj narod, mi se borimo da u slobodnoj domovini bude sretan i slobodan itav narod.2

    Tijekom rata komunisti su, meutim, izbjegavali teme revolucije i diktature proletarijata pa se u do-kumentima ZAVNOH-a svim graanima FDH jami:

    sigurnost linosti i imovine [...], pravo vlasnitva i privatna inicijativa u gospodarskom ivotu [...], slo-boda vjeroispovijesti i sloboda savjesti [...], sloboda govora, tampe, zbora, dogovora i sloboda udrui-vanja..., ope jednako i neposredno izborno pravo [...], pravo molbe i pritube na sve dravne vlasti [...] [te] besplatno prosvjeivanje.3

    Naravno, osim ako je rije o osobama koje su se ogri-jeile o interese Narodnooslobodilake borbe (NOB) ili ih se moe povezati s izdajom domovine i slue-njem neprijatelju. Slinu je ogradu poslije pobjede u ratu iznio i sam Josip Broz Tito:

    Na je narod izvojevao sebi svoj tip demokracije, gdje postoji puna sloboda za ogromnu veinu narodnih masa, a u isto vrijeme za jednu neznatnu manjinu po-stoje izvjesna ogranienja, takva ogranienja koja im onemoguavaju da rade to hoe, a ta se ogranienja sastoje u tome da oni nemaju vlast u rukama i, prema tome, ne mogu nita da rade.4

    Rat koji je u svojoj surovoj dvojnosti istodobno bio i oslobodilaki i graanski mnoge je teme u javnosti odgodio za kasnije, a tada je kada se samo naslui-vao ili ve znao ishod borbi bilo mogue umanjiti, kako inzistiranje na dravnosti jugoslavenskih federal-nih jedinica, tako i vrijednost nekih graanskih prava.

    1 Plitvika rezolucija, prema: Hodimir Sirotkovi, ZAVNOH. Rasprave i dokumenti, Zagreb, Dom i svijet, Zagreb, 2002., 280.

    2 Proglas osnivakog kongresa KPH, prema: Hrvoje Matkovi, Na vrelima hrvatske povijesti, Zagreb, Golden marketing (GM) Tehhnika knjiga, Zagreb, 2006., 337.

    3 Deklaracija o osnovnim pravima naroda i graana Demokratske Hrvatske, prema: H. Sirotkovi, n.dj., 300301.

    4 Govor predsjednika Narodnog fronta Jugoslavije (NFJ), prema: Katarina Spehnjak, Javnost i propaganda. Narodne fronte (NF) u politici i kulturi Hrvatske 1945.1952. godine, Zagreb, Hrvatski institut za povijest (HIP) Dom i svijet, Zagreb, 2002., 28.

    (3) Proslava 1. maja 1947. / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.12

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    1210 11

    9

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  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 13

    Mnoga su deklarativna jamstva iz ratnih godina u no-vima poratnim okolnostima bila zaboravljena. Ra-zinu i vrstu demokratinosti odreivali su pobjedni ci u ratu koji su uskoro postali i pobjednici prvih par-lamentarnih izbora. Komunistika partija dobila je pravo na stvaranje i izgradnju vlasti i, potom, pravo na oblikovanje drutva, a tu je u sklopu politike ko ja nije prihvaala povratak na staro do izraaja ko na no dolo i tree obiljeje NOB-a: socijalistika re vo lucija.

    Uvrivanje vlastiJesen 1945. bila je u znaku prvih izbora. Ostavi li se po stra ni ak sve ostalo to se dogaalo prvih poratnih mje seci, ni same pripreme za izbore nisu protjecale u demokratskom ozraju jer je KPJ onemoguavala po-litiku i predizbornu djelatnost graanskih strana ka. Meu njima je bila i Hrvatska seljaka stranka koja je pri je rata dobivala najveu potporu hrvatskih biraa, no njezinu obnovu prijeila je ratna i poratna podije l je-n ost na razliite dijelove te stranke i nastojanja komu-nista da jedan njen dio zadre pod svojim okriljem u

    sklopu NF-a. Izraavajui neslaganje s politikim prili-ka ma graanski su politiari napustili vladu i povukli se iz izborne utrke. Na izbore za saveznu Ustavotvor-nu skuptinu 11. studenoga 1945. izaao je tako samo NF s J. Brozom Titom kao nositeljem liste, pa su se na bi rakim mjestima nale dvije kutije frontovska i be zi mena ili crvena i crna a ruke biraa glasake su ku glice znatno vie polagale u onu prvu kutiju. U Hr-vatskoj je na biralita izalo 1,9 milijuna ili 91,8 posto upi sanih biraa, a NF je osvojio 91,5 posto glasova.5 Jo vi i postotak osvojen je na naknadno provedenim iz-bo rima u novopripojenoj, tonije sjedinjenoj Istri. Ve-inu hrvatskih zastupnika u Ustavotvornoj skuptini iz redova NF-a inili su upravo lanovi KPH. Inozemne su analitiare iznenadili tako dobri rezultati, no una-to izvjeima o nepravilnostima, nema sumnje da su oni uvelike bili odraz politikog raspoloenja i da se pobjeda NF-a u studenome 1945. ne moe, i kada bi se htjelo, dovesti u pitanje.6 Birae je ponio poratni po-bjedniki zanos te programska naela NF-a, meu ko-jima su se isticali obnova i izgradnja, bolji ivot seljaka

    5 Usp. K. Spehnjak, n.dj., 132, i Zdenko Radeli, Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji 1945.1991. godine. Od zajednitva do razlaza, Zagreb, HIP kolska knjiga (K), Zagreb, 2006., 76.

    6 Usp. K. Spehnjak, n.dj., 134135, i Jera Voduek Stari, Kako su komunisti osvojili vlast 1944.1946. godine, Zagreb, Naklada Pavii, 2006., 409.

    (4) Prvi miting u osloboenom Zagrebu / Milan Pavi

    (5) Prvi miting u osloboenom Zagrebu / Milan Pavi

    (6) Prve jedinice Jugoslavenske armije na Jelaievu trgu / Milan Pavi

    (7) Ulazak Jugoslavenske armije preko Savskog mosta / Milan Pavi

    (8) S proslave Titova roendana na Jelaievu trgu / Ribari

    (9) Tenkovi Jugoslavenske armije prolaze Jelaievim trgom / Milan Pavi

    (10) Narodna zatita po zagrebakim ulicama / Milan Pavi

    (11) Zarobljeniki privremeni logor u Zagrebu / autor nije registriran

    (12) Jedinice Jugoslavenske armije sa zastavama na Jelaievu trgu / Milan Pavi

    (13) Izbori za zastupnike okrune skuptine okruga Slavonski Brod / Milan Pavi

    13

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.14

    (14) Upute biraima prigodom izbora za Ustavotvornu skuptinu, 1945.

    (15) Ustav Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije, 1946.

    (16) Ustav Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije, 1946.

    14

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 15

    i radnika, prava ena, pruanje svih mogunosti mla-dima, socijalno osiguranje, svima dostupne prosvjeta, tehnika i znanost, stvaranje narodne inteligencije, demokratska prava, narodna vlast i republikanski oblik vladavine, bratstvo i jedinstvo te ravnopravnost naroda Jugoslavije, prijateljstvo sa svima slobodolju-bivim narodima te balkanska i slavenska solidarnost.7

    KPJ je, dakle, uspjela osmisliti te ostvariti sintezu interesa svih naroda Jugoslavije te tako jo za rata izgraditi nadnacionalnu mo, a toj je sintezi prido-dala komunistiku utopiju o novome pravednom drutvu ime je zadobila iroku podrku, posebno mladih generacija.8 Partiji su izbori potom dali i po-litiki upravljaki legitimitet.

    Izgraivanje pravnog sustava sigurno je pridono-silo uvrivanju narodne vlasti i partijske drave. Ustavotvorna je skuptina ve 29. studenoga 1945. godine na drugu obljetnicu 2. zasjedanja AVNOJ-a i proglaenja DFJ te na datum koji e potom biti obi-ljeavan kao Dan Republike proglasila Federativnu Narodnu Republiku Jugoslaviju koja je u Deklaraciji skuptine opisana kao

    7 Usp. Osnovna programatska naela NFJ, prema: K. Spehnjak, n.dj., 2728.

    8 Usp. Duan Bilandi, Hrvatska moderna povijest, Zagreb, GM, 1999., 226.

    15

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  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.16

    ... savezna narodna drava republikanskog oblika, za-jednica ravnopravnih naroda koji su slobodno izrazili volju da ostanu ujedinjeni u Jugoslaviji.9

    Federacija je u sijenju sljedee godine dobila i svoj prvi ustav. Isti se ritam godinu kasnije ostvario i na republikoj razini: u studenome 1946. provedeni su izbori za Ustavotvorni sabor s rezultatima slinima onima na saveznim izborima, a u sijenju 1947. svoj je ustav dobila i Narodna Republika Hrvatska (NRH) kao narodna drava, ujedinjena slobodnom vo-ljom i na temelju naela ravnopravnosti u Jugosla-viju, ali s pravom na samoodreenje i odcjepljenje.10

    Osim ustavima i uspostavom svih razina vlasti, dravu i poredak trebalo je uvrstiti mnogima kon-kretnim potezima na terenu gdje se na legalan i ilega-lan nain dogaao obraun s neistomiljenicima. Bili su to, nazvani jezikom vremena, kontrarevolucionari, reakcija, protudravni elementi ili banda, a zapravo ostaci neprijateljskih vojnih postrojbi, veleposjedni-

    ci, buroazija i crkva, esto i obini graani. S ratnim zarobljenicima obraun je bio posebno grub tijekom prvih nekoliko mjeseci poraa, a s neuhvaenim pripadnicima gerilskih kriarskih skupina Korpus narodne obrane Jugoslavije morao se baviti sve do kraja 40-ih godina.11 Meutim, ni postupanje vlasti s narodom nije bilo lieno grubosti pa su se tih godi-na ak unutar Politbiroa Centralnog komiteta (CK) KPH javljale kritike politike zapovijedanja narodom te osude anarhije, kaosa i terora.12 O svemu tome teko je moglo biti rijei u tisku jer je ve u kolovozu 1945. Zakonom o tampi uvedena iroka mogunost zabrane publikacija, meu ostalim i u sluaju ugroavanja dravnih interesa, klevetanja dravnih tijela i po-maganja vanjskih neprijatelja.13

    Nepotivanje naela privatnog vlasnitva omo-guilo je oduzimanje privatne imovine putem kon-fiskacije, eksproprijacije i nacionalizacije. Upravo je konfiskacija imala vanu ulogu pri preraspodjeli zemljinoga fonda, zamiljenoj takoer u kolovozu

    9 Prema: H. Matkovi, Povijest Jugoslavije (1918.1991.). Hrvatski pogled, Zagreb, Naklada Pavii, 1998., 280.

    10 Ustav NRH, prema: H. Matkovi, Na vrelima hrvatske povijesti, ndj., 480.

    11 Usp. Z. Radeli, n.dj., 128133.12 Usp. D. Bilandi, n.dj., 262263.13 Usp. Z. Radeli, n.dj., 155.

    (17) Govor Vladimira Nazora / autor nije registriran

    (18) Porueno selo Lipa / autor nije registriran

    (19) Narod na Jelaievu trgu / autor nije registriran

    17

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 17

    1945. Zakonom o agrarnoj reformi i kolonizaciji. Nije se, meutim, postupalo prema sovjetskom modelu ope nacionalizacije i kolektivizacije nego su u skladu s parolom Zemlja seljacima! posjedi u dopu-tenoj povrini ostavljeni u privatnom vlasnitvu seljaka, daleko najbrojnijeg sloja drutva i nosive snage NOB-a. Oduzimanjem svih posjeda veih od 45 hektara ili 25 hektara obradive zemlje i ogrania-vanjem seljakih posjeda na 2025 hektara, drava je stvorila zemljini fond povrine 390.510 hekta-ra.14 U dravnom vlasnitvu ostalo je 62 posto po-vrine, a preostali je dio podijeljen meu 108.072 obitelji, od kojih je veina bila u svojstvu lokalnih korisnika koji su stekli pravo na zemlju ili irenje svog posjeda, dok su treinu inili kolonisti koji su iz neplodnih i nerazvijenih krajeva vlakovima bez voznog reda krenuli prema Baranji, Slavoniji, Srije-mu i Vojvodini.

    Prazni posjedi koji su primali koloniste posljedica su ne samo agrarne reforme nego i iseljavanja nje-make nacionalne manjine ijih je priblino 90.000 pripadnika otilo iz Hrvatske, a preostalo ih je dese-tak tisua.15 Bio je to dio ireg procesa koji je iz sred-nje i istone Europe odveo vie milijuna Nijemaca kojima je na teret stavljena kolektivna krivica zbog suradnje s poraenim Treim Reichom.

    Djelomino u tom kontekstu treba promatrati i iseljavanje Talijana, iako se njihov odlazak isprepleo s rjeavanjem graninog pitanja izmeu Italije i Jugo-slavije koje je poetkom 50-ih godina dovedeno do ruba ratnoga stanja. Hrvatske su granice na mnogim podrujima slijedile crtu iz prolih stoljea, a poneg-dje su unutar Jugoslavije odreivane poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata na temelju nacionalne pripadnosti stanovnitva i meurepublikih dogovora, no samo su na podruju Istre ovisile o sloenim meunarod-nima pregovorima.16 Iako je Jugoslavenska armija oslobodila Pulu, iz grada se ubrzo morala povui i prepustiti ga angloamerikim snagama koje su se tamo zadrale do 1947. godine. Tada je mirovnim ugovorom Jugoslavija uspjela dobiti sva sporna hr-vatska podruja osim sjeverozapadne Istre koja je sve do 1954. bila dio Slobodnoga Teritorija Trsta. Poslije nekoliko manjih korekcija teritorij NRH zaokruen je 1956. godine. Usporedno s rjeavanjem graninog pitanja iz hrvatskoga je dijela Istre iselilo vie od 180.000 stanovnika, veinom Talijana. Njihova imo-vi na postala je vlasnitvo jugoslavenske drave u za-mjenu za ratnu odtetu koju Italija tako nije morala isplatiti Jugoslaviji.

    Dravnim vlasnitvom su na osnovi Zakona o na-cionalizaciji privatnih i privrednih poduzea iz 1946. postala sva vea poduzea, a na ona manja poduzea, obrtnike radionice, prodavaonice i gostionice zakon je proiren 1948. godine.17 U privatnom vlasnitvu ostali su zemljite i stoka, sitna obrtnika poduzea i manji broj ugostiteljskih i trgovakih objekata. Drava

    je tako odstranila kapitalistiko vlasnitvo u gospo-darstvu i ostvarila nadzor nad sredstvima za proi-zvodnju, pa novih zakonskih intervencija u podru-ju nacionalizacije nije bilo sve do 1958. godine.

    Oblicima razvlaivanja posebno je bila pogo-ena Katolika crkva (KC), no vlasnitvo u crkve-no-dravnome odnosu nije bilo jedini prijepor.

    14 Usp. Marijan Maticka, Agrarna reforma i kolonizacija u Hrvatskoj 1945.1948 godine., Zagreb, K Stvarnost, 1990., 48, 93 i 135.

    15 Usp. Z. Radeli, n.dj., 188, te Ivo Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918.2008 godine., Zagreb, Europapress holding (EPH) Novi liber, 2008., 383.

    16 Usp. Z. Radeli, n.dj., 134151.17 Usp. isto, 184.

    18

    19

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.18

    Dogodio se sudar izmeu nositelja svjetovne vlasti, koja je poivala na masovnosti NF-a i predstavnika Katolike crkve, koja se oslanjala na tradiciju i broj-nost vjernika. Ideologija prvih sadravala je ateizam i vjeru smatrala znakom nazadnosti za koju u no-vome drutvu nema mjesta. Usto su prvi sumnjiili te optuivali KC i Vatikan za ponaanje i postupke u vrijeme Drugoga svjetskoga rata i poraa, a htjeli su sprijeiti i utjecaj sveenstva na mase. Shvaanja drugih, pak, jo su u meuratnome razdoblju bila

    protukomunistika, a dolaskom komunista na vlast stali su u obranu svog poloaja te svojih duhovnih i materijalnih vrijednosti koje su postale iznimno ugroene. Obraun vlasti sa zagrebakim nadbisku-pom Alojzijem Stepincem trebalo bi smjestiti upravo u podruje sukoba onih koji se uvruju na vlasti s onima koji nevoljko naputaju stare pozicije u dru-tvu, a s obzirom na sve to su jedni o drugima misli-li, okraj je bio neizbjean. Rezultirao je suenjima, zatvaranjima i ubojstvima sveenika te presudom A.

    (20) Proslava 1. maja 1947. / Milan Pavi

    (21) 1. partizanska izloba likovnih umjetnika u Zagrebu / Zvonko Zec

    (22) Proslava 1. maja delegacija Istre pred ulazom u Maksi-mir / autor nije registriran

    (23) Seljaka smotra u Varadinu govor prof. Martinovia / Nada Dolenc

    (24) Delegacija USAOH-a na Jelaievu trgu / autor nije registriran

    20

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 19

    18 Usp. D. Bilandi, n.dj., 257.

    Stepincu koji je 1946. na brzinu osuen na 16 godina zatvora zbog, kako se tvrdi u presudi, podupiranja NDH u ratu i djelovanja protiv Jugoslavije nakon rata.18 Do 1951. bio je u Lepoglavi, a potom do smrti u internaciji u Kraiu.

    Drugaiji socijalizamPoratnih godina sukobi nisu izbijali samo izmeu KP i njezinih protivnika nego i meu samim komunisti-ma. Poticaj tome stigao je izvan Jugoslavije, a njegovo razrjeavanje odvest e zemlju na put unutarnjih reformi i u bitno drugaiji meunarodni poloaj, ali

    i produljiti razdoblje konsolidacije reima. Nova faza politike krutosti bila je usmjerena prema svima koji su poslije pucanja bratskih sovjetsko-jugoslavenskih veza stali, ili se smatralo da su stali, na stranu Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalistikih Republika (SSSR) i Josifa Visarionovia Staljina te tako izrazili neslaganje s J. Brozom Titom, jugoslavenskom vlau i KP. Napetost izmeu dviju zemalja postupno je rasla od kraja rata sve dok iz SSSR-a u proljee 1948. Komunistikoj par-tiji Jugoslavije nisu stigla pisma u kojima se napada jugoslavenska unutarnja i vanjska politika. Moskvi je Tito uputio jasan odgovor:

    21

    23 24

    22

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.20

    25

    (25) ivot u rijekoj luci / Zlatko urjak

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 21

    26

    (26) Piljenje drva / autor nije registriran

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.22

    Ma koliko netko od nas volio zemlju socijalizma SSSR, on ne smije ni u kom sluaju manje voljeti svoju ze-mlju, koja takoer izgrauje socijalizam.19

    Jugoslavenski su komunisti odbili sudjelovati na za sje da nju Informacijskog biroa (IB/Informbiro) ko mu ni sti kih partija u Bukuretu, gdje su potom pred stavnici bugarske, ehoslovake, francuske, ma ar ske, poljske, rumunjske, sovjetske i talijanske par ti je 28. lipnja 1948. prihvatili Rezoluciju o stanju u KPJ.20 Objava toga dokumenta u jugoslavenskoj je jav no sti izazvala nevjericu jer s trona je pao uzor i zatitnik koji je to trebao biti zauvijek. Rezolucijom je vodstvo KPJ optueno za odstupanje od marksiz-ma i lenjinizma, naputanje pozicije radnike kla-se, doputanje mirnoga urastanja kapitalizma u socijalizam i za nepravilnu politiku na selu koja doputa privatno vlasnitvo. Informbiro je uoio i provoenje neprijateljske politike prema SSSR-u i Svesaveznoj komunistikoj partiji (boljevika), upozorio na klevetniku propagandu o SSSR-u kao imperijalistikoj sili te zakljuio da jugoslavensko vodstvo kapitalistike drave dri manjom opasno-u od SSSR-a, to moe dovesti do izroivanja Jugo-slavije u obinu buroasku republiku, do gubitka nezavisnosti Jugoslavije i do pretvaranja Jugoslavije u koloniju imperijalistikih zemalja. Bratske su par-tije naglasile da je KPJ organizirana sektako-biro-kratski, da se nalazi u polulegalnom poloaju i da se skriva iza NF-a:

    [elnici su KPJ] izmislili verziju o svom toboe ne-ravnopravnom poloaju... [te su zaraeni] ambici-oznou, oholou i uobraenou... [te kritike doe-kuju] nakostrijeeno..., [a zapravo su krenuli] putem odcjepljenja od jedinstvenoga socijalistikog fronta protiv imperijalizma, poli putem izdaje stvari meu-narodne solidarnosti radnog naroda i putem prelaska na pozicije nacionalizma.

    U Bukuretu je zakljueno da se CK KPJ zbog svega navedenoga sam iskljuio iz Informbiroa, a lanstvo KPJ pozvano je da postavi novo internacionalistiko rukovodstvo.

    U tom kontekstu, Sretenu ujoviu i Andriji He-brangu sigurno nije pomoglo to se u Rezoluciji IB-a spominju kao sovjetski prijatelji i to se prosvjeduje protiv njihova uhienja. A. Hebrang, ratni sekretar CK KPH i poratni predsjednik Savezne planske ko-misije, bio je uhien dva mjeseca prije Rezolucije IB-a, a najvjerojatnije je ubijen u beogradskome zatvoru sljedee godine.21

    Tada su zatvorene tisue komunista koji su stali na stranu SSSR-a ili za koje se i najmanje sumnjalo da nisu lojalni vodstvu KPJ. Evidentirano je gotovo 56.000 informbiroovaca (u Hrvatskoj osmina toga broja), a uhienih i uhapenih na jugoslavenskoj je

    27

    29

    31

    30

    28

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 23

    19 Prema: isto, 297.20 Usp. Rezoluciju IB-a o stanju u

    KPJ, u: Petar Poar, Rezolucija Informbiroa (prije i poslije), Zagreb, Radnike novine, 1988., 7180.

    21 Usp. I. Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918.2018. godine, n..dj., 454.

    22 Usp. Ivo Banac, Sa Staljinom protiv Tita. Informbiroovski rascjepi u jugoslavenskome komunistikom pokretu, Zagreb, Globus, 1990., 148149.

    23 Usp. D. Bilandi, n.dj., 370.24 Usp. Tvrtko Jakovina, Ameriki

    komunistiki saveznik. Hrvati, Titova Jugoslavija i SAD 1945.1955. godine, Zagreb, Profil Srednja Europa (SE), 2003., 354355.

    25 Usp. D. Bilandi, n.dj., 334.26 Zapisnik sa sastanka prvoga

    radnikog savjeta, Kulturni radnik, Zagreb, 30/1977., br. 5, 55.

    27 Usp. Z. Radeli, n.dj., 240.

    razini bilo vie od 16.000.22 Veini je odredite bio zatvor na Golome otoku. Iako je 1951. KPJ bila dvo-struko brojnija negoli na poetku sukoba Tito-Staljin, tijekom tri je godine izgubila stotinjak tisua lano-va. Istodobno je zemlji prijetila sovjetska interven-cija i vojska je bila u stanju pripravnosti s pogledima uperenima prema istonim granicama.

    Meudravni i meupartijski jugoslavensko-so-vje tski odnosi normalizirani su tek s novim sovjet-skim vodstvom potpisivanjem Beogradske (1955.) i Moskovske deklaracije (1956.). Nikita Sergejevi Hru-ov, predsjednik Vlade SSSR-a, priznao je sovjetsku pogreku:

    Mi iskreno alimo ono to se dogodilo i odluno odbi-jamo sve ono to se nagomilalo u tom periodu.23

    Bio je to znak jugoslavenske pobjede, ba kao i Titov odlazak u London u oujku 1953. godine, neposredno poslije Staljinove smrti, to je bio njegov prvi slu-beni posjet nekoj zapadnoj zemlji i prvo putovanje u inozemstvo poslije stanke od vie godina.24

    Unutarnji jugoslavenski politiki obraun na krat-koronoj je razini poslije 1948. produljio razdoblje tvrde politike diktature, dok je na dugoronoj razini zemlju odveo na put traenja odmaka od sovjetskog modela. Desovjetizacija, pribliavanje Zapadu, po-sebno Sjedinjenim Amerikim Dravama (SAD), te povezivanje s izvaneuropskim zemljama u Pokret nesvrstanih nedvojbeno jesu posljedice izlaska Ju-goslavije iz sovjetskog okrilja.

    Na poetku jugoslavenskog traenja drugaije-ga puta bila je drutvena reforma voena naelima decentralizacije, debirokratizacije, demokratizaci-je i deetatizacije.25 Promjene su predstavljene kao povratak izvornome marksizmu i lenjinizmu te su ukljuivale koncept odumiranja drave i uvoe-nje samoupravljanja. Meu prvim je koracima bilo usvajanje Osnovnog zakona o upravljanju dravnima privrednim poduzeima i viima privrednim udruenji-ma od strane radnih kolektiva iz 1950. godine. Pod parolom Tvornice radnicima! uveden je tako sustav radnikog samoupravljanja u kojemu se drava tre-bala sve manje uplitati u poslovanje, a radnici su po-stali vlasnici sredstava za proizvodnju te su putem radnikih savjeta trebali sudjelovati u upravljanju poduzeima. Prvi koji su u Jugoslaviji iskusili tu mo-gunost bili su radnici Tvornice cementa Prvoborac u Solinu koji su ve na prvome radnom sastanku svoga savjeta raspravljali o proizvodnom planu i disciplini na radnom mjestu:

    Disciplina u naem poduzeu je na niskom nivou. Veina radnika zakanjava na posao po par minuta i pola sata. U restoranu kada je ve sirena najavila poetak rada radnici i dalje ostaju i piju. Po tome treba otro postupiti.26

    A u poetku 50-ih prestat e, pak, i otra postupa-nja prema seljacima koji su odbijali kolektivizaciju u koju se krenulo 1949. u proturjenome trenutku kada se, iako uz odmak od sovjetskog modela, doka-zivala socijalistika pravovjernost. No, pad poljopri-vredne proizvodnje ve 1953. doveo je do naputanja koncepta seljakih radnih zadruga.

    Dio drutvene reforme sadran je i u promjenama naziva niza organizacija, meu njima i KP koja je na svome 6. kongresu u Zagrebu 1952. postala Savez komunista (SK). Partija je trebala napustiti staru praksu zapovijedanja narodom i dravom te prijei na uvjeravanje i usmjeravanje, a njezini lanovi tre-bali su postati ideoloki dobro potkovana avangarda drutva. Samoupravljanje, drutveno vlasnitvo i so ci jalistika demokracija 1953. su zauzeli istaknuto mje sto u Ustavnom zakonu o osnovama drutvenoga i politikog ureenja. Savezna i republike skuptine dobile su vijee proizvoaa kao poseban dom, a Vla-da je zamijenjena Saveznim izvrnim vijeem iji je predsjednik sljedeih deset godina bio upravo J. Broz Tito, koji je od tada obnaao i novouspostavljenu dunost Predsjednika Republike. Na niim razinama vlasti samoupravljanje i decentralizacija bili su vidlji-vi u novoj teritorijalno-upravnoj podjeli i uvoenju komunalnog sustava s opinama kao temeljem eko-nomsko-politikoga sustava.27 Hrvatska je tako 1955. podijeljena na 299 opina okupljenih u 27 kotara.

    Meutim, drutvena je reforma 1954. zaustavlje-na na nekoliko godina to e postati potez koji e se i kasnije primjenjivati kada reforme u opasnost budu dovodile vlast i poredak. Prijetnja je u jesen

    (27) Opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

    (28) Predaja darova Crvenog kria I. rajona djejem vrtiu u Zagrebu, Gundulieva 12 / Ante Fuis

    (29) Opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

    (30) Transport mlijeka / Ladislav Benko

    (31) Mladi partizan s odlikova-njima koje je zasluio kao pionir / Zlatko urjak

    (32) Goli otok /autor nije registri-ran

    32

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.24

    33

    34

    35

    36

    37

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 25

    1953. stigla iznutra. Naime, Milovan ilas, sekretar CK SK Jugoslavije (SKJ) i predsjednik Savezne skup-tine, oglasio se serijom lanaka kojima je kritizirao funkcioniranje vlasti i sustava te isticao potrebu za radikalnom demokratizacijom. Obruavajui se na tzv. novu klasu, jugoslavenskoj je birokraciji zamjerio pohlepu, zlouporabe uloge naslijeene iz NOB-a, za-tvaranje u svoj svijet i izdvajanje od naroda. M. ilas je, meutim, zbog svog istravanja iskljuen iz SK i za-tvoren, reforma je prekinuta, liberalno-demokratske tendencije zaustavljene, a koncept samoupravljanja u tom je trenutku ostao nerazraen. Do pomaka je dolo tek 1958. na 7. kongresu SKJ.

    Ozraje svakodneviceHrvatska je iz Drugoga svjetskog rata izala s veli-kim ratnim tetama i znatnim ljudskim gubicima. Broj stradalih u ratu bio je 295.000 (od ega je, meu ostalima, stradalo 137.000 Srba i 118.000 Hrvata), a ukupni demografski gubici procijenjeni su na oko pola milijuna. Na razini Jugoslavije ta je brojka do-sezala dva milijuna, dok je izravnih rtava bilo pri-blino milijun.28 U Hrvatskoj je potpuno uniteno priblino 300 sela, a priblino 400.000 ljudi ostalo je bez prostora za stanovanje.29 Poginuli i iseljeni utjecali su na smanjenje ukupnoga broja stanovnika koji je s 3,8 milijuna 1948. te 3,9 milijuna 1953. i dalje bio manji od predratnoga.30 Godine 1953. neu-pitna je bila premo poljoprivrednoga stanovnitva, a tek je etvrtina ukupnoga stanovnitva ivjela u gradovima, to je bilo malo iznad jugoslavenskoga prosjeka.31 Na poetku intenzivne industrijalizacije i urbanizacije Zagreb je, prema rezultatima istoga popisa, drao primat meu gradovima s priblino 351.000 stanovnika, Split (76.000) je tijesno uspio pretei Rijeku (75.000), a slijedili su Osijek (57.000), Karlovac (32.000) i Pula (29.000).32 Zaposlenih je bilo pola milijuna, a samo je nepunih 26.000 radnika bilo u potrazi za radnim mjestom.33

    Industrijalizacija i elektrifikacija bile su kljune toke poratne obnove i gospodarskog razvoja. Pola-zite nije bilo na zavidnoj razini i do polovice stolje-a industrijski nerazvijena i agrarna Jugoslavija tek e u 60-ima ui u krug srednje razvijenih zemalja. Gospodarstvo je 1945. bilo na treini predratnoga kapaciteta. U ratu je uniteno ili oteeno 36,5 po-sto jugoslavenske industrije, u Hrvatskoj je samo 16 posto eljeznikih pruga bilo sposobno za promet, kamionski i autobusni park smanjen je na 60 posto, potopljeno je ili odvezeno vie od 90 posto brodova, uniteno je 2,7 milijuna stabala voaka i 2,5 milijuna grla stoke.34 Prema nekim obraunima ratne tete u Hrvatskoj procijenjene su na 117 milijardi dinara ili 2,3 milijarde amerikih dolara.35

    Meutim, obnoviteljske radne akcije poput iz-gradnje Autoceste Bratstva i jedinstva od Zagreba do Beograda te sustav radnikog natjecanja s dobiva-

    njem udarnikoga statusa i masovni entuzijazam u brzom su ritmu mijenjali zemlju. Jugoslavenski je bruto drutveni proizvod (BDP) 1947. bio na razini 97 posto BDP-a iz 1939. pri emu su najbre rasli in-dustrija i graevinarstvo.36 U takvim je okolnostima zapoela primjena prvoga petogodinjeg plana za razdoblje 1947.1951., potom produljenoga za jed-nu godinu zbog prekida suradnje s Istonim blokom i traenja veza sa Zapadom. Inae, plan je slijedio sovjetski model, dakle centralizaciju s jakim dra-vnim nadzorom, dravom kao jedinim ulagaem i iz gra dnjom teke industrije.

    Forsirani rast davao je rezultate, ali nedostajala je la ka industrija i roba iroke potronje, a upitni su bili i trokovi te uinkovitost. Upravo je radi poticanja pro duktivnosti i radnike inicijative, uz traenje su-sta va razliitoga od sovjetskog, Jugoslavija tijekom pr ve petoljetke uvela radniko samoupravljanje. BDP je izmeu 1948. i 1952. rastao prosjeno dva posto go di-nje, a od 1953. do 1956. u razdoblju jednogodinjih pla nova i nepostojanja petoljetke prema prosjenoj sto pi od 6,6 posto.37 Bio je to uvod u gospodarski uzlet u kasnim pedesetima, u godinama jugoslavenskoga pri vre dnog uda. Svim su dijelovima Federacije bile po tre bne visoke stope rasta, posebno onima slabi-je razvijenima. U posljednjoj godini prve petoljetke iz nad saveznoga prosjeka (indeks 100) bio je BDP u Slo veniji (182) i Hrvatskoj (121), dok su Bosna i Herce-go vina (96), Srbija (93, ali s izrazitima unutarnjim ra zli ka ma od 102 u uoj Srbiji i 89 u Vojvodini do 47 na Kosmetu), Crna Gora (88) i Makedonija (71) po-ka zi va le sla bi ju razvijenost.38 Takvi su odnosi bili po slje dica razvo ja u prvoj polovici stoljea i ranije, a slje deih e desetljea, unato politikim nastojanji-ma, ostati uglavnom nepromijenjeni, uz jae zaosta-ja nje slabije razvijenih. Svi su se meusobno i s ino-ze mnim par tne rima susretali na Meunarodnome za gre ba kom ve le sajmu, obnovljenom 1947. godine, a 1956. prese lje nom u Novi Zagreb. Od svibnja iste go-dine u Hrvatskoj se mogao gledati i eksperimentalni

    28 Usp. Vladimir erjavi, Opsesije i megalomanije oko Jasenovca i Bleiburga. Gubici stanovnitva Jugoslavije u Drugome svjetskom ratu, Zagreb, Globus, 1992., 159 i 166.

    29 Usp. Z. Radeli, n.dj., 4647.30 Usp. isto, 55.31 Usp. Jakov Sirotkovi, Hrvatsko

    gospodarstvo, Zagreb, Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, GM, 1996., 66.

    32 Usp. I. Goldstein, Hrvatska povijest (Povijest 21), Zagreb, EPH, 2008., 630631.

    33 Usp. J. Sirotkovi, Hrvatsko gospodarstvo, n.dj., 124 i 128.

    34 Usp. Z. Radeli, n.dj., 4647.35 Usp. M. Maticka, Opskrba

    stanovnitva u Hrvatskoj od 1945. do 1953. godine, u: Zbornik Mirjane Gross, Zagreb, Zavod za hrvatsku povijest, 1999., 387, i Z. Radeli, n.dj., 47.

    36 Usp. J. Sirotkovi, Ekonomski razvoj Jugoslavije. Od prosperiteta do krize, Zagreb, Narodne novine, 1990., 163.

    37 Usp. Marijan Koroi, Jugoslavenska kriza, Zagreb, Naprijed Ekonomski institut, 1989., 57.

    38 Usp. I. Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918.2008. godine, n.dj., 602.

    (33) U odlasku / autor nije regi-striran

    (34) U odlasku / autor nije regi-striran

    (35) opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

    (36) Gospodarska zadruga u No-valji prodavaonica / Zlatko urjak

    (37) Djeji dom Vladimir Nazor u Zadru / Ivan Medar

    (38) Na-ma br. 1 / autor nije regi-striran

    38

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.26

    (39) opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 27

    (40) Streptomicin - poklon amerikog kria bolnici Rebro / Ladislav Benko

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.28

    program Televizije Zagreb, a u prosincu je u Ivancu otvorena prva hrvatska i jugoslavenska samoposluga. Prethodne godine na cestama se pojavio fio, automo-bil proizveden u Crvenoj zastavi u Kragujevcu (Srbija), a jo godinu ranije zagrebaki je Kra potroaima ponudio bajaderu.

    No, dug je bio put od poratne gladi do okola dne poslastice. Neposredno poslije rata veliki je dio od 416 milijuna dolara pomoi Uprave Ujedinjenih naroda za pomo i obnovu (UNRRA) Jugoslaviji bio potreban upravo za hranu.39 Mlijeko i jaja u prahu te druge namirnice bili su nuni za preivljavanje dijela stanovnitva, a bili bi jo bolje iskoriteni da su upute bile razumljive:

    Meu mnogobrojnima potroaima raznih konzervi iz UNRRA-inih paketa nalazi se prilian broj onih koji nisu u mogunosti protumaiti sadraj konzervi koji je oznaen na engleskom jeziku, te zbog toga nisu u stanju da hranu racionalno iskoriste.40

    Posebno je osjetljivo bilo pitanje prehrane u grado-vima, a poslije 1948. i opskrba vojske. Kako bi to uinkovitije upravljala raspoloivom robom, drava je od 1945. do kraja 1952. provodila racioniranu ili osiguranu opskrbu. Sustav se u hodu mijenjao, ali do robe se na zakonit nain nije moglo doi bez potro-akih knjiica, kupona, tokica ili karata. Potroai su podijeljeni u skupine, a za radniku potroaku kartu moglo se 1945.1947. kupiti 0,4 0,8 kilogra-ma kruha dnevno, odnosno mjeseno 0,75 litara ulja ili 0,75 kilograma masti, po 0,5 kilograma eera i soli te po jedan sapun za umivanje i za pranje rublja.41 Godine 1953. vie nije bilo ogranienja, no u uspo-redbi sa sljedeim razdobljem prehrana je i dalje bila nie kakvoe. U Hrvatskoj je etverolana radnika obitelj prosjeno troila 43 kilograma kruha, peciva i keksa, 11 kilograma mesa, ribe i preraevina, 40 kilograma svjeeg povra, 11 kilograma svjeeg voa i 32 litre mlijeka.42 Dnevno je to po osobi bilo pri-blino po 10 dekagrama mesa i voa, 35 dekagrama kruha i aa mlijeka. Radnika je obitelj mjeseno raspolagala s 21.010 dinara, a 52 posto prihoda davala je za prehranu.43 Kilogram kruha 1953. kotao je 32 dinara, svinjskog mesa 203 dinara, litra mlijeka 27 dinara, kilogram jabuka 44 dinara, eera 145 dina-ra, par cipela priblino tri tisue dinara, ulaznica za kino 33 dinara, jednako koliko i ianje, ali je trajna ondulacija stajala ak 334 dinara.44 Stoga ne udi da je, primjerice 1949. godine, neuhranjenost bila razlog zbog kojega je petina mladia pri novaenju progla-ena nesposobnima.45

    Iako je zbog praznih skladita potkraj 40-ih glad-nih bilo i na organiziranim godinjim odmorima, turizam je bio vaan dravni projekt koji je u godi-nama nestaice nastojao stvoriti dojam privremenog blagostanja. Pratei preporuke Meunarodne organi-

    41

    42

    43

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    39 Usp. D. Bilandi, n.dj., 237.40 Slobodna Dalmacija, Split,

    31. svibnja 1946. godine, prema: M. Maticka, Opskrba stanovnitva, n.dj., 388.

    41 Usp., isto, 394.42 Usp. Statistiki godinjak

    NRH: 1955., Zagreb, Zavod za statistiku, [1956.], 408.

    43 Usp. isto, 398 i 402.44 Usp. isto, 390.45 Usp. K. Spehnjak, n.dj., 200.46 Usp. Igor Duda, U potrazi za

    blagostanjem. O povijesti dokolice i potroakog drutva u Hrvatskoj 1950-ih i 1960-ih, Zagreb, SE, 2005., 109110.

    i kulturnog napretka te boljega ivotnog standarda. Razdoblje u kojemu se na odmor, uz popuste i ko-lektivno, odlazilo sa sindikalnom uputnicom bilo je kljuno za kasniji uspjeh masovnoga komercijalnoga turizma te jaanje uloge turizma u gospodarskome i drutvenom razvoju.

    Turizam, meutim, nikako nije bio jedini vid dokolice. Poetkom 50-ih u Hrvatskoj je tiskano priblino 150 naslova novina i asopisa u ukupnoj godinjoj nakladi od milijun i pol primjeraka, broj knjiga u narodnim knjinicama premaio je milijun, a jednak je bio i broj posjetitelja kazalita. ak dva-

    zacije rada i predratne odluke u drugim europskim zemljama, Jugoslavija je 1946. uvela plaeni godinji odmor za sve zaposlene. Ve sljedee godine na snagu su stupile prve odredbe o povlasticama u sustavu socijalnoga turizma koji je bio u nadlenosti dra-ve i sindikata. Domai su turisti u Jugoslaviji 1948. ostvarili devet milijuna noenja, to je bilo vie nego-li dvostruko u usporedbi s predratnima rezultatima, a gotovo polovica noenja ostvarena je u Hrvatskoj.46 Turizam je imao socijalni i nacionalni homogeni-zacijski uinak, shvaen je kao drutvena, zdrav-stvena i kulturna potreba, kao znak materijalnoga

    44

    (41) Odmaralite Lui Lavevi u Katel Starom 1949. / autor nije registriran

    (42) Jahorina / autor nije registri-ran

    (43) Plaa u Makarskoj / autor nije registriran

    (44) Sindikalno odmaralite Beograd u Krilo Jesenicama / Mato Pintar

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.30

    desetak puta vie bilo je gledatelja u kinima u koji-ma poinju prevladavati ameriki filmovi. Partijski promatrai primjeivali su rastui utjecaj Zapada na mlade:

    Hohtapliranje sa odijevanjem, odlazak po nonim lokalima i razvijanje nemorala, tunjava za karte pred loim zapadnjakim filmovima, razvijanje pro-pagande i unoenje u omladinske organizacije teorije o dobrom zapadnjakom ivotu (pod time trule ma-lograantine), loe uenje u kolama i t.d.47

    Meutim, prodor zapadne popularne kulture doga-ao se unato raspravama o amerikanizmu kao ne-ga tivnoj pojavi.48

    Priblino 125.000 pretplatnika 1953. je slualo dva programa Radio Zagreba, Radio Rijeku i Radio Split, ee preko razglasa negoli kod kue jer je na jedan prijemnik dolazio ak 31 stanovnik.49 Zaljubljenici u sport od 1945. itali su Sportske novosti, od 1952. Vjesnik u srijedu postaje glavni tjednik sa irokim spektrom tema, sljedee godine o modi i enskim temama moglo se po prvi put itati u magazinu Svijet,

    (45) Ispred Ureda za informacije na glavnom trgu u Zagrebu / autor nije registriran

    (46) Zagreb, 1955. / autor nije registriran

    45

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 31

    a godinu kasnije novinska kua Vjesnik za mlae je itatelje pripremila Plavi vjesnik. Od 1946. filmove je proizvodio Jadranfilm, a glazbu snimao Jugoton, to je Zagreb potvrivalo kao sredite masovne popularne kulture. Od 1953. domai su se filmovi prikazivali na filmskom festivalu u pulskoj Areni, a od 1954. pje-valo se u Zagrebu, pod znaajnim utjecajem talijan-skoga festivala u Sanremu, na najstarijem festivalu domae zabavne glazbe.

    Dramska je umjetnost 1950. dobila Akademiju i Dubrovake ljetne igre, a likovna se umjetnost oku-

    avala u apstrakciji unutar grupe EXAT 51. Od socija-listikoga realizma od poetka 50-ih bjei i hrvatska knjievnost. Sve nepoznanice u jeziku 1951. su se nale u Klaievu Rjeniku stranih rijei, a znanost je godinu ranije zaela Jugoslavenski leksikografski zavod i Institut Ruer Bokovi. Rastao je broj uenika i stu-denata, no popisom stanovnitva 1953. utvreno je, ipak, postojanje priblino 16 posto nepismenih, dok je ak etvrtina aktivnog stanovnitva bila bez ikak-ve kolske spreme, 61 posto nije se nastavilo obra-zovati poslije osnovne kole, a samo jedan postotak

    47 Godinji izvjetaj za 1949. Gradskoga komiteta KPH Zagreb, prema: K. Spehnjak, n.dj., 258.

    48 T. Jakovina, n.dj., 465.49 Usp. Statistiki godinjak NRH:

    1955., n.dj., 462.

    46

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.32

    47

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    stekao je visokokolsku spremu.50 Sustav osnovnog kolstva bio je arolik jer je ukljuivao etverogodi-nje, estogodinje i osmogodinje kole.51 Obvezno sedmogodinje kolovanje uvedeno je 1946., a osmo-godinje 1951. godine, no sve do kraja 50-ih postojale su osmogodinje gimnazije koje su uenike primale poslije etvrtoga razreda osnovne kole.

    Neposredno poslije okonanja rata u nas u sre-ditu su svih kulturno-prosvjetiteljskih akcija bili opismenjavanje te gospodarski, zdravstveni i do-

    50 Usp. isto, 66 i 70.51 Usp. Z. Radeli, n.dj., 322323.52 Usp. K. Spehnjak, n.dj., 208217.53 Program SKJ, Zagreb, Stvarnost,

    1965., 75 i 142.

    (47) Transport mlijeka / Ladislav Benko

    (48) Reportaa o djeci bez nadzo-ra / Ladislav Benko

    (49) Pionirsko odmaralite u Hrvatskom primorju 1949. / autor nije registriran

    (50) Pionirsko odmaralite u Hrvatskom primorju 1949. / autor nije registriran

    (51) Radniko odmaralite u Medveji / Milan Pavi

    48

    51

    49

    50

    mainski teajevi, opeobrazovni teajevi i doko-lovanje radnika.52 Time se, meu ostalim, posebno nastojao nadoknaditi manjak zdravstvenih radnika koji bi davali savjete o zatiti od zaraznih bolesti ili njezi djece te manjak uitelja koji bi opismenili hr-vatsko stanovnitvo koje je u Drugi svjetski rat ulo s izrazito visokom stopom nepismenosti od ak 42 posto. Teajeve su u poetku organizirale masovne politike organizacije, a ve 1947. djelovalo je vie od 150 narodnih sveuilita na kojima je odrano gotovo 18.000 predavanja s vie od 1,5 milijuna slu-atelja. Iste je godine djelovalo vie od 500 prosvjet-nih domova u selima i domova kulture u gradovima. Kulturno-prosvjetna drutva okupljala su kazaline, pjevake i folklorne skupine. Na cijeni je bila dru-tvena i kulturna aktivnost masa.

    Poslije prvoga desetljea u socijalizmuDeset godina nakon sukoba sa SSSR-om Jugoslavija je bila na vrhuncu svojega gospodarskog uda, a SKJ je na 7. kongresu usvojio svoj novi program. Bila je to prilika za osvrt na nedavnu prolost u kojoj je IB htio nametnuti neravnopravnost u odnosima meu socijalistikim dravama i u kojoj je u Jugo-slaviji izgraeno ureenje koje ne predstavlja ni harmoninu socijalnu simbiozu ni idilian poredak, samozadovoljan svojim krajnjim savrenstvom.53

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.34

    (52) Tvornica tekstila Gavon u Zagrebu / autor nije registriran

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 35

    (53) Zavod za zatitu djece Josipovac / Ladislav Benko

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.36

    60

    59

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    56

    47

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    55

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    5857

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    Postojala je svijest o pogrekama i nedostacima koji se javljaju u sredini koja poinje da biva neosjetlji-va prema svakodnevnima pitanjima ivota i rada graana:

    [K]ada se problemi rjeavaju rutinski, a ne na teme-lju svestrane analize i poznavanja injenica; kada se isuvie povjerenja poklanja snazi dekreta, uredbi i propisa; kada se drutveno-politiki problemi po-kuavaju da rijee tehnokratskim metodama; kada pojedinci svoje slabosti u sadanjem radu pokrivaju zaslugama iz prolosti; kada kod pojedinaca zavlada samozadovoljstvo, samoljublje i uvjerenje da su neza-mjenjivi na poslu.54

    Komunisti su se u Programu SKJ ipak usudili i za klju-i ti:

    Kad naa budua pokoljenja budu itala historiju borbe za socijalizam, nee se zbog nas stidjeti.55

    A ime su tada mogli biti ponosni? Poslije pobjede u ratu i osvajanja vlasti na izborima vodstvo KPJ/SKJ uspjeno je izbjeglo dvije situacije Staljinovo mijeanje izvana i ilasovo komeanje iznutra u kojima je u kraem ili duljem razdoblju moglo biti lieno vlasti. Izbjegnut je, usto, vojni meunarodni sukob sa SSSR-om i njegovim satelitima, ali i s Ita-lijom te njezinima zapadnim saveznicima. Drava je zauzela novi i vaniji meunarodni poloaj. Gos-podarstvo je izvueno iz izolacije i krize te je poka-zivalo iznimnu ivost. Forsirana i komprimirana modernizacija dovela je drutvo u formativnu fazu u podrujima kulture i znanosti, ali i na prag iza ko-jega je ekala masovna potroaka kultura. U dru-tvenom i politikom smislu uvreni su kameni temeljci socijalistikog poretka s nekoliko kultova oko kojih nije bilo rasprave: NOB, Tito, bratstvo i je-dinstvo, samoupravljanje te, kao posljednji dodatak, nesvrstanost. Sve drutvene organizacije okupljene u Socijalistikom savezu radnog naroda radile su na ouvanju ovih vrijednosti, od pionirske organizacije koja je okupljala najmlae, preko omladinske orga-nizacije te sindikata, sve do borake organizacije i, naravno, samog Saveza komunista kao glavnoga nositelja tih vrijednosti. Oko kultova su se razvi-li posebni rituali i sveanosti, nove su svetkovine bili dravni praznici. Program SKJ predvidio je da bi novome drutvu koje njeguje nove tradicije potreban bio novi socijalistiki ovjek:

    [S]lobodna stvaralaka linost... [koja bi postojala u stvarnosti] u kojoj e nestati klasa i svih tragova eksploatacije i ugnjetavanja ovjeka ovjekom.56

    Takvi bi ljudi meu sobom trebali razviti nove od-nose:

    54 Isto, 234.55 Isto, 243. 56 Isto, 240.57 Isto, 144.

    63

    64

    [Odnose] iskrenosti, povjerenja, ovjekoljublja, razu-mijevanja, trpeljivosti, uzajamne suradnje i pomoi, jednom rijei ljudskih simpatija i drugarstva meu ljudima.57

    Sve je to poslije godina tvrde poratne partijske dikta-ture i liberalnijega dijela 50-ih godina moglo zvuati dobro, no morat e se dalje razvijati uz znatno niu razinu masovnoga poleta jer veina je poleta ve bila uloena u uhodavanje socijalizma.

    (54) Djeji korzo u Zagrebu / autor nije registriran

    (55) Motivi iz Zagreba / Zlatko urjak

    (56) Opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

    (57) Zagrebaki velesajam Odjel zadrunih proizvoda FNRJ / Milan Pavi

    (58) Motivi iz Opatije / Milan Pavi

    (59) Opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

    (60) Reportaa iz klinike na alati / Ladislav Benko

    (61) Opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

    (62) Odmaralite Lui-Lavevi / Hrvoje Sari

    (63) Josip Broz Tito, Winston Churchill i Anthony Eden u Londonu 1947. / autor nije registriran

    (64) Izvlaenje lutrije na alati / B. Bucalo

    (65) Kozarako kolo / FKPR

  • REfLEkSIJE VREmEnA 1945. 1955.38

    65

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  • JUnAkInJE I JUnAcI RADATomislav Ani

    REfLEkSIJE VREmEnA 1945. 1955.40

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    1 Usp. Hrvatski dravni arhiv (HDA), Zagreb, Vijee Saveza sindikata Hrvatske (VSSH), f. 1286, Historijat takmienja Zemaljskog odbora za Hrvatsku sindikata radnika i slubenika industrije drveta Jugoslavije, kut. 256.

    2 Usp. Zdenko Radeli, Jedinstveni sindikati Hrvatske/JSH (1945.1946.), Povijesni prilozi, 6, Zagreb, 1987., 89.

    Prve godine vladavine Komunistike partije (KP) nakon okonanja Drugoga svjetskog rata bile su u novoj jugosla-venskoj dravi obiljeene nastojanji-ma uspostave poretka kakav je ve bio razvijen u Savezu Sovjetskih Soci-jalistikih Republika (SSSR), pri emu se oponaaju gotovo svi sovjetski mo-deli i tehnike upravljanja, posebno u podrujima politike (jednopartijski sustav) i ekonomije (plansko gospo-darstvo). U tom su sklopu, s radnikom kao temeljem drutva, njegovani kult rada i proleterska kultura s ciljem ubr-zanog razvoja industrije u uvjetima manjka sirovina i strojeva te kvalifi-cirane radne snage.

    Pritom se, unato tekoama, pospjeivanje gospo-darskih uinaka eli ostvariti i preko udarnitva po-sebnim naporima junakinja i junaka rada. Svi radnici preuzimaju u novom obliku ulogu heroja iz razdoblja Narodnooslobodilake borbe (NOB), no sada vie ne u obrani zemlje nego u podnoenju najveeg tereta us-postave novoga drutvenog ureenja. Nove vjetine baratanja alatom postaju jednako vrijedne ranijemu umijeu rukovanja orujem.

    Socijalistiko se takmienje poetno javilo u SSSR-u, a iri se nakon okonanja Drugoga svjetskog rata, kao svojevrsni sovjetski izvozni proizvod, u zemlje Srednje i Istone Europe kao jedna od revolucio-narnih metoda nunih za socijalistiku preobrazbu bilo kojega drutva (od preostalih obveznih metoda najvanije su industrijalizacija te konfiskacija, na-cionalizacija i kolektivizacija).

    U Jugoslaviji se, dakle i u Hrvatskoj, socijalistiko takmienje javlja te razvija u obliku obvezujueg ugo-vora izraenoga u mnogobrojnima pravnim aktima i zakonima, ime se stvara i udarnika radnika elita

    (udarnici). Takmienje zapoinje s geslom to bre obnove poruenih i unitenih postrojenja i tvorni-ca te popaljenih sela,1 a u poetnom se razdoblju za-sniva na tekome fizikom radu, bez njegove vre organizacijske strukture i bez evidencije rezultata rada. Sindikat je, pritom, od svoga (re)osnivanja u poslijeratnome razdoblju bio glavni inicijator uspo-stave socijalistikog takmienja i razvoja udarnitva. Njegova je djelatnost usmjerena u dva pravca: prvi je izraen u nastojanju da se mobilizacijom radnika i namjetenika uvea produktivnost rada, a drugi u po-ticajima zatite prava radnika i poboljanja njihovih ivotnih uvjeta. Ta su dva initelja postala osnovom sindikalne djelatnosti, a i ire su bila iznimno vana zbog ubrzanja obnove poduzea i normalizacije prili-ka kako bi otpoela izgradnja socijalistikog poretka.2

    U tom sklopu, upravo na Praznik rada 1945. godine, organizirano je i prvo masovnije radno takmienje s ciljem uveanja radne discipline, ali i razvoja kultur-no-prosvjetnih djelatnosti radnitva: obnavljane su pruge, vagoni, strojevi, alati, a radnici su se obvezi-vali i na produljenje radnog vremena. To prvosvibanj-sko natjecanje trajalo je 15 dana. No, ve u poetku organiziranja natjecanja nastale su i potekoe koje su ukazivale na njegove sadrajne manjkavosti. Iz-vrgnut je, naime, kritici temelj na kojem je poivao i gradio se ukupni sustav udarnitva: produljenje radnog vremena (uz maksimalni fiziki napor) kao osnova izgradnje cjelokupnog sustava. Upozorenje Glavnog odbora Jedinstvenog sindikata radnika i

    (66) Radovi u Pionirskom gradu / Milan Pavi

    (67) Iskaznica Saveza hrvatskih obrtnika Zagreb, 1945.

    67

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    70

    73 74

    71 72

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    namjetenika Jugoslavije (JSRNJ) o tome potvruje izraene kritike takmienja i udarnitva od kojih se

    produljenjem radnog vremena i pojaanim radnim intenzitetom stvorio samo znojni i krvavi sustav rada.3 Stoga su sindikalna rukovodstva u drugoj polo-vici 1945. esto pozivana da prekinu s jednostranim shvaanjem takmienja i udarnitva kroz produlje-nje radnog vremena, to je veina sindikalnih organi-zacija koristila kao jedini nain rasta proizvodnje. A glavni razlozi zbog kojih se gotovo ukupna radna ak-tivnost usmjerila na fiziko iscrpljivanje krili su se u niskoj razvijenosti tehnolokih procesa uvjetovanih manjkom strojeva, nedovoljnom broju kvalificiranih radnika i looj educiranosti postojeih radnika, zbog ega uprave poduzea kao organizatori proizvodnje i sindikalni elnici kao organizatori takmienja pri-bjegavaju fizikom iscrpljivanju, koje se postupno pokazuje veoma tetnim jer mnogi radnici obolijeva-ju zbog prekomjernih fizikih napora. To potvruje, primjerice, i jedan sluaj iz rujna 1945. godine:

    U Dalmaciji sve je porueno... [te] radnici rade udar-niki. Ima drugova udarnika, koji su i oboljeli na sa-mom radu. Na primjer jedan radnik zidar ostao je do svretka na radu jedne pei, premda se razbolio i bacao krv.4

    I ovaj sluaj potvruje neupitnu motivaciju radni-ka u razdoblju nakon okonanja Drugoga svjetskog rata, s odnosom prema poslu koji granii s fanatiz-mom, ali, s druge strane, ukazuje kako se zbog toga i ugroava njihovo zdravlje, ime se u stvari uvea-vaju trokovi proizvodnje na to svojim dopisima upozorava i Ministarstvo rada Narodne Republike Hrvatske.5

    Meutim, i dalje se potiu uveani napori te se takmienje pozitivno vrednuje i putem Zakona o uvoenju ordena rada, dodue samo u obliku poa-snog priznanja, a bez privilegija za odlikovane. No, deklarirani zanos i blistave kolajne nisu dugo mogli biti dovoljni te vlasti uskoro usvajaju i druge propise o normiranju rada i nagraivanju dobrih rezultata kako bi se odalo javno priznanje radnicima i namje-tenicima za njihove stvaralake napore u obnovi zemlje i jaanju privrede (usp. Slubeni list, br. 28, 11. svibnja 1945. godine).

    A kako bi se i dalje osnaio samoprijegorni rad, ve postojea kategorija udarnika pravno se regulira Pra-vilnikom o nainu i uslovima za proglaavanje udarnika u poduzeima i ustanovama. Naziv udarnik koristio se i ranije, no u zakonsku je regulativu unesen tek ovim pravilnikom, prema kojemu je taj poasni naziv mo-gao dobiti svatko tko je tijekom tri mjeseca sustavno premaivao normu za najmanje 20 posto. Ta poast je bila vremenski ograniena na tri mjeseca, a usto se i mogla oduzeti osobi koja bi nedolinim ponaanjem naruila ugled udarnika. Inae, udarnici su uivali i odreene privilegije te su, prije svega, imali pravo na dopunske opskrbe u ivenim namirnicama, obui, odjei i ogrjevu. Udarnici su dobivali i udarniku kartu s pravima na prekoredne preglede i smjetaje u bolnicama i drugim zdravstvenim ustanovama te kupovine autobusnih, parobrodskih i eljeznikih karata te kazalinih i kino ulaznica (usp. Slubeni list, br. 33, 23. travnja 1946. godine).

    Radnici i namjetenici, prije svega udarnici, go-tovo odmah po zavretku Drugoga svjetskog rata u nas, zapoinju u organizaciji sindikata odlaziti u ljeilita, odmaralita ili toplice, to veini predstav-lja posve novi oblik koritenja slobodnog vremena.

    3 Usp. isti, JSH (1944.1948.), Zagreb, 1988., 57.

    4 HDA, Zagreb, VSSH, f. 1286., Zapisnik savjetovanja Zemaljskog odbora JSRNJ za Hrvatsku i delegata sindikalnih organizacija Hrvatske 8. listopada 1945. godine, kut. 12.

    5 Usp. Z. Radeli, JSH (1944.1948.), n.dj., 79.

    (68) Tvornica tekstila Gavon u Zagrebu / autor nije registriran

    (69) Seljanke nose zemlju crnicu u svoje vrtove / autor nije registriran

    (70) Slijepac Milo Rajii radi u radioni etki i koara u Zagrebu / Dragutin Pauli

    (71) Majka i dijete / autor nije registriran

    (72) Sadnja krumpira kod seljaka Jakova Zeljuga u selu Vrbovcu kod Daruvara / Milan Pavi

    (73) Motivi s otoka Suska / Milan Pavi

    (74) Motivi s otoka Suska / Milan Pavi

    (75) Razni motivi iz okolice Zagreba / Drago Renduli

    (76) Razni motivi iz okolice Zagreba / Drago Renduli

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    78 79 80

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    Sindikalne su podrunice stoga sve nenavikle na dopuste, putovanja i velike skupne izlete postupno upoznavale s blagodatima odmora, no u poetku su ti su pokuaji zavravali prilino nespretno, o emu, primjerice, svjedoi i sluaj koritenja vikenda sku-pine radnika i namjetenika u srpnju 1946. u Suaku koji je prikazan u lanku Za bolju organizaciju i ljepi odmor radnika i namjetenika objavljenome na str. 4 u Glasu rada od 30. kolovoza 1946. godine:

    Veina, moda 80 posto... [njih] nikada nije dola na more i za njih je to bio doista vaan i jedinstven do-ivljaj... Vodstvo puta je te nae izletnike jednostavno odvelo na Gradsko kupalite, i tu su se oni, na suncu, nepripravljeni za takvo iznenadno, naglo upoznava-nje s morem, nali naravno u neprilici. Ti su se izlet-nici potpuno obueni... znojili na junom suncu. Vrlo malo njih... kupalo se u... moru. Ostali su, umorni od none vonje i izmueni od sunca i vruine, potraili utjehu u pivu i vinu na veliko zadovoljstvo buffeta Gradskog kupalita.

    Velianje rada svoj je vrhunac doseglo 1949. godine. KP Jugoslavije (KPJ) trebala je tada, u vrijeme gospo-

    darske stagnacije nakon sukoba sa SSSR-om, osmisliti model kojim e osnaiti privredu te dojueranjem savezniku pokazati da se u zemlji i nadalje radi na izgradnji socijalistikog sustava. Petogodinji plan, meutim, bio je posve ugroen jer se u velikoj mjeri zasnivao na suradnji sa SSSR-om i zemljama narodne demokracije. Stoga se, meu ostalim, nastoji razviti pokret za visoku produktivnost rada, koji je kopija sovjetskoga stahanovskog pokreta, nazvanog prema udarniku velikog stila rudaru Alekseju Grigorijeviu Stahanovu, s glavnim jugoslavenskim predvodni-kom Alijom Sirotanoviem koji je oborio sovjetski rekord premaivi Stahanova za 50 tona iskopanog ugljena, i to ba, kako na str. 1 u udarnom lanku Oma sovimo pokret za visoku produktivnost rada, navo-di Glas rada 13. listopada 1949. godine, na godinjicu obi ljeavanja Petoga kongresa KPJ.

    Potom e i svaka jugoslavenska republika iznje-driti svoga junaka rada i nagraditi ga. U Hrvatskoj su, prema lanku Nagrade najboljim borcima za visoku pro-duktivnost rada objavljenome na str. 7 u Glasu rada 3. studenoga 1949. godine, to bili raki rudar Antun Bii koji je na dar dobio odijelo i cipele, drvodjelac Stjepan Orekovi koji je, premaivi normu za 300

    (77) Ronilac udarnik Ivan Paraga radi na gradnji bazena za neplivae u radnikom odmaralitu Katel Stari / Milan Pavi

    (78) opis fotografije nije registriran / Milan Pavi

    (79) Tvornica elektrinih proizvoda Rade Konar u Zagrebu / autor nije registriran

    (80) Zagrebaki velesajam / Mato Pintar

    (81) Rad omladinaca na obnovi lokomotive / autor nije registriran

    (82) Udarnike znake, 1945-1955. (kat. br. 198)

    8282

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    (83) Proizvodnja slamnatih tuljaca za zamatanje boca jedina tvornica u Jugoslaviji / Milan Pavi

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    (84) etva i sveanost u seljakoj radnoj zadrugi Partizan-Bratstvo u Hrastovcu zadrugarka Ljerka Ferberu s novim itom / autor nije registriran

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    85

    6 Usp. edomir Vinji, Partizansko ljetovanje, Zagreb, 2003., 6574.

    7 HDA, Zagreb, Centralni komitet Saveza komunista Hrvatske, Agitprop 1946., XII (prema: Katarina Spehnjak, Javnost i propaganda. Narodna fronta u politici i kulturi Hrvatske, Zagreb, 2002., 199).

    (85) Tabela o rezultatima dobro-voljnih radova u Zagrebu / Milan Pavi

    (86) Udarnika karta, 1950. (kat. br. 232)

    (87) Izgradnja Autoputa Bratstva i jedinstva. Na ulaznom slavoluku stoje zadaci graditeljima / autor nije registriran

    (88) Narod ureuje parkove u Za-grebu / autor nije registriran

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 49

    88

    posto, dobio odijelo, tekstilna radnica Bara ulac koja je, nakon to je osam puta proglaena udarnicom, na dar dobila cipele i servis, te in. Vladimir Logomerac koji je kao viestruki novator poduzeu utedio vie od 300 milijuna dinara, dobio koveg i gojzerice.

    Nagrade, posebno darovana odijela i cipele, u to su vrijeme predstavljale pravo malo bogatstvo,6 to potvruje i sljedei sluaj u kotaru Vrginmost:

    [Jedna je uiteljica] po snijegu dolazila na kotarsku konferenciju u ljetnim cipelama, a etiri... uitelja Vorkapi Sela u istome kotaru sastali su se da se dogo-vore koja e dvojica otii na konferenciju, jer su samo dvojica od njih imala cipele koje su donekle mogle iz-drati trapac do kotarskog centra.7

    Nakon uvoenja radnikog samoupravljanja pokret udarnitva postupno poinje slabiti i nestajati. Tako

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    je 1950. godine, primjerice, na teritoriju rijeke obla-sti bilo, prema evidenciji sindikalnih vijea, vie od tisuu radnika koji su obaranjem normi stekli pravo na zvanje udarnika, no niti jedan od njih nije bio pro-glaen udarnikom.8 Slino je vrijedilo i za sve ostale dijelove Hrvatske.9

    Stoga se, nakon formalne predaje poduzea rad-nicima, poelo raspravljati o svrsishodnosti daljnjih takmienja, pri emu su se oblikovala dva miljenja: staro miljenje, s nastojanjem zadravanja postojeeg stanja, i novo miljenje, s prijedlogom ukidanja ta-kmienja, koje s obzirom na nove uvjete postaje nepotrebno, prije svega zato to e zakon ponude i potranje dovesti do takmienja poduzea na tritu,

    pri emu treba razviti i posve nove oblike raspodjele dohotka, stimulativne za svakoga radnika pa tako i za sve kolektive. Oponenti ukidanja takmienja, pak, plaili su se da e financijskim stimulansima biti ugroen temeljni sadraj socijalizma:

    [Stoga] materijalni lini interes ne smije biti jedino sredstvo u sistemu radnikog rukovoenja, u razvi-janju novih socijalistikih odnosa, u uvrivanju kolektivistikog duha radnike klase i podizanja njene svijesti. Takmienje, [pak], vezuje radne ljude za za-jednicu i interes socijalistikog drutva, kroz njega... [izraavaju] radni ljudi nae... domovine svoju vjer-nost i privrenost socijalizmu.10

    8 Usp. HDA, Zagreb, VSSH, f. 1286, Izvjetaj Mjesnoga sindikalnog vijea (MSV), Rijeka, 15. oujka 1950. godine, kut. 16.

    9 Usp., primjerice, na i.mj., Izvjetaj MSV, Karlovac, 5. travnja 1950. godine, kut. 2.

    10 HDA, Zagreb, VSSH, 40. Odjeljenje za plae i takmienje 1952. godine, 1. studenoga 31. prosinca, spisi, f. 1286, Kako treba organizirati takmienje, str. 1., kut. 266.

    (89) Radovi na probijanju tunela Graani / Milan Pavi

    (90) Radovi na autostradi Zagreb / Milan Pavi

    (91) Opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

    (92) Opis fotografije nije registri-ran/ Milan Pavi

    (93) Gradnja ceste kod Velike Gorice, namjetenici D.O.P.H. istovaruju ljunak / Milan Pavi

    (94) Sveano putanje u promet autoputa Zagreb Beograd / Milan Pavi

    94

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    (95) opis fotografije nije registriran / Milan Pavi

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    (96) opis fotografije nije registriran / Milan Pavi

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    Kako se veliao rad na novanicama i potanskim markama

    Na temelju likovnog izriaja i motiva na novani-cama mogu se spoznati osnovni pravci kojima je jugoslavensko drutvo u prvome desetljeu nakon okonanja Drugoga svjetskoga rata eljelo krenuti.

    Ve sredinom 1944. godine, kada je ishod rata bio posve izvjestan, Nacionalni je komitet osloboenja Jugoslavije, s funkcijama jugoslavenske vlade, ot-poeo pripremati valutnu reformu i tiskanje novoga papirnatog novca.

    Znaajni koraci zapoeli su u srpnju 1944. na otoku Visu. Povjerenik za narodnu privredu Privremene jugo-sla venske vlade Ivan Milutinovi odradio je organizacijski dio posla, a slikar i grafiar ore Andrejevi Kun izradio je, u svega nekoliko da-na, crtee za novanice. Milivoje Ro di mu je pozirao za izradu crtea par tizana s pukom koji je ne samo osno vni, ve i jedini motiv na svim apo enima novanica.

    Crtee su pregledali i odobrili Josip Broz Tito i I. Mi-lutinovi te su oni avionom prebaeni u Moskvu gdje je izraena prva serija novanica u apoenima od jednog, pet, deset, dvadeset, pedeset, sto, petsto i tisuu dinara. Time je nova drava u nastajanju za-hvalila svojim stvarateljima partizanima koji su s pukom na ramenu predstavljali temelj nove drave i bili uvari steevina postignutih u borbi. Potom se na novanicama s grbom nove Jugoslavije jo snanije naglaava vanost dravotvornosti, kasnije i socija-listikog opredjeljenja nove vlasti.11

    Inae, povlaenje iz opticaja svih ranijih valuta na prostoru Jugoslavije zapoelo je ve u travnju 1945. godine, a zavreno je iznimno brzo, u roku neto ma-njem od tri mjeseca.12

    Utjecaj socijalistikog realizma pri izradi nova-nica vidljiv je ve nakon zamjene prve, partizanske serije poratnih novanica. Osnovni motiv ratnika/partizana zamjenjuje se 1946. s motivom radnika, ime idealizacija tekoga fizikog rada preuzima primat nad ratnicima NOB-a. Stoga su na papirna-tom novcu glavni junaci orai, ribari, rudari, umski radnici, varioci i eteoci. Utjecaji dnevne politike na motive likovnih rjeenja na novanicama prisutne su i u kasnijim godinama, najoitije na samoupravnoj novanici iz 1953. godine: na licu novanice radnici

    12 Usp. Marijan Maticka, Zakonski propisi o vlasnikim odnosima u Jugoslaviji (1944.1948.), Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest, vol. 25, Zagreb, 1992., 132.

    11 Usp. Vladimir Geiger, Ikonografija i dizajn novanica (od dinara SHS do hrvatskoga dinara), Obol. Glasilo Hrvatskoga numizmatikog drutva, br. 44, Zagreb, 1992., 6.

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    zavravaju montau lokomotive dok na njenom na-liju seljaci privode kraju etvu u vridbu.13

    Zakljuno, prvo je desetljee postojanja druge Ju-goslavije iz numizmatike perspektive ponajbolje i viestruko obiljeeno novanicom nominalne vri-jednosti od tisuu dinara. Na njoj se s lica novanice smijeio ljeva, a na njenom naliju je bila prikazana eljezara u Zenici.14

    Legendarna hiljadarka gotovo do danas predmet je rasprava zbog stereotipa o njoj. Naime, vjerovalo se i tvrdilo se da je na njoj prikazan lik A. Sirotanovia, najveega jugoslavenskog rudara udarnika. No, na njoj je utjelovljen lik Arifa Heralia, Roma i radnika zenike eljezare, iji je blagi osmijeh s novanice od tisuu dinara navijetao uobiajenu tunu sudbinu pripadnika romske manjine u Jugoslaviji. A. Hera-li je, fiziki istroen, umirovljen kao invalid rada.

    13 Usp. V. Geiger, n.dj., 7.14 Usp. Novanice Jugoslavije 1918.

    1997. godine, Beograd, Narodna banka Jugoslavije, 1997., 78.

    15 Usp. Rudari na naim novanicama, Numizmatiki asopis dinar, br. 20; Beograd, 2003., 38.

    16 Usp. Katalog potanskih maraka jugoslavenskih zemalja, Beograd, 1985., 3940.

    Umro je u krajnjem siromatvu i bijedi, a pomo mu nisu mogli pruiti ni brojni lanovi najue obitelji: samo sedmero od jedanaestero njegove djece othr-valo se smrti.15

    * * *

    I u svijetu filatelije, uz motive iz NOB-a i prikaza J. Broza Tita, najvie su zastupljene potanske mar-ke s motivima iz svijeta rada. Ponajvie dojmljiva je serija iz 1950. s prikazom poslova radnika i seljaka, pri emu je svaka pojedina marka predstavljala jed-no podruje ljudskoga rada, tonije prikaz vanijih privrednih grana u zemlji, sa sljedeim motivima: radnica i radnik u eljezari, ena vodi konja, kravu i ovcu, radnik na utovaru te graevinski i umski radnici, ribari, rudari i voari.16

  • PIOnIRI mALEnIIgor Duda

    96

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    Savez pionira Jugoslavije jedna je od ma sovnih socijalistikih drutvenih or ganizacija ije djelovanje zapoinje ti jekom Drugoga svjetskog rata u sklo-pu Narodnooslobodilakoga pokreta.

    Osnovan je u Bihau 27. prosinca 1942. godine na 1. kongresu Ujedinjenoga saveza antifaistike omla-dine Jugoslavije. U poratnim su desetljeima uenici prvoga razreda osnovne kole primani u pionirsku organizaciju na sveanostima potkraj studenoga u povodu Dana Republike te u njoj ostajali do 1314 go-dine i primanja u omladinsku organizaciju. Crvena marama i isprva bijela, a od polovice pedesetih plava kapa titovka, pionirska znaka i zvijezda petokraka, bijelo-plava odjea, iskaznica i sveano pionirsko obeanje te pionirska zastava, truba i bubanj bili su zatitni znaci pionira i njihovih pionirskih odreda koji su djelovali pri osnovnim kolama. Organizacija je okupljala djecu u poratnim obnoviteljskim akcija-ma, u suradnji s drugim masovnim organizacijama te sudjelovala u manifestacijama povodom proslave praznika te u raznim protokolarnim prigodama.

    Prijelomnicu u razvoju Saveza pionira u prvome poratnom desetljeu predstavlja pismo koje je 1950.

    (96) opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

    (97) Pioniri iz Istre / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 314)

    (98) Za vrijeme nastave u osnov-noj koli u Podlugu / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 309)

    (99) Pioniri iz Starog Grada (Hvar) / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 315)

    97

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    100

    102101

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    u ime Centralnog komiteta Komunistike partije Ju-goslavije potpisao Milovan ilas. U njemu se navode dobre strane u dotadanjemu djelovanju organizaci-je, no prije svega se naglaava da je ona nedovoljno pruila djeci igre, zabave i svakodnevne djeje rado-sti. Pismo je usmjereno i protiv politike krutosti te pretjeranoga vojnikog duha i discipline unu-tar organizacije. Uslijedila je reforma kojom je Savez pionira trebao poprimiti odgojno-zabavna svojstva te je stvorena mrea Savjeta Saveza pionira s ciljem okupljanja strunjaka za rad s djecom.

    Potkraj 1950. odrana je 1. zemaljska konferencija Savjeta Saveza pionira Narodne Republike Hrvatske, a sljedee godine je u Zagrebu otvoren i Pionirski grad koji je odmah primio najbolje hrvatske pionire. Od 1953. pioniri su sudjelovali i u Pionirskoj tafeti koja je

    (100) Josip Broz Tito s pionirkama i pionirima u Kumrovcu / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 307)

    (101) Za vrijeme nastave u Parti-zanskoj gimnaziji marala Tita, Zagreb / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 306)

    (102) Uenik prvog razreda, Lika / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 305)

    (103) Pioniri iz Istre / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 313)

    (104) opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

    (105) Raspaavanje lista Pionir, Djeji dom u Hrvatskoj / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 311)

    (106) Pioniri itaju djeje asopise / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 312)

    u svibnju zavravala u rukama Josipa Broza Tita. Inae, pionirska organizacija se bavila i izdavanjem asopisa te drugih publikacija, a svojim je akcijama uvelike pri-donosila razvijanju osjeaja domoljublja i vjere u socija-lizam kod najmlaih koji su i najlake upijali nove ideje.

    Povezivanje roendana Republike s primanjem u pionire jasan je znak inicijacije najmlaih u socijali-stiko drutvo i njihova ukljuivanja u skupinu po-litiki svjesnih graana odanih osnovnim ideolo-kim vrijednostima politikog sustava, to je dodatno pojaano i neslubenom sintagmom Titovi pioniri. injenica inicijacije u socijalistiko drutvo te refor-ma kroz koju je Savez pionira proao 1950. u sklopu ire drutvene desovjetizacijske reforme osnovni su initelji koji su obiljeili povijest te organizacije u prvome poratnom desetljeu.

    103 104

    105 106

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    (107) Djeje igralite na Ribnjaku / Ladislav Benko

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    (108) opis fotografije i autor nisu registrirani

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    109

    110

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    111

    112 113

    (109) Zidne novine Mi smo mlada vojska Titova, 1945-1946. (kat. br. 216)

    (110) Zidne novine omladinaca II.a razreda graditelja omladinske pruge, 1946. (kat. br. 208)

    (111) Plakat za izlobu kolstvo za vrijeme NOB-a, 1949. (kat. br. 159)

    (112) Zidne novine Pregled rada tijekom Svjetske omladinske nedjelje u Daruvaru, 1945. (kat. br. 209)

    (113) Zidne novine Uspjeh na kraju k. god. 1947/48. u IV. gimnaziji, 1948. (kat. br. 217)

  • cRkVA I DRAVAIvan Grubii

    nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata

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  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 67

    Tko prati probleme izmeu dravnih i vjerskih zaje dni ca kroz due povije-sno vrijeme, oito je da e uo i ti razli-it, sloen, ali i napet odnos izmeu tih dvi ju institucija. Taj napeti odnos, ini se, posve je oprav dan, ali teko uvijek razumljiv i legalan, no to na-di lazi naslovljenu tematiku.

    Povijesni novumU emu se, meutim, oituje povijesni novum na prostoru dananje Republike Hrvatske? Naime, o-vjek je, meu ostalim, i religiozno bie; religija je drugo ime za biti ovjek, posebno u patrijarhalnim drutvima, a hrvatsko je drutvo poslije okonanja Drugoga svjetskog rata obiljeavala tradicionalna religioznost u visokom postotku povezana uz ivot i rad na selu.

    S druge strane, u Hrvatskoj je uspostavljena nova vlast s tendencijom da se konano obrauna s tradi-cionalnim ustanovama vjerskih zajednica, posebno s Katolikom crkvom.

    Nova vlast ne ide odmah radikalno prema feno-menu religioznosti ili crkvenosti, tako da se nepo-sredno poslije okonanja rata slavi i estita blagdan Boia te sveenici dolaze u kole odravati nastavu vjerskog odgoja. No, to razdoblje je kratko trajalo, dok se nova vlast nije konsolidirala i zapoela povi-jesni novum odnosa, kako prema religiji, tako i pre-ma crkvenim zajednicama. Stav je dosta radikalan, openit i odnosi se na sve aspekte ivotnih odnosa i djelovanja.

    Alojzije StepinacUhienjem zagrebakog nadbiskupa A. Stepinca 18. rujna i naglim sudskim postupkom 30. rujna 1946. zapoela je nova vlast iskljuivi i rigidni odnos prema Katolikoj crkvi kao instituciji i svemu to je bilo obiljeeno religijskim pristupom. Sveenicima je za-branjen ulazak u kole, Boi se vie ne obiljeava, zabranjene su javne religijske manifestacije, poput procesija i sl., djeci se za Badnji obrok daje obrok od mesa, kontrolira se tko kiti jelku ili slavi blagdane.

    Crkva postaje deurni krivac za sve to se u dru-tvu dogaa, a nije imala nikakvih prava. Dolazi i do nacionalizacije crkvene imovine.

    Protokol sa Svetom Stolicom 1966. godineDo potpisivanja Protokola djelominog ugovora sa Svetom Stolicom nita se nije bitnije mijenjalo u odnosima Katolike crkve i drave. Crkva nije imala nikakva javna prava i nadlenosti; nije se priznava-lo kolovanje u vjerskim ustanovama, bogoslovi su sluili vojni rok u posebnom reimu, a esto su bili prozivani, tajne slube imale su pune ruke posla, ali dobro je bilo to je Katolika crkva s narodom bila jedno i bila uz narod. Bila je bez povlastica i privi-legija, ali je bila uz svoj narod, kao i druge vjerske zajednice. Ljudi javno religiozno opredijeljeni, bez obzira na svoju strunost, nisu mogli napredovati na drutvenoj ljestvici. Ostalo je to isto stanje i poslije Protokola sve do promjena koje su se dogodile potkraj 80-ih i poetkom 90-ih godina prolog stoljea.

    (114) S doeka marala Tita / autor nije registriran

    (115) Sa suenja A. Stepincu / autor nije registriran

    115

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.68

    (116) Popis vjerskih praznika dravnih slubenika, 1945.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 69

    (117) Ministarstvo prosvjete NRH. Okrunice. Raspored sata vjeronauka u osnovnim kolama, 1945. (kat. br. 240)

  • UMJETNOST

  • Jasmina Bavoljak

    IzMEU dIkTaTa I SavJESTI

    1

    REFLEkSIJE vREMENa 1945. 1955.72

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 73

    U osiromaenoj, opustoenoj i poruenoj zemlji nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata sa zanosom i poletom krenulo se u materijalnu obnovu koja je bila preduvjet njezina opstanka i ponovnog nastanka. Mase se spontano mobiliziraju kroz povezivanje ljudi u nevolji te nadilaze klasne, rodne i intelektualne barijere.

    Prevladavaju entuzijazam i raspoloenje gotovo iden ti ni ruskim postoktobarskim danima: elja za drutvenim angamanom umjetnosti, kao efikasnim orujem u izgradnji boljega sutra, pokrenula je, svjedoi Anatolij V. Lunaarski: itavu falangu umje tnika koji sami sebe djelomino smatrahu nepolitinima.

    Tome su prethodili politika motiviranost i ma sovnost odlaska velikoga broja (106) likovnih umjetnika u Narodnooslobodilaku borbu (NOB) 1941.1945. godine,1 to je rezultat povijesno iroke prijeratne platforme rada i djelovanja Komunistike partije (KP) i Saveza komunistike omladine Jugoslavije na Zagrebakom sveuilitu (Lela ermak, Velibor Maukatin, Slavko Mari, Edo Murti, Vjekoslav Ruklja, Ivan Saboli i drugi), kao i socijalne angairanosti kroz umjetniki program grupe Zemlja te intenzivnoga ljeviarskog djelovanja na Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti (Antun Augustini, Marijan Detoni, Ivo Lozica, Oton Postrunik, Zlatko Prica, Vanja Radau, uro Tiljak i drugi). Ti umjetnici su unato progonima odgojili mnoge generacije, prije svega studenata, to je formiralo njihove stavove i odredilo njihove odluke, kojima e ba antifaistiki rat dati kreativne stimulanse objedinjujui u njihovoj biografiji ideju i akciju te poticaj za umjetnika ostvarenja.

    Umjetniku klimu poratnoga razdoblja obnove i izgradnje tako e bitno odrediti model ondanjega najveeg politikog uzora model Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalistikih Republika (SSSR). U to vrijeme, stoga, ideologija snano proima estetiku i umjetniku kritiku, mobilizirajui i koristei dio intelektualnih

    potencijala u svojoj snanoj i nesmiljenoj propagandi.2 Umjetniko je djelo moralo zadovoljavati kriterije socijalistike idejnosti (jasne najirim narodnim masama), partijnosti (kroz velianje komunizma) i narodnog duha (nasuprot kozmopolitizmu i buroaskom nacionalizmu):

    Rije je, naravno, o programiranju djelovanja umjetni kog djela, dakle o intendiranju odreenoga duhovnog (mi saonog i osjeajnog) stanja i novog odnosa prema oko lini, kritikoga ili pobunjenog, ukljuivi i odnos prema ostaloj umjetnosti.3

    Time teorija socijalistikog realizma, zasnovana na tezama moskovskoga kongresa pisaca iz 1934. godine, stjee i u nas snagu dekreta.

    Kultura je svedena na agitaciju, poseban oblik pro pagande i organiziranoga politikog utjecaja na ma se, pod kontrolom posebnih komisija AGITPROPA (uprava za agitaciju i propagandu) i OLIKPROPA (odjela li kovne propagande), koje su bile osnovane pri svim par tijskim komitetima, od Centralnog komiteta do ra jon skih (lokalnih) komiteta, a iji su stalni lanovi ili povremeni suradnici bili Zvonimir Agbaba, Marijan Detoni,

    1 Usp. Umjetnost i revolucija. Revolucionarno slikarstvo, Zagreb, Spektar, 1977., 80.

    2 Naela socijalistikog realizma tada, meu ostalima, gorljivo zastupaju Grgo Gamulin, Marcel Gorenc, Vera Sinobad, . Tiljak i Boris Viintin u likovnoj umjetnosti te Zlatko Kauzlari i Neven egvi u arhitekturi.

    3 Grgo Gamulin, Hrvatsko slikarstvo XX. Stoljea, Zagreb, Naprijed, 1997., 447.

    2

    (1) Slavoluk na Jelaievu trgu / autor nije registriran

    (2) Proslava 1. maja 1947. / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.74

    3

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 75

    Zvonimir Faist, Edo Murti, Vlado Kristl, Oton Po strunik, Zlatko Prica, Mladen Vea, poneki manje zna ni jer nisu od poetka bili na pobjednikoj strani (Fer do Bis i Andrija Maurovi) i oni koji su se u prvima poratnim godinama tek trebali dokazati (Vojin Baki):

    lanovi su radili ilustracije, karikature, zidne novine, reklame, velike oglasne panoe, parole, plakate, tribine, slavoluke, velike portrete [Karla] Marxa, [Friedricha] Engelsa, [Vladimira I.] Lenjina, [Josifa V.] Staljina i ostalih istaknutijih politiara.4

    Pokuavali su to initi na razumljiv i jasan nain te se unaprijed dobro znalo to se smije prikazivati, a to ne. Drugarstvo, kolektivizam, socijalna solidarnost i klasna svijest trebali su biti iskazani kao sutina socijalizma u umjetnosti. I dok su autori objava, parola i plakata stvarali prava remekdjela, socijalistika je tendencioznost i grandioznost u slikarskim djelima pruila priliku i osrednjima i nedarovitima da se nametnu i kreiraju paraumjetnika djela. Likovna je produkcija time postala optereena sadrajem samog djela, velikim temama revolucije, obnove, izgradnje, velianjem industrijalizacije i poljoprivrede, pa je i ostala, tonije zaustavljena, na realistikome nainu izraavanja:

    To je jezik politikog stava, podloan trenutku i diktaturi umjetnike pragmatike. Njegov se doseg mjerio agitacijskom djelotvornou, a ne umjetnikom dubinom.5

    Istodobno je kritika ionako smatrala da je nakazne Czanneove kupaice iznjedrila neovjena klasa:

    ...koja po svome drutvenom poloaju nije mogla biti ovjena [te koja je] u daljnjem razvitku svoje umjetnosti odbacila figuralnu kompoziciju iz svog likovnog repertoara.6

    Dananji narataji teko mogu shvatiti i razumjeti tu potrebu za utopijom u ivotu i umjetnosti, koju su zaneseni sudionici zbivanja u tim turbulentnim godinama neodoljivo osjeali, ak unato vidljivim ogranienjima i pritiscima. Pitanje je je li to uope bilo mogue:

    [Je li bilo mogue] djelovati, strastveno i dosljedno, u revolucionarnoj politici i istovremeno znati da je ta revolucionarna politika akcija samo relativna, i nita vie.7

    Godine 1945. izlazi i prvi broj asopisa Izvor: list knji e vnika i umjetnika samoaktivista koji vlastitom aktivnou stjeu znanja o umjetnosti i kako postati umjetnikom, a usto su i dovoljno politiki obrazovani da mogu sudjelovati u organiziranom prosvjeivanju.

    U asopisima Djelo (koji izlazi od 1945. do 1951. godine) i Republika objavljuju se, u tom sklopu, i izvjetaji o 1. kongresu likovnih umjetnika, odranome potkraj 1947. u Zagrebu, u kojima se iscrpno izvjetava o sadrajima referata ora Andrijevia Kuna i .

    4 Snjeana Pavii, Hrvatski politiki plakat 1940.1950. godine, Zagreb, Hrvatski povijesni muzej, 1991., 37.

    5 Vladimir Malekovi, Hrvatska likovna umjetnost 1945.1955. godine/Tendenciozni realizam, katalog izlobe odrane u Modernoj galeriji u Zagrebu od 24. svibnja do 24. lipnja 1974. godine, 8.

    6 Grgo Gamulin, Umjetnost na zaokretu, Republika, 4, Zagreb, 1947., 247.

    7 Stanko Lasi, lanci, razgovori, pisma, Zagreb, Gordogan, 2004., 29.

    4 5

    (3) Zvonimir Agbaba, Udarnikim radom ubrzajmo obnovu zemlje, 1945. (kat. br. 141)

    (4) Zvonimir Agbaba, Omladino i u izgradnji domovine budi na prvom mjestu, 1945. (kat. br. 140)

    (5) Naslovnica asopisa Izvor: list knjievnika i umjetnika samoaktivista br. 2, 1945. (kat. br. 270)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.76

    6

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 77

    Tiljka ne bi li pojasnile teorijske osnove umjetnosti novoga doba.

    Iako bi svoenje socijalistikog realizma na razinu politikog oportunizma i nunog izbora znailo podcjenjivanje revolucionarnog etosa dijela hrvatske inteligencije u tim godinama, ipak je potrebno napomenuti da se dirigiranje umjetnosti esto prenosilo na veoma drastian nain te da se primjetno sputavao razvoj divergentnih oblika kulturnog, umjetnikog ili znanstvenog stvaranja. arita indoktrinacije predstavljali su brojni kongresi gdje su se postavljale i usvajale programske osnove nove kulturne politike, primjerice na 2. kongresu KP Hrvatske (KPH), na kojemu se u Rezoluciji o osnovnim narednim zadacima KPH naglaava da se:

    ...razvijanjem umjetnike kritike [treba] boriti... za visoko idejnu umjetnost socijalistikog realizma.

    Istodobno su i strukovna udruenja podupirala institucionalizaciju te su imala veliku ulogu u provoenju zadanih ciljeva, izgradnji uzora i postavljaju zabrana, i to preko 7. odjela Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti (JAZU), Udruenja likovnih umjetnika Hrvatske (ULUH), predsjednik kojega je Mirko Raki, inae i upravitelj Moderne galerije

    7

    8

    9

    (6) Pivo Karamatijevi, Krajikinje, 1948. (kat. br. 29)

    (7) Miron Makanec, Tri radnika na gradnji pruge, 1947. (kat. br. 50)

    (8) Stjepan Lahovsky, Demonstracija (Autoportret kao drugarica u povorci), 1947. (kat. br. 49)

    (9) Prvi kongres likovnih umjetnika Jugoslavije, 1947. / Ante Fuis

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.78

    10

    11

    12 13

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 79

    1946.1947. godine, Akademije likovnih umjetnosti s rektorom A. Augustiniem, Majstorskih radionica itd.

    Koliko je prijelomna godina 1945. u geopolitikome kazalu bila jasna, toliko potreba da ona postane i razdjelnica dvaju umjetnikih epoha nije rezultirala istom stilskom preobrazbom. Oekivalo se, naime, da e se revolucija dogoditi i unutar umjetnosti, ne samo u njenim sadrajima nego i u njenim oblicima, ali do toga nije dolo:

    Voluntaristiki program stvaranja umjetnosti koja bi odgovarala trenutku revolucionarnog zanosa i zahtje vima novoregrutirane, estetiki neiskusne pu bli

    ke, suoio se odmah na startu s ogranienjima medija i discipline, s navikama i nainima prenoenima usta lje nim sistemom likovne naobrazbe.8

    Kako je socrealizam od graanske umjetnosti preuzeo formu i stari tradicionalni likovni jezik (realizam), kojega je obogatio novim sadrajima, tako su i neki od glavnih predstavnika predratnoga slikarstva (Vladimir Beci, Jerolim Mie, Antun Motika ili Marino Tartaglia) na neki nain takoer sudjelovali u pokretu obnove, naslikavi brojna djela s radilita, istodobno ne razmiljajui o smislu svoje drutvene egzistencije:

    8 Tonko Maroevi, Od stvaralatva u slobodi do slobode stvaralatva, Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnosti (IPU), 9, Zagreb, 1986., 91.

    14 15

    16

    (10) Jerko Fabkovi, Pred sveanost otvorenja omladinske pruge, 1948. (kat. br. 15)

    (11) Jerko Fabkovi, Od starog gradimo novo, 19451946. (kat. br. 14)

    (12) Joko Kneevi, Radovi na sjevernoj luci, oko 1950. (kat. br. 36)

    (13) Ivan Heil, Stolarska radionica, 1946. (kat. br. 27)

    (14) Ante uni, Popravak brodia, 1947. (kat. br. 106)

    (15) Edo Murti, Rijeka, 1947. (kat. br. 69)(16) Edo Murti, Proslava 1. maja, 1946.

    (kat. br. 67)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.80

    Prilagoavanje normativnim okvirima socrealizma tako se odvijalo uglavnom na tematskoj i motivskoj razini, i to u onoj mjeri koja je bila nuna da bi se moglo nastupiti na godinjoj izlobi ULUHa i tako zadrati slubeni status umjetnika.9

    U kritikim osvrtima na poratne likovne manifestacije prisutno je razoaranje ondanjih kritiara zbog injenica da je veina djela anakrona te da bi lako mogla pripadati i posve drugaijim socijalnim kontekstima, odnosno da se u likovnim djelima ne javljaju evidentna morfoloka svojstva i kvalitativni evolutivni pomaci koji bi slikarstvo i kiparstvo novoga doba odvajali od prijeratnih tokova.

    Budui da radikalna kritika od umjetnika nije traila samo distancirano promatranje nego i izravno sudjelovanje i borbenost, ve od poetka su postojali prijepori:

    [Tonije i uvjeti za] sukob izmeu zahtjeva za poli ti kim pragmatizmom umjetnosti i slobode stva ra la tva, ali on se javno ne oituje u razdoblju 1945.1950. godine; moemo ustanoviti tek pojedinano odustajanje od djela i djelovanja.10

    Oslonci koje su autori toga doba za sebe eljeli osigurati sezali su sve do umjetnikih modela s poetka stoljea ili su ta uporita nalazili u pojedinima vitalnim primjerima domae meuratne umjetnosti, to je u osnovi bilo blie izvornom duhu modernosti od vremenski kasnijeg, ali neorganski interpoliranog konzervativnog socijalistikog realizma. U razdoblju od 1945. do 1950. godine, naime, osim nastupa etvorice sovjetskih slikara 1947. i izlobe reprodukcija ruskog predrevolucionarnog slikarstva iz Tretjakovske galerije 1948. godine, nije bilo nikakvih drugih izravnih dodira s vanjskim svijetom.

    17

    19

    18

    (17) Edo Murti na snimanju filma Ljepote Jugoslavije / Milan Pavi

    (18) Izloba umjetnikih fotografija

    (19) Edo Murti, 1. maj 1946, 1946. (kat. br. 65)

    (20) Akademski slikar Marijan Detoni, Zagreb / Milan Pavi

    (21) Kipar Vojin Baki, Zagreb / Milan Pavi

    (22) Akademski slikar Krsto Hegedui / Zlatko urjak

    (23) Akademski kipar Kosta Angeli Radovani / Milan Pavi

    (24) Akademski slikar Mladen Vea / autor nije registriran

    (25) Majstorska radionica kipara Vanje Radaua u Zagrebu / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 81

    Zanimljivo je da je 1948. nakon Rezolucije Informa cijskog biroa komunistikih partija i prekida odnosa sa SSSRom poeo jaati pritisak na umjetnike te da je najsnaniji utjecaj na formiranje socrealistike prakse obavio referat o agitacijskopropagandno me radu kojega je iste godine Milovan ilas odr ao na 5. kongresu KP Jugoslavije (KPJ). Umjesto da se potom promijenio odnos prema kulturnom sektoru, ovrsnula je partijska odlunost da se ustra je na proklamiranim naelima. Razdoblje od 1948. do 1953. je, stoga, i vrijeme drastinih pro go na partijskih neistomiljenika, meu kojima su bi li umjetnici: Ljubo Ivani, Velibor Maukatin, Valerije Michieli, Alfred Pal, uro Tiljak i mnogi drugi. Neki su proli samo s izbacivanjem iz lanstva ULUHa, dok su drugi zavravali u pritvorima i na Golome otoku.

    Suoeni sa socrealizmom bez alternative i veina pripadnika grupe Zemlja11 poinje demonstrirati neku vrstu tihog otpora prema novome stanju stvari te socijalistike sadraje i dalje oblikuje likovnim sredstvima usvojenima u predratnome razdoblju. Time je naslijee angairane prijeratne umjetnosti grupe Zemlja diskvalificirano, dok je, primjerice, Krsto Hegedui optuen da svojim eklektikim osvrtima u slici Stubika bitka 1573. zaista nita novo nije uinio te da nije uspio, kao to mu je to polo za rukom 1928.

    godine, asimilirati se unutar nekog suvremenog i energinog novog strujanja.

    Veina se umjetnika, ipak, vratila likovnim problemima meuratnoga razdoblja i nastavila upotrebljavati ranija oblikovna sredstva. No ubrzo se kod mnogih autora osjeaju i javljaju osobne krize izraza unutar ope krize stilske orijentacije. Odluiti se, pak, u takvim okolnostima za osobni stil znailo je izabrati usamljenost i izdvojenost.

    Meutim umjetnici nisu odustali od traenja vlastitog stila, od istraivanja u toj abnormalnoj situaciji, koje moda ni sami nisu bili potpuno svjesni. Ako je ve bilo nemogue izbjei sadraj, onda je oblikovanje ostavljalo prostor slobode, pa su umjetnici, primjerice Kosta Angeli Radovani, Vojin Baki, Duan Damonja, Oton Gliha, Ksenija Kantoci, Edo Murti, Zlatko Prica i Zlatko imunovi, svojim individualnim stilom pokuavali doi do svojih formalnih identiteta. Umjetnost je sama po sebi nastavila tako ivjeti u svojoj vlastitoj slobodi, izvan ope konvencije, a svaki od umjetnika u odgovornosti za svoj izraz (formu).

    Stalno oslanjanje na, prema definiciji G. Gamu li na, tzv. lijevi i desni formalizam u hrvatskome sli kar stvu prve polovice 20. stoljea, pod ime se podrazumijevala tendencija da se znaenje sadraja u umjetnikom djelu svede na najmanju moguu mjeru, u konanici je implicitno dovelo do sljedeega:

    9 Ljiljana Kolenik, Izmeu Istoka i Zapada, hrvatska umjetnost i likovna kritika 50ih godina, Zagreb, IPU, 2006., 38.

    10 Vladimir Malekovi, Hrvatska likovna umjetnost 1945.1955. godine/Tendenciozni realizam, Zagreb, Artstudio Azinovi: Stilovi i tendencije u hrvatskoj umjetnosti XX. stoljea, 1999., 296.

    11 Grupa Zemlja (1929.1935.) rezultat je organiziranog i programski artikuliranog okupljanja lanova i simpatizera ljeviarske orijentacije. Osnivai su A. Augustini, kipar, Vinko Grdan, slikar, Krsto Hegedui, slikar, Drago Ibler, arhitekt, Leo Junek, slikar, Frano Krini, kipar, Omer Mujadi, slikar, Oton Postrunik, slikar, Kamilo Ruika, slikar, i Ivan Tabakovi, slikar. Predsjednik je bio Drago Ibler. Grupi Zemlja naknadno su se pridruili i Marijan Detoni, Ivan Generali, eljko Hegedui, Branka HegeduiFrange, Lavoslav Horvat, Edo Kovaevi, Mladen Kauzlari. Stjepan Pani, Vilim Svenjak, Ernest Tomaevi i Fedor Vai. Inae, veina pripadnika grupe Zemlja aktivno je sudjelovala u NOBu ili u drugim oblicima pomagala antifaistiku borbu.

    20 21 22

    23 24 25

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.82

    26

    27

    (26) Mila Kumbatovi, Uz kamenolom, 19461949. (kat. br. 48)

    (27) Albert Kinert, Doruak, prije 1952. (kat. br. 31)

    (28) Branko Kovaevi, Bacan je narod u tamnice (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. (kat. br. 39)

    (29) Branko Kovaevi, Ruene su komunikacije (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. (kat. br. 44)

    (30) Branko Kovaevi, Podigao se ustanak (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. (kat. br. 43)

    (31) Branko Kovaevi, A narod je pomagao partizane (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. (kat. br. 38)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 83

    Tzv. formalistika umjetnost na mala vrata priputena je u orbitu nove, realistike umjetnosti, a dogmatski sustav socijalistikog realizma razotkrio je svu svoju proturjenost.12

    A diktatu politike nad umjetnou nije uspjela izbjei ni fotografija. I od nje se trailo da velia sve vrijednosti socijalistikog razvitka, pa su tako brojni fotografi (Too Dabac, Aleksandar Kukec, Ivan Medar, Milan Pavi, Drago Renduli, Georg Skyrigin, Zlatko urjak, Zlatko Zrnec, Vilko Zuber i drugi), kao vrsni majstori u zadanim uvjetima i vladajuim prilika

    ma, imali mogunost pokazati svoj talent ponajprije istraivanjem na formalnim zakonitostima slike:

    [Za njih s] pravom moemo rei kako su se odlino snali u vremenu umjetniki skuenog prostora..., [a ipak su] jasno uspjeli izraziti vlastita umjetnika stajalita visokog dosega.13

    U hrvatskom kiparstvu, pak, kao i kiparstvu Jugoslavije uope toga vremena problem je bio u dvostrukom smislu teak zbog mnotva slabih spomenika (palim borcima, rtvama, pobjedi...) koji su tada nastali, kao

    12 Jasna Galjer, Likovna kritika u Hrvatskoj 1868.1951. godine, Zagreb, Meandar, 2000., 322.

    13 Zdenko Kupmi, Socijalistiki realizam iz Zbirke hrvatske fotografije Fotokluba Zagreb, katalog izlobe, Zagreb, Muzej grada Zagreba, 2006., 23.

    28 29 30

    31

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.84

    32

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 85

    U travnju 1954. Edvard Kardelj na 3. kongresu Saveza komunista Srbije poruuje:

    Niti su komunisti tu zato da kao komunisti prosuuju koje su umjetnike kole dobre, a koje loe, niti da propisuju granice i pravce naunom stvaranju. To je na kraju krajeva stvar samog razvitka umjetnosti i nauke.

    Izreeno je bilo u skladu sa zamislima o uvoenju samoupravljanja koje je tih godina u mnogim podrujima ivota poelo stjecati svoja prva praktina iskustva. To je vidljivo i u referatu Josipa Broza Tita na 6. Kongresu KPJ 1952. u Zagrebu:

    Brz razvoj cjelokupne nae industrijalizacije i privrede uope zahtijeva paralelno i brz kulturni razvitak, zahtijeva vie napora u irenju kulture. Za pravilan i uspjean razvoj socijalizma potrebno je da civilizacija i socijalistika kultura idu naprijed. Visoki stepen materijalne kulture i drutvenog razvoja zahtijeva i visoki stepen svestrane duhovne kulture. Samo kada je to usklaeno, onda imamo pravilan razvoj drutvenog preobraaja.16

    Izmeu govora i proglasa ostalo je, meutim, prostora za neutralnu umjetnost jednoga Oskara Hermana, Ivana Koaria, Antuna Motike ili Emanuela Vidovia. Bilo je oito da e socrealizam ustuknuti, da nee moi pratiti novu svijest te da umjetnost unato svemu ima svoj unutarnji ritam. Nastaje organska i prirodna regeneracija umjetnike prakse te se javljaju i oituju mnoge nove snage (primjerice 1951. EXAT 51, koji prvi put izlae 1953. godine).

    Naposljetku, iako se socrealizam nije uspio nametnuti kao dominantna estetika u umjetnosti, on je kao ivo tkivo odredio i pratio jedno cijelo desetljee. Pritom su, unato politikim govorima i odlukama, djela u konanici stvarali i stvorili, voeni svojim talentom i savjeu, sami umjetnici.

    i zbog nepovredivosti kojom su bili obiljeeni, tako da se itava ta produkcija odvijala izvan domaaja kritike misli. tovie, izvan njena domaaja, a najee i vidokruga ostala je i monumentalna proizvodnja akademika zatienih ugledom i funkcijama pa tako 1950. na 25. venecijanskom biennaleu, prvom izravnom susretu nae umjetnosti s europskom likovnom scenom nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata, jugoslavensku sekciju, uz hvalospjeve domae kritike, predvodi A. Augustini.

    U tom svijetu direktiva, formula i parola opreznim se koracima, preko kongresnih referata i godinjih skuptina ULUHa,14 nastojalo preskakati zidove stroge indoktrinacije, borei se protiv lijeve shematizirane fraze, u emu je, u razdoblju od 1950. do 1954. godine, vanu ulogu imao i Razred za likovne umjetnosti JAZU. Razdoblje je to oznaeno poputanjem i povlaenjem drave s pozicije organizatora kulture:

    [Dobar dio moi] stvarno je, a ne samo nominal no, prenijet na institucije koje pripadaju svijetu umjetnosti.15

    14 Usp., primjerice, Petar egedin, O naoj kritici,.nacrt referata za 2. kongres knjievnika, 1949., Krsto Hegedui, Rije o kritici i organizaciji kritike, Republika, 23/IV, Zagreb 1950., i Rudi Supek, Zato kod nas nema borbe miljenja, Pogledi, 12, Zagreb, 1953.

    15 Lj. Kolenik, n.dj., 66.16 Iz referata J. B. Tita na VI.

    kongresu KPJ u Zagrebu 1952.

    (32) Oton Gliha, Izvlaenje drva iz ume (kat. br. 20)

    (33) Antun Augustini, Noenje ranjenika, 1. pol. 20. st. (kat. br. 111)

    33

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.86

    (34) Grga Antunac, Lenjin, 1940e (kat. br. 107)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 87

    (35) Ksenija Kantoci, Kata Pejnovi, oko 1950. (kat. br. 118)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.88

    (36) Cata Dujin Ribar, Tunel pod Sljemenom, 1948. (kat. br. 12)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 89

    (37) Vladimir Filakovac, Dolazak partizana u Dubravu 1945, 1945. (kat. br. 16)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.90

    (38) Zlatko Prica, Zagrebaka loiona, 1949. (kat. br. 78)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 91

    (39) Frano imunovi, Rad na autoputu, 1947. (kat. br. 97)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.92

    (40) Antun Mezdji, Mladi stolar (kat. br. 55)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 93

    (41) Vilim Svenjak, Brodogradilite (kat. br. 91)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.94

    (42) Oton Postrunik, Vrilica, 1947. (kat. br. 76)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 95

    (43) Josip Restek, Spremanje sijena, 1954. (kat. br. 86)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.96

    (44) Branko Kovaevi, I pobijeen (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. (kat. br. 41)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 97

    (45) Edo Murti, Na strai, 1946. (kat. br. 66)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.98

    46

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 99

    (46) Antun Masle, Rad na obnovi, 1945. (kat. br. 53)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.100

    (47) uro Pulitika, Povratak s pazara, 1952. (kat. br. 80)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 101

    (48) Anka Krizmani, U loi (Anka Berus, Kata Pejnovi, Franjo Gai), 1949. (kat. br. 46)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.102

    (49) Josip Restek, Kosci, 1954. (kat. br. 84)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 103

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.104

    (50) Marijan Kockovi, Partizanka, oko 1950. (kat. br. 123)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 105

    (51) Marijan Kockovi, Savo Kovaevi, oko 1950. (kat. br. 124)

  • Milica Radulovi

    SpOMENIka pLaSTIka

    1

    REFLEkSIJE vREMENa 1945. 1955.106

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 107

    Praenje i sagledavanje umjetnike klime nakon zavretka Drugog svjetskog rata nuno podrazumijeva njeno analiziranje u sklopu drutvenih i politikih dogaanja tog vremena. To razdoblje prvih poslijeratnih godina u umjetnosti definira se pojmom so ci jalistiki realizam, koji je vie bio obi ljeen ideologijom i politikom nego li stilom, a oznaavao je pravac lien stranih modernistikih novina u umjetnosti, s vrstim osloncem na i re nje i propagiranje ideja socijalizma i komunizma.

    Istodobno, s druge strane, u poslijeratnome vremenu postojala je i snana potreba ouvanja uspomene na sve poginule i stradale, na patnje i uase rata. Stoga skulptura, tonije javni spomenik, prije svega zbog svojstava monumentalnosti i grandioznosti, postaje najprikladnijim sredstvom predstavljanja trijumfa pobjede i patosa stradanja, ukratko glorifikacije revolucionarne ideologije. Time upravo javna spomenika plastika postaje najsnanijim sredstvom u izraavanju kolektivnog osjeanja junatva. Takvi zahtjevi ideologije socijalistikog realizma nisu pretjerano odstupali od ideje neautonomne/heteronomne umjetnosti toliko ve prisutne u jugoslavenskoj sredini. Stoga je socijalistiki realizam tu ideju samo usmjeravao k vlastitim pogledima i rjeenjima. Iz tih razloga, za razliku od slikarstva, u skulpturi i nije nastao radikalni prekid s nasljeem meuratne umjetnosti. Najkrae, takva osnova socrealistike prezentacije postojala je, dakle, i prije 1945. te je trajala do ideologijske transformacije, i nakon 1950. godine, sve do pojave Vojina Bakia, Duana Damonje i drugih. To se prepoznaje i u djelima starijih umjetnika

    Antuna Augustinia i Frane Krinia koji u stvari ni ne naputaju svoj predratni likovni izraz nego ga estetici socijalistikog realizma pribliavaju na

    tematskoj razini: novom ikonografijom borbe, rata, stradanja...

    Ipak, snano se prepoznaje privrenost sovjetskoj revolucionarnoj ideologiji, posebno u djelima na stalim u prvim poslijeratnim godinama, kada je politika i ideoloka bliskost sa Savezom Sovjetskih Socijalistikih Republika bila na najvioj razini i kada se ta bliskost eljela i trebala naglasiti. U tom je pogledu spomenika javna skulptura bila ponajbolje sredstvo jasnog deklariranja pripadnosti odreenoj politikoj ideologiji. Iz tih razloga, pod utjecajem sovjetske socrealistike skulpture i u duhu njene iko nografije, dolazi u sklopu afirmacije revolucije i njenih tekovina do otvaranja veoma irokog prostora kiparskog/spomenikog djelovanja i njegova porasta. Spomenici koji nastaju u tim godinama uglavnom su patetino simboliki: rije je o gotovo tipiziranim figurama boraca i radnika, s naglaenom muskulaturom koja predstavlja revolucionarne borbenost i snagu. Pritom se u socrealistikoj skulpturi inzistira na pretjeranom realizmu, u smjeru njegove dekadencije, to ga svodi na razinu manire. Time spomenik gotovo prestaje biti umjetniko djelo sa svojim likovnim konotacijama, pa se spomenik iskljuivo promatra kao motiv (gdje strijeljani ili poginuli predstavljaju strijeljanog ili poginulog), a ne kao skulptura. Ta tenja prikaza junakih likova boraca i radnika na taj nain otkriva potrebu socijalistikog realizma za pokretom: tenja za pokretom javlja se u figuralnoj kompoziciji samo zato da bi se jasno mogla izraziti radnja. Svaku figuru, stoga, prati odreena i naglaena gesta kojom se jasno eli izraziti svojstvo pa i karakter predstavljenoga, bilo da je rije o figurama koje izraavaju stradanje ili junatvo, borbenost ili revolucionarni duh. Dobre primjere takvih spomenikih rjeenja nalazimo u djelima A. Augustinia, F. Krinia i Vanje Radaua.

    Ipak, pogreno bi bilo promatrati nastanak poslije ra tne spomenike skulpture, iskljuivo u vezi s odre e nom politikom propagandom. Na taj nastanak, pa i svojstva spomenike skulpture utjecale su i ratne i njenice: veliki broj umjetnika aktivno je sudjelovao u Narodnooslobodilakoj borbi (NOB), a boravili su i u ra tnim zatvorima i logorima te imali raznolika obi telj ska i osobna iskustava iz rata, to je bitno

    (1) Rade Stankovi, Groblje oslobodilaca Beograda 1944. godine (detalj)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.108

    2

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 109

    Posebno je zanimljiva figura Pobjede, koja odraava ve spomenuti kontekst odnosa ranije meuratne s novom socrealistikom umjetnou. Naime, A. Augustini je jo 1937. u skici za Spomenik Skenderbegu u Tirani, a potom i 1939. u maketi Spomenika kralju Aleksandru u Niu predvidio/izradio slinu figuru (ali bez podignute ruke s bakljom), no ona nije preseljena u Batinu. Ta je figura ranije trebala sugerirati snagu i jedinstvo meuratne drutvene zajednice, a i u novom je obliku svjedoila o istome, samo u sklopu nove socijalistike zajednice. Stoga ona ni ne treba novu socijalistiku ikonografiju: bilo ju je dovoljno, u prenesenom smislu, idejno prevesti.

    Potom 1948. A. Augustini sa slinim pristupom razmilja i o izradi Spomenika palim Krajinicima na brdu ehitluci iznad Banje Luke, koji e, meutim, realizirati tek 1961. godine. Rije je, u osnovi, o borcu ijim se prikazom veliaju junatvo i duh revolucije, slino, primjerice, kao i figurom Artiljerca sa Spomenika zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji u Batini koja je u jesen 1947. dovrena u kamenu. Potom je isklesana u jo jednom primjerku koji je 1954. postavljen na Groblju oslobodilaca Beograda 1944. godine u Beogradu. Tom skulpturom se jo vie naglaava vojnika spremnost i odlunost, to je tipino za prikaze boraca u to vrijeme, primjerice i u radovima V. Radaua: Bomba (Zemun, 1946.) i Borac (Podsused, 1948.).

    pridonosi lo njihovom istinskom osjeanju pripadanja takvoj vrsti junatva i stradanja. Usto, budui je bavljenje skulpturom tijekom rata bilo gotovo nemogue iz tehnikih razloga, u poslijeratnom vremenu, koje je teilo izradi velikog broja spomenika u slavu junaka i stradalih, odjednom se umjetnicima otvorilo ogromno polje rada, s velikim dravnim narudbama javnih spomenika, pri emu u euforiji nastaju i veliki javni spomenici novih dimenzija.

    Jedan od prvih takvih spomenika, nastao pod okri ljem estetike sovjetskog socrealizma, jeste Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji A. Augustinia, podignut pokraj Batine na obali Dunava. Taj spomenik grandioznih razmjera, koji je odmah zamiljen, a potom dovren i sveano otvoren 1947. godine, postavljen je na mjestu bitke iz studenoga 1944. kada su se protiv njemakih snaga prvi put zajedno borile snage Narodnooslobodilake vojske Jugoslavije i Crvene armije. Rije je o arhitektonskoskulpturalnome kompleksu s kamenim stupom visokim 19,5 metara na ijem je vrhu je sedam metara visoka bronana skulptura Pobjede. U sredini stupa nalazi se pet kamenih figura sovjetskih vojnika, a u podnoju spomenika bronani reljef s prikazom jugoslavenskih partizana, sjedinjenih u zajednikoj borbi s vojnicima Crvene armije. Cijelu skupinu figura odreuje snana junaka i pobjedonosna gesta.

    3

    (2) Antun Augustini, Spomenik palim Krajinicima (detalj), Banja Luka, dovren 1961.

    (3) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji Juri, Batina Skela, 1947.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.110

    Zanimljivo je naglasiti da i spomenik borca V. Radua, koji se od 1955. nalazi u Puli, predstavlja varijantu spomenika kojega je on dovrio ranije, jo u zimu 1951./1952. godine kao Spomenik hrvatskim domobranima poginulima 1943. u Villefrancheu u pobuni protiv svojih nacistikih asnika. Taj je spomenik trebao biti u Francuskoj postavljen u jesen 1953. godine povodom 10. obljetnice tog dogaaja, no Savezno izvrno vijee je odbilo tu mogunost jer se, prema dobro znanome obrascu, stradali hrvatski domobrani u Villefrancheu nisu mogli pojmiti kao borci protiv nacizma. Stoga se i taj idejno prevedeni spomenik, samo u donekle izmijenjenom odnosu likova, postavlja u Puli kao Spomenik ustanku naroda Istre. Sredinja figura, koja je trebala dominirati spomenikom, bila je figura Majke s jabukama u naruju (podsjeanje na stare obiaje donoenja jabuka na grobove najmilijih), a danas je postavljena na stranjoj strani spomenika. Sve navedeno potvruje da ni u ovome sluaju nije iskljuivo rije o nekakvome junakom spomeniku, a jo manje o zanosnoj idealizaciji partizanskog borca. Naposljetku, V. Radau je zbog prenamjene spomenika bio uistinu nezadovoljan, pa i ogoren. Ipak, 2006. je ispravljena nepravda te je (uz pomo arhitekta Prtenjaka), kako je bilo i zamiljeno, spomenik konano postavljen u Villefrancheu.

    4

    5(4) Antun Augustini, Spomenik palim Krajinicima (detalj), Banja Luka, dovren 1961.

    (5) Antun Augustini, Spomenik palim Krajinicima (detalj), Banja Luka, dovren 1961.

    (6) Antun Augustini, Spomenik palim Krajinicima, Banja Luka, dovren 1961.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 111

    6

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.112

    7

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 113

    8

    (7) Vanja Radau, Bomba, Zemun, 1946.

    (8) Vojin Baki, Spomenik strijeljanima, Beograd, 1947.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.114

    9

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 115

    Tih godina i Kosta Angeli Radovani u Spomeniku ustanku u Drenici (1949.) ponavlja tadanji spomeniki kliej: borbenu spremnost i odvanost izraava stojea muka figura bez naglaene geste u blagome pokretu. Tu razinu osloboenog pokreta i uveane geste sadri i Spomenik strijeljanima poziv na ustanak V. Bakia postavljen u Bjelovaru jo 1947. Taj njegov prvi monumentalni rad obiljeen je i osobno: etiri su mu brata meu strijeljanima. Inae, figure na spomeniku izraene su u gotovo prirodnoj veliini. Unato dijelom prenaglaenosti gesta i pokreta, prisutna je i uzdranost, tako rijetka meu kiparima socrealistikog razdoblja, koja se potom 1949. gubi u njegovu Spomeniku narodnom ustanku u Kolainu: enska i muka figura, partizanka i partizan s pukom i zastavom u rukama u pobjedonosnom, gotovo zanosnome stavu.

    Snana se privrenost sovjetskoj revolucionarnoj ideologiji iz prvih poslijeratnih godina u nas naelno naputa nakon 1948. godine, tonije nakon Rezolucije Informacijskog biroa komunistikih partija u kojoj se optuuju i osuuju Jugoslavija i Komunistika partija Jugoslavije, to uzrokuje i definitivni razlaz

    izmeu Josifa Visarionovia Staljina i Josipa Broza Tita. U spomenikoj plastici postupno se naputa sovjetska socrealistika ikonografija te dijelom uvode modernistiki elementi.

    Ipak, junatvo i autonomnost jugoslavenskih, dodue bez sovjetskih boraca dominantni su motivi u poetku pedesetih godina. Primjeri toga vidljivi su, primjerice, 1953. na Spomeniku ustanku V. Radaua u Srbu (brojne figure boraca na velikoj kamenoj povrini), 1954. na Spomeniku ustanku F. Krinia u Sisku (tri partizana u pobjedonosnom i odvanom pokretu pod zastavom koja se vijori u ruci jednoga od njih) i 1957. na spomeniku partizanima (Na vjenoj strai) u Senju (tri snane muke figure mornarapartizana).

    Istodobno, s druge strane, u jugoslavensku umjetni ku sredinu postupno prodiru i novije ideje te mo derniji likovni koncepti, to posebno ima odraza u skulpturi, dakle i u spomenikoj plastici. To je, primjerice, vidljivo u naputanju nepotrebne deskripcije i proienju oblika. Spomenika plastika socijalistikog realizma e dosta suzdrano prihvaati takva rjeenja, no postupno e ona ipak nastajati, prije svega u radovima generacije najmlaih umjetnika,

    10

    (9) Vojin Baki, Spomenik narodnom ustanku, Kolain, 1949.

    (10) Vojin Baki, Spomenik narodnom ustanku (detalj), Kolain, 1949.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.116

    11

    12

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 117

    13

    (11) Vanja Radau, Spomenik ustanku (detalj), Srb, 1953.

    (12) Vanja Radau, Spomenik ustanku (detalj), Srb, 1953.

    (13) Vanja Radau, Spomenik ustanku, Srb, 1953.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.118

    koji su ve bili na sceni, a sada e ponijeti te nositi i euforinu obnovu.

    Meu prvim spomenicima iz tog vremena koji na neki nain oznaavaju poetak primjene redu ciranja forme svakako je Spomenik revoluciji K. An geli ja Radovanija iz 1951. u Kumanovu: enska figura u visoko podignutim rukama dri klasje, pri emu je forma svedena na osnovne elemente enske figure s akcentom na ritam volumena. Miran, gotovo mo nu mentalan stav bez usiljene naracije umnogome udaljava ovaj spomenik od tradicije socrealistike spomenike plastike prvih poslijeratnih godina u nas.

    I Spomenik husinskim rudarima Ivana Sabolia iz 1953. u Kreki pokraj Tuzle, podignut u ast Husinske bune iz 1920. godine, ali i svih poginulih rudara tijekom NOBa dijelom sadri tendenciju geometrizacije oblika: figura rudara u pobjedonosnom stavu, s podignutom pukom u ruci, posve je pojednostavljena te smjetena na istu i ravnu, gotovo geometrijski

    definiranu povrinu. I. Saboli je, inae, u radu na spomeniku koristio savjete svog likovnog mentora (pa i vjenanog kuma) Augustinia, iju je Majstorsku radionicu i preuzeo nakon njegove smrti.

    Ipak, najmarkantnija ostvarenja iz tog razdoblja, ko ja sasvim sigurno oznauju raskid sa socrealistikim izrazom u klasinoj maniri, kriju se u djelima V. Ba kia, u Spomeniku Stjepanu Filipoviu u Valjevu i ne realiziranome Spomeniku Karlu Marxu i Friedrichu En gelsu u Beogradu. Prvi je spomenik koncipiran 1953., a realiziran 1960. godine. Iako je interpretacija jo na razini jasne itljivosti, ta muka figura visoko po dignutih ruku i stisnutih pesnica krajnje je proie ne forme, pojednostavljenih i stiliziranih oblika, i me je postignuto suglasje formalnoga i sadrajnog zna enja skulpture. Taj spomenik, lien naglaene i ne u vjerljive geste, samo je tematski jo blizak socrea listikoj poetici, no nagovjetava i posve nove i zre lije ideje javne spomenike plastike. Slijedei i nadograujui takve ideje nove skulptorske formulacije,

    14

    (14) Ivan Vukui, Na vjenoj strai (detalj), Senj, 1957.

    (15) Ivan Vukui, Na vjenoj strai (detalj), Senj, 1957.

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    15

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    16

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    17

    (16) Kosta Angeli Radovani, Spomenik ustanku, Drenica, 1949.

    (17) Ivan Saboli, Spomenik husinskim rudarima, Kreka pokraj Tuzle, 1953.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.122

    18

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 123

    19

    (18) Vanja Radau, Spomenik ustanku naroda Istre (detalj), Pula

    (19) Vanja Radau, Spomenik ustanku naroda Istre, Pula

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.124

    20

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 125

    V. Baki e izraditi i prijedlog za Spomenik K. Marxu i F. Engelsu, koji e, iako odbijen na natjeaju, postati simboliko djelo meu skulpturama nastalima pedesetih godina u nas. Dvije figure marksistikih mislilaca svedene su na gotovo geometrijske oblike, blagih kubistikih naznaka, kao odraz novog plastinog promiljanja figuralne monumentalnosti. Time se taj spomenik sutinski razlikuje od tadanjih velikih socrealistikih javnih spomenika, i to ba u naputanju socijalistike retorike monumentalne i memorijalne spomenike plastike, snano teei modernistikoj istoi i redukciji. Zbog toga je njegova vrijednost vie u oslobaanju od dogmi socijalistikog realizma negoli u samom umjetnikom i skulptorskom ostvarenju.

    Spomenika plastika u vrijeme prvog poslijeratnog desetljea u nas odvijala se, sve u svemu, u rasponu od krutih, konzervativnih ostvarenja u slubi socijalistike i komunistike dogme, do modernistikih naznaka prepoznatih u postupnom naputanju suvine deskripcije i snanoj tenji razgraivanju forme. Iako su spomenici nastajali u funkciji strogo odreenog programskog sadraja te formulirane socijalistike i komunistike ideje, u njima se, ipak, prepoznaje autorstvo: likovna poetika i posebnosti autorskih odnosa spram odreenoj kiparskoj problematici. Ako ta djela, dakle, promatramo na taj nain,

    mimo njihovih iskljuivih manifestacija politikih i ideolokih uvjerenja, u njima prepoznajemo i snane impulse umjetnikih izraza tog vremena.

    Promjenom drutvenih i politikih okolnosti, ali i pojavom mlae generacije kipara u pedesetim godina ma poinje, dakle, stvarni preobraaj jugoslavenskog kiparstava. Dodue, memorijalizacija revolucionarne prolosti traje i u narednim desetljeima, ali ipak u spomenicima daleko svedenije forme, iih izra za i pojednostavljenih oblika, a sve u smjeru kona ne apstrakcije, kojom e se potpuno raskinuti veza s ranim poslijeratnim nasljeem i otvoriti novo pogla vlje spomenike plastike u nas.

    21

    (20) Vanja Radau, Borac, Podsused, 1948.

    (21) Frano Krini, Spomenik strijeljanima, Zagreb, 1951.

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    22

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 127

    Polovinom studenoga 1944. pokraj mje sta Batina na Dunavu odigrala se je dna od najkrvavijih bitaka Drugoga svjetskog rata u nas u kojoj su se je dini ce 3. ukrajinskog fronta Crvene armije i 12. korpusa Narodnooslobodi lake vojske Jugoslavije (NOVJ) nastojale prebaciti na desnu obalu rijeke koju su branile snage njemake (Divizija Bran denburg i SS divizija Lombardi) i ma arske vojske. Batinska bitka, u ko joj je poginulo nekoliko tisua ljudi, zavrila je pobjedom sovjetskih i ju goslavenskih snaga, to je Crvenoj ar miji omoguilo napredovanje k Maarskoj, a NOVJu oslobaanje Baranje.

    Odmah po zavretku rata, u znak sjeanja na taj dogaaj, jugoslavenska je vlada odluila podii spomenik koji e simbolizirati zahvalnost naroda Jugoslavije borcima Crvene armije. Posao je povjeren kiparu Antunu Augustiniu koji je, s iskustvom izvedbe prijeratnih spomenika u Katowicama te Banjoj Luci, Kragujevcu, Niu, Varadinu, Skopju, Zajearu i Somboru predstavljao logian izbor. Za organizaciju podizanja spomenika bili su zadueni Savezni odbor u Beogradu, Zemaljski odbor u Zagrebu i Kotarski odbor u Belom Manastiru. Unato zahtjevnim dimenzijama, spomenik je dovren u kratkom roku: Augustini je s arhitektom Dragom Galiem pripreme izveo tijekom 1946., radovi su zapoeli 9. travnja 1947., a spomenik je otkriven 9. studenoga 1947. godine, na tridesetu obljetnicu Oktobarske revolucije.

    Arhitektonskoskulpturalni kompleks Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji pokraj Batine podignut je na Banskom brdu iznad Dunava s baranjske strane, na platou Gradac, mjestu poznatom kao Krvava kota 169. Kompleks se prostire na elipsastom platou (49 x

    SpOMENIk zahvaLNOSTI CRvENOJ aRMIJI

    24 x 3,5 m) koji se polukrunim stubitem otvara k rijeci. Na platou dominira obelisk, podno kojega je pravokutni istak/izdvojeni dio po sredini stubita koji nosi figuralnu skupinu dvojice boraca u juriu. Obelisk visok 19,5 metara izrasta iz baze presjeka desetokrake zvijezde. Na polovici elevacije, pet krakova zvijezde nose pet kamenih figura visine 220 cm, koji simboliziraju rodove Crvene armije koji su sudjelovali u Batinskoj bitki: Tenkist, Artiljerac, Pjeadinac, Avijatiar i Mornar. Od polovice do vrha obelisk je u presjeku petokrake, a na vrhu obeliska stoji Pobjeda, priblino sedam metara visoka enska figura usmjerena k Dunavu, sa sputenim maem u desnoj i visoko podignutom bakljom s petokrakom u lijevoj ruci. Oba bona zida platoa nose po jedan, 10 metara dugaki bronani reljefni friz: na jednome je prikaz prijelaza crvenoarmejaca, a na drugome prikaz prijelaza partizana preko Dunava. Kasnije je kompleks i proiren: 1962. je podno spomenika ureena kosturnica u kojoj su sahranjeni posmrtni ostaci 1297 boraca, a 1979. godine, prema projektu Sreka Lonarevia, uz spomenik je sagraen Spomen dom Batinskoj bitki. Danas se spomenik suoava s problemom klizita pa je njegov fiziki opstanak ugroen. Uz manje zahvate obnove koje provodi ruska strana, Ministarstvo kulture Republike Hrvatske ulae znatne napore u odravanju ovog spomenika, no za cjelovitu sanaciju nuna su iznimno velika sredstva.

    Arhitektonski dijelovi izvedeni su u brakom kamenu kojega su obradili klesari iz Puia. S obzirom na zahtjevne kiparske poslove i kratke rokove, Augustini je angairao kolege kipare da mu pomognu skice izvesti u velikim dimenzijama. U prvoj polovini godine rada na spomeniku u Beogradu je izmodelirao figuru Pobjede, a u Zagrebu dvojicu boraca u juriu. U Beogradu su na Pobjedi radili Giuseppe Pino Grassi i Radeta Stankovi; u Zagrebu su Grga Antunac, Rudolf Ivankovi i Frano Krini radili na modelima figura crvenoarmejaca koji e biti isklesani u kamenu i postavljeni na obelisku, dok su Ivan Saboli, elimir Jane i Ante Despot radili na reljefnim frizovima. Pobjeda je odlivena u broncu u Beogradu, dok su ostala lijevanja i klesanje izvedeni u Zagrebu. O borbi s rokovima

    Davorin Vuji

    (22) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji Pobjeda, Batina Skela, 1947.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.128

    dovretka svjedoi injenica kako reljefi nisu stigli biti odliveni u broncu pa su za sveanost otkrivanja spomenika montirani patinirani gipsani modeli.

    Spomenik u Batini predstavlja vanu toku unutar Augustinieva opusa. Ukupne dimenzije spomenika su impresivne i Augustini ih nikada poslije nee nadmaiti. Takoer, ni u jednome kasnije izvedenom spomeniku nee do te mjere rtvovati autonomiju forme za eksplicitnost sadraja i njegove glorifikacije. Kamene figure koje simboliziraju razliite rodove Crvene armije izvedene su kao plakatno jasni i depersonalizirani nositelji atributa. Kod bronane skulpture inzistiranje na detaljima i opisnosti dovelo je do narativnosti, dok je ekspresivnost ostala u slubi patetine i herojske geste. Naglaskom na tom nainu oblikovanja, Augustini se u Batini najvie pribliio uvrijeenom pojmu socrealistikog spomenika.

    Motivska i morfoloka analiza spomenika u Batini otkriva kontinuitet Augustinievih kiparskih rjeenja iz razdoblja prije Drugoga svjetskog rata, ali takoer i razradu elemenata s batinskog spomenika u kasnijim ostvarenjima. Primjena predratne skulpture oita je u figuri Pobjede koja svoju genezu zapoinje u skici za spomenik Skenderbegu u Tirani 1937. godine, gdje je ta figura postavljena u podnoje postamenta s konjanikom. Augustini ju je koristio i 1939. u natjeaju za spomenik kralju Aleksandru u Niu. Do realizacije tih njegovih prijedloga nikada nije dolo, iako je na oba natjeaja osvojio prve nagrade. Stoga je i razumljivo to je taj element ostao u razradama. Za spomenik u Batini modificirao je figuru tako da umjesto tita na ramenu enski lik dri baklju s petokrakom zvijezdom u visoko uzdignutoj ruci. Ta morfoloka preinaka imala je kljunu semantiku konsekvencu: Pobjeda je zauzela dominantno mjesto na spomeniku, preuzimajui na sebe funkciju ideolokog svjetionika na Dunavu. Jedan bronani primjerak Pobjede visine 250 cm postavljen je 1967. i na spomen groblje u Brkom. Drugi je primjerak, predstavljen na ovoj izlobi, 60ih godina prolog stoljea postavljen u park Titove vile u Kumrovcu, a od 1993. pohranjen je u Galeriji A. Augustinia u Klanjcu.

    Figuralna skupina dva borca u juriu takoer ima svoje predratne prethodnike: na Spomeniku palim umadincima postavljenom 1932. u Kragujevcu i za Spomenik leskom ustanku i maralu Pilsudskom iz 1937. godine, koji u Katowicama nikada nije postavljen u punom obimu, Augustini je varirao motiv dva muka lika u snanome pokretu naprijed.

    Na batinskom spomeniku Augustini je prvi put upotrijebio formu obeliska. Razlog tomu je elja za slijedom konfiguracije terena te asocijacijom na piramidu, to je bio kolokvijalni toponim za Kotu 169, kljuno mjesto Batinske bitke. Obelisk e koristiti i kasnije, primjerice pri izradi Spomenika rtvama faizma u Addis Abebi (1955.) jasno su uoljivi batinski korijeni.

    I kamena figura artiljerca s obeliska doivjela je naknadnu primjenu: drugi primjerak isklesan je 1954. te kao Spomenik crvenoarmejcu postavljen na Groblju oslobodilaca Beograda 1944. godine.

    Koritenje ve iskuanih elemenata i variranje istoga motiva postupak je blizak mnogim kiparima u svim prostornovremenskim koordinatama. On izvire iz same logike spomenike plastike i ne treba ga smatrati ekskluzivno Augustinievim postupkom, kao to ni spomenik u Batini ne treba poistovjetiti s njegovim kiparskim opusom. Jedan od glavnih kriterija uspjenosti spomenika je ispunjavanje funkcije, a spomenik u Batini svoju je funkciju, u svo me vremenu, svakako ispunio. Spomenik zahval no sti Crvenoj armiji izgraen je na temeljima ratnog sa veznitva i nastao u vrijeme ideoloke bliskosti sa Sa vezom Sovjetskih Socijalistikih Republika prije pro tujugoslavenske Rezolucije Informacijskog biroa ko munistikih partija 1948. godine. Stoga analiza nje go ve kiparske dionice izvan spomenike funkcije ne moe biti cjelovita, kao ni interpretacija cijelog spo menika izvan diskursa poslijeratne politike situacije.

    Izgradnja Spomenika zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji u Batini imala je, naposljetku, jo jednu dalekosenu posljedicu: potaknula je realizaciju ideje Majstorskih radionica za likovne umjetnosti koje su uskoro osno vane u Zagrebu, Beogradu i Ljubljani kao mjesta iz vedbe buduih velikih spomenikih obiljeja i rasadnici novih majstora.

    (23) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji (detalj), Batina Skela, 1947.

    (24) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji (detalj), Batina Skela, 1947.

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    23

    24

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    (25) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji, Batina Skela, 1947.

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    26

    27

    (26) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji Juri, Batina Skela, 1947.

    (27) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji Pobjeda (detalj), Batina Skela, 1947.

    (28) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji, Batina Skela, 1947.

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    2827

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    (29) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji (detalj), Batina Skela, 1947.

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    (30) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji Juri, Batina Skela, 1947.

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    (31) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji (detalj), Batina Skela, 1947.

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    (32) Antun Augustini, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji (detalj), Batina Skela, 1947.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.138

    33

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 139

    Antun Augustini prvi je put portretirao Josipa Broza Tita u studenome 1943. godine u Jajcu. Fotografija o tome obila je svijet, svjedoei kako partizanski pokret u Jugoslaviji nije samo oruana borba. Naalost, tijekom 3. ofenzive ta je bista izgubljena.

    Nakon rata, Augustini je u svom ateljeu na zagre bakoj Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti prema sjeanju izradio Titovu figuru u vojnikom injelu, u iskoraku i s rukama na leima, nazvavi je Tito u injelu. Izraaj nost i portretna uvjerljivost te skulpture navela je Miroslava Krleu da u predgovoru Augustinieve monografije (Zagreb, 1976.) napie kako je rije o prikazu Tita koji nije komponiran ni sa kakvom patetinom namjerom pro futuro [nego] zamiljen krui u uzanom dvoritu jajake tvrave, kao to je kru io u robijakoj oji po tamnikim dvoritima go dinama.

    Takav lik Tita odudarao je od tadanjih prikaza revolucionara i predstavljao je vaan odmak od neupitno herojske figuracije koja je karakterizirala spomenike tog vremena. Spomenik Titu paradigmatski je primjer realizma, pri emu je pridjev socijalistiki neutemeljen, odnosno mogu samo ako bi se tema povrno poistovjeivala sa stilom.

    Nakon to je u listopadu 1948. prvi primjerak te spomenike figure odliven u broncu i postavljen pred Titovom kuom u Kumrovcu, do kraja 80ih godina prolog stoljea odliveno je jo najmanje dvadesetak primjeraka, to predstavlja presedan u hrvatskom kiparstvu u broju odljeva skulpture takve veliine.

    O popularnosti te skulpture svjedoi injenica da su i njene skica i izvedenice bile obilato koritene: skica za taj spomenik iskoritena je kao suvenir lijevan u broncu u nekoliko tisua primjeraka, dok su fragmenti te skulpture (glava, bista, poprsje) bili izraivani u razliitim verzijama (bronca, mramor). Varijanta Spomenika Titu, uveana na visinu od 630 cm, postavljena 1977. u Velenju dokazala je da monumentalnost nije uvijek u vezi s dimenzijama.

    Bronani primjerak predstavljen na ovoj izlobi nastao je 80ih godina 20. stoljea. Bio je postavljen

    SpOMENIk TITUDavorin Vuji

    34

    (33) Kipar Antun Augustini portretira marala Tita / autor nije registriran

    (34) Antun Augustini, Spomenik maralu Titu, 1948.

    na Plitvicama, u sklopu Spomendoma 6. like proleterske brigade u Mukinjama. Desetak godina kasnije doivio je intervenciju autolakom te je od 1998. pohranjen u fundusu Galerije A. Augustinia u Klanjcu.

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    35

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    36

    (35) Otkrivanje spomenika Titu u Kumrovcu / Milan Pavi

    (36) Antun Augustini, Spomenik maralu Titu, 1948. (kat. br. 113)

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    37

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    Frano Krini nije osjeao sklonost mo numentalizmu, nije imao potrebu na praviti neto to e zapanjiti, ali je znao napraviti dobar spomenik.

    Spomenike je radio zbog zarade, ne iz nadahnua: od 1924. do 1963. je izradio dvadeset javnih i osam nadgrobnih spomenika. Propau i promjenom drava veoma su brzo nestali kraljevi zajedno sa simbolikim figurama, a za vrijeme Nezavisne Drave Hrvatske (NDH) nije podigao niti jedan spomenik.

    F. Krini je u posljednjim godinama NDH bio rektor Akademije likovnih umjetnosti te nakon okonanja Drugoga svjetskog rata u nas postupno je, bez velikih narudbi, ulazio u tematiku Narodnooslobodilake borbe, prije svega s manjim kipovima (ranjeni kuriri). Izradio je 1947. i nekoliko skica za spomenike Andriji Buvini, Ivanu Gunduliu, Silviju Strahimiru Kranjeviu i Antunu Gustavu Matou, no oni nikada nisu podignuti. Za Osijek je napravio 1949. maketu velebnog spomenika Titu, konjaniku figuru na visokom postamentu s tri skupine figura u podnoju.

    Prvu narudbu za spomenik posveen NOBu dobio je tek 1950. godine: borac sa zastavom i pukom za Grubino Polje. Naturalistikim oblikovanjem i doslovnom gestom s jasnoom poruke ustanka udovoljio je traenjima naruitelja.

    Spomenik strijeljanjima na Dotrini zapoeo je 1951. narativnim slaganjem okupatorskih vojnika i zavezanih rtava, to je proistio do realistike mode lacije, uz naglaenu ekspresivnost junakih gesta. Nara tivna mu je i skica za Spomenik Marku Orekoviu 1953. godine: ustanici pod zastavom, oboruani vilama, sjekirom i pukom pozivaju na ustanak. Iz te je ski ce nastao i Spomenik ustanku u Sisku, modeliran u saetim oblicima naglaenih pokreta potkraj 1953. go di ne.

    Jo zatvorenijih oblika mu je spomenik za Dubrovnik: smireni borac na strai, postavljen u parku u najveoj dubrovakoj tvravi 1954. godine. Odmak od tipinih borakih tema F. Krini je izveo 1953. modeliranjem mukoga akta za Spomenik palim borcima u Bakru, na tragu ranijeg gracilnog djeakog akta ranjenog kurira.

    Posljednji veliki Kriniev spomenik je Tito, modeliran 1961. za Uice.

    kRINIEvI SpOMENICIMaro Grbi

    38 39

    (37) Kipar Frano Krini, Zagreb / Milan Pavi

    (38) Frano Krini, Skica za spomenik Titov naprijed u Osijeku, 1949.

    (39) Frano Krini, Skica za spomenik Titov naprijed u Osijeku, 1949.

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    (40) Frano Krini, Spomenik strijeljanima, Zagreb, 1951.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 145

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.146

    aRhITEkTURaVladi Brali

    1

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 147

    Kao posljedica zapoete drutvene transformacije nakon okonanja Drugoga svjetskog rata za koju su se uporno zalagali i svi likovni ljeviari jo iz razdoblja prije rata u svojim razliitim proklamacijama, posebno udruenje likovnih umjetnika grupe Zemlja, arhitektonska struka postupno se organizirala prema novim socijalistikim naelima.

    Privatna je djelatnost arhitekata, shodno tome, ukinuta te su nestali privatni ateljei GomboaKauzlaria, Slavka Lowyja, Bore Petrovia, Stanka Kliske, KovaiaEhrlicha (koji je u ranijim godinama okupljao niz mlaih arhitekata kolovanih uglavnom na Tehnikom fakultetu osnovanom 1919. godine), Drage Iblera (povezan s Umjetnikom akademijom, a

    u kojemu je djelovao i Drago Gali, najvaniji Iblerov suradnik) i drugih u kojima je, izmeu dva svjetska rata, izrasla tradicija tzv. zagrebake arhitektonske kole, priznata po svojim kvalitetnim djelima, pozitivnom teorijskom stavu (Andre Mohorovii) i progresivnim nastojanjima.

    U novoj dravi arhitektura je postala planska djelatnost podreena drutvenoj i ideolokoj sferi pred koju su postavljeni ogromni zahtjevi za brzim popravkom ratom poruenih objekata i izgradnjom najnunijih zgrada te transformaciju izrazito agrarne i ruralne zemlje u industrijsku i urbaniziranu. U sklopu takvih zahtjeva arhitekti su se morali disciplinirano grupirati u vee kolektive projektantske zavode i institute, dok su njihovi stvaralaki interesi i zanosi privremeno bili potisnuti u drugi plan.

    Ve 1946. utemeljen je u Zagrebu veliki Zemaljskograevno projektni zavod Hrvatske s brojnim zaposlenim arhitektima koji su nastavili raditi u novim okolnostima, a 1947. i Urbanistiki institut Hrvatske. Time su stvoreni preduvjeti ne samo za djelatnost

    2

    (1) Motivi iz Zagreba / Milan Pavi(2) Vlado Antoli, skica

    Regulacionog plana Zagreba, 1949.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.148

    Dakako, u prvim poslijeratnim godinama, sve do Rezolucije Informacijskog biroa komunistikih partija 1948. godine, u nas su bili prisutni utjecaji doktrine socijalistikog realizma i iskustava arhitekture Sovjetskog Saveza, tadanje prijateljske drave Jugoslaviji koja je bila uzor mnogim dravama u izgradnji novoga drutvenog poretka. No, unato tome teoriju i praksu socijalistikog realizma hrvatski arhitekti nikada nisu prihvatili, pa su najvredniji primjeri arhitekture i urbanizma u poslijeratnim godinama i nadalje uporno slijedili ranije potvrene vrijednosti zagrebake arhitektonske kole iz razdoblja izmeu dva svjetska rata ili pojedine uzore iz modernistike riznice europske arhitekture.

    U cijeloj naoj poslijeratnoj arhitekturi biljeimo stoga kao svojevrsni raritet ili svojevrsnu iznimku dr avni natjeaj iz 1947. za izgradnju beogradske zgrade Centralnog komiteta Komunistike partije Ju goslavije koja je monumentalnom arhitekturom tre bala afirmirati i potvrditi drutveni sustav ondanje Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije. U izazov projektiranja arhitekture u duhu monumentalnog socijalistikog realizma upustili su se hrvatski arhitekti Branko Bon, Drago Gali, Mladen Kauzlari, Neven egvi, Ivan Viti i drugi s nizom natjeajnih projekata. Zanimljivo je, pritom, da je N. egvi, nezadovoljan rezultatom svoga rada, odmah nakon slubenog zavretka natjeaja svojevoljno razradio novu verziju te beogradske zgrade u kojoj je pokuao pronai jedinstvo i ravnoteu funkcije i forme koje su toliko naglaavali brojni predratni hrvatskih arhitekti.

    Kratkotrajna epizoda socijalistikog realizma u hrvatskoj arhitekturi potpuno je, meutim, zavrila iste, 1947. godine hrabrim istupom teoretiara arhitekture A. Mohoroviia, koji se u lanku Teoretska analiza arhitektonskog oblikovanja objavljenome u asopisu Urbanizam i arhitektura, br. 12, 1947., nastavio zalagati za arhitektonski funkcionalizam te kritiki osvrnuo na socrealistiki monumentalizam u arhitekturi, nazivajui ga zastranjenjem:

    [Socrealistiki monumentalizam] onemoguuje pra vil nu realizaciju estetsko funkcionalnih odnosa u arhitekturi i dovodi do najbjednijeg formalizma i ekle kticizma.

    Neovisno o tome silina se arhitektonskih zahvata u Hrvatskoj potom razbuktala u rasponu od masovne stambene izgradnje u stilu vulgarnoga funkcionalizma sve do arhitekture koja je ipak kvalitetno rjeavala egzistencijalne probleme drutva. Vanost pojedinih dosega tih arhitektonskih ostvarenja u poslijeratnome razdoblju dijelom je evidentirana u antologijskoj retrospekciji Arhitektura u Hrvatskoj 1945.1985. autora N. egvia.

    U nizu tih ostvarenja arhitektonskom kvalitetom svakako su najzapaeniji primjeri industrijskih

    projektiranja nego i za sustavno urbanistiko planiranje te se pojam moderne arhitekture poeo shvaati i tumaiti znatno svestranije, uz dodatno naglaenu i urbanistiku komponentu. U Hrvatskoj su, prema zagrebakom modelu, potom utemeljeni i drugi projektni zavodi i urbanistiki instituti s ciljem udruivanja svih raspoloivih stvaralakih snaga za ostvarenje programa obnove poruene zemlje.

    3

    (3) lanak Nevena egvia iz Vjesnika, 1946.

    (4) Neven egvi, Drago Gali i Branko Bon, ui natjeaj za zgradu Centralnog komiteta Komunistike partije Jugoslavije, Beograd, perspektiva, 1947.

    (5) Neven egvi, Drago Gali i Branko Bon, natjeajna studija za zgradu Centralnog komiteta Komunistike partije Jugoslavije, Beograd, perspektiva, 1947.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 149

    4

    5

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    pogona autora Lavoslava Horvata, Stjepana Gomboa, Mladena Kauzlaria, Marijana Haberlea i Zlatka Neumanna, koji su oblikovani s iznimnom panjom, poput slinih primjera arhitekture Waltera Gropiusa koju odlikuju visoka funkcionalnost i primjena novih graevnih materijala: primjerice, tvornica Rade Konar, 1949., i tekstilni kombinat Dalmatinka, 1953. godine. I u stambenoj arhitekturi pojedine su viestambene zgrade takoer ostvarile i pokazale znatnu vrijednost arhitektonskog koncepta zgrade Alfreda

    Albinija, Stanka Fabrisa, D. Galia, D. Iblera, Stjepana Plania, i N. egvia iako je oevidno da tadanja opa linija tednje nije uvijek pruala mogunosti potpuno slobodnoga arhitektonskog stvaralatva. Pojedini primjeri, unato tome, oevidno pokazuju i potvruju da se 50ih godina prolog stoljea nastavlja kontinuum arhitekture na naim prostorima: Planieva zgrada u Delnicama (1953.) izravno se nastavlja na iskustva grupe Zemlja, a pojedine Galieve zgrade, uz interpretaciju nae tradicije, svojim racionalnim

    6

    7

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    (autora Lovre Perkovia i Boidara Raice), zdravstvene (autora Vladimira Turine), sportske (autora Franje Bahovca, Eugena Ehrlicha, Franje Neidhardta, Zvonimira Pogaja i V. Turine) i kulturne namjene (autora Aleksandra Freudenreicha i I. Vitia) te upravne djelatnosti (autora Marka Markovine, Budimira Pervana i Kazimira Ostrogovia), koje takoer dokazuju i potvruju da je arhitektura u znatnoj mjeri ispunila svoju drutvenu funkciju.

    U suglasju sa umjetnikim tendencijama u Zapadnoj Europi ideju sinteze slikarstva, kiparstva i arhitekture od 1950. do 1956. zastupa grupa EXAT 51 (arhitekti Bernardo Bernardi, Zdravko Bregovac, Zvonimir Radi, Boidar Raica, Vjenceslav Richter i Vladimir Zarahovi te slikari Vlado Kristl, Ivan Picelj i Aleksandar Srnec) koja se zalae za apstraktnu umjetnost pa tako 1953. projekt Osnovne kole Ivana Gorana Kovaia u Zagrebu autora B. Raice ukljuuje u arhitekturu i pojedine elemente slavne ruske avangarde.

    Posebno mjesto u arhitekturi tog razdoblja pripada V. Turini, arhitektu sklonom snanijim urbanim

    i funkcionalnim naelima te estetskom komponentom prate Le Corbusierov, dakle posve suvremeni marsejski uzor: Vukovarska ulica i Svaiev trg u Zagrebu 1953. godine.

    Pedesetih godina nastavlja se i izgradnja zapaenih i drutveno veoma znaajnih zgrada obrazovne

    8 9

    1110

    12(6) Neven egvi, Zgrada

    Centralnog komiteta Komunistike partije Jugoslavije, Beograd postnatjeajna studija, perspektiva, 1947.

    (7) Stjepan Plani, obnova sela Vlahovi (projekt), 1945.

    (8) Drago Gali, Stambena zgrada u Vukovarskoj ulici 35, Zagreb, 1953.

    (9) Mlijeni restoran Ivo, Juriieva ulica, Zagreb

    (10) Izgradnja stambenih zgrada na Vrbiku, Zagreb

    (11) Stambeni blok na Vrbiku, Zagreb

    (12) Stjepan Plani, Stambena zgrada, Delnice, 1953.

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    13

    14

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    potezima te funkcionalnim i konstruktivnim inovacijama, posebno u sportskoj arhitekturi, to potvruju njegovi projekti za Olimpijski stadion na Banjici u Beogradu (1947.), Kombinirano plivalite na rijekoj Delti (1949.) i Sportski stadion u Zagrebu (1946., s izvedbom 1954. godine).

    Dakako, u poslijeratnome razdoblju novi izazovi ogledali su se i ostvarivali u planiranju urbanistikih zahvata i oblikovanju gradova. Najreprezentativniji je primjer izraen u koncepciji izgradnje Ulice grada Vukovara, odnosno tadanjega Moskovskog boulevarda, kako je 1949. tu reprezentativnu prometnicu nazvao Vlado Antoli u Regulacionom planu i Direktivnoj regulacionoj osnovi Zagreba. Prometnica je u svemu planirana prema urbanistikim naelima CIAMa u maniri monumentalnog modernizma s reprezentativnim javnim graevinama i stambenim blokovima te je od samih poetaka predstavljala okosnicu razvoja novoga dijela Zagreba izmeu Glavnog kolodvora i Save.

    U znaajnije urbanistike zahvate iz tog razdoblja valja spomenuti te izdvojiti i poslijeratnu obnovu Zadra (Milovan Kovaevi, Zdenko Strii i Boidar Raica 1947., a izvedba Bruno Mili 1955. godine) kao uspjean zahvat obnove ratom unitene graditeljske batine.

    Razdoblje od 1945. do 1955. bilo je posveeno poslijeratnoj obnovi i masovnoj stambenoj izgradnji, esto zasnovanoj na socijalnom programu novoga drutvenog ureenja. Iz tog razdoblja batinimo pojedina antologijska djela hrvatske arhitekture koja su teila oblikovanju humanijeg prostora za ljudski ivot, poput Galieve viestambene zgrade istoga volumena i funkcionalnih stanova sa slobodnim proeljima za velike prozore i svjetlo u stanovima u Ulici grada Vukovara, Dinamova stadiona E. Ehrlicha, F. Neidhardta i V. Turine, koji je elegantno i bez suvinih dogradnji smiljeno otvoren prema prirodi Maksimirske ume i Medvednice ili Centra za zatitu majke i djeteta V. Turine u zagrebakoj Klaievoj ulici ija je arhitektonska i lirska poetika sukladna humanoj namjeni zgrade.

    15

    (13) Vladimir Turina, Franjo Neidhardt i Eugen Ehrlich, Stadion Dinamo, Zagreb fotografija tribina, nacrt (situacija, presjek), 1946, izvedeno 1954.

    (14) Vladimir Turina, Centar za zatitu majke i djeteta u Klaievoj ulici, Zagreb, 1956.

    (15) Boidar Raica, Osnovna kola Ivana Gorana Kovaia, Mesieva 35, Zagreb, 1953.

  • Zaboravljena filmska vrstaFILMSkI URNaLDaniel Rafaeli

    1

    REFLEkSIJE vREMENa 1945. 1955.154

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    Naviknuti na svakodnevnu konzumaciju suvremenih audiovizualnih medija, gotovo smo zaboravili na vrijeme kada se informacije nisu distribuirale nikako drugaije nego iskljuivo radijem, novinama ali i nama ovdje najvanije filmskim urnalima.

    U doba bez televizije ova je filmska vrsta, logino, bila i najpopularnija. Dogaanja povijesnog, politikog, kulturnog i sportskog znaaja filmski je urnal donosio bolje nego ijedan drugi medij. iva slika subjekata u prii postala je nezamjenjiva.

    Povijest filmskog urnala na hrvatskome povijesnom prostoru see u prvo desetljee 20. stoljea. Legendarni Josip Karaman sustavno filmskom kamerom biljei najvanija dogaanja grada Splita te ih, veoma brzo, i prikazuje svojim sugraanima (na isti e nain Zagreb ovjekovjeiti Josip Halla). Ipak,

    mo i prvi slubeni oblik filmski urnal e dobiti tek u vrijeme Prvoga svjetskog rata. Otkrivena je tada ogromna propagandna mo kontroliranoga filmskog prianja suvremenih vijesti. Dvadesete, tridesete, a ponajvie etrdesete godine prologa stoljea najinteresantnije su godine za prouavanje filmskih urnala.

    Domae filmske snage, paralelno sa svijetom, ta ko er se trude proizvesti domae inaice nove i iznimno popularne filmske forme. Najprije je, uz financiranje bekoga Sascha filma, stvoren 1913. nijemi Star film urnal u Osijeku, a ubrzo se stvaraju i prvi dugotrajniji urnalski pokuaji. Franjo Ledi od 1926. sustavno proizvodi vlastiti urnal pod imenom ZVONO. Ne samo da je rije o prvome privatno produciranom filmskom urnalu u Hrvatskoj nego i prvome urnalu koji je sadravao naum dugotrajnosti. On, naime, izlazi sve do sredine tridesetih godina. Paralelno s njim zapoeo je izlaziti i ZORA urnal, jo jedan nijemi filmski urnal koji se najvie koncentrirao na prikazivanje ivota Zagreba prije poetka Drugog

    2

    (1) Kino Partizan u Zagrebu(2) Isjeak iz Filmskog pregleda,

    1948.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.156

    3

    54

    76

    (3) Isjeak iz Filmskog pregleda, 1948.

    (4) Isjeak iz Filmskog pregleda, 1948.

    (5) Filmski pregled br. 1, 1948. (kat. br. 321)

    (6) Isjeak iz Filmskog pregleda, 1948.

    (7) Isjeak iz Filmskog pregleda, 1948.

    (8) Radio Zagreb osoblje / Ivan Medar

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 157

    svjetskog rata. Pojavom zvuka u filmu te dolaskom ekstremnog nacionalizma na vlast zauvijek je prestala i nestala nevina faza filmskog urnala, koji od 1941. postaje propagandno oruje (to je, to je zanimljivo, ostao i nakon 1945. sve do 1980. godine).

    Unato injenici da se s filmskim urnalom kao formom Orson Welles poigravao jo 1941. u Graaninu Kaneu, forma filmskih urnala, u svoje vrijeme iznimno popularna, a danas gotovo zaboravljena, sjajan je repozitorij snimaka svakodnevice zamotane u propagandno ruho. Ipak, iako sjajni kao povijesni izvor, filmski urnali, kako oni iz vremena Nezavisne Drave Hrvatske (NDH), tako i oni poslijeratni iz vremena druge Jugoslavije, ostaju slabo poznati.

    Ipak, upueniji (ili koji se smatraju upuenima) u problematiku tako e redovito navoditi Filmske no vosti kao na jedini filmski poslijeratni urnal. Pa ipak, u sjeni Filmskih novosti, postoji Filmski pregled, fil mski urnal kojega je izmeu 1948. i 1955. proizvo dio zagrebaki filmski studio Jadran film. Nova, mla da, ideologizirana kinematografija imala je kao za dau zamotati u socrealistiko ruho snimljenu stvar nost. Zajedno s prvim filmskim koracima (jer se oni nainjeni u NDH nisu priznavali), bok uz bok s igra nim filmom krenulo se snimati i tumaiti ivot u Hrvatskoj potkraj 40ih i poetkom 50ih godina 20. stoljea. Zahvaljujui tome, filmski urnali FILM SKI PREGLED, dugo zaboravljeni, napokon e iza i iz mraka filmskih arhiva. Zanimljivo, forma mu je bila gotovo identina matrici koja se kanonizira la jo u vrijeme NDH, kada je Dravni slikopisni za vod Hrvatski slikopis redovito isporuivao urnalske storije eljnoj kino publici. Matrica se sastojala u kolau ozbiljnih, ideolokopolitikih te vedrih, sportskokulturnih sadraja. Pogledamo li sadraje pr vih sedam storija Filmskog pregleda iz 1948. godine, odmah postaje jasno o kakvim se filmskim storija ma radilo:

    1. PREGLED br. 1: I. Znaajni dani Jugoslavenske armije, II. Radni dan u tvornici Gorica, III. Seljake radne zadruge u Hrvatskoj i IV. Svetosavska besjeda u Zagrebu,

    2. PREGLED br. 2: I. eljezniki tehnikum u Puli, II. Opremanje broda Kosmaj, III. Kako nastaje knjiga i IV. Kamena spilja na otoku Brau,

    3. PREGLED br. 3: Jo jedan brod je zaplovio,4. PREGLED br. 4: I. Velesajam u Zagrebu, II. Fron

    tovci Zagreba pomau obnovi zemlje i III. Meu radnicima umske industrije,

    6. PREGLED br. 5: I. Kongres Saveza boraca Narodne Republike Hrvatske, II. Hrvatska pozdravlja marala Tita, III. Na gradilitima zadrunih domova i IV. Graditelji Pionirskog grada,

    7. PREGLED br. 6: I. Kulturnoprosvjetni ivot radnika, II. Berba ljekovitog bilja i III. Modelari i jedriliari te

    8. PREGLED br. 7: I. Ugljenokop Ivanec, II. Srednja poljoprivredna kola u Krievcima, III. Priprema atletiara za Olimpijadu i IV. Djeje kolonije Narodne fronte.

    Na uzorku ovih sedam urnala nije teko uvidjeti onu kom binaciju propagande i eskapizma od koje se sastoje (ba) svi filmski urnali i u drugim zemljama i svim po vijesnim razdobljima. Zbog gebelsovskog zlostavljanja filmskog urnala u vrijeme Treega Reicha filmski je urnal kao neskriveno propagandno sredstvo e sto ostao apokrifan i nije se redovito koristio kao po vi jesni izvor. Tek nakon 90ih godina 20. stoljea i prestanka Hladnog rata filmski urnali odjednom po staju nevjerojatno zanimljiva forma filmskim ar he olozima i povjesniarima. Upravo iz tog razloga go stovanjem Filmskih pregleda u Klovievim dvorima u Zagrebu pred posjetitelje se rasprostire onodobni ideolokopropagandni pokrov od kojega se, u vrijeme na stanka, nije vidjelo nita drugo. Danas kada se vie ne nalazimo ispod propagandnog pokrivaa nego smo sa mi radije odabrali propagandni omota, ipak imamo sna ge suoiti se s pomalo zaboravljenim, ali jo uvijek svje im filmskim izriajem koji najbolje svjedoi i go vori kako o vremenu svog nastanka tako i o nama sa mima.

    8

  • Socijalistiki realizamhRvaTSkI FILMKreimir Miki

    1

    REFLEkSIJE vREMENa 1945. 1955.158

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 159

    Socijalistiki realizam u hrvatskom filmu nikada nije poprimio ona ili sva obiljeja svojstvena ostalim umjetnostima i medijima, to je dijelom u vezi i s tada relativno malom produkcijom hrvatskog filma.

    No jasno je uoljivo da su unutar hrvatskog filma na neki nain bili propisani narativni stil, orijentacija na priu, fabulu, te povezanost sa svakodnevnim ivotom. Rije je o snimanju ivotnih, realistinih filmova s junacima koji su nositelji dramske radnje, ali istodobno i individue s kojima se moe poistovjetiti masovno gledalite. Teme su filmova, usto, trebale biti socijalistike, odnosno posve nove teme koje nije rabila zapadnjaka kinematografija. U tom sklopu Eli Finci u beogradskome asopisu Film 1949. savjetuje:

    ... da filmska umetnost vaspitava kod naih ljudi samo one misli i ona oseanja koji odgovaraju socijalistikim tenjama naeg ivota, da ih ui, sugestivnom snagom umetnikog jezika da primaju sve pozitivno kao svoje sopstveno, da se na njemu nadahnjuju i uzdiu i da se nepomirljivo odnose prema svemu nakaradnom i lanom, to se jo kao preiveli ostatak odrava iz starih, u nepovrat iezlih vremena...

    U filmovima se posebno trebalo realistiki prikazati vri jeme poslijeratne obnove, stvaranja novog drutva etike i morala te oblikovanja pojedinca koji se bori za bolju budunost s idejama pravde i jednakosti. Iz tih razloga, primjerice u dokumentarnim filmovima, vizualno se esto zanemaruje, a naglaava se go vor ni, uglavnom patetini politiki i ideologijski ko men tar. Tome je bila prilagoena i glazbena podloga fil ma. Sreom, takav je pristup bio kratkotrajan te u Hr vatskoj nikada nije u potpunosti naiao na plodno tlo. Socrealizam sovjetske vrste, s tipskim likovima i dramskim shemama ipak je bio rijedak u hrvatskoj ki ne matografiji.

    Zbog politike situacije i nakon sukoba sa Savezom Sovjetskih Socijalistikih Republika u filmovima se eljelo predstaviti i neto to bi karakteriziralo Hrvatsku/Jugoslaviju i njene stanovnike, u pokuaju, kako se tada govorilo, izgradnje socijalizma s ljudskim licem.

    Istodobno, 50ih godina prologa stoljea eljelo se osloboditi ne samo utjecaja Sovjeta i socrealistike umjetnosti nego i utjecaja zemalja Zapada te stvoriti neki posve originalni i novi umjetniki stil. Ipak, u dodue kratkom socrealistikom razdoblju u kinematografiji prevladavao je film shvaen kao sredstvo agitacije, kao politiki, odgojni, ideoloki, takorei dravni medij, iako su u filmu izbjegavani tipski likovi te prikazi klasnih shema. Sve u svemu, tadanji hrvatski film obiljeava, kako to navodi T. aki u tekstu o Fedoru Hanekoviu (u knjizi Hrvatski filmski redatelji, sv. I, Zagreb, Hrvatsko drutvo filmskih kritiara i Hrvatski filmski savez, 2009., 55), ili politizacija estetike ili estetizacija politike. Filmove nastale ranije karakteriziraju naivnost i patetika te ponekad spektakularnost i ideologija. A novi film, kao jedina socijalistika umjetnost roena u novom dobu, fabulama, temama, motivima i likovima podreen je takozvanoj novoj stvarnosti, novome socijalistikom ovjeku.

    Stoga je u nas vie rije o nekoj vrsti realizma ili verizma, odnosno neorealizma ili folklornog realizma kojega primjerice predstavlja Hanekoviev film Svoga tela gospodar u poneto kasnijem razdoblju, konkretno 1957. godine. I ime imatovi je jo 1953. u Kamenim horizontima pokuavao socijalistiki realizam usmjeriti prema neorealizmu, no s rezultatom da mu je uradak ponajvie pria u obliku socijalne drame, ali prema kanonima socrealizma to se ogleda u tipiziranosti te ideji filma zasnovanoj na prikazu klasnih razlika u drutvu. Naposljetku, ini se da je Branko Bauer, ako se njegov rad sagledava iz dananje perspektive, u tom razdoblju filmskoga stvaralatva u nas ponajvie uspijevao svladati dramaturgiju socijalistikog realizma izbjegavajui socijalnu patetiku: u Sinjem galebu iz 1953. jo je ima, no u Milijunima na otoku iz 1955. praktiki je vie nema.

    Organizacija kinematografijeKinematografija je u razmatranom razdoblju bila dravna, no tradicijski vie organizirana prema njemakoj negoli sovjetskoj kinematografiji, iako je potonja imala primarni ideolokoprosvjetiteljski zadatak zasnovan na ideologiji i svjetonazoru komunizma.

    Kinematografska dobra su u sklopu dravne kinematografije nacionalizirana, posebice sva imovina Hrvatskoga slikopisa, to je u potpunosti obavljeno

    (1) Isjeak iz filma Snimanje Plavi 9, 1950.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.160

    2

    43

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  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 161

    zakljuno s 1948. godinom. Ve 1945. osnovano je Dravno filmsko poduzee, ali i Filmska direkcija za Hrvatsku zbog dravnog financiranja kinematografije. Filmska direkcija se ukida ve 1946. te se osniva Nacionalno filmsko poduzee, konkretno u Zagrebu Jadran film, sa zadatkom snimanja propagandnih filmova koji predstavljaju potporu obnovi i izgradnji zemlje. Svim takvim poduzeima upravlja Komitet za kinematografiju Vlade Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije (FNRJ), iji Umjetniki savjet odobrava filmske scenarije i kontrolira ukupnu filmsku produkciju. Ipak, ve 1947. slijedi jo jedna novost: u rujnu se osniva Komisija za kinematografiju Vlade Narodne Republike Hrvatske, ali jo pod kontrolom Komiteta za kinematografiju Vlade FNRJ, koji izraava konano miljenje i suglasnost pri odobravanju filmskih scenarija, dijelom i u vezi s raspodjelom saveznog prorauna. Iznimke predstavljaju samo financiranja ponekih vanih filmova, pri emu se osiguravaju pomo vojske pri snimanju filmova, smjetaj filmskih ekipa i sl., to se rjeava politikim dogovorima, dekretima i naredbama.

    Nova situacija i velike tekoe nastaju od li pnja 1948. godine kao posljedica sukoba i raskida s Informacijskim biroom komunistikih partija (Informbiro/Kominform). Te potekoe i posljedice ilustrira dio teksta koji je objavljen u knjizi Ive krabala Izmeu politike i drave (Zagreb, Znanje, 1984., 151), a u kojemu se navodi i dio rezolucije sindikalne podrunice Jadran filma od 29. srpnja 1948. o povlaenju hrvatskih/jugoslavenskih filmova s festivala u ehoslovakoj:

    Mi vidimo [na filmskome festivalu] samo nastavak... uvreda koje se u posljednje vrijeme nanose naoj zemlji. Zbog toga, mi se potpuno slaemo s odlukom Komiteta za kinematografiju o povlaenju naih filmova s festivala. Zaista je nevjerojatno da ameriki, engleski i francuski bezidejni, kriminalni i ovinistiki filmovi nailaze kod ehoslovakih drugova na daleko ljepi prijem, nego na film od kojega radni ljudi ehoslovake, a i itavoga svijeta, mogu mnogo da naue.

    Poetkom pedesetih godina prologa stoljea u zemlji se poinje uvoditi samoupravljanje, pa filmska poduzea postaju drutvena te se financijskim obraunima uzimaju u obzir i njihova sredstva, to dijelom vodi i njihovu samofinanciranju. Istodobno jaa i republiko upravljanje pa se ukida federalni, odnosno savezni Komitet za kinematografiju. Stoga od 1. svibnja 1951. filmski djelatnici vie nisu namjetenici nego postaju slobodni filmski radnici, primjerice u Zagrebu jo od 7. svibnja 1950. ulanjeni u tada osnovano Drutvo filmskih radnika, koji na Osnivakoj skuptini usvajaju Programatsku rezoluciju u kojoj, meu ostalim, izjavljuju:

    Mi, filmski radnici Hrvatske odbijamo s jedne strane negativni buroaski larpurlartizam, koji se iivljava u formalizmu svih vrsti, a s druge strane odbijamo tendenciju idejnoumjetnikoga dogmatizma, koji tei za tim da i filmsku umjetnost ukalupi i ematizira, uguujui svaki pokuaj slobodne interpretacije.

    Time se otvara novi pravac demokratizacije, decentralizacije i, kako se to tada nazivalo, debirokratizacije kinematografije. Usto, vodi se i vie rauna o troenju financijskih sredstava te se snima manje filmova, ukidaju se neka se filmska poduzea (primjerice Duga film), kinematografija se otvara prema koprodukcijama i zapoinje vei uvoz stranih filmova, posebice amerikih. Do tada, prema povjesniaru jugoslavenskog filma Danielu Gouldingu, koji te procese u jugoslavenskoj, dakle i hrvatskoj kinematografiji promatra sa strane, kinematografija je od kraja Drugog svjetskog rata do 1950., pa i 1952. godine bila organizirana prema sovjetskom modelu te centralizirano organizirana pod striktnom partijskom kontrolom. Tek 1957. se osniva i Savezni fond koji prikupljena sredstva od prodanih ulaznica rasporeuje, ovisno o gledanosti njihovih filmova, producentima (20 posto sredstava ostvarenih od prodaje ulaznica) ime se uvode poetna naela trine ekonomije. To razdoblje, meutim, u naslovljenom kontekstu nije predmet razmatranja.

    Filmska produkcija

    Animirani filmU Hrvatskoj se animirani film pojavio relativno kasno. Ipak, jo 1945. godine, dodue kao posve propagandni uradak, proizveden je animirani film Norberta Neugebauera Svi na izbore, a potom 1951. od istog autora i film Veliki miting, svojevrsna satira o metodama informbiroovske propagande, o kojemu se na portalu film.hr navodi sljedee:

    Prvi [pravi] domai crtani film, koji je obilazio ekrane skoro svih tadanjih kinematografa u zemlji, politika [je] satira na raun kreketave informbiroovske propagande (personificirane abama iz Albanije i patkama iz Bugarske), aktualna u tadanjim tekim godinama... pritiska na Jugoslaviju.

    Uvodne sekvence pokazuju antijugoslavenskoga hukaa, novinara Judina, u... redakciji. On izmilja razne [novinarske] patke koje lansira protiv susjedne zemlje... Potom Judin alje reportera Patkina u Albaniju na miting..., gdje ga doekuju abe sa svojim poglavarom, buljookim i brbljavim apcem. Patkin prisustvuje mitingu aba protiv isuenja movara to... [ih] je tadanja Jugoslavija provodila u graninim podrujima... [Pri] povratku vjetar ga nanese u prostor iznad Jugoslavije gdje... dalekozorom...

    (2) Isjeak iz filma Ciguli Miguli, 1952.

    (3) Isjeak iz filma Ciguli Miguli, 1952.

    (4) Isjeak iz filma Ciguli Miguli, 1952.

    (5) Isjeak iz filma Ciguli Miguli, 1952.

    (6) Isjeak iz filma Ciguli Miguli, 1952.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.162

    7

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 163

    [promatra i uoava] velike tvornice kojima upravljaju radnici, nove ceste, mostove i radni elan u duhu tadanje socrealistike revolucije. Na povratku u redakciju... prenosi Judinu svoje dojmove, na to ga ovaj u divljem bijesu baca u zatvor. U zadnjem kadru [ filma] nesretni novinar uzalud protestira..., branei se da je rekao samo istinu

    Kasniji animirani filmovi, pak, posve su, manje ili vie, pod utjecajem disneyevske animacije.

    Dokumentarni filmI u dokumentarnim filmovima naglaavaju se ratna pobjeda, polet pri obnovi zemlje, stvaranje novoga drutva, udarniki pothvati, kontrasti staroga i novoga u slici. Komentari su posve razdragani ili patetino politiki, pri emu je slika najee kulisa ili ilustracija izgovorenoga. Pritom je bilo veoma vano obraunati se i s narodnim neprijateljima, primjerice u filmu Fedora Hanekovia Stepinac pred narodnim sudom iz 1947. godine. I u Filmskim pregledima od 1946. do 1950. uvijek je jasno naglaen propagandni cilj koji, u pravilu, uljepava zbilju. No unato tome, u razmatranom razdoblju su ostvarena realizirana i vrijedna umjetnika dokumentarna djela, posebice potkraj razdoblja kada se postupno naputa socrealistiki stil velianja uloge pojedinca u masovnoj klasnoj borbi (solidarni kolektivizam) te prenaglaavanja ideja pravde i jednakosti.

    I. krabalo posebno navodi propagandne dokumentarce nastale u razmatranom razdoblju o osnivanju seljakih radnih zadruga u sklopu prisilnih mjera kolektivizacije kojima su se seljaci opirali. Rije je o filmovima ponajboljih dokumentarista, nastalih 1947. (Koralji i spuvari Rudolfa Sremca), 1948. (Elektrifikacija Branka Belana i Na novome putu Kree Golika) i 1949. godine (Vritina i klasje B. Belana). U takvim se filmovima oekivala, stoga i najee dobivala lakirovka (uljepana stvarnost), ali mimo propagandne namjene te zadanih tema i estetike ostvarena su i djela vrhunske vrijednosti, poput 1948. nastalih filmova B. Belana (Tunolovci) i K. Golika (Jo jedan brod je zaplovio). U tim se filmovima barem dijelom nastojao izbjei socrealizam. No i kada su filmovi ispunjavali propagandistike zahtjeve, neki su ipak bunkerirani. Jedan od njih je, kako navodi Petar Krelja u tekstu Prijateljska kamera R. Sremca, objavljenom u Hrvatskome filmskom ljetopisu (br. 67, Zagreb, 2011., 9092), ve spomenuti Sremev film o podmorju iz razloga to se u nekoliko kadrova filma zajedno pojavljuju portreti Vladimira I. Lenjina, Josifa V. Staljina i Josipa Broza Tita.

    Igrani filmPrvi socrealistiki dugometrani igrani film u nas je svakako Afrieva Slavica iz 1947. godine, iako jo traju sporenja je li taj film hrvatski (s temom ivota

    u Dalmaciji i s hrvatskom ekipom) ili jugoslavenski (srbijanska produkcija). U tom filmu o poecima partizanske mornarice dominiraju filmska naiva, emotivnost i melodramatinost. Takav socrealistiki pristup prisutan je u cijelom djelu, posebice u zavrnici o junakom rtvovanju ivota za ope dobro, kada se u film unose i elementi folklornog realizma.

    Drugi igrani film, takoer iz 1947. godine ivjet e ovaj narod Nikole Popovia posveen je obradi teme o poecima djelovanja Komunistike partije (KP) u zapadnoj Bosni. Pojedinane sudbine uklopljene su u masovnu sliku jedinstva naroda i KP, posebno u Narodnooslobodilakoj borbi (NOB) kada se raa novo doba/nova zbilja, pri emu se veliaju voa NOBa, KP i prednosti kolektivnoga nad pojedinanim te naglaava zajamena sretna budunost. Tu optereenost ideologijom prate patetina glazba i teatralni glumaki nastup, ime nastaje svojevrsna freska o ratu, puna poleta i osjeajnosti te revolucionarne retorike.

    Trei je film Zastava u reiji Branka Marjanovia iz 1949. godine komorni i gotovo bez spektakla, ostvaren sa znatno manje sredstava, ali i nadalje sadrajno, kako se navodi na portalu film.hr, slian ostalim filmovima iz tog razdoblja:

    [U filmu] balerina Marija..., uasnuta postupcima okupator i ustaa..., spaava zastavu palih partizana, pridruujui se NOBu... Postaje predana narodna umjetnica i oduevljeni borac za slobodu. [Zavrno], u bitci za Kalnik..., ponosno istie crvenu zastavu na njegovom vrhu.

    Zastava je, unato nizu moguih primjedbi, ozbiljno ostvarenje (drugi poslijeratni hrvatski, a sedmi jugoslavenski film), tovie ogledni primjer kako umjetnost, koritenjem narodne umjetnosti, moe sluiti ideologiji, iako je i u njemu prisutna patetika u redateljskom, glumakom i vizualnome smislu.

    Sljedee, 1950. godine snimljena je sportska komedija Plavi 9 u reiji K. Golika, populistiki anrovski film s utjecajem socijalistikog realizma, ime prerasta u didaktiku komediju, to se oituje u propagiranju duha kolektivizma, pripadnosti partiji, narodu... Solidarnost i kolektivizam su pritom u opreci spram individualizma.

    Potom F. Hanekovi 1951. snima film Bakonja fra Brne, adaptaciju romana knjievnika Sime Matavulja. Iako je film statian i umrtvljen, naglaeno didaktian te ostvaren s karikiranim likovima i kao pamflet, smatra se, i prema prikazu povijesti hrvatskog filma I. krabala, uzoritim ostvarenjem socijalistikog realizma: u filmu se koriste osnovni elementi djela graanskog realizma te se oblikuje film u djelo socijalistikog realizma. Pritom se film idejno osmiljava, uz naglaavanje socijalnih opreka, koristei od romana samo ono to je tipino za likove i pozadinu, a da se pritom posve ne odstupa od originalnog djela.

    (7) lanak iz Vjesnika, 1952.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.164

    8

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 165

    Uz ta djela filmski kritiar Nenad Polimac spominje i 1992. pronaeni film Tajna dvorca I.B. Milana Katia koji je snimljen 1951. godine. Za njega se donedavno nije znalo jer nigdje nije bilo zabiljeeno da postoji niti je bio ikada prikazan, a samo zato to predstavlja oevidno prerano nastalu politiku satiru o Rezoluciji Informacijskog biroa komunistikih partija (IB/Informbiro). Meutim, ranije spomenuti film Veliki miting N. Neugebauera, takoer politika satira o IBu iz iste, 1951. godine, nije nestao mogue zato to nije bio igrani film nego tek crti. Ipak, nestali su, i to zauvijek, filmovi/politike satire Profesor Budalastov B. Marjanovia i Oktavijana Miletia iz 1948. te Kerempuhov dnevnik Bogdana Maraia iz 1951. godine.

    Socijalistiki realizam u igranom filmu bio je, sve u svemu, prisutan u poslijeratnoj kinematografiji organiziranoj po sovjetskom modelu koja je bila strogo centralizirana i kontrolirana te manje ili vie izraena i vidljiva u ve spomenutim filmovima ivjet e ovaj narod N. Popovia iz 1947., Plavi 9 K. Golika iz 1950. i Bakonja fra Brne F. Hanekovia iz 1951. te drugim djelima, i to ponajbolje u filmu Plavi 9 te, samo donekle, i u filmu K. Golika Djevojka i hrast, takoer K. Golika, iz 1955. o tekom ivotu seoskih ena u dalmatinskom kamenjaru.

    Javljali su se, meutim, i otkloni od socijalistikog realizma, pomaci koji su se humorom opirali

    takvom pristupu, primjerice u filmu Ciguli Miguli B. Marjanovia iz 1952. godine, u kojemu se, konkretno, ismijava lokalna vlast. Film je zabranjen (dozvolu za prikazivanje dobio je tek 1977., a javno je predstavljen tek 1989. godine) jer je tadanja vlast smatrala da se u djelu u kojemu se, dodue, ismijava sovjetski, ironizira i jugoslavenski komunizam satirikim prikazom birokracije i malograantine te humoristinim odnosom spram kolektivizacije i nacionalizacije. Partiji je tim gore bilo i to to je autor scenarija bio Joa Horvat, njen ovjek. Partijsku skupnu ocjenu takvih stvaralaca i djela dao je Milutin Balti, jedan od tada vodeih politiara:

    Takvi su umjetnici lani umjetnici. Upravo onako kao to je laan film Ciguli Miguli.

    Naposljetku, ima jo hrvatskih filmova u kojima je, makar u tragovima, mogue pronai naznake socrealizma, primjerice U oluji Vatroslava Mimice iz 1952. godine, filmskoj melodrami sa shematiziranim likovima. Pritom V. Mimica, kao i K. Golik, uspjeno prikriva vladajuu ideologiju, to je stalna pojava i kod ostalih tadanjih hrvatskih filmskih redatelja, poput B. Bauera (Sinji galeb, 1953. i Milijuni na otoku, 1955.), B. Belana (Koncert,1954) i drugih.

    9

    (8) lanak iz asopisa Izvor br. 1/2, 1951

    (9) lanak iz Vjesnika, 1952.

  • Od kULTURE za MaSE dO MaSOvNE kULTUREMaa Kolanovi

    1

    REFLEkSIJE vREMENa 1945. 1955.166

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 167

    Revolucionarne drutvene promjene, koje su u Jugo sla viji nastupile s Drugim svjetskim ratom i ne po sredno nakon njega, diskurzivno su kooptirale sve drutvene prakse, pri emu je kultura bila iznimno vano polje na kojemu se istodobno odvijala i ogledala burna politika dinamika vremena.1

    Ve i u vrijeme same Narodnooslobodilake borbe (NOB) revolucionarni se kulturnoumjetniki ivot javljao u obliku razliitih manifestacija partizanskog folklora, amaterskog kulturnog rada i slinih aktivnosti.2 Ta se snaga nastojala zadrati, osnaiti te primjereno artikulirati i nakon okonanja rata. Prioriteti novog drutva u njegovoj politikoj emancipaciji ogledali su se u stvaranju autentine socijalistike kulture koja je trebala prekoraiti klasnu opreku graanske kulture te postati dostupnom svim narodnim slojevima. Navedeni zahtjevi neposredno nakon rata u Jugoslaviji kao i u ostalim zemljama koje su prihvatile socijalizam kao novo drutveno ureenje odvijali su se pod okriljem normativne poetike socijalistikog realizma i Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalistikih Republika (SSSR) kao drutvenog, politikog i kulturnog autoriteta.3 Formiranje i provedba takve kulturne politike bili su sastavni dio partijskog programa socijalistikog preoblikovanja drutva nakon 1945. za ije se provoenje u prvim poslijeratnim godinama brinulo posebno oformljeno agitacijskopropagandno tijelo Agitprop.4 S obzirom na sredinju ulogu naroda u politikom sustavu tzv. narodne demokracije u Jugoslaviji proces legitimacije vlasti jugoslavenskog, dakle i hrvatskoga politikog poslijeratnog sustava temeljio se na rastvaranju naroda u masu,5 a kulturna je politika postavljena na iroku osnovu zadovoljavanja najosnovnijih kulturnih potreba naroda. Sm se projekt stvaranja i unapreivanja zajednike kulture nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata u nainu svoje artikulacije u cijelosti moe promatrati kao prosvjetiteljski populistiki projekt omasovljenja kulture kojom je dominantna ideologija simboliki i materijalno utvrivala svoju mo.

    Stvaranje nove socijalistike inteligencije koja e biti angairana u aparatu Agitpropa u domovima kulture, Jugoslavenskoj akademiji znanosti i umjet

    nosti, kazalinim,6 kulturnim ustanovama, kulturnoprosvjetnim odborima, sveuilitima, kolama itd.

    te odana partijskim ciljevima bio je prioritet nove kulturne politike,7 pri em su filmska umjetnost8 i knjievnost9 imale kljunu ulogu u spomenutom projektu kulturnog omasovljenja. U izgradnji novog socijalistikog drutva poslijeratna kulturna mobilizacija bezrezervno je prizvala domae intelektualce i umjetnike pri emu su posebno knjievnici imali vanu, gotovo mitsku ulogu unutar politikog narativa vremena, potvrenu ve i tijekom samog rata poput one Vladimira Nazora, Ivana Gorana Kovaia i dr. Isto tako, same rasprave o knjievnosti objavljene u asopisima Izvor, Republika, Kulturni radnik i dr. ine iznimno vrijedan dokument za rekonstrukciju kulturne klime vremena. U njima svoje tekstove objavljuju svi vaniji akteri javnog ivota toga vremena u rasponu od Radovana Zogovia do Miroslava Krlee.

    U skladu s ve spomenutom sredinjom ulogom na roda u provedbi nove kulturne politike, pojmovi narod, iroke narodne mase ili nerijetko samo mase po sta ju temeljna simbolika vrijednost u raspravama o knjievnosti. Sama povezanost naroda i knjievnosti, sluenja knjievnika irokim narodnim masama, traenja inspiracije u narodu i velianje SSSRa neizostavan je lajtmotiv veine tekstova objavljenih u tom razdoblju, bez obzira na stupanj ideologiziranosti njihova dis kursa. Tako, primjerice, M. Krlea 1945. kao uzor no voga pravca knjievnosti naglaava snagu mase kao va an faktor poslijeratne obnove i modernizacije drutva,10 dok 1946. pie i o vojnikom geniju sovjetskih voj nika i hrabrosti Josifa Visarionovia Staljina kao voj skovoe.11

    I Savez knjievnika Jugoslavije, o ijem radu na Glavnoj skuptini Drutva knjievnika Hrvatske

    1 Pojam polje upotrebljavam u znaenju kako ga je artikulirao francuski sociolog Pierre Borudieu u svojoj knjizi The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, New York, Columbia University Press, 1993.

    2 Usp. Jeli Ivan i dr., ur., Kultura i umjetnost u NOBu i socijalistikoj revoluciji u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb, Institut za historiju radnikog pokreta, 1975.

    3 Usp. Vojislav Mataga, Knjievna kritika i teorija socijalistikog realizma, Zagreb, Grafiki zavod Hrvatske, 1987.

    4 Usp. Zlata Knezovi, Obiljeja boljevizacije hrvatske kulture (1945.1947.), asopis za suvremenu povijest (SP), 24, Zagreb, 1992., 106108, i Ljubodrag Dimi, Agitprop kultura: agitpropovska faza kulturne politike u Srbiji: 19451952. godine, Beograd, Rad, 1988.

    5 Usp. Katarina Spehnjak, Funkcioniranje plebiscitarne demokracije, SP, 13, Zagreb, 1991., 217.

    6 Uz sredinju kazalinu instituciju Hrvatskoga narodnog kazalita (HNK), nakon 1945. posvuda se osnivaju nove samostalne kazaline institucije: 1948. Zagrebako kazalite lutaka i Pionirsko kazalite, 1949. Kerempuhovo vedro kazalite i dr., a izvan Zagreba kazalita dobivaju brojni drugi gradovi: Bjelovar, Dubrovnik, Karlovac, Poega, Pula, Rovinj, ibenik, Vinkovci, Zadar itd. (usp. Nikola Batui, Kazalite pedesetih, u: Zvonko Makovi i dr., ur., Pedesete godine u hrvatskoj umjetnosti, Zagreb, Hrvatsko drutvo likovnih umjetnika, 2004., 158177.

    7 Usp. Lj. Dimi, n.dj., 119.8 O tome usp. Daniel J. Goulding:

    Jugoslavensko filmsko iskustvo 1945.2001. godine: osloboeni film, Zagreb, V.B.Z., 2004., Tomislav aki, Hrvatski film klasinog razdoblja: ideologizirani filmski diskurs i modeli otklona, Hrvatski filmski ljetopis, 38, Zagreb, 2004., 633, Nikica Gili, Uvod u povijest hrvatskoga igranog filma, Zagreb, Leykam International, 2010., i dr.

    9 Usp. Kreimir Nemec, Povijest hrvatskog romana, III., Zagreb, kolska knjiga, 2003., te isti, Sozialisticher Realismus und der kroatische Roman, u: R. Laure: Kroatien: Kultur Sprache Literatur, Gttingen, 2005, 187204.

    10 Usp. M. Krlea, Knjievnost danas, Republika, 1, Zagreb, 1945., 158.

    11 Isti, Staljinska pobjeda pred Moskvom, Borba, 22. veljae 1946. godine.

    3

    (1) Iz biblioteke Radnikog doma / autor nije registriran

    (2) Marijan Detoni, Izgradimo opustoenu domovinu, 1945. (kat. br. 143)

    (3) Nepoznati autor, Svi na smotru brigada, 1949. (kat. br. 164)

    2

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.168

    5

    6

    4

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 169

    (DKH) u Zagrebu 23. veljae 1947. obavjetava knjievnik i kritiar Zdenko tambuk, pred knjievnike postavlja zahtjev prema kojemu:

    ...narod i njegova vlast moe i treba da trai... da ispunimo zadatke koje nova stvarnost postavlja specifino na nas knjievnike.12

    S druge stane V. Nazor obraajui se istom skupu o specifinom odnosu knjievnika i narodnih masa naglaava:

    [K]njievnici imaju u sebi sredstvo i mogunost nai kratke putove ne samo do srca pojedinaca, nego i do oveih narodnih masa.13

    Takvi zahtjevi istodobno podrazumijevaju i kritiku graanske kulture koja je kulturu i umjetnost smatrala povlasticom vladajue klase. Idealni bi recipijent knjievnosti u socijalistikom drutvu stoga, prema shvaanjima Joe Horvata, trebao dolaziti iz redova radnitva koje knjievnici, kako tvrdi, jo nisu uzeli kao relevantan faktor svog knjievnog stvaralatva. Stoga on apostrofira udarnika kao privilegirani drutveni lik za kojega bi i o kojemu bi knjievnici trebali pisati:

    []to bismo mi uinili, da jednoga dana doe u nae udruenje rudar iz Rae i da nam veli: Drugovi, JA svakodnevno premaujem normu za toliko i toliko postotaka. Udarnik sam, teko radim, asno ispunjavam svoje obaveze. Zar JA i meni slini ne zasluujemo, da vi piete o nama? to bismo mi uinili, da nam tako dou brigadiri iz radnih zadruga, udarnici s Omla

    dinske pruge, novatori nae industrije, vrijedni itatelji seoskih kola i da nas pitaju, kad e ve jednom postati oni junaci naih drama, novela i romana? Da se to dogodi, meni lino bilo bi prilino neugodno, a vjerojatno i vama svima.14

    Jedna od specifinosti socrealistike kulturne prakse u godinama neposredno nakon Drugog svjetskog rata bila je poravnavanje granica izmeu tzv. visoke i tzv. niske kulture na nain da su pred sve tekstove i prakse postavljeni jednaki zahtjevi. Tako, primjerice, prvi poslijeratni stripovi objavljivani u dnevnima i tjednim listovima nose imena Sovjetski junaci: Radista komsomolac, Zlatni kljui (prema romanu Alekseja Nikolajevia Tolstoja), Pionir edo, Udarnik Ratko i dr.,15 dok DKH 1947. izdaje zbornik Na pruzi u kojemu su okupljeni tekstovi Josipa Barkovia, Vjekoslava Kaleba, Jure Katelana, Gustava Krkleca, Slobodana Novaka, Marijana Matkovia, Vesne Parun, Grigora Viteza i dr. na temu izgradnje pruge amacSarajevo. Svi tekstovi beziznimno veliaju kult udarnitva u socrealistikoj maniri reprezentacije tijela upregnutog u izgradnju domovine i razvoj drutvenih interesa, tijela koje ne pristaje na hedonizam, inidividualizam i druge zapadnjake dekadentne vrijednosti. Za ilustraciju mogu posluiti stihovi pjesme Pred tunelom G. Viteza:

    Mladosti bujna, miico tvrda!Probijmo tunel kroz sva brda,Kroz sva brda i kroz sve tmine,Pruimo staze, ceste, ine,Da protjeramo vagna krdaKroz ove klance domovine.

    12 Z. tambuk, O naoj knjievnosti i knjievnim prilikama, Republika, 3, Zagreb, 1947., 152.

    13 V. Nazor, Govor poasnog predsjednika DKHa i poasnog predsjednika Saveza knjievnika Jugoslavije, Republika, 3, Zagreb, 1947., 146.

    14 J. Horvat, Na rad i nai zadaci. Izvjetaj tajnika Glavnoj godinjoj skuptini DKHa u Zagrebu, 1. veljae 1948. godine, Republika, 3, Zagreb, 1948., 224.

    15 Usp. Darko Macan, Hrvatski strip 1945.1954. godine, Zagreb, Mentor, 2007., 1518.

    7 8

    (4) Teaj za strune radnike u ribarskoj industriji / Milan Pavi

    (5) Snimka knjiga naklade Naprijed / Zlatko Zrnec

    (6) Priprema za strune radnike u proizvodnji koncentrata od rajice u tvornici prerade rajice / Milan Pavi

    (7) Omladinski aktiv Partizanske gimnazije marala Tita, Zagreb / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 308)

    (8) Prosvjetni vagon dekoracija unuranjosti vagona s fotografijama / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.170

    Nek vrela radost oku brizne,Neka to prije na voz stigneDo prve stanice socijalizma!16

    Uz navedene tekstove koji se bave temama Drugog svjetskog rata i poslijeratne obnove kao mitskih mjesta socijalistikog drutva treba spomenuti i druge: Iza prve linije (1945.), Na zagrebakoj fronti (1945.), Sinovi slobode (1948.), Iz borbe i izgradnje (1949.) J. Barkovia, Pjesme partizanke (1943.), S partizanima (1943.1945.), Kurir Loda (1946.), Partizanka Mara

    (1946.), Legende o drugu Titu (1946.), Pionir Grujo (1947.) V. Nazora, Demonja (1950.) Milana Noinia, Pralja Pavlova (1952.) Mate Beretina i dr. I neki drugi autori, iju poetiku nismo navikli povezivati sa socrealizmom, u to su vrijeme dali svoj skromni prilog socrealistikoj poetici. Tako, primjerice, Ivo Andri u poslijeratnoj pripovijetci Elektrobih velia Plan petoljetke i Dravno poduzee za elektrifikaciju Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) po ijem je imenu pripovijetka dobila ime, a samu elektrifikaciju i modernizaciju BiH rabi kao konkretiziranu metaforu svijetle budunosti:

    16 Prema: M. Matkovi, ur., Na pruzi: zbornik radova knjievnika iz Hrvatske o pruzi amacSarajevo, Zagreb, DKH, 1947., 59.

    9

    (9) Proslava 1. maja 1947. / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 171

    ELEKTROBIH! ELEKTROBIH! Pale se i gase neumorno slova te rei, a izmeu svakog paljenja i gaenja ostaje za sekundu iskra u dnu oinjeg vida. I voen tom svetlou, ovek prelazi u sebi tako iz mrane prolosti u obasjanu budunost i obratno, a u isto vreme stupa gradskim ulicama, stupa brzo, kao vojnik u beskrajnoj povorci Petogodinjeg plana i elektrifikacije Bosne, zemlje sa malo videla, i osea da tako, sa jednim drugom pred sobom a drugim za sobom, ide u susret boljim vremenima. Taj put nije ni kratak ni lak, ali sumnje nema da on vodi ka cilju, ka vremenu kad e u Bosni biti sa svakim danom sve manje suza i sve vie svetlosti, kad e za seljaka biti stvoreni povoljniji uslovi ivota i kad e i na selima ljudi moi biti prosveeniji, naravi blae, noi manje mrane i gluve, kad mlade uiteljice nee plakati zbog zaostalih sela, zbog planinskog mraka i bedne lampice, kad suza ove vrste, jadnih, nemonih suza bez pomoi i odbrane, nee biti u nas, kad e se estogodinjim deacima urezivati radosniji prizori u seanje. A za njim, na visokoj kui, jednako krue i pozivaju na elektrifikaciju

    vatrena slova, neumorno kao priroda sama. ELEKTROBIH! ELEKTROBIH!17

    U razmatranju navedenih populistikih zahtjeva nove kulture i knjievnosti treba takoer napomenuti da je javnom ivotu knjievnosti18 dano veoma vano mjesto. DKH u izvjetaju o svojim aktivnostima navodi literarne veeri odrane u Domu Armije, u rajonskima domovima kulture i drugdje u cilju upoznavanja masa s knjievnou i popularizacije knjievnosti.19 I u drugim izvjetajima DKHa redovito se navode te aktivnosti ostvarene putem razliitih manifestacija i priredaba, sudjelovanja u sindikalnim i frontovskim organizacijama, gostovanja u artiljerijskim kolama, suradnje s knjievnicima koji se javljaju iz radnitva i seljatva itd.20

    Isti se zahtjevi postavljaju i pred iri simboliki prostor kulturnoznanstvenih ustanova koje je takoer zahvatio val raslojavanja. No, uloga Matice hrvatske svedena je na izdavaki program i ukljuena u iri

    17 I. Andri: Elektrobih, u: isti, Pod grabiem. Pripovetke o ivotu bosanskog sela, Sarajevo, Seljaka knjiga, 1952., 85.

    18 Pojam upotrebljavam prema: David Carter & Kay Ferres, The public life of literature, u: Tony Bennett D. Carter, ed., Culture in Australia: Policies, Publics and Programs, Cambridge, University Press, 2001.

    19 Usp. Z. tambuk, n.dj., 157158.20 Usp. J. Horvat, Na rad i nai

    zadaci..., n. djelo.

    10

    12

    13 11

    (10) Nepoznati autor, Novopeeni demokrati, 1945. (kat. br. 158)

    (11) Nepoznati autor, Predizborne odluke, 1945. (kat. br. 162)

    (12) Nepoznati autor, Narodno sito, 1945. (kat. br. 156)

    (13) Nepoznati autor, Nema vie povratka na staro, 1945. (kat. br. 157)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.172

    14

    15

    (14) Iz asopisa Izvor: list knjievnika i umjetnika samoaktivista br. 2, 1945.

    (15) Knjinica V. rajona na zagrebakoj Trenjevci / Kelemeni

    (16) Prosvjetnoizlobeni vagon Nakladnog zavoda Hrvatske na Glavnom kolodvoru u Zagrebu 1947. / Milan Pavi

    (17) Ministar prosvjete NR Hrvatske prof. Ivo Babi i njegov pomonik Palok razgledavaju izlobeni vagon / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 173

    se vrijednostima socrealistika kritika obraunavala totalitarnim rjenikom pa su se tako na meti ideoloke kritike Erivna inka, Grge Gamulina, R. Zogovia i dr. nala djela Vladana Desnice, V. Parun, Tina Ujevia, Petra egedina i dr.25

    Zapadnjake vrijednosti u popularnokulturnim tekstovima i praksama doivjele su jednaku ideoloku osudu, posebice kada je u pitanju filmska umjetnost. Tako se u rubrikama filmskih kritika knjievnih i kulturnih asopisa uz kritiku pojedinanih filmova nerijetko nalaze i openita promiljanja filmske umjetnosti u kojima je masovnost beziznimno smatrana pozitivnom vrijednou. No u navedenim raspravama o filmu problematian je prije svega njegov sadraj za iji se negativan primjer navode proizvodi holivudske filmske industrije. Kada je u pitanju popularna kultura, Amerika je i inae redovito semantiki pokrivala spektar znaenja krilatice dekadentni Zapad bilo da je rije o filmu, knjievnosti, glazbi, modi i sl. Kako je 1947. rekao Milovan ilas u godinama prije sukoba s Josipom Brozom Titom i odlaska u zatvor, a potom i u emigraciju u Sjedinjene Amerike Drave:

    Amerika je na zakleti neprijatelj kao i jazz, njezin proizvod.26

    Filmu bliska uloga ideolokog djelovanja na iroke mase dodijeljena je i radiju.27

    S 1948. nastupaju krucijalne promjene u meunarodnoj poziciji Jugoslavije. Te je godine dolo do znamenitoga Titovog suprotstavljanja Staljinu i dominaciji SSSRa na Balkanu to je rezultiralo optubom Jugoslavije za nacionalizam i izbacivanjem jugoslavenskih komunista iz Informacijskog biroa komunistikih partija

    kulturni projekt prosvjeivanja naroda i usmjeravanja vlastitih edicija najirim narodnim masama. Slinu je sudbinu doivjelo i sveuilite koje je izgubilo sredinju simboliku mo u konkurenciji s drutvenim ustanovama poput domova narodnog prosvjeivanja, narodnih sveuilita, kulturnih ustanova i sl.21

    Od teajeva za likvidaciju nepismenosti, izgradnje to veeg broja kulturnih ustanova, poput domova kulture, radnikih domova, tzv. crvenih kutia, itaonica i organiziranih teajeva za knjiniare do kulturnoumjetnikoga rada radnike klase kroz amaterske sekcije, radnike zborove, muzike sekcije, priredbe, osnivanja kulturnoumjetnikih drutava i dr. oituje se temeljni znaaj pribliavanja kulture i umjetnosti radnikoj klasi te naglaavanje njezine kljune uloge u ostvarivanju kulturne revolucije.22 esto rabljena sintagma kultura za mase u javnom diskursu kao imperativna drutvena vrijednost neposredno nakon 1945. tako upuuje na respektabilan odnos hrvatskih/jugoslavenskih intelektualaca prema masovnim i popularnim aspektima kulture i knjievnosti kao bitno socijalistiki pogled na kulturu i narav radnike klase.23

    U sustavu izraenih binarnih vrijednosti neposredno nakon rata, SSSR je beziznimno percipiran kao pozitivan drutveni lik, dok je kapitalistiki Zapad ideoloki stigmatiziran ustaljenom metaforikom negativnog vrijednosnog predznaka. Pritom je posebno bila djelatna ideoloka sintagma dekadentni Zapad kada je rije o cjelini odnoenja spram druge slike svijeta koja se oznaavala buroaskom, a semantiki je pokrivala graanska strujanja, pravce i miljenja kao to su artizam, dekadencija, individualizam, egzistencijalizam, kubizam, nadrealizam i dr.24 S navedenim

    21 Usp. Biljana Kai, Politika kulture, ideologijsko mapiranje, zasjeci, u: Nada KisiKolanovi i dr., ur., 1945. razdjelnica hrvatske povijesti, zbornik radova sa znanstvenog skupa odranoga 5. i 6. svibnja 2006. u Hrvatskome institutu za povijest (HIP) u Zagrebu, Zagreb, HIP, 2006., 112113.

    22 Usp. Lj. Dimi, n.dj., 8083.23 Usp. Stuart Hall, Biljeke uz

    dekonstruiranje popularnog , u: Duda Dean, prir., Politika teorije, zbornik rasprava iz kulturalnih studija, Zagreb, Disput, 2006., 302.

    24 Usp. B. Kai, n.dj., 132133.25 Usp. E. inko, Dvije knjige

    P. egedina, Republika, III/6, Zagreb, 1947., 405408., G. Gamulin, Uz prvi roman P. egedina, Republika, III/12, Zagreb, 1947., 930944., R. Zogovi, Na popritu, Beograd, Kultura, 1947, Marin Franievi, Pisci i problemi, Zagreb, Kultura, 1948., te isti, Zimsko ljetovanje V. Desnice, Republika, VI/7, Zagreb, 1950., 456457.

    26 Prema Dean Vuletic, European sounds, Yugoslav visions: performing Yugoslavia at the Eurovision song contest, u: Breda Luthar Marua Punik, ed., Remembering Utopia: The Culture of Everyday Life in Socialist Yugoslavia, Washington DC, New Academia Publishing, 2010, 125.

    27 Usp. Nikola Vonina, Dvanaest prevratnih godina: 1941.1953.: Prilozi za povijest radija u Hrvatskoj, II., Zagreb, Hrvatski radio, 1997., Zrinjka Petruko, ur., Uvod u medije, Zagreb, Naklada Jesenski i Turk Hrvatsko filoloko drutvo, 2011., i Klara Jakeli, Kratki pregled povijesti radija u Narodnoj Republici Hrvatskoj 1945.1952. godine, 2011., rukopis.

    16 17

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.174

    24

    19

    25

    18 20

    26

    27

    22

    28

    21 23

    29

    (18) Marijan Matkovi (ur.), Na pruzi, 1947. (kat. br. 259)

    (19) Josip Barkovi, Sinovi slobode, 1948. (kat. br. 257)

    (20) Vjekoslav Kaleb, Divota praine, 1954. (kat. br. 260)

    (21) Tin Ujevi, edan kamen na studencu, 1954. (kat. br. 261)

    (22) Naslovnica asopisa Republika br. 1, 1947. (kat. br. 275)

    (23) Naslovnica asopisa Republika br. 1, 1948. (kat. br. 279)

    (24) Naslovnica asopisa Republika br. 1, 1949.

    (25) Naslovnica asopisa Republika br. 7, 1950. (kat. br. 282)

    (26) Naslovnica asopisa Kulturni radnik br. 4, 1949. (kat. br. 283)

    (27) Naslovnica asopisa Krugovi br. 1, 1952. (kat. br. 286)

    (28) Naslovnica asopisa Izvor br. 12, 1951. (kat. br. 286)

    (29) Naslovnica asopisa Izvor: list knjievnika i umjetnika samoaktivista br. 3, 1945.

    (30) Iz asopisa Izvor br. 1, 1950.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 175

    (Informbiro).28 No te burne politike promjene nisu odmah zaivjele na kulturnom polju. Naime, iako je sukob sa staljinizmom otvorio mogunost kritikog preispitivanja administrativnocentralistikoga koncepta drutvenog ureenja, to nije bitno izmijenilo osnovne ciljeve i zadatke Komunistike partije u kulturnoj politici.29 tovie, ni u narednim desetljeima jugoslavenskog/hrvatskog socijalizma, socrealizam nije nestao kao spuvom izbrisan te su njegovi estetiki i ideoloki obrasci na specifian nain i nadalje cirkulirali kako umjetnikim tako i javnim politikim diskrusom, nerijetko prekriveni novim slojem bljetave zapadnjake glazure koji mu je posve dobro pristajao.30 Projekt omasovljenja kulture i dalje ostaje prioritet kulturne politike. Primjerice, u Kulturnom radniku, sredinjem asopisu za razmatranja masovnoga kulturnoprosvjetnog i umjetnikog rada pokrenutom 1948. u Zagrebu, ideja omasovljenja i popularizacije kulturnoumjetnikog ivota bez iznimke proima sve brojeve u godinama izmeu 1948. i 1952. U asopisu se redovito inzistira na sudjelovanju masa u kulturnom ivotu uz mnogobrojne praktine savjete i naputke za oivljavanje i omasovljenje javnog ivota knjievnosti.31 No ulaskom u pedesete godine sve vie dolazi do nominalnog naputanja socrealizma, a slika dotadanjega ideolokog neprijatelja se mijenja. Naime, u tome su se razdoblju poela otvarati vrata dotad nepoeljnim simbolikim tvorevinama sa Zapa

    da, dok su one s Istoka podvrgnute otroj kritici. Tako se, primjerice, u tekstovima hrvatskih intelektualaca od 1949. primjeuje znaajna restigmatizacija ideolokih neprijatelja; odnos prema sovjetskim piscima i umjetnicima se zaotrava o emu se izjanjavaju i jugoslavenski/hrvatski knjievnici;32 oita dominacija ruskoga kao glavnoga stranog jezika u kolama postupno nestaje kada se, od 1949. godine, uz ruski predaju i drugi strani jezici;33 nakon 1949. u domaim se kino dvoranama prikazuje sve vie filmova sa Zapada; u poetku pedesetih nestaje dominacija sovjetske literature u kazalitima i sl.,34 a uvoenje samoupravljanja potom odreuje i specifian jugoslavenski put u komunizam. Sve je to otvorilo put za novu strukturu osjeaja formiranu u pedesetim godinama 20. stoljea.35

    Kada je rije o naputanju socrealizma u knjievnosti kao kljuni se istupi obino navode referat O naoj kritici P. egedina 1949. na Drugom kongre su i Krlein govor na Treemu kongresu Saveza knjievnika Jugoslavije 1952. godine,36 kojim je potonji stavio peat na raskid sa socrealistikom idejom umjetnosti i prijeratni sukob na knjievnoj ljevici.37 Krlea je svoj referat, kako se prema nekim izvorima tumai, napisao u dogovoru s partijskim vrhom,38 a njegov poetak simboliki opisuje poziciju Jugoslavije na meunarodnoj politikoj sceni tih godina:

    28 O politikima i drutvenim aspektima povijesti Jugoslavije u tome razdoblju v. Darko Beki, Jugoslavija u Hladnom ratu: odnosi s velikim silama 1949.1955. godine, Zagreb, Globus, 1988., Duan Bilandi, Hrvatska moderna povijest, Zagreb, Golden marketing, 1999., Tvrko Jakovina, Socijalizam na amerikoj penici, Zagreb, Matica hrvatska, 2002., Ivo Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918.2008. godine, Zagreb, Europapress holding i Novi Liber, 2008., T. Jakovina, Trea strana Hladnog rata, Zagreb, Fraktura, 2011., te Ivo Banac, Sa Staljinom protiv Tita: informbiroovski rascjepi u jugoslavenskom komunistikom pokretu, Zagreb: Globus, Ljubljana: Delo, 1990.

    29 Usp. Lj. Dimi, n.dj., 253.30 Primjerice, u masovnim

    socijalistikim ritualima ili filmovima kasnijih desetljea jugoslavenskog socijalizma (usp. Andrej prah, ur.: Partizanski film, Ljubljana, Drutvo za irenje filmske kulture KINO!, 2010.

    31 Usp. Kulturni radnik br. 1 (A. R. Bogli, Organizacija knjievnih kruoka u kulturnoprosvjetnim drutvima, 3435, i H. Singer, Organizacija i rad kulturnoumjetnikih drutava, 1721), br. 3 (. V., Nekoliko napomena u vezi s prireivanjem knjievnih veeri, 181184.), br. 1011 (Tatjana Blaekovi, Neto o propagandi knjige i itanja, 565568), itd.

    32 Usp. I. Andri i dr., Odgovor jugoslavenskih knjievnika sovjetskim knjievnicima F. Glatkovu, N. Tihonovu i drugima, Republika, 23, Zagreb, 1949., 182187.

    33 Usp. D. Beki, n.dj., 134.34 Usp. Lj. Dimi, n.dj., 187.,

    i N. Batui, n.dj., 172.35 Pojam struktura osjeaja

    upotrebljavam prema britanskom teoretiaru Raymondu Williamsu iz njegova teksta Analiza kulture, u: D. Dean, prir., n.dj., 3563.

    36 Usp. Ljiljana Kolenik, Izmeu Istoka i Zapada. Hrvatska umjetnost i likovna kritika 50ih godina, Zagreb, Institut za povijest umjetnosti, 2006., i Ivica upan, Pragmatiari, dogmati, sanjari. Hrvatska umjetnost i drutvo 1950.ih godina, Zagreb, INA d.d. Meridijani, 2007.

    37 Usp. Stanko Lasi, Sukob na knjievnoj ljevici 1928.1952. godine, Zagreb, Liber, 1970.

    38 Usp. natuknicu Velimira Viskovia, Sukob na ljevici, u: V. Viskovi i dr., ur., Krleijana, Zagreb, Leksikografski zavod M. Krlea, 1999.

    30

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.176

    31

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 177

    Da, lako je bilo dijeliti lekcije i savjete dok smo ili paradnom linijom socijalistikog realizma, kad je dobro bilo viemanje obojeno bijelom bojom, a zlo crnom. Ali sada, kad se boje pomijeae...! Kako se tu snai?!43

    Ako se od 1948. do 1952. mogu primijetiti ostaci stare i prvi tragovi nove ideosfere,44 pri dubljemu ulasku u desetljee dolazi do znaajnih politikih promjena koje su imale svoje reflekse na polju kulture. Iste te 1952. godine kada M. Krlea dri govor na Treem kongresu jugoslavenskih knjievnika u Ljubljani, poinje izlaziti asopis Krugovi (1952.1958.) koji je zasluan za pluralizaciju kulturnog ivota u to vrijeme i otvaranje prema simbolikom prostoru Zapada preko prijevoda angloamerikog modernizma.45 U Krugovima su se afirmirali knjievnici i intelektualci mlae generacije: Zvonimir Golob, Radovan Ivi, Nikola Milievi, Slobodan Novak, Vlatko Pavleti, Josip Pupai, Ivan Slamnig, Antun oljan, Irena Vrkljan i dr. Usto, moe se primijetiti da se u tome asopisu na mala vrata proputaju zapadnjaki utjecaji ne samo u knjievnosti nego na polju popularne kulture. Simptomatinan je u tom pogledu tekst V. Pavletia kojim se otvara prvi broj asopisa, u kojemu, uz kritiku socrealistikog ograniavanja umjetnike slobode, istodobno izbija i autorovo neskriveno oduevljenje amerikim duhom artikulirano kroz, kako bi se to iz suvremene perspektive moglo nazvati, popularnokulturne stereotipe o Americi.46 Osobito je pritom zanimljiva usporedba amerikog duha s chewing gumom u kojoj se simbolika i znaenje gume za vakanje, tog najrasprostranjenijega simbola amerike popularne kulture47 upotrebljava s pozitivnim vrijednosnim konotacijama koje, dodue, nisu liene stanovite doze ironije.

    etiri godine minule su kako je naa zemlja odbila da se podredi staljinskom nasilju, prekinuvi vezu s onim organizacionim forumom koji je ostao kao neka vrsta publicistikog, informativnog surogata za Treu internacionalu. Da su se pisma Centralnog komiteta (CK) Svesavezne komunistike partije (SKP) pojavila upravo o stotoj obljetnici organizacije meunarodnoga proletarijata po svojim forumima proslavila upravo na tako nerazuman nain kao to su to uinile pod komandom CK SKP, sve to govori o golemoj intelektualnoj i moralnoj krizi meunarodnog proleterskog pokreta u ovom historijskom periodu. Izopeni iz meunarodne organizacije (u okviru koje smo se kao komunistiki pokret razvijali i borili vie od trideset godina), mi plovimo ve etiri godine sami.39

    Uvidom u grau knjievnih i kulturnih asopisa toga ra zdoblja moe se primijetiti da su oitovanja protiv SSSRa i socrealizma u umjetnosti nakon 1949. postala novom mentalnom figurom vremena. Naime, naputanje socrealizma u knjievnosti i umjetnosti nisu, kako se to uobiajeno misli, vodile iskljuivo prometejske figure knjievnokulturnoga ivota nego je ono, u kompleksnijoj ili manje kompleksnoj formi, na svojevrstan nain bilo ope mjesto javnoga diskursa toga vremena. Protiv socrealizma naime istupaju i intelektualci koji su ga prije raskida s Informbiroom gorljivo zastupali. Simptomatian je u tom smislu tekst iz 1951. E. inka, jednoga od istaknutijih teoretiara i praktiara socrealizma, u kojemu on, meu ostalim, kritizira masovnost socrealistike kulture i knjievnosti. Taj neko gorljivi apologet socrealizma i SSSRa kao drutvenog, politikog i kulturnoga ideala sada masovna svojstva socrealistike kulture i knjievnosti u svojoj kritici prispodobljuje masovnoj propagandi nacistike Njemake pa su se tako Adolf Hitler i Andrej A. danov nali na istoj liniji usporedbe koja bi samo nekoliko godina ranije djelovala sablasno.40 Za ilustraciju popularnokulturnih predodbi navedenoga politikog zaokreta dovoljno je pogledati satiriki asopis Kerempuh koji je poetkom pedesetih godina ispunjen karikaturama J. V. Staljina i satirikim komentarima na raun sovjetskog imperijalizma ili, pak, vidjeti kakva je propagandna uloga dodijeljena radiju u borbi protiv Informbiroa 1949. godine.41

    Hrvatski intelektualci na pragu pedesetih godina 20. stoljea sve vie raspravljaju o vlastitoj poziciji u novonastaloj politikoj situaciji. Primjerice, na godinjoj skuptini DKHa 1951. glavna je tema blokovska podijeljenost svijeta i pozicija Jugoslavije u toj podjeli. U tom sklopu opet treba naglasiti inkova zapaanja o dezorijentiranosti intelektualaca u kojoj su se nali nakon sukoba s Informbiroom,42 a slino se moe primijetiti i u tekstu knjievnika i kritiara J. Barkovia, autora Sinova slobode, reprezentativnoga socrealistikog romana u hrvatskoj knjievnosti, koji 1952. tvrdi:

    39 M. Krlea, Govor na kongresu knjievnika u Ljubljani, Republika, 1011, Zagreb, 1952.

    40 E. inko, Borba protiv naturalizma ili strah od ljudskog, Republika, 1011, Zagreb, 1951., 309326.

    41 Usp. K. Jakeli, n.dj., 8.42 Usp. E. inko, Govor na

    godinjoj skuptini DKH, Republika, 1, Zagreb, 1951., 111.

    43 J. Barkovi, O nervozi vremena, Krugovi, 3, Zagreb, 1952., 201.

    44 Pojam ideosfera upotrebljavam prema Rolandu Barthesu iz njegova teksta Ideosfere, Kultura, 44, Zagreb, 1979., 119134.

    45 Usp. Dunja DetoniDujmi, Krugovi, Zagreb, Zavod za znanost o knjievnosti Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveuilita u Zagrebu, 1995., Tatjana Juki, Hrvatske pedesete i prijevodi s engleskoga. Krugovai i sluaj Izdajica, u: Mirko Tomasovi i GluniBuani, Komparativna povijest hrvatske knjievnosti, zbornik radova V. (Krugovi i hrvatska knjievnost pedesetih godina prologa stoljea) sa znanstvenog skupa odranoga 19.20. rujna 2002. u Splitu, Split, Knjievni krug Split, 2003., 4959., te GluniBuani, Revolucija i melankolija: granice pamenja hrvatske knjievnosti, Zagreb, Naklada Ljevak, 2011.

    46 V. Pavleti, Neka bude ivost, Krugovi, 1, Zagreb, 1952.

    47 Usp. Michael Redclift, Chewing Gum. The Fortunes of Tase, New York London, Routledge, 2004.

    32

    (31) Iz asopisa Republika br. 1011, 1952.

    (32) Naslovnica asopisa Republika br. 7, 1952.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.178

    33

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 179

    Valja, meutim, isto tako napomenuti kako Krugovi nisu bili iskljuivo intravenozno primanje Zapada u socijalistiki kulturni organizam. Naime, u asopisu su nerijetko objavljivani tekstovi konzervativnih i dogmatskih pogleda na umjetnost, poput negativnog teksta Nikole Milievia o prozi I. Slaminga i A. oljana,48 koji se estetski i ideoloki diskvalificiraju upravo zbog svoje nepoudne sklonosti amerikom duhu.49

    Uza sve navedene ambivalentnosti koje tada postaju dominantno obiljeje hrvatskog/jugoslavenskog socijalizma, ivost je doista zavladala kulturnom praksom pedesetih. U to vrijeme su objavljeni: 1952. Sablasti u dvorcu Milana Begovia, Kurlani Mirka Boia i Djetinjstvo u Agramu M. Krlee, 1953. Hrvatsko glumite Branka Gavelle i Ruke Ranka Marinkovia, 1954. Prokleta avlija I. Andria, Divota praine V. Kaleba, Komorna muzika Slavka Mihalia i edan kamen na studencu T. Ujevia, 1955. Izgubljeni zaviaj S. Novaka, 1956. Aleja poslije sveanosti i Odron I. Slamniga i dr.50 Osniva se 1953. Zagrebako dramsko kazalite koje nije bilo utemeljeno dravnim dekretom nego je nastalo odlaskom mlade glumake i redateljske generacije na elu s B. Gavellom iz HNK, a u kojemu se pedesetih godina izvode Jean Anouilh, Samuel Beckett, Eugne Ionesco, Federico Garcija Lorca, Tennessee Williams i dr.51 Znaajne su promjene nastupile i na razini svakodnevice u kojoj se formira specifian jugoslavenski nain ivota obiljeen poletom vesternizacije. Jednom priputeni u jugoslavenski simboliki prostor, zapadnjaki utjecaji ostaju u njemu nepovratno prisutni, to e posebice doi do izraaja u narednima

    desetljeima jugoslavenskog socijalizma.52 Za reprezentaciju tog poleta vesternizacije s poetka pedesetih simptomatine su tada pokrenute popularne revije Svijet (1953.1992.) i Plavi vjesnik (1954.1973.), dok su reakcije intelektualaca na nove pojave prozapadnjake provenijencije uglavnom bile jo negativne. Primjerice, J. Horvat 1953. na godinjoj skuptini DKHa i dalje govori o sumnjivim pojavama u knjievnosti, izraavajui zabrinutost zbog sve veeg interesa za itanje popularne knjievnosti.53 I ostali sudionici rasprave jednoglasno osuuju sumnjive pojave u knjievnosti, poput loe literature u svescima i stripova. A Kulturni radnik i Republika, koji do tada nisu pokazivali interes za taj aspekt zapadnjake popularne kulture, sve ee objavljuju o njima negativno intonirane tekstove.54

    U navedenima se raspravama u gotovo shizofrenoj maniri susreu socrealistika koncepcija kulture iz druge polovice etrdesetih i ideja popularne kulture zapadnjake provenijencije koja s desetljeem pedesetih sve vie pojaava svoju prisutnost i simboliki utjecaj. Tako masovnost i popularizacija kao imperativni i vrijednosno pozitivni aspekti kulture prvih poratnih godina u pedesetim godinama 20. stoljea sve vie dobivaju svoju znaenjsku konkurenciju u pojmu masovna kultura koja se od tih godina prije svega odnosi na popularnu kulturu zapadnjake provenijencije. Od tog vremena jaa i distinkcija tzv. visoke i tzv. niske kulture koje e postati predmetom brojnih rasprava o kulturi i umjetnosti narednih desetljea jugoslavenskog/hrvatskog socijalizma.

    48 Usp. N. Milievi, Meuteam oljan Slamnig, Krugovi, 8, Zagreb, 1953., 714721.

    49 Nije nevano spomenuti kako 1952. u izdanju zagrebake Zore izlazi antologija Amerika lirika upravo u prijevodu I. Slamniga i A. oljana.

    50 Usp. K. Nemec, n.dj., i V. Viskovi, Knjievni ivot pedesetih, u: Z. Makovi i dr., ur., n.dj., 178189.

    51 Usp. N. Batui, n.dj., 160.52 Usp. Predrag Markovi,

    Beograd izmeu istoka i zapada, 19481965, Beograd, Slubeni list, 1996, Igor Duda, U potrazi za blagostanjem: o povijesti dokolice i potroakog drutva u Hrvatskoj 1950ih i 1960ih, Zagreb, Srednja Europa, 2005., Lada aleFeldman i Ines Prica, ur., Devijacije i promaaji: etnografija domaeg socijalizma, Zagreb, Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, 2006., Reana Senjkovi, Izgubljeno u prijenosu: pop iskustvo soc kulture, Zagreb, Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, 2008., I. Duda: Pronaeno blagostanje. Svakodnevni ivot i potroaka kultura u Hrvatskoj 1970ih i 1980ih, Zagreb, Srednja Europa, 2010., Zoran Janjetovi, Od Internacionale do komercijale: Popularna kultura u Jugoslaviji 19451991. godine, Beograd, Institut za noviju historiju Srbije, 2011, Tatjana Juki, Revolucija i melankolija. Granice pamenja hrvatske knjievnosti, Zagreb, Naklada Ljevak, 2011., Maa Kolanovi, Udarnik! Buntovnik? Potroa...Popularna kultura i hrvatski roman od socijalizma do tranzicije, Zagreb, Naklada Ljevak, 2011., Hrvoje Klasi, Jugoslavija i svijet 1968. godine, Zagreb, Naklada Ljevak, 2012., i Ljiljana Kolenik, ur., Socijalizam i modernost: umjetnost, kultura, politika 1950.1974. godine, Zagreb, Institut za povijest umjetnosti Muzej suvremene umjetnosti, 2012.

    53 J. Horvat, Izvjetaj o radu DKHa na godinjoj skuptini, Republika, 23, Zagreb, 1953., 289.

    54 Usp., primjerice, Zoran Palok, O bezvrijednoj literaturi i filmu, Kulturni radnik, 1, Zagreb, 1953., 2023.

    35

    (33) Plavi vjesnik br. 2, 1954.(34) Ivan Slamnig i Antun oljan

    (ur.), Amerika lirika, 1952. (kat. br. 264)

    (35) Naslovnica asopisa Svijet br. 1, 1954.

    34

  • DRUTVO

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.182

    ENE U FORMATIVNOM SOcIJALIzMURenata Jambrei Kirin

    1

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 183

    Maral Tito trai od organizacije Antifai sti ke fronte ena (AF) da u svojoj sredi ni preodgoji ene... i da stvori enu novog tipa, kao to je i naa zemlja nova, kao to je i naa drava drukija nego to je ikada ranije bila.1

    Nakon ratnih podviga koji su zadivili demokratski svijet, bive su partizanke2 i komunistkinje predvo-dile izgradnju modernog, sekularnog i prosvijeenog drutva u kojemu je trebala biti ostvarena puna rod-na ravnopravnost. No dok su masovno sudjelovale u raiavanju ruevina i obnovi poruene zemlje, politiki se izgraivale i kulturno uzdizale, a usput prekrajale vojnike injele u kapute, padobransku svilu u haljine i bluze, dovijale se kako nabaviti sapun ili komad mesa, kako zagrijati svoj dio stana i oprati rublje na rifljai,3 pobjednice su poele dvojiti oko lika i djela, izgleda i kompetencija nove ene. Veteran-ke su mahom dijelile osjeaj samosvijesti, ponosa i drutvene vanosti, doim su pojedine aktivistkinje

    enu novog tipa vidjele kao enu koja je kulturna, vrijedna i uredna te koja se pristojno vlada.4 Moda je razlog prijepora oko vienja nove ene to to su je definirali muki ideolozi, od Anatolija V. Lunaar-skog do Milovana ilasa i Vladimira Nazora, pridaju-i joj izuzetne ideoloke, etike i psiholoke osobine, ali i traei nemogue da se lii privatnog ivota i

    radosti ljubavi i materinstva, a da istodobno odgaja nova pokoljenja i potie mukarce na izvanredna postignua.5 Ni sve bive partizanke nisu imale ja-sno profilirana oekivanja od budunosti6 niti su dugo zadrale svoju privilegiranu poziciju jer su ih

    novi drutveni i modni trendovi te novi mentali-tet izgurali na marginu.7 Sovjetski model eline proleterke i udarnice u radnom odijelu ubrzo je iz-gubio na kredibilitetu, a lijepo odjevene i seksualno privlane ene ve 50-ih godina 20. stoljea osvajaju enski tisak i popularnu kulturu. Ipak, lik apstrak-tne heroine, koja se rtvuje za druge i za budunost, rado su oivljavali partizanski filmovi i spomeni-ka plastika, a slika nove ene zaposlene, neovisne i drutveno angairane, s kratkom kosom i obave-znom trajnom bila je snano propagandno sredstvo

    1 ene glasaju (izvod iz govora Anke Buan, predstavnice Dalmacije na plenumu Glavnog odbora (GO) AF-a Hrvatske 1946. godine), Naa moda, I/10, Zagreb, u studenome 1946. godine, 2.

    2 U partizanskim redovima 1941.1945. sudjelovalo je 100.000 ena boraca, to ini 34 posto pripadnika Narodnooslobodilake borbe (NOB), a dva milijuna ih je pomagalo Narodnooslobodilaki pokret. Poginulo ih je 25.000, 40.000 ih je ranjeno, a 91 ena proglaena je narodnim herojem (usp. Marija oljan et al., ur., ene Hrvatske u NOBu, Zagreb, GO Saveza enskih drutava Hrvatske, 1955.).

    3 Usp. Gordana Bosanac. Visoko elo: ogled o humanistikim perspektivama feminizma, Zagreb, Centar za enske studije (CS), 2010., 130.

    4 ene glasaju (izvod iz govora A. Buan), n.dj., 2.

    5 Usp. Renata Jambrei Kirin i Reana Senjkovi, Legacies of the Second World War in Croatian Cultural Memory: Women as Seen through the Media, Aspasia: International Yearbook of Central, Eastern, and Southeastern European Womens and Gender History, sv. 4, 2010, 7196.

    6 Ivana Panteli, Partizanke kao graanke, Beograd, Institut za savremenu istoriju Evoluta, 2011, 43.

    7 Svetlana Slapak, enske ikone XX veka, Beograd, Biblioteka XX vek igoja tampa, 2001, 209.

    2 3

    (1) I. kongres AF-a u Zagrebu 1945, govor Mace Greti / autor nije registriran

    (2) Ferdo Bis, 1. kongres AF, 1945.(3) Andrija Maurovi, ivjeli izbori

    za Ustavotvorni sabor, 1946. (kat. br. 149)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.184

    5

    6

    8

    4

    7

    (4) Kata Pejnovi, predsjednica AF-a Jugoslavije / autor nije registriran

    (5) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije

    (6) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije

    (7) Slijepa Roza Petkovi / autor nije registriran

    (8) Demonstracije u Zagrebu protiv ratnih zloinaca 1945. / autor nije registriran

    (9) Parada prilikom proslave 1. maja 1947. / Erik Karlo mid

    (10) Ersilvia Rismondo iz Rovinja / autor nije registriran

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 185

    oblikovanja nove drutvene stvarnosti, po ti cala je urbanizaciju i modernizaciju, a potom i prihvaanje ivotnih stilova i modnih trendova sa Zapada.

    Zakonom zajamena jednakopravnost ena, po uzo ru na Ustav Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalistikih Republi ka (SSSR) iz 1936. godine, znaila je pravo glasa i pravo odluivanja, pravo na obrazovanje, zapolja-vanje i jednaku cijenu rada, pravo na graanski brak, razvod i jednaka prava pri nasljeivanju. Uz zdrav-stvenu i soc i jal nu zatitu te organiziranu brigu o djeci, ova su prava znaajno pridonijela ekonomskoj samostal no sti ena i osjeaju samoosnaivanja. Ona su naj vi e pogodovala obrazovanim, kvalificiranim i za poslenima enama, doim je kod dominantnoga seoskog stanovnitva dolazilo do brojnih nesporazu-ma i otpora uslijed sraza tradicijskog i marksistikog vi e nja poeljnih rodnih odnosa.

    U tim okolnostima, sposobnost organizatorica razgranate mree AF drutava da pod istim nazi-vom i s istim revolucionarnim stijegom nastave okupljati velik broj ena i motivirati ih za dobrovoljni rad zasluuje pozornost.8 Popis poslova koje su afeej ke predano obavljale u prvim poratnim danima doi sta je impresivan: posjeta i darivanje ratnih in-va lida i demobiliziranih boraca, darivanje krvi, po-mo stradalim selima, krpanje i ivanje u djejim do mo vima, uvanje djece zaposlenih majki, upisi-vanje ena u birake popise, priprema ena za prve iz bo re, sudjelovanje u javnim radovima ienja gra da i izgradnji fiskulturnih stadiona, parkova i djejih igralita, pomo u uredima, agitacija meu omla dincima za odlazak na izgradnju savskog nasipa i pruge Brko-Banovii, organiziranje italakih sku-pina i raznih teajeva, odravanje masovnih i ku-nih sastanaka na kojima se tumai zadatak AF-a, novi poloaj ene, die se politika svijest ena.9 No politiko uzdizanje nije bilo usmjereno na afirmaciju autonomnih, odgovornih i informiranih graanki. Kao to je Josip Broz Tito u svom govoru na 1. kon-gresu AF-a 1945. u Beogradu jasno dao do znanja: od jugoslavenskih se naprednih ena oekivalo da opravdaju ukazano im povjerenje i svu svoju snagu posvete pitanju uvrenja nae vlasti.10

    Na rad na odgovorIntenzivna AF agitacija tijekom provedbe prvoga petogodinjeg plana prikazivala je radnicu i zadru-garku kao zamanjak razvoja o kojemu ovisi uspjeh socijalistikog projekta. Ideja osobnog osnaivanja i subjektiviranja na kojoj je poivala kampanja za opismenjavanjem ena i izlazak na izbore, a kasnije i projekt drutvene integracije, ustuknula je pred partijskom retorikom radne borbenosti koja je uzdi-zala zaposlene ene u uzor-borce u socijalistikoj iz-gradnji i ostvarivanju petogodinjeg plana i poticala ih na meusobnu kompeticiju i premaivanje normi. Ideja kako e poveani broj radnih sati i trudodana

    te natjecateljski duh rijeiti sve probleme nagle in-dustrijalizacije i zaostale poljoprivrede ponekad je graniila s apsurdom:

    [Mljekarice e] postati... borci za vei prinos mlijeka i u toj e borbi nastojati da pribave kravi to vie hrane, tj. da uzgoje to vie krmnog bilja, da zasijavaju livade, kako bi dobile vie sijena... Uei i borei se za vee prinose, natjeui se meusobno i nae e ene uspjeti da uzgoje takove krave, koje e dati i do 16.000 litara mlijeka godinje.11

    8 Usp. Lydia Sklevicky, AF: kulturnom mijenom do ene novoga tipa, u: Konji, ene, ratovi, prir. Dunja Rihtman Augutin, Zagreb, enska infoteka, 1996., 27.

    9 Hrvatski dravni arhiv (HDA), Zagreb, Konferencija za drutvenu aktivnost ena (KDAH), f. 1234, kut. 162, Aktivnosti i akcije AF-a 1945. godine.

    10 Prema I. Panteli, n.dj., 54.11 Prema: isto.

    10

    9

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.186

    (11) Naslovnica asopisa ena u borbi br. 12, 1949.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 187

    (12) Iz asopisa ena u borbi br. 6, 1949.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.188

    13

    16

    17

    18

    14 15

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 189

    Uredba o tome kako su sva poduzea i ustanove, kod kojih je zaposleno 20 i vie ena s djecom koju treba zbrinuti, duna osnivati djeje jaslica i djeje vrtie12 nije se potivala, iako je vanost socijalizacije obitelj-skih uloga kroz mreu odgovarajuih ustanova (vr-tii, restorani drutvene prehrane, praonice i drugi servisi), kao preduvjeta za drutveni angaman ene, naglasio i Josip B. Tito u govoru na 3. kongresu AF-a Jugoslavije u Beogradu 1950. godine, suosjeajui s dilemama majke kojoj takva pomo nije dostupna:

    [I koja se] trga na dvije strane, jer ne bi eljela da izgubi obraz napredne ene Jugoslavije, a istovremeno ne bi htjela da njena djeca stradaju ili se unesree kod kue.13

    No ova izjava svjedoi kako je i dalje postojalo uvjere-nje da sve poslove oko djece treba obavljati ena, ak i onda kada radi puno radno vrijeme. Brojne kampanje AF-a, s ciljem da promijene svijest o drutvenim ulogama ene, nisu za svoje adresate imale mueve, oeve i su-radnike na poslu. Ustavom zajamena rav-nopravnost u praksi je znaila dvostruku ihtu, spre-mnost na izuzetne napore i pribrajanje tradicijskih novim dunostima i obvezama zaposlene ene. O tome na primjer svjedoi, nakon vie od 60 godina, ena iz tvornice sardina u Veloj Luci:

    Ne bi bila dola doma po tri dana... [L]eala...bi po kaetama od drva, legla bi dvitri ure dok nam se ne ohlade presure... Svima nama to smo radili na ledani bili bi krvavi prsti. Studena riba..., ni bilo rukavica... Po osam uri stalno u mokrini, a slab pod, drveni... Ni bilo izama nego patike.14

    Zbog poratne ope oskudice i racionirane potronje ene su bile motivirane da se natjeu za status udarnice, kojim su se osiguravali i dodatni bonovi za osnov-ne namirnice, obuu i tekstil, a kasnije i novane nagrade.15 Likovi udarnica i ena za strojem esto su se pojavljivali na stranicama mjesenika ena u borbi. No fotografije nisu pratile ivotne prie ovih ena pa je Centralni odbor (CO) AF-a Jugoslavije u svom dopisu od 18. listopada 1949. traio od svojih podrunica da se:

    ... hitno... [poveu s] industrijskim centrima i... [poalju] fotografije i biografije udarnica i nosioca ordena rada, novatora i racionalizatora... [O]vome HITNO pristupite, jer je izdavanje ovakove broure od velike vanosti za prikaz, kako nae ene sudjeluju u izgradnji socijalizma kod nas. Broure e vjerojatno biti prevedene i na strane jezike za inostranstvo, pa se ovom zadatku treba ozbiljno pristupiti i prikupiti to vie podataka.16

    Udarniki rad nije samo ugroavao zdravlje ena (zbog ega se, na primjer, Uredbom o zatiti trudnih

    ena i dojilja istima zabranjuje prekovremeni i noni rad) nego je tijekom sukoba s Informacijskim biroom komunistikih partija u ljeto 1948. izalo na vidjelo i da se vea produktivnost, vei broj dobrovoljnih radnih sati i disciplinirani, predani rad nudi kao je-dini legitiman odgovor radnika i radnica rukovod-stvu koje ih je pozvalo na ideoloko zbijanje redova.17

    Partijski paternalizamTakozvane objektivne tekoe, negativne posljedice brze industrijalizacije i urbanizacije, neravnomjerni razvoj zemlje i borba protiv pete kolone nakon suko-ba s Josifom V. Staljinom gurnuli su ensko pitanje u drugi plan. Partijski i dravni vrh kontrolirali su organiziranu aktivnost ena i definirali ciljeve i za-dae aktivnosti. Paternalistiki ustrojen socijalistiki feminizam omoguio je enama pravnu zatitu i ekonomsku ravnopravnost, ali ne i jednakomjeran pristup sferi odluivanja i politike moi. Kao to su ene odgovorno preuzimale patronat nad djejim do-movima i djecom poginulih boraca, subjektima bez mogunosti da raspolau svojim steenim pravima, tako su i one bile pod stalnim patronatom svojih dru-gova u partijskim elijama u kojima se koncentrirala politika mo. Politika zapoljavanja, napredovanja i platnog ranga u dravnim slubama u prvim porat-nim godinama izravno je ovisila o karakteristikama

    12 Prema: isto.13 Prema: enska strana. Muzej

    25. maj, Beograd, 15. 5. 1. 8. 2010. godine, Beograd, Muzej savremene umetnosti Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, 2010, 15.

    14 Prema: Marija Boroviki, Veloluka Fabrika kroz ivotne prie i socijalistiki reim, neobjavljeno izlaganje na Godinjem skupu Hrvatskoga ekonomskog drutva Ekonomija i kultura, Zagreb, 911. lipnja 2011. godine.

    15 Usp. ena u borbi, VI/10, Zagreb, u listopadu 1948. godine, gdje je objavljen i popis ena koje su 1948. dobile nagradu Vlade Narodne Republike Hrvatske (NRH).

    16 HDA, Zagreb, KDAH, f. 1234, kut. 162., Dopis CO AF-a Jugoslavije GO-u AF-a Hrvatske od 18. listopada 1949. godine.

    17 Na rad na odgovor, ena u borbi, VI/8, Zagreb, u kolovozu 1948. godine,1213.

    19

    (13) Naslovnica asopisa ena u borbi

    (14) Naslovnica asopisa ena u borbi br. 10, 1949.

    (15) Iz asopisa ena u borbi br. 43, 1947.

    (16) Naslovnica asopisa ena u borbi br. 35, 1947.

    (17) Iz asopisa ena u borbi br. 2, 1949.

    (18) Iz asopisa ena u borbi(19) Vanja Radau, ena u borbi,

    oko 1945. (kat. br. 137)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.190

    20 21

    22

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 191

    i preporukama koje su profesionalne afeejke dobile od svojih partijskih sudrugova.18

    Kad je proces znaajnijeg ukljuivanja ena u or-gane vlasti doivio neuspjeh, a organizacija AF-a ukinuta, J. Broz Tito je dio odgovornosti prebacio na ene potaknuvi ih na prodorniji, aktivniji istup u javnost, ali i podsjeajui na njihov primarni, prirodni poziv majke:

    Drugarice, sada se obraam vama: vi treba same da budete malo prodornije i da ne dozvolite da vam kau vai drugovi, oevi, muevi ili braa: ta e ti tamo, ti si ensko! Tano je da je ena u prvome redu majka, ali ba zato to ona najvie rtvuje od sebe, odgajajui

    nove narataje, ona ima jo vee pravo da kao majka kae svoju rije u zajednici kakva je naa u socijalistikoj zajednici.19

    U svom govoru 1953. na posljednjem kongresu AF-a M. ilas je naveo kako je jedan od razloga ukidanja AF-a jaanje demokracije i enske ravnopravnosti u Jugoslaviji i kako je sazrio trenutak da sve zadae te polupolitike organizacije preuzme drutvo u cjeli-ni, to jest Socijalistiki savez radnog naroda i budui savez enskih drutava.20 Smatralo se da e postupno uveanje ivotnog standarda i materijalnih uvjeta i-vota dovesti i do poboljanja drutvenog poloaja ena. injenica je, meutim, da se u odnosu na razdoblje

    18 Usp. HDA, Zagreb, KDAH, f. 1234, kut. 64, Podserija: Savez komunista Hrvatske.

    19 Josip B. Tito, Nae ene zasluuju da budu kandidirane na ovim izborima (iz govora marala Tita na proslavi 10-godinjice X. korpusa u Bjelovaru), ena u borbi, XI/10, Zagreb, 1953., 1.

    20 L. Sklevicky, n.dj., 132, smatra, pak, da su razlozi rasputanja bili drukije naravi: [Od ljeta 1948. do ukidanja AFa 1953. organizacija se] ukruuje u hijerarhiji koja istie potrebu vrstine, dakle, kontrole njezinih pripadnica [te gubi irinu i autonomiju poetnog djelovanja] u poslunom ispunjavanju partijskih direktiva.

    23

    24 25

    (20) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije

    (21) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije

    (22) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije

    (23) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije

    (24) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije

    (25) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.192

    26

    27 28

    (26) Iz fotodokumentacije Muze-ja istorije Jugoslavije

    (27) Graani u ienju Zagreba, V. rajon Taborska, Cesar-gradska / Dragutin Pauli

    (28) Iz fotodokumentacije Muze-ja istorije Jugoslavije

    (29) Iz asopisa ena u borbi br. 89, 1950.

    (30) Iz asopisa ena u borbi br. 3, 1949.

    (31) Iz asopisa ena u borbi br. 7, 1949.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 193

    obnove i izgradnje, sredinom 50-ih aktivnost ena smanjuje, da su uestali sluajevi krenja enskih radnih prava i otputanja radnica, da se javljaju regre-sivni stavovi, a nova enska drutva nemaju za cilj politiku emancipaciju lanica niti utjeu na raspo-laganje sredstvima namijenjenim izgradnji stanova, djejih vrtia, kola i socijalnih servisa.21

    Zastupljenost ena u Hrvatskom saboru bila je 1945. osam posto, no u sazivu sabora od 1953. do 1958. godine (Republiko vijee) taj je broj pao na pet posto. U prvoj hrvatskoj poratnoj vladi jedina ministrica (financija) bila je Anka Berus, dok je narodna he-roina Milka Kufrin ula u Ustavotvornu skuptinu Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije u kojoj je bilo 4,7 posto ena, ba kao u i Centralnom komite-tu Komunistike partije Jugoslavije (4,8 posto ena 1948. godine).22 Broj ena u izvrnim organima vlasti i najviim partijskim tijelima nee se znaajnije mi-jenjati do 1990. godine, a najvei postotak zastupnica u Saboru (25 posto) zabiljeen je izmeu 1963. i 1965. godine.23 Neuspjeh partijske politike da rijei pro-blem rodne (ne)ravnopravnosti i socijalne (ne)jedna-kosti feministike znanstvenice, na primjer Gordana Bosanac, vide u komunistikom obnavljanju volje za mo, a time i obnavljanju drutvenog stanja hegemo-nije koje ponovno reproducira ne samo nejednakost nego i nove oblike podinjavanja i neslobode.24

    Gospoa drug-caSuivot prije negoli sraz novih drutvenih vrednota i socijalistikog morala s naslijeenim graanskim vrijednostima i oblicima ponaanja moe se pratiti kroz cijelu prvu poratnu dekadu. Antropolog G. W. Creed, koji je istraivao proces domestikacije revolucije u bugarskom drutvu, nazvat e to stanje konfliktnom komplementarnou.25 Socijalistiki ivotopisi obiluju primjerima konfliktnih komplementarnosti: osjeaj ekonomske osnaenosti prati nezadovoljstvo zbog potplaenosti (nekvalificiranog) enskog rada, dojam socijalne sigurnosti umanjuje frustriranost zbog klasnog raslojavanja, velianje Tita izaziva ne-

    povjerenje prema politikoj nomenklaturi, osjeaj osnaenosti ugroava podreenost socijalistikom moralu koji nije pruio jednak prostor slobode e-nama i mukarcima.26 Jedno istraivanje iz 1950-ih pokazalo je da, s obzirom na podjelu obveza, slobodu kretanja i nain koritenja slobodnog vremena, rodi-telji imaju razliita pravila i razliita oekivanja od djevojica i djeaka, to jest omladinki i omladinaca.27

    Oslovljavanje u javnosti jedan je od pokazatelja postojanja ovih konfliktnih drutvenih i privatnih domena te postupne kulturne transformacije u kojoj nove ritualne prakse i komunikacijski obrasci nisu jednostavno izbrisali starije kulturne slojeve nego su ih radije preoblikovali i resemantizirali.28 Iako se mnogima inilo kako su rijei drue, drugarice zauvijek izbrisale rijei gospodin ili milostiva,29 u svakodnevnoj komunikaciji i formalnim susretima drugarica i gospoa gotovo se ravnopravno izmje-njuju pa to stanje ovjerava i prvi poratni bonton iz 1953. godine.30

    Unato deklariranoj egalitarnosti u drutvu su postojale i socijalne razlike, potvrene razliitim karticama za snabdijevanje i ogranienim pristupom pojedinim trgovinama (vojno-diplomatskima ma-gazinima).31 I dok su radnice nerijetko radile i po 16 sati dnevno u tvornici i kod kue, supruge pripadni-ka nove politike elite i pojedine graanke koristile su usluge dostavljaa, kunih pomonica i pralja iz zagrebake okolice.32

    Reportaa s radilita na savskom nasipu u ljeto 1946. godine, u kojoj autorica eli naglasiti jedinstvo svih ena na dobrovoljnoj radnoj akciji, ujedno govo-ri i o nemalim razlikama onih koje su odloile svoju odjeu, obuu i torbe:

    Ima ih svakakvih i svata bi znale priati kad bi smjele govoriti. Ima haljina koje potjeu iz finih pomodnih trgovina, a ima ih koje su kupljene na sajmitu ili kod staretinara... A SAD lee tu, jedna pored drugih, kao to jedna uz drugu rade ene najrazliitijih drutvenih slojeva.33

    21 Usp. Neda Boinovi. ensko pi tanje u Srbiji u 19. i 20. veku, Beo-grad, ene u crnom, 1996, 171184.

    22 Jedine zastupnice u Ustavotvornome saboru NRH bile su istaknute partizanke: Anka Berus, Mileva Cetui, Beka Frnti, Cvita Gili, Maca Greti, Milka Kufrin, Ana Mrkoci i Kata Pejnovi.

    23 Usp. Dijana Dijani et al., ur., enski biografski leksikon (BL): sjeanje ena na ivot u so ci jalizmu, Zagreb, CS, 2004., 347358, te I. Panteli, n.dj., 6980.

    24 G. Bosanac, Pristup itanju i interpretaciji djela Blaenke Despot, u: G. Bosanac, ur., Izabrana djela B. Despot, Zagreb, Institut za drutvena istraivanja (IDIZ) enska infoteka, 2004, 12.

    25 G. W. Creed, Domesticating Revolution: From Socialist Reform to Ambivalent Transition in a Bulgarian Village, University Park: Pennsylvania University Press, 1998.Usp. i R. Jambrei Kirin, O konfliktnoj komple mentarnosti enskog pamenja: izmeu moralne revizije i femi nistike intervencije, Profemina, Beograd, 2 (specijalni broj Jugoslo venski feminizmi), jesen-zima, 2011., 3951.

    26 Rije je o enskim sjeanjima na ivot u socijalizmu priku plje ni-ma 2004. u BLu te s njima po ve zanim dokumentarnim filmom Borovi i jele (2003.) Sanje Ivekovi. Ambivalentna sjeanja na poslijeratno razdoblje pronai emo i u memoarskim knjigama Marije-Vice Balen, Sonie Wild Biani, Zore Dirnbach, Jele Godlar i Eve Grli, koje je teko svrstati u ogledne glasove o soci ja-listikom iskustvu eman ci pacije jer poput disidentskih glasova (politikih zatvorenica Mare ovi, Slavice Kumpf ili Marice Stankovi) takoer tematiziraju cijeli niz traumatskih iskustava: od zatoenitva na Golom otoku do stalne borbe s androcen tri-zmom i autoritarnou socija li-sti kih institucija.

    27 Usp. N. Boinovi, n.dj., 176.28 Usp. Nives Rittig-Beljak, Od

    druga do gospodina: socija li sti ki oblici ophoenja u Hrvat skoj, u: R. Jambrei Kirin i T. koki, ur., Izmeu roda i naroda. Zagreb, Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku CS, 2004., 142.

    29 V. Marui, to nas je nauila auto strada, ena u borbi, V/46, Zagreb, 1947., 1213.

    30 O tom izdanju usp. Antonija Tkali-Koevi, Bonton, ena u borbi, XI, Zagreb, 1953., 34.

    31 S. Wild Biani, Dvije linije ivota, Zagreb, Durieux, 1999., 155: Uvedene su bile tri vrste kartica za snabdijevanje, tzv. tokica: R1 (radnike 1), R2 (radnike 2) i 0 (svi ostali). Seljaci nisu imali pravo na kartice za snabdijevanje. [Sa R1 moglo se kupovati i] u posebnim duanima tipa 2. Postojala su dva tipa posebnih prodavaonica...: prodavaonice 1, koje su bile namijenjene politikim elnicima i njihovim obiteljima, te prodavaonice 2 za istaknute graane iz akademsko ga i kulturnog ivota.

    32 Usp., isto, 152.33 T. Frkovi, Vrijedne ruke grade

    novi Zagreb, ena u borbi, IV/30, Zagreb, 1946., 9.

    29 3130

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.194

    (32) Dolazak druge grupe iseljenika iz Kanade u Rijeku brodom Radnik / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 195

    (33) Otvorenje izlobe AF-a u Zagrebu / autor nije registriran

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.196

    Moda u slubi naroda: ukusno, jednostavno, praktino i lijepoIpak, iste te 1946. godine u Zagrebu poinje izlaziti prvi jugoslavenski modni asopis Naa moda koji se viom cijenom, boljom opremom i mondenim sadrajem bitno razlikuje od mjesenika ena u borbi isto-ga izdavaa. Rast tirae ovoga ilustriranog asopisa ogranien je zbog nedostatka tiskarskog papira, a prijelomne 1948. dobiva mogunost prodaje i na ki-oscima u SSSR-u.34 Teko je danas vjerovati kako je isti krug urednica i novinarki na Trgu Republike 8 koji je, naizgled, strepio zbog povremenih kritika iz beogradske centrale AF-a35 i partijskog prigovora zbog nedostatka dijalektiko-materijalistikoga pogleda na svijet36, pokrenuo krajnje apolitian i konformistiki asopis. Naime, dok je ena u borbi donosila natpise o patnji ena u grkim zatvorima i logorima, o tekom ivotu seljanki i radnica u Indiji, Kini i Koreji, Naa moda je revnosno pratila modne novitete iz Londona, Moskve, Pariza i eneve, preno-sila inozemne modne fotografije i dijelila praktine savjete kako saiti garderobu za razliite prigode i doba dana ili isplesti kupai kostim, uz kulinarske i kozmetike savjete, gimnastike vjebe i oglase preostalih privatnih zagrebakih obrta (kozmetiki saloni, krojaki i saloni eira). Pritom treba napo-menuti da krajem 50-ih manje od 30 posto jugosla-venskog stanovnitva koristi konfekcijsku odjeu koju prati lo glas da je slabe kvalitete, demodirana i uniformna.37 No polaznice brojnih krojakih tea-jeva imaju priliku pokazati svoje umijee; domae tvornice tekstila nude sve bolji izbor materijala, a ne nedostaje ni povoda za izlazak jer je drutveni i kulturni ivot u hrvatskoj metropoli izuzetno iv i raznovrstan:

    Postoji... potreba za izlascima, a tada se moglo i imalo gdje izai: u kazalite, kino, na koncert, izlobu, pa i u crkvu... Kinodvorana je pedesetih bilo premalo za

    golem broj ljudi koji su u subotnju ili nedjeljnu veer htjeli ii u kino: to je doba preprodavaa kinoulaznica, dugih ekanja u repu za kinoulaznicu i groznice prije gledanja dobrog filma. Takoer, to je vrijeme zama ha glazbe, koncerata i sjajnih izvoaa.38

    ene koje su sudjelovale u legitimaciji nove vlasti, kreirale drutvene trendove i utirale vlastiti, trei put u socijalistiku budunost gdje vlada ljepota, veselje i raznolikost nisu bile dosljedne feministikim idealima. Potvrdu tomu nalazimo i u referatu Vide Tomi, predsjednice AF Jugoslavije, na 4. plenumu GO-a AF-a Hrvatske 10. listopada 1948. u Zagrebu:

    Mi vidimo po ruskim novinama kako su tamo sve ene runo odjevene, i to [se predstavlja] kao neka potreba socijalizma, sve to negira ono to mi traimo ljepotu, veselje i raznolikost. Treba uiti ene da se znaju lijepo odijevati i pospremiti svoj stan i da to znaju brzo uraditi.39

    Sadraj frivolne opaske o estetskoj razlici jugoslaven-skih i sovjetskih ena, umjesto etiko-politikoga pozicioniranja koje razlikuje graane i graanke od politikog rukovodstva SSSR-a, nije jedino to zabri-njava. Pozitivnu elju za individualizmom, blago-stanjem i uivanjem u ivotu ovaj naputak pretvara, kopernikanskim obratom tipinim za socijalistiki demagoki diskurs, u instrukciju o djelotvornom raspolaganju vlastitim vremenom u cilju boljega servisiranja svih lanova kuanstva i drutva u cje-lini. Teza kako se o rodnoj ravnopravnosti ne moe govoriti sve dok interes ena bude usmjeren samo na obitelj i domainstvo, dobiva zanimljiv obrat. Umjesto misije oslobaanja ene, prema Vladimiru I. Lenjinu, od tegobnih i zaglupljujuih poslova koji ju

    hiljadama niti vezuju za prolost, eni se sugerira da joj samo (racionalno, ekonomino i brzo) obav-ljanje tih istih poslova moe podariti vie vremena

    34 Nakon nultog broja Modnog lista iz listopada 1945. godine, aso-pis Naa moda poinje izla ziti 1. veljae 1946. s poetnom tira-om od 17.000, a ve 1948. tira a raste na 42.000 primjera-ka da bi 1949. pala na 31.000 zbog nedostatka papira. Glavna i odgovorna urednica prvih bro jeva bila je Vanja anko, od br. 7 iz 1948. urednicom postaje Vesna Regner, a od 1953. Emilija eparovi. Iste, 1953. godine poinje izlaziti i enski asopis Svijet, a ena u borbi preime no-vana je 1958. u list ena.

    35 Ambiciozan izdavaki plan GO-a AF-a Hrvatske za 1950. godinu s 14 naslova sredinjica je odbila s obrazloenjem: Plan... je veoma obiman i nerealan. Prema tome planu itav GO pretvorio bi se u izdavako preduzee... Smatramo da iz plana... treba brisati sve izuzev Kuharica i to da priam svom djetetu (HDA, Zagreb, KDAH, f. 1234, kut. 162, Odnosi AF-a s drugim organizacijama).

    36 Partijski recenzent asopisa ena u borbi zamjera, meu ostalim, urednicama: Teoretskih lanaka nema... Marksistikolenjinistiki problemi se specijalno ne tretiraju... U listu bi se trebalo dati vie mjesta for miranju dijalektikomaterijalistikoga pogleda na svijet... [T]reba dati u stalnoj rubrici vie mjesta pitanju odgoja djeteta... Nae ene trebalo bi vie upoznati sa ivotom ena u drugim zemljama (isto).

    37 Usp. N. Boinovi, n.dj., 179.38 G. Bosanac, Visoko elo..., n.dj.,

    134135.39 Prema: L. Sklevicky, n.dj., 134.

    34 35

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 197

    36

    (34) Sa snimanja filma Hoja Lero u Makar-skoj / Milan Pavi

    (35) Sa snimanja filma Hoja Lero u Makar-skoj / Milan Pavi

    (36) Mjesta i gradovi u FNRJ pod slovom M / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.198

    37

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 199

    za konstruktivan rad, za stvaralaki rad na svim poljima ljudske djelatnosti.40

    Socijalizam s (reklamnim) enskim licemSredinom 50-ih drutvena vidljivost i politiki utje-caj ena opadaju, a raste i broj otkaza enama u indu-strijskom i dravnom sektoru s opravdanjem da su manje radno uinkovite i da ee izostaju s posla.41 Odgovornost za tu pojavu pripisana je ostacima pa-trijarhalnog mentaliteta i neodgovornim pojedinci-ma meu upravljaima. Meutim, koga okriviti za injenicu da se socijalistika ena sve vie potiskuje iz politikog ivota i ritualnog obnavljanja sjeanja na revoluciju, da polako osvaja feminizirana, zasebna po-druja obrazovanja i zapoljavanja te se, naposljetku, njezin lik seksualizira i/ili pretvara u kunog anela koji svoje samoostvarenje trai u ljubavi, braku i su-vremeno opremljenom domu.

    Stoga se s pravom upozorava da su sve bitne pro-mjene enskog poloaja u uzrono-posljedinoj sve-zi s procesom modernizacije kojega su u nerazvijeni-ma agrarnim zemljama pokrenuli komunisti doavi na vlast.42 Taj se proces nije mogao odvijati bez oz-biljnog naruavanja patrijarhalne kulture ijim rasta-kanjem ene dobivaju povijesnu priliku, ali i preuzi-maju odgovornost za povijest svojih (neostvarenih) budunosti. U jednoj od tih abortiranih budunosti na lazimo socijalizam po mjeri radne i drutveno akti vne ene, rodno osjetljiv samoupravni model i dru tvo bez segregacije na muka i enska zanimanja,

    4140

    (37) Naslovnica asopisa Svijet br. 6, 1954.

    (38) Reportaa s I. meunarodnog natjecanja u friziranju / Ivan Medar

    (39) Naslovnica asopisa Svijet br. 10, 1954.

    (40) Reportaa s I. meunarod-nog natjecanja u friziranju / Ivan Medar

    (41) Naslovnica asopisa Svijet br. 5, 1954.

    bez prostitucije, diskriminacije i seksizma, bez tisko-vi na iji uspjeh poiva na sprezi ozbiljnih politikih sa dr aja i pornografskih slika.43

    Preobrazba represivnih mjera discipliniranja (i ka-njavanja) u prakse samodiscipliniranja, samokritike i samokorekcije, kako je to opisao Michel Foucault,44 prati prilagodbu pojedinca modernom industrijalizi-ranom drutvu i njegovoj socijalistikoj inaici. Rije je o kljunom trenutku simbioze emancipatorske matrice s tradicijom definiranih enskih vrednota u odgojno-obrazovnoj praksi i privatnoj sferi gdje

    38 39

    40 Racionalnost, ekonominost, higijena i kultura u naem domu, ena u borbi, XI/9, Zagreb, 1953., 13.

    41 Usp. I. Panteli, n.dj., 124125.42 L. Sklevicky, ene, konji, ratovi...,

    n.dj., 134.43 Usp. Biljana iki, Luksuzne

    lutke i lokalni mangupi: rodna paradigma kvalitetne tampe u jugoslavenskom socijalizmu, u: Sandra Prlenda, ur., Kako je bilo... O Zagorki i enskoj povijesti, Zagreb, CS, 2011., 241258.

    44 Usp. M. Foucault, Technologies of the self, u: P. Rabinow, ed., Ethics, Subjectivity and Truth, London, Penguin, sv.1, 223251.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.200

    42

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 201

    je patrijarhalna logika podcijenjenoga i nevidljivog enskog fizikog i afektivnog rada uzvratila udarac dravnom feminizmu.45 Rivalitet dva kolektivisti-ka projekta (patrijarhalnoga i komunistikog) koji su disciplinirali, socijalizirali i iskoritavali ensku radnu snagu i reproduktivnu mo za oinsko ili ope dobro, sada je pronaao zajedniki interes u obno-vi diskursa enstvenosti i kuevnosti te proirio tradicionalnu diobu obiteljskih uloga na drutvo u cjelini.46

    Ubrzani privredni razvoj i relativni prosperitet tijekom 50-ih, uz poetak proizvodnje kuanskih aparata i artikala iroke potronje, sintetikih ma te-ri jala i plastike enama je zasigurno olakao svakod-nevni ivot i odkrinuo vrata socijalistike utopije. Optimizmu su pridonosili i prizori obilja sa zagreba-ke trnice Dolac na kojoj je dozvoljena slobodna trgo-vina, pune police pred Boi 1949. u zagrebakome robnom magazinu Nama, ili mogunost da 350.000 posjetitelja Zagrebakog velesajma 1951. kupi neke od izloenih proizvoda.47 Uz filmove, enski su asopisi, sajmovi i izlobe odgajali ukus graana i graanki te nudili poeljne slike materijalnog obilja u dekadi koja jo velia proizvodnju i ne brine puno o izgledu ni kvaliteti proizvoda, to jest njihovoj distribuciji, pro mi dbi i racionalnoj potronji. No promocijom no vih tehnologija i trendova u tekstilnoj industriji, u stanogradnji, oblikovanju namjetaja i velesajam-skoj trgovini Zagreb se trsio postati jugoslavenski cen tar mode, suvremenog industrijskog dizajna i arhi tek ture.

    Prijelaz iz ope neimatine u doba relativnog bla-go sta nja, iz kinematografske u televizijsku kulturu,

    iz agitpropovske indoktrinacije u zavodljivi jezik re kla ma, pratila je depolitizacija i pasivizacija ena, de gra dacija i komodifikacija njezina simbolikog pri-ka za: alegorija revolucije, domaa inaica revolucio-nar ke s Delacroixove slike La Libert i Muhinina pro-le terka postaje djevojka s reklame za motor Savi ca, Perion praak za rublje ili rafinirano jestivo ulje Zvijezda.48 Proslava 8. marta gubi na drutvenoj vano-sti i pretvara se u puki povod za darivanje cvijea i sitnih darova koje su izradila djeca. Od najveega enskog socijalistikog blagdana, u ast kojega su se obarali udarniki rekordi i koji je bio posveen meunarodnoj borbi za enska prava te hladnora-tovskoj borbi protiv potpaljivaa novog rata, za mir i demokraciju u svijetu49, ostale su prigodne proslave u tvornicama i uredima. Prvih poratnih godina tom je prazniku svojim festivalskim ozrajem i masov-nou parirala svibanjska proslava Majinog dana i djejeg tjedna s cvjetnim korzom, da bi nakon postu-pnog ukidanja sakralnih tradicija 8. mart poprimio i obiljeja Majinog dana i socijalistikog praznika. Naglaavanjem reproduktivnih, odgojnih i estetskih aspekata njihovih ivota ene se pozivaju da po mo-gnu oblikovati novu, specifino nau kulturu i da pritom, jo jednom u povijesti 20. stoljea, ponu od

    ureenja i opreme stana i kupovine odjee prema svom ukusu, potrebi i mogunostima.50 Na taj na-in sugeriralo im se da svoju tenju za sreom, bla go-stanjem i boljom budunou ostvare tamo gdje ima-ju relativnu mo i kontrolu: u prostoru svog doma i u materijalu vlastitog tijela iju su (auto)erotinost, uti li tarnost i politiku funkcionalnost tek trebale osvijestiti.

    43 44

    (42) Iz asopisa Svijet br. 7, 1954.(43) Iz asopisa Svijet br. 6, 1954.(44) Iz asopisa Svijet br. 9, 1954.

    45 Prve primjere negativne rodne socijalizacije djece po obrascu to je primjereno djevojicama, a to djeacima, nalazimo u AF glasilima, uz novinske lanke, na primjer: Vi i vae dijete u ku-nim poslovima, ena u borbi, XII/8, Zagreb, 1953., ili Za sva ko-ga svoja pregaa, Naa mo da, br. 2, proljee 1955. go di ne.

    46 Branislava Baranovi, Slika ene u udbenicima knjievnosti, Zagreb, IDIZ, 2000., 28.

    47 Usp. ena u borbi, IX/10, Zagreb, 1951., 11.

    48 O ulozi reklama na razdjelnici ratnog komunizma i prvih po ja va potroakog drutva svje do i, na primjer, G. Bosanac, Vi soko elo..., n.dj., 147: Moralistika uasavanja nad ka pitalistikom pomamom po tro nje ona reklama, koja je polako zastrla svaki pogled, pre krila svaki zvuk i svaku slobodnu, praznu plohu, obuzela sva osje tila i otupila sve pragove nje nih granica.

    49 ivio 8. mart, ena u borbi, VII/3, Zagreb, 1949., 3.

    50 Inicijativna izloba Udruenja umjetnika primijenjene umjet-nosti Hrvatske, ena u borbi, XIII/12, Zagreb, 1955., 2.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.202

    POLITIKI RITUALIReana Senjkovi

    1

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 203

    Nove ideologije i novi politiki sustavi u novovjekoj Europi, tvrdio je britan-ski povjesniar Peter Burke, obino nastoje reformirati postojeu narod-nu kulturu ili pak uspostavljaju svoju mo potiranjem prethodnih tradicija te uvoenjem novih obiaja i rituala.1

    Samo nekoliko godina kasnije jedan drugi britanski povjesniar, Eric Hobsbawm, takva je nastojanja na-zvao izmiljanjem tradicija:

    [Rije je o postupcima] kojima obino upravlja otvo re no ili preutno prihvaanje pravila ritualne ili simbolike naravi, koja nastoje usaditi odreene vrednote i norme ponaanja pomou ponavljanja koje automatski implicira kontinuitet s odreenom historijskom prolou.2

    Njegova tipologija takvih pothvata ukljuuje usposta-vlja nje ili simboliziranje drutvene kohezije ili pripad-nosti drutvenim skupinama, ustanovljavanje ili legi-ti miranje drutvenih institucija i njihova autoriteta te socijalizaciju, usaivanje vjerovanja, vrijednosnih su stava i konvencija ponaanja.3 Svakako, politiki ri tuali su omotani mreom simbolike, standardizirani su i repetitivni,4 ali ujedno podatni prilagodbama koji-ma politike elite nastoje rekreirati svoj legitimitet u pro mijenjenim drutvenim okolnostima.

    Novoustoliene politike elite Federativne Narod-ne Republike Jugoslavije (FNRJ) nisu dakle morale izmiljati izmiljanje tradicija, a kao model rasporeda, scenarija i izvedbe politikih rituala posluio im je ranije nastali sovjetski primjer.5

    Naime, i prva zemlja socijalizma, gotovo odmah nakon to je dovrila revoluciju, u svojim je prosla-vama pobune boljevika usvojila elemente i onih kulturnih tradicija koje je eljela nadii, ukljuujui elemente liturgijskih obreda i caristikih ceremo-nija.6 Pritom je nadahnue pronala u francuskim proslavama pada Bastille. Maximilien Robespierre i drugovi oduevljeno su bili prihvatili ideju Jeana-Ja-cquesa Rousseaua da organizirano odravanje pu-kih slavlja pomae u jaanju nacionalnih osjeaja i oivotvorenju novih politikih ideja pa su vjerske i

    monarhistike svetkovine zamijenili sustavom revo-lucionarnih dravnih rituala. Za Blagdan Vrhovnoga bia (La fte de ltre suprme) 8. lipnja 1794. godine u Parizu podigli su, primjerice, ogromne spomeni-ke, zgrade du puta kojim se kretala sveana para-da posebno su ukrasili te izgradili i veliku umjetnu uzvisinu na koju se popeo Robespierre, dok su mase u njezinu podnoju izvodile revolucionarne pjesme.7

    Stoga se jo 1908. godine Anatolij V. Lunaarski, kojega e Vladimir I. Lenjin u studenome 1917. ime-novati komesarom za obrazovanje i prosvjetiteljstvo, zalagao za uvoenje masovnih festivala, zamiljajui slavlja pobjede revolucije koja bi se odravala na ve-likim trgovima Moskve i Petrograda.8 S tom idejom se sloio i Lav D. B. Trocki, Lenjinov komesar za vanj-ske poslove, upozorivi pritom da valja iskoristiti, na nain kakav stoljeima rabi crkva, ljudsku sklonost teatralnom, njihovu snanu i legitimnu potrebu da daju oduka svojim emocijama.9 Sovjetski poslijeoktobarski panteon zbog toga je okupio aroliko drutvo: pored Karla Marxa i Friedricha Engelsa tu su se nali i Spartak, voe kozakih pobuna u 17. i 18. stoljeu, M. Robespierre, pa esto ak i sam Isus Krist.10 Isto-dobno, s druge strane, ini se da su se radnici, vojnici i intelektualci prvih nekoliko godina nakon revolucije spontano ukljuivali u proslave,11 pjevajui revolucio-narne pjesme i nosei zastave ili natpise s politikim parolama: time su svjedoili svoju revolucionarnu vjeru, duhovno istomiljenitvo i emotivno suuesnitvo u vrhunskoj stvarnosti domovine.12 Slavljenike povorke su ubrzo postale pokretnim izlobama po-stignua sovjetske industrije i zemljoradnje:

    [Sudionici su] ponosno pokazivali proizvode svoga rada, ili njihove makete... ili prikazivali proizvodni postupak u obliku karti ili grafikona.13

    S vremenom, a naroito nakon 1930. godine, proslave su se uniformirale i standardizirale. Taj je trend jo i ojaao nakon smrti Josifa V. Staljina 1953. godine: uveo se sustav socijalistikog rituala.14

    Jugoslavenski/hrvatski politiki ritualiI jugoslavenski, dakle i hrvatski politiki rituali osla-njali su se na gotovo istovjetne ili sline obrasce, a ovdje se prikazuju u nekoliko oglednih primjera.

    1 Prema: Dunja Rihtman Augutin, O dekristijanizaciji narodne kulture, Etnoloka tribina, 13, 1990., 10.

    2 Eric Hobsbawm, The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge University Press, 2012 [1983]

    3 Usp. isto, 9.4 Usp. David I. Kertzer, Ritual,

    Politics & Power, Yale University Press, 1988, 9.

    5 Usp. Alfred Simon, Praznik i politika, Kultura, 73/74/75, Zagreb, 1986., 126. Usp. i Christel Lane, Legitimacy and Power in the Soviet Union through Socialist Ritual, British Journal of Political Science, 14/2, 1984,. 207217.

    6 Usp. James von Geldern, Bolshevik Festivals, 19171920, University of California Press, 1993, 8.

    7 Usp. D. I. Kertzer, n.dj., 163.8 J. von Geldern, n.dj., 124.9 D. I. Kertzer, n.dj., 14.10 J. von Geldern, n.dj., 124.11 Usp. Christel Lane, The Rites of

    Rulers: Ritual in Industrial Society the Soviet Case, Cambridge University Press, 1981, 161.

    12 A. Simon, n.dj., 121.13 Ch. Lane, n.dj., 167.14 Isto, 207.

    (1) III. kongres NOJ-a slet na stadionu F. D. Akademiar / autor nije registriran

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.204

    Predsjednitvo Zemaljskoga antifaistikog vijea narodnog osloboenja Hrvatske (ZAVNOH) na svo-joj je izvanrednoj sjednici 14. travnja 1945. u Splitu eljelo, prije ostaloga, pokazati da e vlada Hrvat-ske, koja se na toj sjednici trebala osnovati, doista biti narodna. Posebno je bio ukraen Narodni trg: na prozorima kua bilo je cvijea, a krasili su ih sagovi i natpisi, kojima su, kako stoji u izvjetaju, Spliani izrazili svoje rodoljublje.15 Vlada je, meutim, morala voditi rauna i o tome da narod kojim se spremala vladati moda i nije voljan poi u bolji ivot ex nihilo te da bi mu legitimizacijsko prislanjanje na Oktobar-sku revoluciju i njezine steevine bilo, u najmanju ruku, neprepoznatljivo. Bili su joj potrebni openi-to prihvatljivi, ali snani simboli koji e prokrviti marksistiko-lenjinistike ideoloke apstrakcije. U eklektinoj poplavi oznaka kojima se tumaio do-gaaj inauguracije najbrojniji su, i najsnaniji, upu-ivali na buenje novoga ivota. Simboliki su, stoga, na Narodni trg vijenici doli s istoka, odonud gdje svie Sunce, toga dana posebno blagonaklono, ne-zaklonjeno oblacima. Zasjedanje je, potom, otvorio predsjednik ZAVNOH-a Vladimir Nazor te, meu ostalim, naglasio:

    Sueno [je bilo] da... naa nova vlada nastane usred proljea, izmeu Uskrsa i urevdana, [i to ba u Dalmaciji] koja je kolijevka hrvatske dravne ideje i hrvatske kulture... [A Split je] u drevno vrijeme osjetio, a i vidio hrvatske kraljeve..., [i uvijek se] opirao okupatorima i pokazao smjelost i odvanost u najteim asovima naeg narodnog ustanka.16

    A nova je vlada, prisjeajui se nedavne prolosti, u zakljuku uspostavila poveznicu i s biblijskom sli-kom stradanja:

    Iz te krvi nie ljepota, nie sunce slobode za kojom smo toliko uzdisali. Tu je silna zvijezda slina onoj s istoka, koja je dovela mudrace [...] Eno plave boje neba, koje se smije srei patnikoga i mnogo stradalog Joba jugoslavenskih naroda.17

    Dojmu kontinuiteta pridonijeli su i izaslanici sinj-ske alke, na elu s vojvodom te odjeveni u alkarske nonje, a prekrasne starinske nonje odjenule su i lanice splitskoga odbora Antifaistike fronte ena. V. Nazor i Vladimir Bakari, predsjednik Vlade, po zavretku sjednice pjeice su se uputili na rivu, koja je bila sva u plamenu buktinja i elektrinih arulja. aruljama su se, i to crvenima, na Marjanu ispisala slova Titova imena. Slavlje je potrajalo do duboko u no: plesala su se kola i pjevale rodoljubne pjesme. A ve drugoga dana, nakon to su poloili zakletvu, prionuli su lanovi Prve narodne vlade na rad i na razgledanje podrunih ustanova:

    2

    3

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 205

    Napose su razgledali splitsko brodogradilite i slikali se s radnicimaudarnicima, koji su u kratkom vremenu ovo brodogradilite udarnikim radom osposobili za rad.18

    U razdoblju izmeu 22. i 25. svibnja 1945. pioniri i-tave Jugoslavije slavili su roendan Josipa Broza Tita pionirskim sletovima.19 On je, pak, u meuvremenu, posjetio Zagreb, potom i Varadin, gdje su ga doekali pljesak i poklici nazonih koji su, nakon to su otpje-vali himne Hej Slaveni i Lijepa naa, zapjevali parti-zanske pjesme i zaplesali kola. Neto kasnije pristigli su i seljaci iz udaljenijih sela varadinske okolice, u kolima iskienim barjacima, runicima i narodnim vezom. Naposljetku se okupljenima obratio J. Broz Tito, koji je, poput V. Nazora u Splitu, naglasio ute-meljenost sadanjice u davnoj prolosti, upotrijebivi legitimacijsku formulu koja novu vlast prikazuje kao onu koja se nastavlja na dugu tradiciju pobune protiv drutvenih odnosa eksploatacije:

    Hrvatsko je zagorje ve bunom Matije Gupca dalo primjer kako treba da se borimo za svoje pravo i svoju slobodu. Maral Tito je podvukao da Hrvatsko zagorje stoji danas kao jedan u borbi za prava, za koja su se borila dosadanja pokoljenja i za koja je poginuo Matija Gubec i njegovi ustanici. Ova dananja borba ovisi od one borbe, koju je nekad Matija Gubec vodio za ljudsku i hrvatsku pravicu.20

    Te godine slavili su se i vjerski blagdani, iako uz oitu nelagodu. Inae, u vrijeme rata J. Broz Tito je borcima estitao Boi, a 1945. godine Boi je jo bio javni praznik, pa su federalna i republika glasila na svoje prve stranice otisnula estitke graanima.21 Uvodnik na naslovnoj stranici sveanog dvobroja zagrebakog Vjesnika nosio je, primjerice, naslov Prvi Boi u slo-bodnoj Narodnoj Republici.22 U tekstu uvodnika, kao i prigodom splitske proslave inauguracije nove hrvatske vlade, novi se politiki diskurs ojaao po-zivanjem na pretkranske tradicije, u pohvalama

    starog patrijarhalnog obiaja koji se odrao kroz vjekove.23 No, ve 1946. Vjesnik je Boinu estitku potisnuo na devetu stranicu, a godinu potom nova se vlast osjetila dovoljno vrstom da odustane i od toga kompromisa: estitka je izostala.24 Nova godi-na je proglaena dravnim praznikom socijalistike Jugoslavije tek 1955. godine, prvim opim Zakonom o dravnim praznicima.25

    Bilo je, meutim, nedoumica i u vezi ostalih da-tuma koji su se trebali obiljeiti na posebno svean nain, pa je Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne vlade Hrvatske 18. sijenja 1946. uputilo dopis s popisom tih datuma svim oblasnim, okrunim i gradskim na-rodnim odborima, svim gimnazijama i uiteljskim kolama (vidi str. 208).

    Iduih godina organizirale su se i sveane proslave Dana Jugoslavenske armije (JA), osnutka Komunistike

    15 Usp. Narodna vlada Hrvatske formirana u gradu Splitu dana 14. travnja 1945. godine, Zagreb, Dravno nakladno poduzee Hrvatske, 1945. godine.

    16 Isto.17 Isto.18 Isto.19 Usp. Vjesnik, Zagreb, 19. svibnja

    1945. godine, 3.20 Isto, 21. svibnja 1945. godine,

    12.21 Usp. D. Rihtman-Augutin,

    Metamorfoza socijalistikih praznika, Narodna umjetnost, 27, Zagreb, 1990., 26.

    22 Prema: Lydia Sklevicky, Nova Nova godina od Mladog ljeta k politikom ritualu, Etnoloka tribina, 11, Zagreb, 1988., 61.

    23 Isto, 62.24 Usp. isto, 6364.25 Usp. Ana Pani, Nova godina kao

    politiki ritual, u: Titove Nove godine, katalog izlobe, Beograd, Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, 2008, na: http://www.mij.rs/Event_new.aspx?id_event=25.

    4

    5(2) Pjeadija (panorama) / autor

    nije registriran(3) Proslava Dana ustanka u

    Zagrebu 1945. / autor nije registriran

    (4) Proslava 1. maja 1947. / Milan Pavi

    (5) Proslava 1. maja 1947. / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.206

    7

    (7) Ministarstvo prosvjete NRH. Okrunice. kolske proslave, 1946. (kat. br. 242)

    (8) Proslava Dana ustanka u Zagrebu 1945. / autor nije registriran

    (9) Proslava 1. maja 1947. / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 207

    partije Jugoslavije (KPJ) i pojedinih proleterskih bri-gada, pa i prve polovice prvoga petogodinjeg plana. Sveano i slavljeniki bilo je u prigodama razliitih kongresa (Komunistike partije/KP, Jedinstvenih sindikata Jugoslavije, Saveza eljeznikih sindikata, Sindikata ratnih vojnih invalida, Sindikata prosvjet-nih radnika) i saborskih zasjedanja, u prigodama izbora za organe Narodne fronte (NF) ili skuptine gradova, u ast uruenja odlikovanja za naroite za-sluge u radu na obnovi i izgradnji zemlje, proglaenja najboljih radnih kolektiva, otvorenja radova ili pre-daja prometu objekata izgraenih radnim akcijama, u ast biranja radnikih savjeta u poduzeima, preu-zimanja tvornica u ruke upravnih odbora, u ast pri-manja u pionirske i omladinske organizacije, poetka sluenja obveznoga vojnog roka u JA Na poseban su se nain biljeile i prigode sahrane narodnih heroja, otkrivanja spomen ploa i spomenika te podjele spo-menica obiteljima poginulih boraca.

    Potkraj 1948. sve je bilo spremno za uspostavljanje novoga ceremonijalnog kalendara,26

    koji je trebao okupiti sve graane Jugoslavije te nagla-siti njihove slinosti i njihovu zajedniku batinu.27

    Dan ustankaDva tjedna prije proslave prvoga narodnog prazni-ka poslije zavretka velikoga Oslobodilakog rata, Dana ustanka u Hrvatskoj, Centralni komitet (CK) KP Hrvatske je svima svojim oblasnim, okrunim i mjesnim komitetima poslao dopis s prijedlogom koji je imao pomoi da se taj dan proslavi to bolje, ljepe i sveanije.28

    Pet godina kasnije za istu je prigodu plan predvi-dio osnivanje posebnih odbora za provedbu proslave, odravanje predavanja i sveanih akademija te ba-kljadu u poduzeima i gradovima, paljenje krjesova, podizanje slavoluka i kienje kua u selima. Usto, trebalo je prikupiti kosti palih boraca iz Narodno-oslobodilakog rata i urediti njihove grobove, po-sjetiti njihovu djecu i majke, podii spomen-ploe te organizirati partizanske mareve i sveanu pro-slavu, koja je imala zavriti narodnim veseljem. Naposljetku, valjalo je i:

    odrati to vei broj kulturnih i fiskulturnih priredbi u selima i radnikim centrima, otvoriti to vei broj izlobi [te] uskladiti da u zadnjem tjednu rade sva kina, kazalita i muzeji.29

    1. majPosebno ivopisne bile su proslave 1. svibnja/maja, koje su preuzele i sadravale mnoge elemente fani-ka, ali i Jurjeva. Kao i za druge proslave, i pripreme prvomajskih proslava zapoinjale su nekoliko dana ranije, dakle prije 1. svibnja. Tisak je bio posveen od-

    26 L. Sklevicky, n.dj., 65.27 Usp. isto.28 Hrvatski dravni arhiv (HDA),

    Zagreb, HR-1220-CK Saveza komunista Hrvatske (SKH), Agitprop, k. 9 (1945.).

    29 Isto, k. 9 (1950.).

    8

    9

    govarajuim temama, pri emu se pazilo da se, na-vodno zbog unutarnjih i vanjskih neprijatelja, pri-kriju toni podaci o proizvodnim uspjesima.30 Usto su se objavljivali i popisi poeljnih prvomajskih parola, pa je, primjerice 24. travnja 1948. godine,

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.208

    11 12

    13

    10

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 209

    Vjesnik na prvoj stranici objavio njih vie od stotinu. Praznik je, prema uputama republikog Odjeljenja za agitaciju i propagandu, trebalo proslaviti:

    u duhu svih postignutih uspjeha naih naroda i nae zemlje na svim poljima naega narodnog i dravnog ivota,

    a na nain koji e svjedoiti o ogromnim naporima koje radnika klasa ulae u obnovu i izgradnju zemlje, ali i o openarodnome radnom poletu.31

    Na proslavu u Beogradu iz Zagreba su 1946. treba-le poi skupine od dvadesetak radnika iz svih veih poduzea (koja se i poimence nabrojalo):

    [Radnici bi, pritom, nosili i] vlastoruno izraene predmete, koji... simbolino... [prikazuju] njihove proizvo de, odnosno granu proizvodnje u kojoj rade i diagra me o uspjesima rada.32

    Jednoznana i harmonina slika predstavljanja osi-gu ravala se pomno razraenim uputama. Tako je, pri mjerice, Agitprop za prvomajsku povorku 1949. predvidio broj kolona, slijed, broj i raspored su di oni-ka, pa i rekvizite koje su oni trebali ponijeti. Pla-ni ralo se da e eljezara Sisak nastupiti u koloni me talci teka industrija, a kako bi na jednome ka-mi o nu putem makete prikazala... visoku pe, dok bi Elektroprivreda prikazala model hidroelektrane

    na jednome vozilu, na drugome [...] trafostanicu sa dva stupa visokog napona, koji se voze na dva manja au to mo bila... Pioniri u 12. koloni bili su, pak, podije-lje ni u pet ealona:

    Na elu idu dva trubaa i dva doboa i 60 zastava iz odreda. Prvi ealon nosi prikaze kolskih rekvizita s velikim itankama sa slovima T i P (Titovi pioniri), oznake literaraca u obliku trokuta i s maketama djejih knjiga, velikom glavom pionirskih novina, oznakom historiara, geografa, prirodnjaka i matema ti ara, a na kraju velike petice koje se smiju itd.33

    U povorkama su dakako sudjelovali i seljaci. Dvadeset i etvero predstavnika hrvatskih pokrajina, odjeve-nih u narodne nonje, u prvomajskoj povorci 1950. nosilo je poljoprivredne proizvode i orue koji su se prepoznavali kao tipini (vidi str. 214).

    Dan Republike i Titov roendanPlan po kojemu e [...] tampa pisati34 izradio se 1948. i u prigodi Dana Republike. Takoer su se unaprijed pripremile i teze za predavanja o znaaju toga datuma. U pojedinima hrvatskim gradovima predvidjeli su se razliiti programi: u Varadinu su predvieni podnoenje referata i predavanja u svim tvornicama, a usto i umjetniki program, potom ba-kljada i krjesovi po okolnim brdima, sveana akade-mija u Narodnom kazalitu, fiskulturna parada i no-

    30 Usp. isto, k. 9 (1946.).31 Isto.32 Isto.33 Isto, k. 9 (1949.).34 Isto, k. 9 (1948.).

    14 15

    (10) I. miting u osloboenom Kar-lovcu, govor Rade Pribievia / Mladen Grevi

    (11) Smotra hrvatske narodne kulture u Sisku / Slavko Zalar

    (12) Proslava Dana ustanka u Zagrebu 1945. / autor nije registriran

    (13) Proslava 1. maja 1947. / Milan Pavi

    (14) Maral Tito na Jelaievu trgu / Milan Pavi

    (15) Cvjetni korzo drutva Naa djeca, Zagreb / Marko Petek

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.210

    (16) Proslava 1. maja u Zagrebu Savez biciklista / Ante Fuis

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 211

    (17) Nepoznati autor, Program proslave I. maja, 1950. (kat. br. 163)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.212

    18

    (18) Plan Prvomajske povor-ke selo, 1950.

    (19) Proslava Titova roen-dana dolazak tafete / Ribari

    (20) Prvoborci Banije / Dragutin Pauli

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 213

    gometne utakmice, dok se u ibeniku trebaju odrati sveana akademija, prigodna predavanja, nogometne utakmice i trka amaca.35

    A u prigodama proslava roendana J. Broza Tita fi-skulturnici, zajedno sa svim trudbenicima i omladi-nom Jugoslavije premreili bi zemlju nosei tafetu, trei u prosjeku po 250 metara, brzinom jedan ki-lometar za tri minute. tafeta je iz godine u godinu trebala biti sve masovnija i velebnija. Uz uobiajene tafete 1950. su se, primjerice, organizirale i konjika tafeta (svaki konjanik treba prevaliti 35 km, i to prema mogunostima u kasu, galopu ili obinom koraku) te tafeta pozdrav Jadrana:

    [Rije je o prenoenju pozdrava] jedrilicama, i to iz Zagreba jedrilicom, koja bi bila lepovana od aviona do Beograda, gdje bi... [nositelj] tafete pokuao skokom sa padobranom na zemunskom aerodromu postii rekord FNRJ.36

    Inae, u naseljima kroz koja je tafeta prolazila orga-nizirani su doeci i ispraaji te mitinzi na kojima su se itala pozdravna pisma:

    [A sve pruge, prema prireenoj uputi], bit e posebno okiene, a naroito glavna pruga raznim transparentima, parolama, slavolucima itd., [dok e] trkai... biti posipani cvijeem i iskieni.37

    Dakako, posve je drugo pitanje bilo kako su obini ljudi prihvaali i razumijevali upute o proslavama. Primjerice prema izvjetaju o slavlju u vezi s izborom narodnih zastupnika u Ustavotvorni sabor Narodne Republike Hrvatske (NRH), objavljenome na naslov-noj stranici Vjesnika od 10. studenoga 1946. godine, moglo bi se zakljuiti da je proslava bila upravo ona-kva kakva se i planirala.

    Meutim, ponegdje i ponekad nije bilo tako nego su proslave ometane uz otpore, pa i diverzije. Tako je, primjerice, prigodom odravanja izbora za Saveznu skuptinu Jugoslavije 1950. uoeno da je:

    neprijatelj [...] vrlo aktivan, i to prvenstveno na selu, gdje su kapitalistiki ostaci te razni ustaki i maekovski tipovi na elu sa popovima razvili daleko veu aktivnost nego 1945. godine.38

    U jednome selu kotara Krievci nekoliko je seljaka ak napalo skupinu omladinaca aktivista, u drugome je selu pedesetero ljudi pred glasanjem pobjeglo u u-mu, a u treemu su nezadovoljnici ispilili slavoluk, koji je bio usred sela i prekinuli telefonske li ni je.39

    Ipak, ee su posebne prigode i obiljeavanja va-nih datuma imali i svoje ogranieno i privatno, ludiko lice: jednostavno se podrazumijevalo da narodno veselje traje do dugo u no, posebice u sluajevima od-lazaka mladia na sluenje vojnoga roka. Slino tome

    35 Prema: isto.36 Isto, k. 10 (1950.).37 Isto.

    19

    20

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.214

    (21) VI. kongres KPJ / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 215

    (22) VI. kongres KPJ / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.216

    23

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 217

    raunalo se da e se djevojke i mladii, nakon to su se na radnim akcijama za dana natjecali u udarni-tvu, uz logorsku vatru uhvatiti u kozarako kolo.40 Ondje, pak, gdje se strukturiran i ideoloki ovjereni program priredbi i sveanosti povukao pred hedoniz-mom i raskalaenou trebalo je, kako se naglaavalo, povesti borbu za jednu pravilniju orijentaciju, o emu, u nekoliko sluajeva, svjedoe, primjerice 1952. godine, Informacije o kulturnoprosvjetnome radu u poduzeima Zagreba (vidi str. 218).

    Odstupanja od slavljenikih pravila bila su u po-etku 50-ih toliko uoljiva da se nametala potreba kritikoga propitivanja dotadanjeg pristupa. Te je godine CK KPJ odluio poduzeti mjere:

    za otklanjanje onih elemenata, koji bi mogli da ometa ju daljnji pravilan razvoj masovnih organizacija..., [meu njima i Saveza pionira. Rije je bila] na ro ito o abloniziranju i krutom sadraju rada [te o] uvoenju izvjesnoga nametljivog politikog

    38 HDA, Zagreb, CK SKH, Politiki biro (Polit-biro), 1050., IV., 13 (Izvjetaj o izborima za Saveznu skuptinu), nav. prema: Katarina Spehnjak, Javnost i propaganda. NF u politici i kulturi Hrvatske 1945.1952. godine, Zagreb, Hrvatski institut za povijest, biblioteka Dom i svijet, 2002., 151.

    39 Isto.40 Slobodan Novak, Dobojski

    nasip, u: Na pruzi. Zbornik radova knjievnika iz Hrvatske o pruzi amacSarajevo, Zagreb, Drutvo knjievnika Hrvatske, 1947., 184.

    41 HDA, Zagreb, HR-1220-CK SKH, Agitprop, k. 9 (1952.).

    (23) Informacije o kulturno-pro-svjetnom radu u poduzeima Zagreba, 1952.

    (24) Demonstracije protiv Fran-covog reima u panjolskoj / Milan Pavi

    (25) Dolazak tafete / Ribari

    24

    25

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.218

    (26) Cvjetni korzo u Zagrebu / Ivan Medar

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 219

    (27) Proslava 1. maja 1947. u Splitu / Ante Fuis

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.220

    rada (predavanja i politike informacije za djecu)..., uvoenju pretjeranoga vojnikog duha i discipline, [izazivajui nedovoljnu popularnost te organizacije meu djecom].42

    Valjalo je, dakle, intervenirati u dotadanji nain rada s djecom, pruajui im vie igre, radosti i zabave. Da bi to ispunio, Savjet Saveza pionira NRH pokrenuo je Biblioteku Saveza pionira gdje je, meu ostalim, obja-vio i upute za proslave pionirskih sveanosti: Dan djeje radosti, Kako da pioniri proslave Titov roendan, Proslava Dana Republike u pionirskoj organizaciji i Kako emo organizirati pozdrav proljeu.43

    Pionirski ritualiUvodni tekst u brouri Dan djeje radosti nedvosmi-sleno oslikava nastojanje oblikovanja nove, sada samo socijalistike tradicije:44 taj je praznik, koji je uveden 1949. godine,45 trebao zamijeniti rani-je zimske crkvene praznike i s vremenom postati narodnim obiajem, biti blii tadanjoj drutvenoj stvarnosti i ujedno povesti djecu u svijet pria i bajki. Potonje je prije svega palo u dunost likovima Snje-ka Bijelia i Djeda Mraza oko Stare i Nove godine, to se ini veoma zanimljivim ako se zna da se, prema rezultatima savjetovanja s brojnima pedagozima te knjievnicima i drugim umjetnicima, samo dvije godine ranije tvrdilo da je:

    28

    (28) Iz Pionirskog grada / M. Pavi(29) eke etvene sveanosti u

    Daruvaru / Milan Pavi

    42 1. zemaljska konferencija Saveza Savjeta pionira NRH, Zagreb, Sav-jet Saveza pionira NRH, 1951.

    43 Usp., primjerice, Emil Paravina, Proslava Dana Republike u pionir skoj organizaciji, Zagreb, Sa vjet Saveza pionira NRH, 1951. go di ne. Potom, kasnije, i Ivan Ha ju i, Spomen slikovnica za pio nire povodom 10godinjice oslobo enja nae domovine, Zagreb, Ti po grafija, 1955. godine.

    44 Usp. Mladen Koritnik, Dan djeje radosti, Zagreb, Savjet Saveza pionira NRH, 1951. godine.

    45 Usp. L. Sklevicky, n.dj., 66.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 221

    29

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.222

    30

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 223

    46 Isto, 59.47 Usp. isto, 66.48 Prema: M. Koritnik, n. djelo.

    31

    32 (30) Plakat za Novu godinu(31) Josip Broz Tito sa kolskom

    djecom u Kumrovcu / autor nije registriran (kat. br. 304)

    (32) Doek Titove tafete u Zagrebu / Zlatko urjak

    [Djed Mraz] neuspio boljevikoklerikalni bastard, contradictio in adjecto (mraz ne donosi nita, nikoga ne predstavlja i nikoga jo nije usreio).46

    Stoga se savjetovalo da proslave treba oistiti i oslo-boditi od utjecaja mistinih i simbolinih obreda.47

    U svakom sluaju, a prema naputcima iz broure, drutva Naa djeca su ve od poetka prosinca 1951. bila duna razraditi plan i program proslava posebno vodei rauna:

    o pripremanju darova za djecu... [te] ulaska Djeda Mra za i dijeljenju darova, o pripremi za kulturnoumje tni ki program, o ureenju prostorija, izradi pla ka ta i pozivnica, nabavci novogodinje jelke, o ki e nju jelke i postavljanju novogodinjih jelki na javnim mjesti ma, o izradbi nakita za jelku... [te] no vo go di njih e sti ta ka, o javnim priredbama za djecu, or ga ni zi ranju raznih zimskih igara i veselih djejih sa sta na ka.48

    Savjet Saveza pionira savjetovao je o svakoj pojedinoj stavci sa toga popisa: predloio je ak i nekoliko mo-tiva za estitke, odgovarajuu visinu jelke, vrijeme kada treba kititi jelku (30. prosinca popodne ili 31.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.224

    33

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 225

    prosinca dopodne), prikladne ukrase (prije postav-ljanja jelke treba na vrh postaviti petokraku zvijez-du), odoru i nastup Djeda Mraza, njegove rekvizite i atribute (preporuamo da Djeda Mraz dolazi sve-ano, da iza njega vuku saonice pune darova snjene pahuljice ili zeii, a moe ih vui i sam Djed Mraz) i, napokon, scenarij za dijeljenje darova.49

    Organizatori priredbe su mogli odluiti o tome hoe li umjesto dolaska Djeda Mraza organizirati do-lazak Snjeka Bijelia ili Nove Godine, a Novoj Godi-ni, kako se ini iz priloga A. Materijal za priredbu, darove je mogao pomoi dijeliti i stari borac.

    Naposljetku, uz samo malobrojne iznimke, politiki rituali Jugoslavije tumaili su se kao izraz potrebe da se ratne i radne pobjede, a i drugi vani dogaaji obiljee to sveanije i dostojanstvenije. Mjeavinu spontanoga i organiziranog slavlja s vremenom su poele nadomjetati sve organiziranije proslave, s ciljem da se u domenu svijesti uvrsti spoznaja o revoluciji u njenome kontinuitetu:

    [Potpora tome ogledala se u ideji da je] revolucija permanentni proces unutar bia radnike klase i da [je] treba stalno i na najraznovrsnije naine oivljavati.50

    Politiki rituali FNRJ zaista su mogli djelovati, a esto su i djelovali jednoznano i odvie harmonino, ba onako kako je trebala izgledati i budunost zemlje.

    49 Prema: isto.50 Radoslav oki, Ka prazninoj

    kulturi, Kultura, 73/74/75, Zagreb, 1986., 221232.

    51 Isto, 25.

    34

    (33) Djeji korzo u Zagrebu / Ivan Medar

    (34) Iz osloboenja Istre / Ribari(35) Opis fotografije i autor nisu

    registrirani

    Ipak, ve i prije proslave 10. obljetnice osloboenja politiki su rituali, uz iznimku proslava Dana mla-dosti, poeli gubiti na spektakularnosti. A ve poet-kom 60-ih prestale su se odravati i parade51 te su se sve ee mogli uti i glasovi kako sudionici velikih proslava jednako oni koji u njima nastupaju kao i oni koji ih gledaju ne sudjeluju u njima posve dra-govoljno. S vremenom se usto prorijedila i njihova nekada gusta simbolika mrea, a ideoloke poruke koje su prenosile postajale su s vremenom, kao i u drugima europskim socijalistikim zemljama, sve vie anakrone i kontradiktorne.

    35

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.226

    (36) Dolazak naroda u Rijeku na doek povratnika iz Kanade / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 227

    (37) Pioniri s maralom Titom / Milan Pavi

  • Nevena krbi Alempijevi

    MIT O TITU U PROSTORUPrimjer Kumrovca

    1

    REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.228

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 229

    U desetljeu nakon okonanja Drugo-ga svjetskog rata jasno su se u dru goj Jugoslaviji poeli stvarati i uo a vati obrisi, potom i raznolike di men zi je mita o Josipu Brozu Titu koji su se u javnoj retorici odrali sve do ne stanka dravne formacije koju je ta po li tika linost predstavljala.

    Bitan doprinos njegovoj mitologizaciji i polazite kasnijima brojnim reinterpretacijama njegova lika predstavljala je knjiga Vladimira Dedijera o Titu, obja vlje na 1953. godine.1 U toj knjizi, iju autenti-nost Dedijer nastoji zajamiti prenoenjem kaziva nja samoga J. Broza i njegovih bliskih suradnika, usto-li uje se predodba o Titu kao predvodniku revolu-cio narnog radnikog pokreta, velikom vojskovoi i vojnom strategu, ratnom pobjedniku koji se ne us pavljuje slavom nego uporno i dalje djeluje u na-sto janjima stvaranja bolje budunosti za sve. Takav je mitski Tito odjeven u vojniki kaput, u pokre-tu, s rukama na leima i zamiljena pogleda svoju ma terijalizaciju doivio u bronanome kipu Antuna Augustinia iz 1948. godine.

    U djelu V. Dedijera naglaene su i naracije o Titu kao voi naroda koji je ponosan na svoje seljako porijeklo, ali i radniko djelovanje. Stoga se u poet-nim poglavljima knjige on opisuje kao seosko dijete kojemu uvanje krava na zagorskim panjacima ne ostavlja dovoljno vremena za pripreme za kolu, a potom i kao radnik, metalac koji izuavanje bravar-skog zanata u Sisku kombinira s ranim politikim djelovanjem.2 Tako opisani, a ujedno i zamiljeni Tito vlastitim je ivotopisom utjelovljivao zemlju radnika i seljaka, kako se nekadanja druga Jugosla-vija u popularnome diskursu nazivala. Naposljetku, daljnjim kronolokim opisivanjem ivotnih etapa znaajnih za formiranje Titova lika V. Dedijer je ocr-tao i socijalistiku inaicu mita o preobrazbi, usmje-ravajui se na lik koji je jedan od nas, ali ujedno i toliko poseban da se uspeo na pijedestal najboljega meu nama.

    No, tekstovi o Titu, bilo oni beletristiki ili znan-stveni, prije svega historiografski, nisu iscrpljivali oblike konstrukcije mitova o njemu. Mit se stvarao i drugim sredstvima: organiziranjem proslava, cere-monija, komemoracija, kulturnim i javnim praksa-ma, poput organiziranih masovnih prenoenja tafe-te zapoetih 1945. godine, a koja su bila dio proslava roendana J. Broza Tita. Pritom su svako noenje tafetne palice i svaki dar namijenjen Titu odraavali prevladavajue vienje njegova lika, a u pojedina-nim i jedinstvenim izvedbama koje su pridavale jo jedan sloj njegovoj mitskoj figuri.3 Usto, mit o Titu upisivao se i u prostor: brojni su lokaliteti koji su se nalazili na njegovim putovima u vrijeme rata ili po-slijeratnoga mira na mentalnim kartama nekadanje druge Jugoslavije reinterpretirani kao toposi u kojima se pobuuju i svakim posjetom nanovo oivljavaju temeljni jugoslavenski mitovi.

    Istaknuto mjesto u tom imaginariju imao je Ku-mrovec, koji se kao Titovo rodno selo u tadanjemu diskursu definirao kao kolijevka najveeg sina jugoslavenskih naroda i narodnosti te arite temeljnih ideolokih poruka. To se selo s tristotinjak stanov-nika od polovice 20. stoljea postupno preoblikovalo u ogledni primjerak socijalistikoga prosperiteta i napretka te nezaobilazno politiko-turistiko odre-dite. U sreditu preoznaavanja Kumrovca stajala je rodna kua J. Broza, ujedno prvi kumroveki prostor koji je doivio materijalnu rekonstrukciju u skladu sa socijalistikim obrascem.4 Naime, netom nakon zavretka rata 1945. kua je stavljena izvan uporabe, a obje su obitelji Brozovih koje su u njoj stanovale preseljene u nove domove, jer je, kako se navodi u dokumentima kasnijega muzejskog vodstva spo-men-kue, ve tada prevladalo miljenje:

    ... da kuu treba sauvati nenastanjenu i praznu kao izvanredno vaan spomenik sam po sebi. Zato je kui oduzeta svaka daljnja funkcija i ostavljeno joj je samo najue spomeniko znaenje.5

    Godine 1952. kustosi Etnografskog muzeja, Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt te strunjaci iz Konzervatorskog zavoda Hrvatske u Zagrebu dobili su zadatak da urede kuu kao muzej s autentinim sadrajem. Kua je 1953.

    1 Usp. Vladimir Dedijer, J. Broz Tito: prilozi za biografiju. Beograd, Kultura, 1953. te, potom, i Novi prilozi za biografiju Josipa Broza Tita, 2. tom Rijeka, Liburnija, 1981., te 3. tom, Beograd, Izda-vaka radna organizacija Rad, 1984. godine.

    2 Usp. Isti, J. Broz Tito..., n.dj., 26 i 3746.

    3 Usp. Ivan olovi, O maketama i tafetama, u: VlasTito iskustvo, ur. Radonja Leposavi, Beograd, Samizdat B92, 2004, 137162.

    4 Usp. Nevena krbi Alempijevi i Petra Kelemen, Travelling to the Birthplace of the Greatest Son of Yugoslav Nations. The Construction of Kumrovec as a Political Tourism Destination, u: Yugoslavias Sunny Side. A History of Tourism in Socialism (1950s1980s), ed.. Hannes Grandits i Karin Taylor. Budapest New York, Central European University Press, 2010, 141169.

    5 Marijana Gui, Selo Kumrovec povijesni spomenik, neobjavljeni rukopis pohranjen u Hrvatskome dravnom arhivu u Zagrebu, Osobni fond M. Gui, 2428, sig. 21/1986, k. 4, str. 1.

    (1) Otkrivanje spomenika Titu u Kumrovcu / Milan Pavi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.230

    2

    3

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 231

    otvorena za javnost kao Memorijalni muzej marala Tita, pod vodstvom etnologinje M. Gui, koja je, pre-ma navodu V. Dedijera, organizaciju i vodstvo muzeja preuzela jo 1952. na poziv samoga J. Broza, koji je stekao pozitivne dojmove o njoj razgledavi njezinu izlobu narodnih radova postavljenu u Maralatu.6

    M. Gui je pristupila prikazivanju ivota J. Broza kroz dvije ivotne etape. U desnom je krilu kue nastojala rekonstruirati dom Brozovih u vrijeme njegova ranog djetinjstva. U prvi postav uvrtava i umjetnike prikaze njegovih ivotnih epizoda, no oni se postupno zamjenjuju kadgod je to bilo mogu-e originalnim predmetima iz kuanstva Brozovih ili onima koji su kasnije bili u Titovu vlasnitvu. Autentinost izloenih predmeta naglaavala se i u medijskim prikazima, pri emu su autori nerijetko opisivali ili zamiljali naine na koje su ih lanovi obitelji Broz, pa i sam Josip koristili. To se posebno odnosi na sredinji objekt toga dijela postava, s ko-lijevkom u kojoj se zibao i Josip, za koju se u novin-skim lancima tvrdilo da je prava, iz Predsjedniko-va djetinjstva.7 Lijevi dio rodne kue posveen je, pak, Titovu kolovanju, poecima revolucionarnog djelovanja, progonima i zatvaranjima te kasnijemu angairanju Tita u voenju antifaistike borbe, s naglascima i na njegovo poslijeratno politiko dje-lovanje.

    Oba dijela muzejskoga postava ujedno korespo-ndiraju s dvjema razliitim, ali meusobno ispre-pletenim dimenzijama mita o Titu. Prva obuhvaa naknadno ispisivanje ivotopisa djeaka sa Sutle na blizak nain, poput onoga kojega je gotovo tri de-setljea kasnije priredio Milivoj Matoec.8 Rije je o prikazu jednostavnoga i siromanog ozraja koje je iznjedrilo velikana naega doba te potaknulo ra-zvoj prepoznatljivih osobina budueg voe. U dru-goj etapi muzeografski predoenoga Titova ivotnog puta predstavljen je, pak, politiki voa prepoznat i slavljen irom svijeta, pri emu se naglaavaju unu-tar mita o Titu i naznake o njemu kao bonvivanu i uglaenom ovjeku dobrog ukusa koji zna uivati u ivotu i svojoj slavi. Potonja dimenzija svoj puni izri-aj ima u prikazu njegova ivota na Brijunima, otoju koje je obiljeeno njegovom prisutnou od 1947. do 1979. godine, bilo da u cadillacu iz 1953. obilazi svoj safari park ili na pristanitu doekuje nebrojene dr-avnike, uglednike i medijske zvijezde.

    Cjelovit je prikaz u kumrovekome muzeju toga doba u potpunosti materijalizirao ideoloku repre-zentaciju mitskog lika J. Broza Tita, koji je, meu ostalim, trebao svjedoiti i o tome:

    kako su bosonogi zagorski djeaci odlazili u svijet, kako su ostavljali svoj siromani dom, odlijetali iz svoga bijednog sela nosei u sebi bunt i odlunost da svojim uljevima izvojuju sretniju budunost novim pokoljenjima, i kako je jednom od tih poletaraca uspje

    lo da stane na elo svjetskoj borbi za mir, za budunost ovjeanstva.9

    U toj se prii Tito postavlja kao model drutvene pokretljivosti, a Kumrovec kao poligon u kojemu je zapoet jugoslavenski san. Kretanjem kroz dvije muzejske prostorije posjetiteljima se namee i mit o preobrazbi preobrazbi jednoga iznimnog pojedinca, koji se moe kriti i u svakome od posjetitelja, a koji je krenuo kroz trnje i posegnuo za (crvenom) zvijezdom. O tome da je takva muzeoloka, a istodobno i politika strategija nalazila svoj put do posjetitelja svjedoe i zapisi u knjigama utisaka iz tog razdoblja, pri emu su, upravo u skromnosti male, seljake kue, kako to, primjerice, pie u jednome zapisu iz 1947. godine, pojedini posjetitelji nalazili zaetke kasnijih Titovih predvodnikih osobina:

    6 Usp. V. Dedijer, Novi prilozi..., 2. tom, n.dj., 209.

    7 Mahmud Konjhodi, U kui Brozovih, Narodni list, 25. svibnja 1955. godine.

    8 Usp. Milivoj Matoec, Djeak sa Sutle. Zagreb, Mladost, 1980. godine.

    9 M. Gui, n.dj., 8.

    4

    (2) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja Staro selo, Kumrovec

    (3) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja Staro selo, Kumrovec

    (4) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja Staro selo, Kumrovec

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    5

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    9

    6

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    10

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    Ovaj tihi seljaki dom, u kojega sam danas uao, ponovio je moje uvjerenje da samo onaj ovjek koji se rodi u takvom domu moe da vodi svoj narod u sretniju i bolju budunost.10

    S obzirom da je muzej koncipiran kao eminentno sredstvo idejnog odgoja naeg ovjeka, prvenstveno nae omladine,11 ni dolazak posjetitelja u Kumrovec nije bio preputen sluaju ili iskljuivo individualnoj inicijativi. Organizaciju putovanja i posjeta uglav-nom su preuzimale utjecajne ustanove i udruenja, sindikalne podrunice i kole. Stoga je, primjerice, 1954. uprava Muzeja za umjetnost i obrt u Zagrebu usvojila odluku da e ba ta ustanova posjetiteljima osiguravati vodie i organizaciju putovanja iz Zagre-ba u Kumrovec.

    Kumrovec je sve do raspada Socijalistike Fede-rativne Republike Jugoslavije predstavljao znaajno politiko i memorijalno mjesto za brojne posjetite-lje. Primjerice, neposredno nakon Titove smrti 1980. godine, broj posjetitelja u tijeku godine iznosio je, prema neobjavljenoj dokumentaciji o posjetima ku-mrovekome Muzeju Staro selo, priblino milijun i petsto tisua. A glavni poticaj opisane kumroveke preobrazbe zasnovan je na mitu o Titu. Njegova sim-bolika nazonost u svakom segmentu opisanog pro-jekta predstavljala je temeljnu atrakcijsku osnovicu za tisue posjetitelja koji su se iz svih krajeva druge Jugoslavije upuivali u zagorsko selo Kumrovec, u kojemu se, u jednoj kui, pod krovom u kolijevci odnjihalo sedmo dijete Franje i Marije Broz, Tito, gi-gant naeg doba.12

    10 Prema: N. krbi Alempijevi i P. Kelemen, n. dj.

    11 M. Gui, n.dj., 1.12 Isto.

    11

    (5) Kadar iz filma Titova tafeta, 1952.

    (6) Kadar iz filma Titova tafeta, 1952.

    (7) Kadar iz filma Titova tafeta, 1952.

    (8) Kadar iz filma Titova tafeta, 1952.

    (9) Kadar iz filma Titova tafeta, 1952.

    (10) Kadar iz filma Titova tafeta, 1952.

    (11) Kadar iz filma Titova tafeta, 1952.

  • TITO KAO DANDy

    1

    REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.234

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 235

    Jedno od polja fascinacije Titom je opinjenost njegovim glamuroznim stilom ivota. Titova sklonost kienju i oblaenju je ponekad ak koritena i kao diplomatsko oruje.

    Primjerice, kada su sovjetski voe doli u pokajniki posjet Beogradu u svibnju 1955. godine, New York Times je pisao kako je ve i sam kontrast Titove svjetloplave maralske uniforme izvezene zlatom, naspram sovjetskih, jednostavnih i od puta izguvanih odijela, djelovao impresivno. Nasuprot veini ostalih, pogotovo komunistikih, diktatora, u prikazima Titova ivota rano su se pojavili luksuz i sjaj, posebno u izvjetajima s egzotinih putovanja.

    Izvjetaji Filmskih novosti s Titovih putovanja, s ljetovanja na Brijunima, iz lova vie nalikuju na prie o zvijezdama, koje e se u Jugoslaviji pojaviti tek nekoliko desetljea kasnije.

    Mada, moda bi se i u njima mogao prepoznati mnogo stariji obrazac. Tito je bio simboliki otac naroda ili bolje

    reeno dobri kralj kao u narodnim bajkama i legendama. Za kralja je normalno da ivi u dvorcu, da ima sjajne uniforme, da ide u kraljevski lov... (Predrag Markovi)

    U Fototeci Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije uva se oko 150.000 fotografija koje prate sva Titova javna pojav-ljivanja u zemlji i svijetu od 1948. do 1980. godine. Fotografije ujedno dokumentiraju situacije koje bi se, prema sadraju, mogle smatrati privatnima (mnoge od njih su reirani fotodokumenti o nekim segmen-tima ivota Josipa Broza i lanova njegove obitelji). Pregledom Fototeke otkrivala se jedna druga, para-lelna, raskona i ureena realnost potpuno drugaija od one koju smo pamtili iz medijskih slika 50-ih i 60-ih godina XX. stoljea. Pred nama su bile istinske modne slike na kojima istaknuto mjesto zauzima estetizirano odijevanje i izgled, ekvivalent onoga to smo tih desetljea mogli vidjeti u svjetskim modnim asopisima.

    Tito je samouvjereno nosio svoja mnogobrojna, besprijekorno ivana odijela i odjevne detalje koji su ga inili pripadnikom svjetske klase dandyja, kako

    2 3

    (1) FKPR*

    (2) Naslovnica asopisa Life, 1952.(3) Naslovnica asopisa Life, 1949.

    * FKPR Fotosluba Kabineta Predsjednika Republike

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.236

    4

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 237

    ga je jo za vrijeme panjolskog graanskog rata opisao Salvador Dali. Odjea i modni deta-lji Jo si pa Broza su se nabavljali u Trstu, Milanu, Parizu i Londonu, ali i u Jugoslaviji. Dio njegove odjee je izraen u domaim krojakim radio-nicama i tvornicama odijela: Vuteks, Varteks, Teteks i Beko.1

    1 iz depilijana izlobe Zlatni album, Jugoslavija 19521968 Modne slike predsednikog para, Muzej istorije Jugoslavije i Muzej Vojvodine, 18. svibnja - 10. lipnja 2012.

    (4) Naslovnica asopisa Life, 1948.

    (5) S mornarima koji izlaze iz mornarice / FKPR

    (6) FKPR(7) FKPR

    6

    5

    7

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.238

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    (8) Doek Nove godine u hotelu Winter Palace, Luxor, Egipat / FKPR

    (9) Na palubi Galeba, Port Said, Egipat / FKPR

    (10) Doek Nove godine u hotelu Winter Palace, Luxor, Egipat / FKPR

    (11) / FKPR(12) Prijem diplomatskog kora,

    Brdo kod Kranja / FKPR(13) Posjet cara Hailea Selassija

    Titu, Beograd / FKPR(14) Odlazak na ruak kod kraljice

    Elizabete, London / FKPR(15) Oprotajna veera u ast

    Nehrua i predaja poklona, Brijuni / FKPR

    (16) Veernji prijem u Belom Dvo-ru u ast Anthonyja Edena, Beograd / FKPR

    (17) Posjet sovjetske delegacije, Brijuni / FKPR

    (18) Prijem u ast Dana Republi-ke, Sarajevo / FKPR

    13

    14

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    16

    (19) fkpr(20) fkpr(21) fkpr(22) Lov na nojeve na putu prema

    Mileu, Etiopija / FKPR(23) Na izletu u Dobanovcima /

    FKPR

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    (24) U parku i na Vangi, Brijuni / FKPR

    (25) Prijem premijera U Nua na Brijunima / FKPR

    (26) Na putu za Brdo / FKPR(27) U parku i na Vangi, Brijuni /

    FKPR

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.244

    S POTOVANJEM TITU

    1

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 245

    Darovi koje je Tito primao od stranih dravnika, slu be nih izaslanstava iz zemlje i inozemstva te od gra a na na-stajali su ne samo u vremenu njego-ve vla da vi ne, ve u svim povijesnim razdobljima, u ra znim di je lo vima Jugoslavije i svijeta. Razliitog su po-dri je tla, izvedbe i namjene, razliite umjetni ke, ma te ri jal ne i emotivne vrijednosti, a stizali su po tom ili su uruivani osobno povodom posjeta, ro en dana ili dru gih prigoda.

    (1) Maral Tito za radnim stolom ita estitke za svoj roendan / Mladen Grevi

    (2) Prijem predstavnika Jugo-slavenske ratne mornarice, Brijuni / FKPR

    (3) Iz fotodokumentacije Muzeja istorije Jugoslavije

    2

    Darivanje je bilo i dio uo bi ajenoga dr avnog proto-kola i izraz osobne na klo nosti pred sje dni ku. Tijekom prvih desetak poratnih godina po sebno su zanimljivi predmeti koje su Titu slala po du zea, drutvene or-ganizacije, radnici, omladin ci, pioniri, borci, vojnici, manje ili vie anonimni ju go sla venski graani. Bilo je tu tafeta, plake ta, liko vnih djela, fotografskih al-buma, narodnoga ve za, maketa pro izvodnih pogona i drugih mjesta za rad i stvaranje, elektrinih ureaja i pisaeg pribora, pre dmeta tra dicionalne folklorne vrijednosti, ali i onih koji su svje doili o moderniza-ciji, znanstvenom i tehnikom napretku. Inovativan ili tradicionalan, svaki je po klon bio pokazatelj krea-tivnosti naroda te znak ma sovnoga javnog isticanja potovanja i zahvalnosti pre dsjedniku iji se kult linosti oblikovao i uvrivao od kraja rata.*

    3

    * Igor Duda, iz legende za izlobu Refleksije vremena

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.246

    (4) Pismo drugu Titu od omladinaca iz tafetne palice, O Dragojle Jarnevi, Karlovac, 2. pol. 20. st. (kat. br. 256)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 247

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.248

    5 6

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 249

    7 8

    (5) tafetna palica, 1952. (kat. br. 401)(6) tafetna palica, 1954. (kat. br. 400)(7) tafetna palica, 1951. (kat. br. 422)(8) tafetna palica, 1950. (kat. br. 405)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.250

    9

    10 11

    (9) Ukrasni jastuk, 1945. (kat. br. 393)

    (10) Ukrasna jastunica (kat. br. 395)

    (11) Ukrasni jastuk (kat. br. 390)(12) Ukrasna jastunica

    (kat. br. 392)(13) Ukrasna petokraka

    (kat. br. 394)(14) Ukrasna jastunica

    (kat. br. 390)(15) Ukrasni jastuk (kat. br. 391)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 251

    12

    14 1513

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    (16) Ukrasni tanjur (kat. br. 397)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 253

    (17) Prikaz zadrunog doma, 1950. (kat. br. 396)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.254

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    2122

    20

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    (18) Figura ene s lovorovim vijencem (kat. br. 359)

    (19) Maketa zrakoplova, 1947. (kat. br. 363)

    (20) Stolna svjetiljka (kat. br. 382)(21) Maketa rafinerije nafte, 1951.

    (kat. br. 362)(22) Pepeljara, 1945. (kat. br. 360)(23) Maketa vage (kat. br. 373)(24) Model limene kante za vodu

    (kat. br. 372)

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    30 31

    28 29

    26

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    32

    34

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    33

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    (25) Dra ibica (kat. br. 387)(26) Stolna svjetiljka (kat. br. 384)(27) Radioaparat, 1952. (kat. br. 376)(28) Maketa planinarske cipele,

    1951. (kat. br. 374)(29) Maketa zubne proteze sa zubi-

    ma, 1955. (kat. br. 365)(30) Mastionica 1945. (kat. br. 379)(31) Mastionica 1945. (kat. br. 380)(32) Uzorci ruda bakra, 1952. (kat.

    br. 388)(33) Maketa grobnice, 1947.

    (kat. br. 381)(34) Kutijica s fotografijama ista-

    knutih drutveno-politikih radnika, 1952. (kat. br. 383)

    (35) Svjetiljka sa srpom i ekiem, 1948. (kat. br. 377)

    (36) Maketa pei za topljenje koja slui kao stolna svjetiljka, 1951. (kat. br. 361)

    (37) Figura nagog mukarca, 1949. (kat. br. 367)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.258

    (38) S proslave Titova roendana na Jelaievu trgu 1945. / Ribari

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 259

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.260

    Jesmo li Jo uviJek moderni?Leonida Kova

    (1) Vojin Baki, Spomenik narodnom ustanku, Kolain, 1949.(1) Vojin Baki, Spomenik narodnom ustanku, Kolain, 1949.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 261

    Trebalo bi naroitu panju posvetiti fiktivnim ele-mentima nae civilizacije, knjievnosti i umjet-nosti, itavom nizu alosnih peripetija politikih borbi iz druge polovine 19. stoljea i na prijelazu u 20. stoljee, koje po zakonu inercije jo uvijek kao petrefakti djeluju na amalgam nae kulturne svijesti, jer se svi elementi te heterogene kulturne svijesti nalaze u elatini neformirane mase, koje nije nikada nitko pokuao da razbistri po jednom loginom i pouzdanom sistemu. (Miroslav Krlea)

    Znaenje rijei demokracija nije nita manje problematino od znaenja rijei realizam. Kolokvijalno, oba se termina koriste za oznaavanje samorazumljivih pojmova, a problematinost njihova znaenja dodatno se komplicira pokuajem sagledavanja onoga to se naziva (takoer samorazumljivim) podrujem umjetnosti izvan konteksta vizualne kulture, odnosno, procesa i tehnologija vizu-alne konstrukcije kulture (arko Pai). Posebnu pozornost stoga treba posvetiti u diskursu o umjetnosti samorazumljivoj kategoriji socijalistikog realizma te, nadalje, mitu prema kojemu, za razliku od ostalih komunistikih zemalja, sredinom 20. st. u jugoslavenskoj, dakle i hrvatskoj umjetnosti socijalistiki realizam nije postojao u smislu dominantne estetike paradigme. Pitanje koje pritom nei-zostavno treba postaviti je to je to zapravo socijalistiki realizam i u kakvom je odnosu spram, s jedne strane, modernistike estetike, a s druge pojma modernosti i procesa modernizacije? I nadalje, je li 20. stoljee koje je, meu ostalim, generiralo i socijalistiki realizam, prolo svreno vrijeme?

    U knjizi udbenikih svojstava iz 2004. godine, koja nudi pre-gled i sociokulturnu kontekstualizaciju umjetnosti 20. stoljea, a ije autorstvo potpisuje etvero danas vodeih povjesniara/teoretiara umjetnosti i uglednih profesora s prestinih amerikih sveuilita, Benjamin Buchloh fenomen socijalistikog realizma sagledava u kontekstu antimodernistikih tendencija koje se po-javljuju potkraj 20-ih i tijekom 30-ih godina. Meu njih ubraja rappel lordre u Francuskoj, Neue Sachlichkeit u Njemakoj, fa-istiki neoklasicizam u Mussolinijevoj Italiji, Nazi Kunst u doba Treega Reicha te razliite oblike socijalnog realizma u Sjedinjeni-ma Amerikim Dravama (SAD).1 U njegovoj kontekstualizaciji predmetnog fenomena problematinim se namee upravo termin antimodernizam iju je genezu i argumentaciju mogue pratiti kroz procese i postupke normiranja moderne umjetnosti, koje

    zapoinje 40-ih godina upravo djelatnou amerike umjetnike kritike, da bi 50-ih rezultiralo svojevrsnom ideologijom visokog modernizma, sinkronom uspostavi globalne amerike, vojne, eko-nomske i kulturne dominacije.

    Inae, meu kljunim dogaajima u procesu normiranja moder-ne umjetnosti je tekst Clementa Greenberga Avangarda i ki, objav-ljen 1939. u amerikome ljeviarskom asopisu Partisan Review kojim autor kritizirajui kapitalistiki konzumerizam zapravo idealizira i depolitizira avangardnu umjetnost. Konstatirajui da je avangardina emigracija iz buroaskog drutva u boemu ujedno znaila i emigraciju s kapitalistikih trita, on zakljuuje da je avangarda ipak ostala odana buroaskom drutvu upravo stoga to je trebala njegov novac:

    Ipak, kada se jednom uspjela odvojiti od drutva, avangarda se nastavila vrtjeti oko revolucionarne politike a ujedno je, kao i onu buroasku, odbacivati. Revolucija je ostavljena unutar drutva, kao dio zbrke ideoloke borbe koju umjetnost i poezija smatraju nepri-kladnom sve dok ne pone ukljuivati ona dragocjena aksiomatska vjerovanja na kojima je kultura tako dugo morala poivati. Tako se dogodilo da istinska i najvanija funkcija avangarde nije bila eksperimentirati nego pronai put kojim bi bilo mogue nastaviti kretanje kulture usred ideoloke konfuzije i nasilja. Povlaei se iz javnosti avangardni pjesnik ili umjetnik nastojao je visoku razinu svoje umjetnosti odrati suavajui je i uzdiui do izraza apso-lutnog u kojemu bi sve relativnosti i kontradikcije bile rijeene ili postale bespredmetnima. Tako nastaje umjetnost radi umjetnosti i ista poezija, a predmet interesa ili sadraj postaje neto to treba izbjegavati kao kugu. U potrazi za apsolutnim avangarda je stigla do apstraktne ili nepredmetne umjetnosti i poezije. Avangardni umjetnik ili pjesnik pokuava, u biti, imitirati Boga stvarajui neto to je vrijedno jedino u vlastitim terminima... Sadraj se treba pot-puno rastopiti u formi tako da umjetniko ili knjievno djelo ne moe, dijelom ili u cjelini, biti svedeno ni na to drugo osim na samo sebe.2

    Za razliku od svog suvremenika Waltera Benjamina koji tri godine ranije u Zeitschrift fr Sozialforschung objavljuje Umjetniko djelo u razdoblju tehnike reproducibilnosti,3 C. Greenberg potpuno ignorira

    1 Usp. B. Buchloh, 1934a. At the First All Union of Writers, Andrei Zhdanov lays down the doctrine of Soviet Socialist Realism, u: Hal Foster, Rosalind Krauss, Yve-Alain Bois, B. Buchloh, Art Since 1900: Modernism, Antimodernism, Postmodernism, London, Thames & Hudson, 2004, 260.

    2 C. Greenberg, Avant-garde and Kitsch, u: isti, Art and Culture, London, Thames & Hudson, 1973, 5-6.3 Usp. W. Benjamin, Das Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen Reproduzierbarkeit, u

    hrvatskome prijevodu Snjeke Kneevi objavljeno pod naslovom Umjetniko djelo u razdoblju tehnike reproducibilnosti, u: isti, Estetiki ogledi, Zagreb, kolska knjiga, 1986.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.262

    (2) Bogumil Car, U ast Dana Republike, 1945. (kat. br. 8)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 263

    injenicu da su modernost i moderna umjetnost uvjetovane pro-mjenom proizvodnih i, susljedno tome, kulturalnih paradigmi, te invencijom medija (fotografije i filma) kojima je reproducibilnost imanentna. U istom tekstu, Avangarda i ki, on pledira za umjet-nost visokog ranga, jer su mase oduvijek bile i ostale indiferentne prema kulturi. A gdje ima avangarde ima i retrogarde, zakljuuje, tvrdei da je ki proizvod industrijske revolucije koja je urbanizira-la mase u Zapadnoj Europi i SAD-u te utemeljila ono to se naziva univerzalnom pismenou:

    Uvoenjem univerzalne pismenosti sposobnost itanja i pisanja postala je gotovo minorna vjetina poput upravljanja automobilom, te nije vie sluila isticanju pojedinevih inklinacija prema kultu-ri, budui da je prestala biti ekskluzivnom pratiljom rafiniranog ukusa. Seljaci, koji su se nastanili u gradovima kao proletarijat i malograani, nauili su itati i pisati zbog efikasnosti, ali im je bila uskraena dokolica i komfor neophodan za uivanje u tradicional-noj gradskoj kulturi. Gubei, meutim, ukus za narodnu kulturu kojoj je pozadina bila selo i otkrivajui istodobno novu sposobnost za dosadu, nove su urbane mase izvrile pritisak na drutvo da im omogui vrstu kulture primjerenu njihovoj vlastitoj konzu-maciji. Da bi se ispunio zahtjev novog trita izmiljena je nova roba: Ersatz-kultura, ki, namijenjena onima koji su, neosjetljivi na vrijednosti istinske kulture, ipak gladni razbibrige koju jedino neka vrsta kulture moe dati. Ki, koristei sirovi materijal niskih i akademiziranih simulakra istinske kulture, pozdravlja i kultivira takvu neosjetljivost, ukoliko je to izvor profita. Ki je mehanian i operira formulama. Ki je zamjensko iskustvo i lani osjet. Ki se mijenja ovisno o stilu, ali uvijek ostaje isti. Ki je sukus svega onoga to je lano u ivotu naeg doba. Ki se pravi da od svojih kupaca ne trai nita drugo doli njihov novac, ak ni njihovo vrijeme... Posve je oito da je sav ki akademski; i obratno, sve to je akademsko je ki. Zato jer to to se naziva akademskim, kao takvo, nema vie neovisnu egzistenciju, nego je postalo napuhana fasada za ki. Industrijske metode istiskuju runi rad.4

    Razmatrati estetiku produkciju socijalistikog realizma u ter-minima pukog kia, odnosno Ersatz-kulture, znailo bi ignorirati injenicu na koju upozorava Boris Groys. Sovjetski eksperiment u izgradnji artificijelnog drutva, tvrdi on, inaugurirao je novu epo-hu politike imaginacije koja je jo daleko od svoga kraja. Tu se umjetnost politike transformira u politiku umjetnosti, a politika se imaginacija asimilira u umjetniku imaginaciju.5

    Navedeni Greenbergov tekst napisan je i objavljen pet godina nakon to je 1934. na 1. kongresu sovjetskih pisaca Staljinov glav-ni komesar za kulturu dao programsku definiciju socijalistikog realizma. Invencija termina socijalistiki realizam, pripisuje se, pak, Josifu V. Staljinu osobno, koji je, navodno, 1932. tijekom tajnog sastanka pisaca u stanu Maksima Gorkog izjavio:

    Ako umjetnik eli tono prikazati ivot nee propustiti primijetiti i istaknuti ono to vodi u socijalizam. Tako e to biti socijalistika umjetnost. Bit e to socijalistiki realizam.6

    Zagovarajui dogmom socijalistikog realizma prohibiranu so-vjetsku avangardu i aludirajui na Staljinov ozloglaeni zahtjev da pisci i umjetnici trebaju biti inenjeri ljudskih dua, C. Greenberg

    sarkastino konstatira da ki dri diktatora u bliskijem kontaktu s duom naroda. Razlog za zabranu avangardne umjetnosti u Savezu Sovjetskih Socijalistikih Republika (SSSR), kao i u tadanjoj Italiji i Njemakoj, on ne vidi u tome to bi superiorna kultura (u ovom sluaju avangarda) bila inherentno kritinija kultura, nego u tome to je poticanje kia jedan od jeftinih naina na koji se totalitarni reimi nastoje dodvoriti svojim podanicima.

    Budui da ti reimi, ak i da hoe, ne mogu podii kulturnu razinu masa, oni e im laskati sputanjem sve kulture na njihovu razinu.7

    U Greenbergovoj elaboraciji razlike izmeu kia i istinske umjet-nosti indikativnom se pokazuje uporaba termina kultura u krajnje simplificiranom znaenju. On kulturno definira kao neto radi-kalno suprotstavljeno nekulturnome u znaenju neobrazovanog i nerafiniranog ukusa, proizvodei tako relaciju ekvivalencije izmeu pojmova ukusa i kulture. C. Greenberg, u to doba ljeviar, paradoksalno, nije u stanju pojam kulture sagledati u terminima proizvodnosti, pa tako ni proizvedenosti ukusa pojedinih klasa, to ne iskljuuje ni ukus masa urbaniziranih tijekom industrijskih revolucija.

    A jedan od utemeljitelja podruja kulturalnih studija, Raymond Williams, naglaava postojanje triju openitih kategorija u defi-niranju kulture. Prva je idealna, i po njoj bi kultura bila stanje ili proces ovjekova usavravanja u odnosu na odreene apsolutne ili univerzalne vrijednosti. Susljedno tome, analiza kulture us-postavlja se kao otkrivanje i opisivanje onih vrijednosti u ivoti-ma i djelima koje kao da stvaraju bezvremeni poredak ili su, pak, neraskidivo povezane s univerzalnim ljudskim stanjem. Drugu kategoriju naziva dokumentarnom, i po njoj je kultura skup djela uma i mate u kojemu su veoma detaljno i na razliite naine zabiljeene misli i iskustvo ljudi. Prema takvoj definiciji analiza kulture bila bi kritika djelatnost kojom se opisuju i vrednuju narav misli i iskustva, jezine pojedinosti, oblik i konvencije. Kao treu navodi socijalnu definiciju kulture, prema kojoj bi se kultu-ralna analiza bavila opisom posebnog naina ivota u kojemu se odreena znaenja i vrijednosti ne izraavaju samo u umjetnosti i miljenju nego i u institucijama i svakodnevnome ponaanju. Kulturalna analiza koja ishodi iz socijalne definicije ukljuuje povijesnu kritiku koja djela uma i mate analizira u odnosu na posebne tradicije i drutva, ali takoer i analizu sastavnica naina ivota koje, prema zagovornicima drugih definicija, uope nisu kultura, primjerice, organizaciju proizvodnje, strukturu obitelji, strukturu institucija koje izraavaju ili ureuju drutvene odnose, karakteristine oblike kojima lanovi drutva komuniciraju. R. Williams upozorava da znaenjske i smislene varijacije u upora-bi pojma kulture valja promatrati ne samo kao nedostatke koji onemoguuju izlaganje sreene i iskljuive definicije nego i kao izvornu sloenost toga pojma koja je u skladu sa stvarnim sastav-nicama iskustva. Svaki od ta tri glavna naina definiranja kulture

    4 C. Greenberg, n.dj., 9-11.5 Usp. B. Groys, Pogovor engleskog izdanja (napisan 2010. godine), u: isti, The Total Art of Stalinism:

    Avant-Garde, Aesthetic, Dictatorship and Beyond (prev. Charles Rougle), London, Verso, 2011, 129.6 Prema: B. Buchloh, n. djelo.7 C. Greenberg, n.dj., 19.

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    (3) Andrija Maurovi, Partija i Tito, 1949. (kat. br. 147)

    PAZITI NAGIB FOTKE

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    ima smisla, stoga bi panju trebalo usmjeriti upravo na njihove meusobne odnose. Zbog toga on svaku pojedinu definiciju unutar bilo koje od navedenih kategorija, a koja ne ukljuuje odnos prema ostalima, smatra neprimjerenom i neprihvatljivom, posebice onu idealnu koja nastoji izdvojiti proces to ga opisuje od njegova kon-kretnog utjelovljenja i oblika u pojedinim drutvima. Posrijedi je definicija koja ovjekov idealni razvoj shvaa kao neto odvojeno ili ak suprotstavljeno njegovoj ivotinjskoj naravi i zadovoljenju materijalnih potreba.8

    Evidentno je da Greenbergov diskurs, koji tijekom 50-ih postaje uporitem ideologije visokog modernizma s inherentnom joj azi-lacijom i depolitizacijom umjetnosti, operira definicijom kulture proizalom iz tzv. idealne kategorije. Za razliku od dominantne struje amerike povijesti i kritike umjetnosti koja i danas fenomen socijalistikog realizma diskreditira u terminima antimoderniz-ma u kojima odjekuje Greenbergova binarna opozicija avangarde i kia, B. Groys odnos sovjetske umjetnike avangarde i Staljinovog socrealistikog projekta sagledava potpuno drugaije. U knjizi izvorno napisanoj na ruskome jeziku, a koja je svoje 1. izdanje 1988. doivjela u njemakom prijevodu pod naslovom Gesamt-kunstwerk Stalin, on upravo u Staljinovom totalnom umjetnikom djelu prepoznaje oivotvorenje avangardnog imperativa, a u soci-jalistikom realizmu modernistiki idiom. Pitanja poput onoga je li u sluaju Nazi Kunsta ili socrealizma uope rije o umjetnosti, B. Groys smatra proizalima iz naivnog poimanja umjetnosti kakvo je dvadesetostoljetna estetika pustila u optjecaj, a prema kojemu je umjetnost aktivnost neovisna od moi, aktivnost koja nastoji obraniti autonomiju pojedinca i svojstvenih mu individualnih slo-boda. Podsjea pritom kako je, povijesno gledano, umjetnost koja se openito smatra dobrom esto sluila uljepavanju i glorifikaciji moi. Stoga on, tovie, najvei problem kako ruske, tako i zapad-njake historiografije moderne umjetnosti prepoznaje u upornom odbijanju da prizna kako to to je avangardna umjetnost svoje stvo-ritelje uinila autsajderima nipoto ne znai da su ti isti umjetnici svjesno teili takvoj poziciji ili da im je nedostajala volja za mo. Jer paljivo prouavanje teorija i praksi tih umjetnika ukazuje na neto suprotno: u avangardnoj umjetnosti sadrana je izravna veza izmeu volje za mo i umjetnike volje za gospodarenjem ma-terijom i njezinim organiziranjem prema zakonima koje nameu sami umjetnici. I upravo se u tome nalazi razlog konflikta izmeu umjetnika i drutva.9 Za razliku od C. Greenberga, B. Groys tvrdi da sovjetski socijalistiki realizam nema nita s ukusom i zahtje-vima masa jer ga je stvorila dobro obrazovana i iskusna elita koja je asimilirala iskustva avangarde. Pod J. V. Staljinom se, tvrdi on, zapravo ispunio san avangarde, ivot drutva organizirao se u monolitnim umjetnikim oblicima, ali, naravno, ne u onakvima kakve je avangarda favorizirala.10 Krajnji cilj sovjetske avangarde, kao i Staljinov cilj, bio je stvoriti novoga ovjeka, novo drutvo i novi oblik ivota. Stoga je za sovjetski politiki projekt, koji je istodobno bio i umjetniki projekt, pitanje elitistike naspram popularne um-jetnosti, odnosno umjetnosti za mase, koje je na Zapadu bilo vano, za ruske avangardne umjetnike bilo potpuno nevano jer su oni i htjeli satrti elite i stvoriti nove mase:

    Problem nije bio kako stvoriti umjetnost koja se hoe ili nee svidjeti eliti, odnosno masama, nego kako stvoriti mase koje e cijeniti dobru, naime, avangardnu umjetnost. Ruska avangarda nije htjela svoju

    umjetniku praksu podvrgnuti sudu javnosti, ve prije podvrgnuti javnost svom estetskom sudu. Njihov problem nije bio kako kriti-zirati mo nego kako se dokopati moi i kako tu mo provesti na najradikalniji nain. Ruska avangarda sebe nije smatrala kriti-kom umjetnou nego monom umjetnou sposobnom uobliiti sudbinu ruske i svjetske populacije. Isti stav imao je i staljinistiki socijalistiki realizam. Socijalistiki realizam nije se htio svidjeti masama elio je stvoriti mase koje bi se njemu svidjele.11

    Kljunim dogaajem u realizaciji projekta socijalistikog realizma B. Groys prepoznaje u Staljinovom dokonanju Nove ekonomske politike (NEP) koja je doputala odreene oblike privatnog vlasni-tva. Opoziv NEP-a oznaio je i kraj privatnog trita umjetnina, a shodno tome svi su se segmenti sovjetske umjetnike fronte morali posvetiti izvravanju partijskih naredbi. Dekretom Centralnog komiteta od 23. travnja 1932. rasputene su sve umjetnike grupe, a svi sovjetski kreativni radnici morali su se, sukladno vlastitoj profesiji, ulaniti u unitarne kreativne udruge.12

    Po zavretku Drugoga svjetskog rata u nas vladajua Ko-munistika partija Jugoslavije novoosnovane Demokratske Fede-rativne Jugoslavije (DFJ), odnosno Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije (FNRJ)13 pokuat e na podruju umjetnosti, prema uzoru na svoje sovjetske saveznike, propisati i nametnuti kanon socijalistikog realizma. U opsenoj i lucidnoj studiji meusobnih odnosa umjetnike produkcije i likovne kritike u Hrvatskoj 50-ih godina Ljiljana Kolenik razdobljem socrealizma odreuje vrijeme izmeu 1946. i 1950. godine obiljeeno potpunim preuzimanjem sovjetskih modela oblikovanja i njihovih teorijskih objanjenja, te argumentirano tvrdi kako su ti modeli razvijani na temelju kulturnohistorijskih pretpostavki koje u domaoj sredini nisu imale vreg uporita. Tek sredinom 50-ih, nakon razdoblja od 1950. do 1954. godine (u kojemu Lj. Kolenik prepoznaje proces dekonstrukcije socrealizma, odnosno re/konstrukcije moderni-stike paradigme), u Hrvatskoj su stvoreni uvjeti za prihvaanje i prodor ideologije i prakse visokog modernizma.14 Meutim, iz dananje perspektive, s obzirom na mit o praktikom nepostojanju socrealizma u hrvatskoj umjetnosti druge polovine 20. stoljea, te nadalje na pitanje koje sam postavila na poetku ovog teksta, a koje glasi je li 20. st. prolo svreno vrijeme, jo i vanijom od periodizacije socrealizma i procesa njegove dekonstrukcije, koje Lj. Kolenik detaljno elaborira, pokazuje mi se njezina refleksija o kulturnim institucijama koje su u drugoj polovini 40-ih ustro-jene prema sovjetskom socrealistikom modelu. Podsjeajui na injenicu da danovizam nije podrazumijevao samo teorijsku ela-boraciju formalnih i estetskih obiljeja likovne produkcije nego

    8 Usp. R. Williams, Analiza kulture (prev. Vieslav Kirini), u: Dean Duda, ur., Politika teorije: Zbornik rasprava iz kulturalnih studija, Zagreb, Disput, 2006., 35-37.

    9 Usp. B. Groys, n.dj., 7.10 Usp. isto, 9.11 Isto, 122-124.12 Prema: isto, 133.13 Od 2. zasjedanja Antifaistikog vijea narodnog osloboenja Jugoslavije 29. studenoga 1943.

    novostvorena drava zvala se DFJ. Deklaracijom Ustavotvorne skuptine 29. studenoga 1945. mijenja naziv u FNRJ. Ustavom od 7. travnja 1963. naziv joj je promijenjen u Socijalistika Federativna Republika Jugoslavija (SFRJ).

    14 Usp. Lj. Kolenik, Izmeu Istoka i Zapada: Hrvatska umjetnost i likovna kritika 50-ih godina, Zagreb, Institut za povijest umjetnosti, 2006, 17.

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    (4) Tekst Nevena egvia iz Vjesnika, 1947.

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    i specifian oblik totalitarne organizacije svijeta umjetnosti koji je postupno implementiran u svim socijalistikim zemljama, ona za Hrvatsku navodi primjere unificiranja razliitih umjetnikih udruga u jedinstveno, monopolistiko udruenje umjetnika oblikovano po uzoru na sindikat (Udruenje likovnih umjetnika Hrvatske/ULUH) te, nadalje, primjere centraliziranja organiza-cije umjetnikog ivota u smislu diseminacije i kontrole medija, hijerarhizacije izlobi i oblikovanja sustava dravnih i republikih nagrada za umjetnika dostignua. Pritom Lj. Kolenik zakljuuje kako je standardna procedura normalizacije institucionalne infra-strukture ukljuivala i reformu likovnog obrazovanja u smislu povratka tradicionalnim nainima poduavanja, uvoenja maj-storskih radionica te stvaranja sredinje znanstvene institucije zaduene za teorijska objanjenja problema umjetnikog stvaranja, iji je nositelj bio krajnje neodreen sve do poetka 50-ih, kada tu funkciju preuzima Razred za likovne umjetnosti Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti (JAZU). Ona, usto, naglaava da je u FNRJ, za razliku od primjerice Poljske, ve 1945. prihvaen socijalistiki realizam kao kulturna dominanta, da bi, nakon ra-dikalno izmijenjenih politikih okolnosti 1948. nastalih uslijed suprotstavljanja Rezoluciji Informacijskog biroa komunistikih par-tija (Informbiro/IB), u cijelosti bio odbaen u poetku 50-ih.

    Dakako, odbacivanje estetikog kanona i pripadajueg mu iko-nografskog programa, nakon Titovoga povijesnog NE, nije znailo i odricanje od modela totalitarne organizacije svijeta umjetnosti pomno implementiranog na svim institucionalnim razinama. Ovdje mi se, stoga, vanim namee spomenuti Groysovu reflek-siju o zainteresiranosti staljinistike kulture za razliita sredstva pomou kojih se moglo uobliiti podruje nesvjesnoga, ali bez da mehanizmi tog procesa postanu vidljivi. Kao primjere toga on na-vodi Pavlovljevu metodu uvjetovanog refleksa te metodu kojom je Konstantin S. Stanislavski glumce poduavao potpunom ulasku u ulogu pri emu je vlastiti identitet nestajao: u procesu stvaranja no-voga ovjeka staljinistika kultura nije nastojala deautomatizirati, ve prije automatizirati svijest, uobliiti je prema eljenom kalupu, kontrolirajui njeno okruje, njenu bazu, njeno nesvjesno.15

    Lj. Kolenik konstatira da u Hrvatskoj (mogue zbog razloga to je u poratnim godinama institucionalno strukturiranje bilo osnov-ni preduvjet za pokretanje likovne proizvodnje) implementacija sovjetskog modela organizacije svijeta umjetnosti nije naila na znaajniji otpor umjetnika niti ire kulturne zajednice. Obnav-ljanje postojeih i stvaranje novih institucija, na koje se mogla osloniti i uz njihovu pomo provesti potpuna kontrola umjetni-ke produkcije, teklo je istodobno s procesom oblikovanja novoga likovno-kritikog instrumentarija neophodnog za potpunu rea-lizaciju tog projekta. Partija je pritom za sebe zadrala pravo odre-ivanja granica umjetnike slobode, a likovna je kritika trebala oblikovati teorijska polazita i praktine naputke koji bi jamili dosljednu provedbu socrealistike doktrine.16 Kao i u sovjetskom sluaju, implementacija doktrine socijalistikog realizma u Hrvat-skoj nije imala nita s neobrazovanim masama ili neukim partij-skim komesarima, ve ju je provodila obrazovana i o tadanjim zbivanjima na meunarodnoj umjetnikoj sceni dobro informi-rana elita profesionalnih arhitekata, umjetnika i povjesniara umjetnosti (meu potonjima su najutjecajniji bili Grgo Gamulin i Vera Sinobad, koja kasnije radove potpisuje prezimenom Horvat-Pintari).17 Rije je mahom o uglednim sveuilinim profesorima

    ili tada mladima sveuilinim asistentima, koji e svoje prestine katedre zadrati tijekom sljedeih nekoliko desetljea. Mogue ba u tome ili, preciznije, u svojevrsnoj amneziji induciranoj kasnijom odanou ideologiji visokog modernizma treba traiti razloge zbog kojih se domaa historiografija moderne umjetnosti na fenomene socijalistikog realizma osvre krajnje lapidarno.

    Primjerice, u zagrebakom Vjesniku od 6. prosinca 1947. objav-ljen je tekst arhitekta Nevena egvia pod naslovom Biljeke uz izlobu sovjetske arhitekture. Zapoinjui ga osvrtom na onodobnu zapadnoeuropsku i ameriku arhitekturu autor konstatira:

    [Richard Neutra] u opim dekadentnim okvirima amerike kulture nije u stanju da se odri na visini svog znanja i talen-ta. Njegova najnovija djela izrazito su pomodnog karaktera, arhitektonski siromana i u mnogoemu slina patolokom slikarstvu koje se u Americi danas propagira.

    egviev termin patoloko slikarstvo priziva, dakako, u sjeanje diskurs organizatora izlobe Entartete Kunst postavljene 1937. u mnchenskim Arkadama Hofgartena samo dan nakon to je u Tro-ostovoj Haus der Deutschen Kunst otvorena Grosse Deutsche Kunsta-usstellung koja je njemakoj publici oprimjerila pojam umjetnikog djela stvoren ideologijom Treeg Reicha: kanon na formalnoj razini srodan kanonu socijalistikog realizma. Meutim, daleko vani-jim namee se ovdje ukazati na injenicu da je ameriko slikar-stvo koje N. egvi naziva patolokim, zapravo ameriki apstrak-tni ekspresionizam koji e upravo te 1947. godine zahvaljujui putujuim izlobama koje iza fasade MoMa (Museum of Modern Art) iz New Yorka tajno financira ameriki State Departement18 postavi paradigmom modernoga, katalizirati proces uspostave amerike kulturne dominacije u Europi te nadalje inaugurirati ideologiju visokog modernizma. Ta e ideologija u desetljeu na-kon Titovog raskida s Informbiroom 1948. te, nadalje, njegovoga slubenog posjeta Velikoj Britaniji 1953. biti objeruke prihvaena i asimilirana u diskursu dominantne struje hrvatske historio-grafije i kritike moderne umjetnosti. tovie, razblaeni derivat amerikoga apstraktnog ekspresionizma bit e poetkom 50-ih u Hrvatsku izravno importiran izlobom Doivljaj Amerike (1953.) Ede Murtia, otvorenom neposredno nakon njegova povratka sa studijskog boravka, omoguenog dravnom stipendijom, u SAD-u.

    Nadalje, leksik kritikog osvrta V. Sinobad na V. izlobu ULUH-a, koji je 1950. objavljen u Izvoru, asopisu za knjievnost i kultur-na pitanja, ne ukazuje samo na mehanizme totalitarne kontrole umjetnike produkcije kroz djelatnost umjetnikih organizacija i normativnog diskursa umjetnike kritike nego, prije svega, i na modalitete operacionalizacije umjetnike produkcije u procesima diseminacije odreene ideologije:

    Kroz nekoliko prolih a i ovogodinjom izlobom veina je naih umjetnika dokazala da su shvatili kao svoj prvenstveni zadatak

    15 Usp. B. Groys, n.dj., 43-44.16 Usp. Lj. Kolenik, n.dj., 31.17 Bibliografiju je hrvatske likovne kritike u razdoblju od 1947. do 1960. izradila Lj. Kolenik (usp.

    isto, 379-431).18 O tome v. u: Carol Duncan, The Aesthetics of Power: Essays in Critical Art History, poglavlje: Who

    Rules the Art World?, Cambridge University Press, 1993.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.268

    (5) Marino Tartaglia, Portret marala Tita, 1951. (kat. br. 98)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 269

    da govore o socijalistikoj izgradnji i ovjeku koji je ostvaruje, da aktivno na svoj nain i sami uestvuju u toj izgradnji, tj. da svojim djelima uvruju i razvijaju svijest o potrebi i veliini te izgradnje, da bude ljubav za svoju zemlju, za ovjeka i njegov rad. To je pokazao i pokazuje sam izbor temata. Jasno je da temati sami po sebi ne znae jo ostvarenje tih zadataka. Prvenstveno se i radi ovdje o tome, da li je umjetnik doista unio u svoje djelo onaj odreeni sadraj koji je naznaen potpisanim tematom, i da li je datu pojavu i dati predmet pravilno ocijenio i protumaio, t.j. izrazio odgovarajuim likovnim sredstvima. Manji ili vei raskorak izmeu teme i sadraja, ili teme sadraja i oblika, govori o manje ili vie pravilnom stavu umjetnika prema prikazanom objektu, o njegovom manje ili vie pravilnom idejnom objanjenju.19

    U istom tekstu autorica Zlatku Prici u prikazu ranjenika zamjera nedostatnost likovnog znanja veine naih umjetnika koji su op-tereeni dugogodinjom tradicijom razliitih vidova formalizma

    gotovo u potpunosti zanemarili realistiki oblik. Slian prigo-vor upuuje i Otonu Glihi odajui mu priznanje da se od samog poetka iskreno saivljava sa suvremenom tematikom.20 Razlog neuspjeha pri rjeavanju ope drutveno likovne problematike u ohajevoj slici Trg Marala Tita, V. Sinobad prepoznaje, pak, u slikarevu subjektivizmu, jer je prostor podvrgnut sasvim subjek-tivnom, gotovo nadstvarnom nekom doivljaju, koji se udaljava od objektivne realnosti slike:

    To je prazan, zaarani grad u kojemu nikoga nema. Prigueni valeri i ono profinjeno sivilo boja, to je u stvari sublimacija nekog sasvim subjektivnog osjeaja samoe.21

    Kritike u tom tekstu nije poteena ni Murtieva slika Dubrovaka arhitektura, jer je autor nekom nemotiviranom arolikou boja razbio autentian doivljaj tog sunanog podneva.

    Osobitu pozornost autorica potom posveuje problemu velikog formata slike, koji je shodno imperativu monumentalne kom-pozicije propisane kanonom socijalistikog realizma bio jedan od najvanijih zadataka na kojima su umjetnici trebali dokazati vlastitu pravovjernost to se oitovala u suavanju raskoraka izmeu oblika i sadraja, naina likovnog izraavanja, karaktera upotrebe likovnih sredstava i prikazanog temata:

    [Jer] karakter pojava i dogaaja koji danas stoje u prvome planu u veini sluajeva zahtijeva vei format, dakle iru razradu i to puniju jasnou slike, da bi se na to uvjerljiviji nain dostigao pra-vilan odraz.22

    U kontekstu autoriine, s jedne strane, teorijske elaboracije va-nosti velikog formata, a s druge tada aktualne prakse izgradnje kulta linosti Josipa Broza Tita, indikativnim se pokazuju zamjer-ke Tartaglijinom portretu marala, kojemu V. Sinobad nipoto ne odrie likovne kvalitete:

    U tom pogledu znaajan je i pokuaj Marina Tartaglie, kako za nae ope likovno nastojanje, tako i za razvoj samog autora. Radi se na-ime o portretu Marala Tita. Taj rad pokazuje neosporne likovne kvalitete i solidnu zanatsku vjetinu ovog umjetnika. Oblici su ja-sni i saeti, virtuozno modelirani bojom, ija izvanredna tonska i

    koloristika usklaenost uspjeno povezuje samu figuru s datom pozadinom. Po tome kako je dat lik Marala Tita, oito je da se radi o ovjeku zamanog znaaja, konkretno ovdje o rukovodiocu jedne zemlje; o tome govori ozbiljnost stava i dranja, a pokazuje odreenu odlunost i snano elo i izraaj oiju, ali je u tom smislu usmjeren izraaj donjeg dijela lica promaio. Radi se ovdje o tome: ako je za-datak portreta da u sebi same i tipno i individualno, a zadatak portreta jedne historijske linosti da tu linost povee s odreenom historijskom situacijom, onda je i zadatak umjetnika, da u liku Mar-ala Tita pokae ne samo rukovodioca, ve odreenije: rukovodioca socijalistike Jugoslavije; da u taj lik unese takav sadraj koji bi go-vorio o ovjeku koji je inicirao i ostvario jedno epohalno djelo, kon-kretno nau narodnu revoluciju; koji se kroz tu revoluciju najdublje saivljavao sa potresnom i herojskom borbom naih naroda za svoje osloboenje, da to ostvaruje i danas u borbi za Petogodinji plan. U tom smislu trebalo je naglasiti krajnju odlunost i borbenost, pro-dornost i snagu, momente duboke unutarnje koncentracije i visoku savjest. I kao daljnju bitnu znaajku unijeti onu toplu ovjenost druga Tita, koja je ve u toku borbe opjevana narodnim stihom. To pretpostavlja i zahtijeva u sebi cjelovit i dubok umjetniki odraz. Time to Tartaglin portret nije likovno uobliio upravo ta sutinska svojstva, nije dosegao zadatak koji je sebi postavio.23

    Performativ kritikog pisma V. Sinobad, odnosno njezina nabra-janja onoga to je umjetnik trebao (ali je propustio) uiniti da bi dosegao zadatak koji je sebi postavio, manifestira se kao ekfraza

    verbalni prikaz vizualnog prikaza, lingvistika figura koja doslov-ce proizvodi sliku, i to ne bilo koju, nego jednu posve odreenu. Autor joj je Fjodor urpin, naslikana je 1949. u velikom formatu, naslovljena Jutro nae domovine, a prikazuje J. V. Staljina smjete-nog u ekstremni prednji plan slike u kojoj se iza njegovih lea, u daljini, vide tvorniki dimnjaci, dalekovodi i traktori na oranica-ma. Staljinov je odluni, svjesni i savjesni, duboko koncentrirani, snani, prodorni, no nadasve toplo-ovjeni pogled uprt u daljinu. Svjetlo izlazeeg sunca obasjava mu lijevu stranu lica, zlatnu du-gmad na bijelom odijelu i rever injela leerno prebaenog preko desne podlaktice.

    Iskaz V. Sinobad o zadatku portreta (rukovodioca socijalisti-ke Jugoslavije) da u sebi same i tipno i individualno, vodi me Groysovoj tvrdnji prema kojoj se socrealistika mimeza ne usredo-touje na fenomen nego na skrivenu bit stvari, a taj bi princip bio sliniji srednjovjekovnom realizmu i njegovoj polemici s nomina-lizmom negoli devetnaestostoljetnome realizmu. Jer, socijalistiki je realizam orijentiran prema onome to jo nije ostvareno, ali e biti stvoreno, i u tom je smislu nasljednik avangarde za koju su estetika i politika identine. Pojam tipskog/tipinog, svojstven socrealistikoj doktrini, B. Groys tumai Staljinovim shvaanjem dijalektike metode prema kojemu samo ono to nastaje i razvija se ne moe biti nadieno. A to to u socijalizmu dijalektiki na-staje i razvija se jest ono to se podudara s aktualnom partijskom

    19 V. Sinobad, Biljeke uz V. izlobu ULUH-a, Izvor, 1, Zagreb, sijeanj 1950., 23.20 Isto, 25.21 Isto, 27.22 Isto, 23-24.23 Isto, 24.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.270

    (6) Dopis Saveza likovnih umjetnika Jugoslavije Udruenju likovnih umjetnika Hrvatske, 1948. (kat. br. 250)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 271

    politikom. U takvom shvaanju dijalektike metode B. Groys prepoznaje vezu izmeu pojmova tipskog/tipinog i partijnosti. Portretiranje tipskoga/tipinoga odnosilo bi se tako na vizualnu realizaciju tek nastajuih partijskih ciljeva i na sposobnost intui-tivnog shvaanja novih tendencija partijskih voa, konkretno na sposobnost anticipacije Staljinove volje, budui da on jest stvarni stvoritelj stvarnosti. injenicu da su mnogi pisci, likovni i filmski umjetnici imali pristup privilegiranim partijskim krugovima i bili poticani na izravno sudjelovanje u Staljinovom aparatu moi, B. Groys objanjava time da su oni tako dobili priliku zaviriti u tip-sko/tipino koje su trebali odraziti u svojim djelima. Kao partijski birokrat, stvaratelj stvarnosti, sovjetski umjetnik bio je mnogo vie od umjetnika u ateljeu pred platnom. Jer ono to je bilo predmet umjetnike mimeze nije izvanjska, vidljiva stvarnost, nego unu-tarnja stvarnost unutarnjeg ivota umjetnika koji ima sposobnost identifikacije i fuzije s voljom partije i Staljina, a ta fuzija generira sliku, odnosno model stvarnosti koju ta volja eli uobliiti. To je razlog, zakljuuje B. Groys, zbog kojega je pitanje tipskog/tipinog politiko pitanje.24

    M. Tartaglia, pak, autor neuspjeloga portreta J. B. Tita, tada re-doviti profesor na zagrebakoj Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti (ALU), postao je 1948. politiko pitanje, tonije politiki problem. O tome svjedoi dopis sekretara Saveza likovnih umetnika Jugo-slavije Branka otre upuen iz Beograda 29. prosinca 1948. godine Udruenju likovnih umjetnika Hrvatske:

    Drug otra, sekretar saveza bio je prisutan 16. XII u kancelariji Uluh-a kada je drug M. Tartalja preko telefona saoptio sekretaru Uluh-a drugu Bai da je on, tj. Tartalja postao majstor. Ta vest bila je senzacionalna tim vie to joj je neposredno prethodila diskusija o reviziji nastavnog kadra u Akademiji, toga istog dana u kojoj je... otra otvoreno rekao... Tartalji da smatra da je njegov uticaj na omladinu koju vaspitava negativan. Istoga dana oko est sati, pred poetak plenuma..., Tartalja je primao i estitanja, objanjavajui da jo nije primio pismeno reenje ali da je o tome obaveten s takvog mjesta da se to moe smatrati svrenom stvari.- Savezu likovnih umetnika neophodno je nuno da zna ko je... Tartalji saoptio odluku o njegovom naimenovanju.- Molimo upravu Uluh-a da pozove... Tartalju i apelujui na njegovu savest i ast, zatrai od njega izjavu po ovom pitanju... Molimo upravu Uluh-a da postavljeno pitanje shvati ozbiljno i hitno i odgovori, po mogunosti odmah.25

    M. Tartaglia, dakako, nije te 1948. godine postao majstor. Upravni odbor ULUH-a promptno je reagirao na otrin zahtjev i proveo istragu na samu Novu Godinu 1949. te konstatirao sljedee:

    Ispitujui druga Tartagliu ispostavlja se da je diskusija o reviziji nastavnika u pedagokom aktivu ALU u Zagrebu, kojoj je prisu-stvovao drug B. otra, djelovala na... Tartagliu depresivno. Drug Tartaglia elei dati oduka svojim osjeajima uinio je alu te je putem telefona javio drugu Bai, tajniku Uluh-a, da mu je otra donio promaknue za majstora iz Beograda. Odmah zatim objasnio je svoju alu i ispriao mu to se dogodilo na zasjedanju pedagokog aktiva. Po svrenom telefonskom razgovoru... Bae izjavio je... otri da mu je ao kako se... Tartaglia mui i zbija ale sa svojim maj-storstvom... Sluaj smo ispitivali vrlo ozbiljno s obzirom na teku situaciju u kojoj se nalazi Udruenje zbog nekih nedisciplinovanih

    ispada koji zauzimaju sve to vie oblike sektatva i frakcionatva, te djeluju negativno.26

    Poput sovjetskih i mnogi su jugoslavenski umjetnici u poratnom razdoblju imali pristup privilegiranima partijskim krugovima te bili poticani na izravno sudjelovanje u generiranju Titovog aparata moi. Nisu posrijedi bile samo rukovodee funkcije u no-tornome AGITPROP-u (komisiji, odjelu ili upravi za agitaciju i pro-pagandu u sastavu Centralnog komiteta Komunistike partije)27 nego, prije svega, i laskavi te unosni status majstora. Lj. Kolenik navodi kako su Dravne majstorske radionice, osnovane 1947. po uzoru na sovjetski model, a prema zamisli Antuna Augustinia, koji je ve 1943. izradio Titov bronani portret, ustanovljene kao

    samostalne pedagoke ustanove koje omoguuju diplomiranim sluaima Akademije, bilo likovnih bilo primijenjenih umjet-nosti, uu specijalizaciju, tj. postdiplomski studij u trajanju od etiri godine:

    Radionice imaju poseban predraun prihoda i rashoda koji ulaze u budet Komiteta za kulturu i umjetnost Vlade FNRJ. Njima nepo-sredno upravlja jedan slikar, kipar ili arhitekt, a stoje pod rukovod-stvom Komiteta za kulturu i umjetnost Vlade FNRJ.28

    U lipnju 1947. status majstora dodijeljen je etvorici umjetnika iz Hrvatske: Antunu Augustiniu, Krsti Hegeduiu, Frani Krini-u i Vanji Radauu, a 1951. arhitektu Dragi Ibleru. U razdoblju od 1947. do 1950. godine, odnosno do otvaranja novoizgraene Augu-stinieve, Hegeduieve te, neto kasnije, i Radaueve radionice, majstorske su radionice bile smjetene u zgradi ALU, a imale su ulogu prijenosnika socrealistikih oblikovnih obrazaca i uzor-nih ikonografskih rjeenja.29 Lj. Kolenik tvrdi kako je tadanja produkcija majstorskih radionica bila podjednako namijenjena odgoju ukusa narodnih masa, kao i ispunjavanju velikih dravnih narudbi, a monopol nad velikim narudbama i posebni radni uvjeti osiguravali su mlaim suradnicima majstorskih radionica bolju startnu poziciju, odnosno lake dobivanje organiziranja sa-mostalne izlobe i bolje izglede za dugorone radne aranmane. Za razliku od veine drugih institucija i organizacijskih modela preuzetih od SSSR-a, koji su nakon 1950. ukinuti kao neproduktiv-ni ili su bili naputeni, majstorske su radionice ostale nedirnute, a neke od njih, poput Hegeduieve postale su puno monijima obrazovnim institucijama od ALU-a. Lj. Kolenik, pritom, nagla-ava jo jedan vaan podatak: novani iznos kojim su raspolagale

    24 Usp. B. Groys, n.dj., 51-52.25 Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti, Zagreb, nav. dokument/

    dopis, u zaglavlju sa igom Saveza likovnih umetnika Jugoslavije, ur.br. 329, 29.XII 1948. godine.26 Na i.mj., nav. dokument/dopis, upuen Savezu likovnih umjetnika Jugoslavije, ur.br. 923/48, 3.

    sijenja 1949. godine.27 Usp., primjerice, dopis br. 2447 Ministarstva prosvjete upuen 14. lipnja 1945. Odsjeku za tampu

    pri Predsjednitvu vlade:Molimo da se obavijesti tamparije da bez doputenja Odsjeka likovne propagande/OLIKPROP (Murti, Agbaba) ne primaju na tampanje plakate. Ovu mjeru treba poduzeti stoga to se inae na neodgovoran nain slabi kvaliteta propagandnog plakata na raun OLIKPROP-a i na opu tetu (Hrvatski dravni arhiv/HDA, Zagreb, HR-HDA-291, MPRO, kut. 57, fasc. 13.5).

    28 Osnivanje majstorskih radionica, Republika, 7/III, Zagreb, srpanj 1947. godine (nav. prema: Lj. Kolenik, n.dj., 746).

    29 Usp. Lj. Kolenik, n.dj., 202.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.272

    (7) Dopis Udruenja likovnih umjetnika Hrvatske Savezu likovnih umjetnika Jugoslavije, 1949. (kat. br. 251)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 273

    pojedine radionice bio je znatno vei od iznosa za financiranje ukupne godinje kulturne produkcije grada Zagreba.30

    Uz majstorske radionice, vodeim instrumentom totalitarne kontrole Lj. Kolenik prepoznaje Razred za likovne umjetnosti JAZU, bez ije se suglasnosti do 1953. na umjetnikoj sceni nije smjelo dogoditi ba nita, a usto je Akademija otvoreno nastojala prekrojiti i povijest hrvatske umjetnosti 20. stoljea. U kontekstu permanentnoga sukoba izmeu K. Hegeduia, tajnika Razreda za likovne umjetnosti JAZU, i G. Gamulina, redovitog profesora na Ka-tedri za povijest umjetnosti Filozofskog fakulteta (FF) i naelnika u Odjelu za kulturu Ministarstva prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske u Zagrebu, odnosno njihove bespotedne borbe za mo, autorica razmatra inzistiranje lanova Razreda za likovne umjet-nosti JAZU da se znanstveni rad na podruju moderne umjetnosti obavlja izvan Katedre za povijest umjetnosti FF-a. U tom je procesu uspostave totalnog nadzora institucionalna mo JAZU uporabljena za prisvajanje svih istraivakih resursa povjesniarsko-umjet-nike struke. Akademija je preuzela upravljanje muzejskim zbir-kama, arhivima, specijaliziranim knjinicama, Restauratorskim zavodom i fotolaboratorijima. tovie, da bi osigurao legitimitet takvoj uzurpaciji, Razred za likovne umjetnosti JAZU osniva 1950. i Institut za likovnu umjetnost pri Modernoj galeriji u Zagrebu, a za voditelja postavlja Ljubu Babia bez ijeg odobrenja niti jedna znanstvena studija ili kritiki esej nisu smjeli biti objavljeni.

    Posljedice Babieva apsolutizma pri provedbi programa JAZU manifestirale su se i u otputanju mladih povjesniara umjetnosti zbog iznoenja vlastitih, neovisnih prosudbi.31 Meu njima je bio i tadanji asistent-pripravnik Radoslav Putar, otputen u sijenju 1951. godine.32 Za razliku od diskursa generacijski mu bliskih ili starijih kolega, Putarovo pismo, istodobno lieno dnevnopoliti-koga ideologijskog naboja i domoljubne patetike, uspijeva doista kritiki sagledati stanje hrvatske likovne produkcije poetkom 50-ih te, blagonaklono spram razliitih i heterogenih umjetni-kih tendencija koje tada poinju dobivati legitimitet, detektirati uzroke jalovosti takve produkcije. Primjerice, u recenziji VI. izlo-be ULUH-a odrane potkraj 1950. u zagrebakom Umjetnikom paviljonu, on pie:

    Uski programi socijalistikog realizma i mnotvo taloga pasatisti-kih tendencija u smislu impresionizma, pokazali su se kao nedovoljni okvir za doivljaj i izraz modernog ovjeka-slikara, iji kompleksni intelektualni interesi trae nove terene i nova sredstva. Iako (na a-lost) ne moemo rei da je naa sredina u posljednje vrijeme dala slikara ili kipara izrazitog pjesnika snage i energije, ili individualne ekspanzivne moi izraza, nekoliko tihih umjetnika suptilnom poe-zijom boje i oblika istrauje nova podruja suvremenog slikarstva. Doskora e valjda pasti posljednje predrasude o nunom zaostajanju naih kulturnih i umjetnikih elemenata i pokazati se bar relativna homogenost progresivnog razvitka u veini grana i istinskih napred-nih nastojanja, bez suvie obzira na nacionalne i etnike granice, dokazujui na taj nain i internacionalizam svake konkretne istine.33

    Temeljem vlastitih istananih opaanja i znalaki raspolaui relevantnim teorijskim aparatom, R. Putar je tijekom prve polo-vine 50-ih, bez ikakvih apologijskih primjesa nastojao novitete u domaoj umjetnikoj ponudi kritiki valorizirati i pozicionirati u odnosu na njihova oblikotvorna ishodita u europskoj modernoj

    umjetnosti. S osobitom je panjom iitavao fenomene nefigura-tivne umjetnosti, poput Murtieva slikarstva ili apstrakcije ute-meljene na batini konstruktivizma i neoplasticizma kakvu su prakticirali lanovi grupe EXAT 51, te analitiki jasno artikulirao vlastite prigovore. Tako, primjerice, recenzirajui izlobu grupe EXAT 51 postavljenu u proljee 1953. u Drutvu arhitekata, R. Putar u teorijsko-kritiki diskurs uvodi pojam socijalnog medija, nagla-avajui pritom da EXAT-ovci ele svoja nastojanja nadovezati na onu liniju europskog slikarstva koja ve etrdesetak godina pokazuje stalni i neobino ilavi rast, kao i to da njihova stremlje-nja nemaju lokalne tradicije. Ne ustruavajui se ustvrditi kako

    Piceljev racionalizam ponekad pada u suhoparnu deklamaciju, zakljuuje da e se onima koji u umjetnikom djelu trae samo emotivni doivljaj slike EXAT-ovaca ukazati sa svojim dobrim i slabim stranama kao likovna poezija velikih mogunosti:

    A oni koji e potraiti i kapacitet metode EXAT-a nai e da on ne obuhvaa samo sredstva neposrednoga poetskog izraavanja nego i iroku pouzdanu bazu za rjeavanje problema oblikovanja koji prelaze granice uih pojmova slikarstva.34

    Problem oblikovanja koji prelazi granice uih pojmova slikarstva doista se pokazao problemom iste te 1953. godine povodom otvo-renog sukoba E. Murtia s EXAT-ovcima u vezi s ocjenom njegovih zidnih slika u interijeru zagrebakoga nonog kluba Ritz-bar iju je adaptaciju potpisao EXAT-ovac, arhitekt Vjenceslav Richter. Osvrt na taj sluaj R. Putar je objavio 15. studenoga 1953. u Narodnom listu:

    Front se raiava. Ili tonije: podruje na kojemu se frontovi formi-raju postaje preglednije, a doskora e se i same njihove linije jasnije ocrtati i energinije pokrenuti. Njihovo je pomicanje ve odavno u toku, ali bilo je to tromo kretanje, a na mnogim je nejasnim polo-ajima dolazilo tek do gerilskog pukaranja i pojedinanih obra-unavanja. ini se da e bojne linije moderne umjetnosti znatno napredovati; pokazat e se prve definitivno osvojene kote, a akci-je ienja moi e se organizirati racionalnije i efikasnije. Naime, moe se pretpostaviti kako e biti potrebno da se zauzeti poloaji utvrde, bunkeri zaostalih likvidiraju i otkriju kamuflirani ostaci u pozadini. U prvim veim bitkama koje ve zapoinju, u igri je stvar skulpture. To moda mnogi nisu oekivali, jer je poloaj skulptora bio osobito teak: relativno ih je malo, a na tritu su dominirali teki producenti koji su proizvodili u radionicama bez kontrole javnosti i to upravo u onim sluajevima u kojim su estetski interesi javnosti bili najneposredniji. Tako su nastale ume monumenata u kojima nema ni malo istinske monumentalnosti, koji su bili ne samo bez stvarne veze s namijenjenom tematikom svoga znaenja, a esto i bez veze s umjetnikim kvalitetama. Tradicionalizam je likovao.

    30 Usp. isto, 202-203.31 Usp. isto, 207-208.32 Zbog objavljivanja jednoga lanka R. Putar je, ukazom JAZU, premjeten na radno mjesto kon tro-

    lo ra programa Radio Zagreba. Nedugo nakon toga izabran je za asistenta pri Katedri za povijest umjetnosti FF-a, no i tu mu je, ukazom dekana FF-a, u srpnju 1961. uruen otkaz, uz objanjenje da je predugo radio na doktorskoj disertaciji (nav. prema: Lj. Kolenik, prir., R. Putar: Likovne kri ti-ke, studije, zapisi 1950.-1960. godine, Zagreb, Institut za povijest umjetnosti i HS AICA, 1998., 397).

    33 R. Putar, Misli uz nekoliko slika i skulptura na VI. izlobi ULUH-a, Izvor, 3, Zagreb, 1951. godine (nav. prema: Lj. Kolenik, prir., n.dj., 61).

    34 Izloba grupe EXAT 51, nav. prema: isto, 97-101.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.274

    (8) Kamilo Tompa, Osloboenje Zagreba, 1945. (kat. br. 103)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 275

    Sad je stvar dogorjela i poela se rjeavati na dobar nain: s pravom se trai publicitet natjeaja i izbora predloenih radova, i prije svega, jednakopravnost za sve sudionike natjeaja... Ali postoji jo jedno arino podruje borbe za osvajanje zaista suvremenih sadraja, za nalaenje novih sredstava oblikovanja i otkrivanje svjeih rezervi umjetnike senzibilnosti. To je podruje zidnog slikarstva. Jo nije realiziran ni onaj dio moderne arhitekture koji je ve dosad bio vir-tualno mogu, jo nema mnogo mjesta gdje bi muralno slikarstvo moglo glasno i obilno progovoriti. Trae se i nalaze improvizacije i na adaptiranim enterijerima niu prvi pokuaji. Umjetnici i oni koji umjetnost osjeaju i trebaju kao nunu materiju duhovne konzuma-cije mogli su se poradovati prvim pojavama modernog slikarstva na zidu. Meutim prenaglili su se. Specifinost nae likovne situacije pokazala je jo neke svoje nezdrave strane.35

    Iz ovoga teksta, koji je prije svega znaajan po tome to u diskurs o umjetnosti uvodi termin trite, odnosno podruje umjetnosti razmatra u kontekstu ekonomije, postaje jasno da je E. Murti po povratku iz ASAD-a imao monopol na izvedbu zidnih slika u zagrebakima javnim gradskim prostorima (onima u Ritz-baru prethodila je narudba za Kazalinu kavanu i restoran Glavnog kolodvora) i tvornicama. U njegovim recentnim zidnim dekora-cijama R. Putar pronalazi iste trenutke slabosti koje je pokazala njegova samostalna izloba, konstatirajui kako se na zidnom dekoru Ritz-bara uzdu cijele plohe nie cijela kolekcija veoma ra-zliitih vrsta govora boja i oblika. U tome on ne uspijeva prepoznati suvisli govor te zakljuuje kako je E. Murti oito htio progovoriti jezikom apstraktnog slikarstva, meutim apstraktno slikarstvo ima ve cijele sisteme posve odreenih sredstava izraavanja, pa ak i odreene stilske postulate koji ne-figurativnom slikaru daju u ruke jasnu sintaksu izraza.36

    U drugome tekstu, pak, napisanome te iste 1953. godine, R. Putar se pokazuje kao kritiar, povjesniar i teoretiar koji pro-blem (ne)modernosti aktualne domae umjetnike produkcije ne sagledava u terminima binarne opozicije figuracija-apstrakcija nego ga identificira u neem posve drugom:

    U naoj likovnoj kulturi stilsko je zakanjenje postalo ve odavna tradicionalno, a u pretenom je sluaju uzrokovano nesporazumima opega i specijalnog znaenja. Jednako je tradicionalan i apriorni otpor protiv svakog modernizma, a klauzula o stilskom poloaju djela ili pojedinca u kritici je posve omrznuta. Posve je razumljivo da brzopleti zaleti u modernizam, pa ak ni eksperimenti bez pouz-dane orijentacije i htijenja i bez odreenog smisla, ne mogu znaiti nikakav umjetniki potencijal. tovie, nezrelo imitiranje gotovih rezultata zaista suvremenih velikih umjetnika redovito raa bijed-nim surogatima, kako smo to nedavno imali prilike vidjeti. Posve je malo mogunosti da neki umjetnik koji se kree oko prosjeka svoje sredine stihijski i posve intuitivno, u jednome energinom skoku, stilski naglo sazrije i bez postupnog uspona stvori neto istinski moderno. To je, uostalom, stvar genija. Ali uporni tradicionalizam koji se krije iza nekih klasinih formula i iji zastupnici vjeruju da e ekonominim iscrpljivanjem gotovih oblika prolosti, produbiti te oblike i prilagoditi ih svjeim temama, gotovo uvijek grezne u stupo-roznom tapkanju na istom mjestu. Oblici se doskora ispranjavaju, psihologija rada gubi svoju dinaminost, produkcija se izrouje u bezidejno ponavljanje i konano pretvara u likovnu la.37

    Mogue je ba termin likovna la bio onaj okida koji je pokrenuo lavinu zahtjeva za zabranu javnog djelovanja R. Putara i slinim nonkonformizmom obdarenog kritiara, teoretiara i umjetnika Dimitrija (Mie) Baievia. S tim u vezi 1955. javno je objavljena izjava ULUH-a O jednome dijelu nae likovne kritike:

    Jedan dio nae likovne kritike nije dorastao svom zadatku, ve na-protiv djeluje negativno i destruktivno... Likovni radnici Hrvatske smatraju da ovakvoj kritici kakvu godinama provode pojedini nai kritiari ne bi smjelo biti mjesta u naoj sredini. Ti kritiari stalno istiu iste pojedince s kojima su lino povezani, bez obzira na stvar-nu vrijednost tih pojedinaca, dok ostale likovne radnike dijelom ignoriraju, dijelom izvrgavaju ruglu. Njihova kritika je zbunjena, mutna, kontradiktorna, a istovremeno i prepotentna, te je kao ta-kva definitivno kompromitirana... Likovni radnici Hrvatske odriu ovim kritiarima potrebnu spremu i potrebnu objektivnost da se mijeaju u te poslove i odluni su da poduzmu potrebne korake i suzbiju na djelu sve tutorske i monopolistike ambicije i zahvate ovih kritiara u pogledu likovnog ivota nae zemlje.38

    Lj. Kolenik ovaj javni poziv na lin dvojice kritiara razmatra u kontekstu prve ozbiljne krize samoga institucionalnog modela organizacije kulturne proizvodnje koja je u tijesnoj vezi s kritika-ma birokratizacije drutva u cjelini iniciranima tekstom Rudija Supeka Zato kod nas nema borbe miljenja objavljenim u prosincu 1953. godine. Ona eksplicira da je ULUH funkcionirao kao meha-nizam ekonomske prisile kojim se najire lanstvo disciplinira i pretvara u preciznu glasaku maineriju. Ne biti lanom strukov-nog udruenja, navodi ona, za veinu znai rijetko ili uope ne izlagati, ne biti prisutan u medijima, nemati pravo na sudjelova-nje u organiziranim oblicima otkupa, teko pribavljati slikarski i kiparski materijal.39 I upravo se u takvome socio-kulturnom i ekonomskom kontekstu iznimno vanim pokazuje Putarovo uvoenje pojma trita u povjesniarsko-umjetniki, odnosno kritiki diskurs.

    Podsjetila bih ovdje ponovno i na Groysovo promiljanje tehno-lo gije normiranja sovjetske umjetnike produkcije, konkretno na isto dobnost uspostave dogme socijalisitikog realizma i Stalji-no ve terminacije NEP-a, odnosno privatnog trita umjetnina. Ju goslavenski raskid veza sa SSSR-om 1948. nije nipoto znaio pot puno naputanje Staljinovog modela totalne kontrole kultu-rne proizvodnje. Iako je tijekom prve polovine 50-ih naputen soc realistiki ikonografski i estetiki kanon, ekonomski model kul turne proizvodnje ostao je nepromijenjen. Institucionalnom sklopu koji generirajui definicije umjetnosti odreenim fenome-ni ma daje legitimitet i dalje je nedostajao onaj bitni element koji bi onemoguio totalitarnu kontrolu i potaknuo istinsku razmjenu i borbu miljenja. Posrijedi je trini galerijski sustav s pripadaju-im mu kritiko-teorijskim aparatom, poput onoga to je postojao

    35 R. Putar, Kako nastupa moderna umjetnost? Uz neke pojave zidnog slikarstva i surogata apstraktnog (nav. prema: isto, 123-126).

    36 Isto.37 R. Putar, Kroz prizmu VIII. izlobe ULUH-a, nav. prema: isto, 127-130.38 Nav. prema: Lj. Kolenik, n.dj., 234-235.39 Usp. isto, poglavlje: Posljedice birokratizacije svijeta umjetnosti, 219-249.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.276

    (9) Bogumil Car, U ast Velikog Oktobra, 1945. (kat. br. 9)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 277

    (i jo postoji) na Zapadu, a bez kojega je drava i dalje ostajala jedi-nim stvarnim naruiteljem i kupcem. Kriteriji prema kojima su se dobivale financijski isplative narudbe i dalje su bili protkani partijnou. Meutim, nova jugoslavenska partijnost zahtijevala je, nakon raskida sa J. V. Staljinom i susljedne mu uspostave prija-teljskih odnosa sa Zapadom, novo estetiko ruho.

    Javni, estoki i eksplicitni napad na Staljin-danovljevu dok-trinu socijalistikog realizma stigao je 5. listopada 1952. od strane M. Krlee, neprikosnovenoga lijevog autoriteta, kojega je iznimno respektirao i sam J. B. Tito. Virtuoznom argumentacijom kojom doktrinu socijalistikog realizma (i to ne samo sovjetskog nego i onoga kakvog je, primjerice, u Francuskoj tada zagovarao Louis Aragon) razmatrajui je u sklopu sintagme inenjeri ljudskih dua

    naziva estetskim kaligulizmom. M. Krlea na Kongresu knjievnika u Ljubljani uvjerljivo dokazuje kako je ta doktrina antilenjini-stika:

    [A lenjinizam je], kao logina primjena Marxovih teza, stopostotna zapadnoeuropska doktrina koju je na zapadnoeuropski narod kao takvu programatski primio i na temelju socijalistike revolucije ostvario u obliku socijalistikog ustava.40

    Diskreditirajui sovjetsku socrealistiku partijnost M. Krlea je time napravio retoriku premosnicu kojom se, posredstvom figure zajednike kulturalne pripadnosti Zapadu, aktualna metamorfi-rajua titoistika jugoslavenska partijnost pribliila svojim novim kapitalistikim, antisovjetskim saveznicima.41 Istodobno mu je, meutim, zagovor modernog larpurlartizma posluio upravo kao sredstvo napada na kapitalizam te, nadalje, i na zapadni i na so-vjetski imperijalizam:

    Da je zamisao umjetnosti radi umjetnosti bezidejna, tu su ideju izbacili apologeti reakcionarne graanske umjetnosti zato jer lar-purlartisti u svojima mrtvim prirodama nisu njegovali kult crkve-nog misterija ili dravotvornog patosa kod osvajanja kolonijalnih zemalja. Ta paradoksalna komedija in artibus, sa beskrajnom ko-liinom estetskih nesporazuma traje do danas po zakonu inercije i na socijalistikoj platformi... Bezidejna dekadentna koncepcija umjetnosti radi umjetnosti zapela je na margini politike stvar-nosti u drugoj polovini 19. st. u lirskoj samoizolaciji te je, prema tome, ostala eksteritorijalna u odnosu spram religioznih i etatistikih principa graanske umjetnosti. Graanska klasa od te boemske, larpurlartistike bezidejne umjetnosti, osim to je trgovala tim sli-kama posthumno (poslije tragine smrti slikara vrlo unosno), nije imala mnogo. Larpurlartistika umjetnost neutralizirala je klasni patos gologa noa i svela sve slikarske motive na timung bezidejnog pacifizma, koji u svakom sluaju nije bio u interesu ratnopropagan-distikih parola graanske klase. Bespredmetna, dakle, za graan-sku klasu kao propaganda, iskljuivo dekorativna kao sastavni dio pokustva po intrieurima, ova umjetnost nije postala masovnom nikada, a ukoliko u njenim motivima ima realistike poezije, a po svojim velikim imenima ona doista jeste realistika i poetska, ona ni po emu nije nestvarna.42

    No, M. Krlea se nee zaustaviti na obrani larpurlartizma nego e Staljinovu politiku nazvati antimarksistikom papazjanijom:

    Ali kada se danas jedan jedini zakonodavac prikazuje kao vrhuna-ravni modelator koji modelira ne samo narode i svjetske revolucije nego i itavo ovjeanstvo, koji odreuje zakone lingvistike, estetike i medicine, onda je ta lingvistiko-estetska i medicinsko-egzorci-stika papazjanija oito antimarksistika. Ako takva problematika divinacije jednog ovjeka postaje zadatkom itavoga jednog soci-jalnotendencioznog slikarstva i poezije, onda takva umjetnost ne odgovara socijalistikim zahtjevima i takva estetika nije i logino ne moe da bude socijalistikom. Pokvaren ukus u umjetnosti ima uvi-jek jedan svoj izvjestan kadaverian miris. Pokvaren ukus uvijek je pouzdanim dokazom da pod stepenicama takvih trulih civilizacija trune neije truplo. Truplo nekih principa i ivotnih uslova, truplo gnjilih pogleda na svijet i nezdravih meuljudskih odnosa, truplo u ovom sluaju socijalistike logike.43

    Uz sav strastveni napad na postupke instrumentalizacije umjetno-sti u propagandne svrhe (kapitalistike i komunistike) i poznati osobni animozitet spram apstraktne umjetnosti, koja tada u Hr-vatskoj polako ali sigurno poinje osvajati teritorij, M. Krlea e se izrijekom zaloiti za slobodu umjetnikog stvaralatva, odnosno simultanitet stilova, a jugoslavenskoj socijalistikoj umjetnosti namijeniti propagandni zadatak:

    Naa socijalistika knjievnost ima da brani junoslovjenski so-cijalistiki status quo, jer time brani na socijalistiki, a prema tome, logino, i na narodni i kulturni opstanak. Naa socijalistika knjievnost treba, kao umjetnika propaganda pred inostranstvom (koje o naoj knjievnosti i o naoj umjetnosti pojma nema), da serijom svojih djela dokazuje kako smo se mi oduvijek, otkada nas ima, borili za slobodu umjetnikog stvaranja, za simultanitet stilova, za naelo slobodnog izricanja miljenja, po crti svog neovisnoga moralnog i politikog uvjerenja.44

    U vrijeme kada M. Krlea dri svoj dalekoseno utjecajni govor, kritiki potencijal moderne umjetnosti rastapa se u nastajuoj ideologiji visokog modernizma generiranoj djelatnou amerike likovne kritike, koja se, sustavno briui tragove utjecaja europ-ske moderne umjetnosti, posebice nadrealizma45 na apstraktnu umjetnost (Greenbergovim rijeima, American type painting),46 a itajui je u striktno formalistikim terminima, opremila neim slinim timungu bezidejnog pacifizma. Taj je timung odgovarao

    40 M. Krlea, Govor na Kongresu knjievnika u Ljubljani 5.10.1952. godine, Republika, 10-11, Zagreb, 1952. godine (navodi u ovom tekstu prema: isti, Eseji i zapisi: Lektira za srednje kole (ur. Enes en-gi), Sarajevo, Svjetlost, i Zagreb, kolska knjiga, 1977., 4960.

    41 Usp. Tvrtko Jakovina, Ameriki komunistiki saveznik: Hrvati, Titova Jugoslavija i SAD 1945.1955. godine, Zagreb, Profil International, 2003.

    42 M. Krlea, isto, 5354.43 Isto, 58.44 Isto, 59.45 Usp. Rosalind E. Krauss, The Optical Unconscious (6. poglavlje), Cambridge, Massachussets

    London, England, MIT Press, 1993, i Hal Foster, Compulsive Beauty, Cambridge, Massachussets London, England, MIT Press, 1995.

    46 American Type Painting naziv je teksta objavljenog 1955. u kojemu C. Greenberg ameriki ap stra-kt ni ekspresionizam izrijekom naziva American type painting. Tekst je napisan nakon Ve ne ci jan-skog biennala 1954. i zavrava rijeima:Opi je dojam da postoji velika ansa da iz ove zemlje izae umjetnost tako visoke kvalitete poput veli-an stvenog vina. Knjievnost da, znamo da smo u tom smislu postigli sjajne stvari; Englezi i Francuzi su nam to rekli. Sada e nam to isto poeti govoriti za nae slikarstvo (C. Greenberg, n.dj., 229).

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.278

    (10) Andrija Maurovi, ivio I. kongres Narodnog fronta Hrvatske, 1946. (kat. br. 148)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 279

    novom kursu jugoslavenske partijnosti koja se dijalektiki mate-rijalizirala 1954. u govoru glavnoga partijskog ideologa Edvarda Kardelja na 3. kongresu Saveza komunista Srbije:

    Nije na nama komunistima da se opredjeljujemo za umjetnike prav-ce. To je stvar kulturnog stvaranja. Ono e svladati krizu i nai odgovarajuu umjetniku formu... To uvjerenje mi kao komunisti imamo i moramo imati i zato se moramo boriti. A to ne znai da mo-ramo propisivati bilo sadrinu, bilo tematiku, bilo formu kulturnog stvaranja. Kad bi i htjeli nita time ne bismo postigli. To je u svoje vrijeme ve pokuavao Staljin sa svojim socijalistikim realizmom koji se u stvari pokazao samo kao jedna realistika dekadencija. A to se pokazalo i kod nas.47

    Smisao i uinke Kardeljevog nominalnog odbacivanja partijskog propisivanja sadraja, tematike i forme kulturnog stvaranja, kao i Krleinog imperativnog vienja socijalistike knjievnosti kao umjetnike propagande pred inostranstvom mogue je shvatiti imajui na umu zakljuak koji tridesetak godina poslije ameri-ka povjesniarka umjetnosti Carol Duncan izrie u jednome od kljunih tekstova (Tko vlada svijetom umjetnosti) nove, kritike povijesti umjetnosti:

    Modernistika umjetnost ima status slubene umjetnosti liberal-nih zemalja Zapada, a takoer i onih zemalja koje se drugima ele takvima prikazati.48

    Titova komunistika Jugoslavija, nakon raskida sa Staljinovim SSSR-om, nedvojbeno se svojim novim kapitalistikim saveznicima htjela upravo takvom pokazati, pa je tijekom druge polovine 50-ih na podruju umjetnosti socrealistiku doktrinu zamijenila ideologi-jom visokog modernizma. C. Duncan osobitu pozornost posveuje upotrebnoj vrijednosti visoke umjetnosti te, raspravljajui o tome to ini kvalitetu te umjetnosti i kakva je njezina uporaba, postav-lja kljuno pitanje: ijim se potrebama i koristima ta umjetnost obraa? Pritom zakljuuje kako joj je glavna uporaba ideoloka, to se ponajbolje oituje u najvanijem prostoru moderne visoke umjetnosti u muzeju. Radovima koji se tamo nalaze pripisana je najvia vrijednost i na njima je obavljeno najvie kritikog rada. Svaki je rad tamo pomno izoliran i paljivo osvijetljen zato to on predstavlja trenutak umjetnike slobode, slobode dokazane umjetnikovom sposobnou za inovaciju i jedinstvenost, koje su ideoloki korisne stoga to pokazuju umjetnikovu individu-alnu slobodu kao umjetnika; a ta sloboda poinje znaiti ljudsku slobodu openito. Slavei umjetniku slobodu, institucije umjet-nikog svijeta dokazuju da se ivi u drutvu u kojemu se sloboda njeguje i titi budui da se u drutvu svaka sloboda podrazumi-jeva individualnom slobodom. Modernistika djela, slavljena kao instance slobode, funkcioniraju kao ikone individualizma, objekti koji potiho preokreu apstrakcije liberalne ideologije u vidljivo i konkretno iskustvo. Drava je, upozorava C. Duncan, dobro shvatila to znaenje moderne umjetnosti. Tu tvrdnju pot-krepljuje podacima iz istraivanja koje je poetkom 70-ih provela umjetnica Eva Cockcroft da bi dokumentirala nain na koji je State Departement u poetku razdoblja Hladnog rata upotrebljavao ame-riku modernu umjetnost, konkretno apstraktni ekspresionizam, koristei Museum of Modern Art kao fasadu za tajno financiranje

    prekomorske izlobe apstraktnog ekspresionizma kako bi se eu-ropske intelektualce uvjerilo da se u SAD-u sloboda njeguje i po-tuje.49 Usput, valja ovdje spomenuti da se od kraja 40-ih do kraja 50-ih u demokratskoj Americi dogaao McCarthijev progon vjetica, odnosno onih koji su bili oznaeni ili denuncirani kao simpatizeri komunizma. Tako je, primjerice, 25. studenog 1947. objavljena tzv. holivudska crna lista na kojoj su se nali brojni ugledni glumci, scenaristi i redatelji, a neki su od njih i uhieni. Na udaru ponekih konzervativnih senatora nala se tada i apstraktna umjetnost koja je takoer etiketirana kao komunistika izmiljotina. Nakon toga, 1953. godine, na temelju ranije odluke o planskom prodoru na eu-ropsku umjetniku scenu osniva se Meunarodni savjet MoMA, iji se uinak djelovanja, prema miljenju Rosalind Krauss, oitovao u promoviranju ideje imperijalnoga kulturnog modernizma kojom je bio popraen Marshalov plan.50

    Kontekstualizirajui tvrdnju C. Duncan (prema kojoj moder-nistika umjetnosti ima status slubene umjetnosti liberalnih zemalja Zapada i onih zemalja koje se drugima ele takvima prika-zati) Krleinom konstatacijom o pokvarenom ukusu u umjetnosti koji uvijek ima jedan svoj izvjestan kadaverian miris, stoga to takav ukus uvijek biva pouzdanim dokazom da pod stepenicama takvih trulih civilizacija trune neije truplo, zakljuila bih da je zaokret od estetike socijalistikog realizma (u smislu popravljanja ukusa) prema estetici visokog modernizma poetkom 50-ih godina u hrvatskoj, odnosno jugoslavenskoj umjetnosti doputen, meu ostalim, i zato da bi se prikrio miris trupla. Naime, izvjestan kada-verian miris, obavijen dubokom utnjom, pa i Krleinom, irio se tada s Golog otoka, gdje su 9. srpnja 1949. na preodgoj stigli prvi informbiroovci. istka informbiroovaca, odnosno onih koji u lipnju 1948. nisu odmah i bezuvjetno prihvatili liniju nove partijnosti, tekla je paralelno s uvrivanjem kulta marala J. B. Tita. U pro-cesu diseminacije toga kulta koji se, uostalom, podudarao s idejom partijnosti, klasini umjetniki mediji tipa slikarstva i kiparstva bili su nedostatni. Stoga se pri razmatranju uzajamno ispreplete-nih pojmova kultura, demokracija i sloboda, iznimno vanom i indi-kativnom pokazuje Krleina sintagma socijalistiki kulturni medij:

    Onoga trenutka kada se jave kod nas umjetnici, koji e svojim darom, svojim znanjem i svojim ukusom umjeti da te objektivne motive nae lijeve stvarnosti subjektivno odraze, rodit e se naa vla-stita Umjetnost. Ukoliko se kod nas razvije socijalistiki kulturni medij, svjestan svoje bogate prolosti i... svoje kulturne misije u da-nanjemu europskom prostoru i vremenu, naa Umjetnost pojavit e se neminovno.51

    Taj socijalistiki kulturni medij nuno je morao biti masovni medij. W. J. T. Mitchell, jedan od osnivaa relativno nove akademske dis-cipline vizualnih studija, tvrdi da medij nije samo materijalna po-dloga u kojoj se neki iskaz artikulira, aparat ili kd koji posreduje meu pojedincima, nego kompleksna drutvena institucija koja

    47 Nav. prema: Lj. Kolenik, n.dj., 91, biljeka 118.48 C. Duncan, Who Rules the Art World?, u: ista, The Aesthetics of Power: Essays in Critical Art

    History, Cambridge University Press, 1993, 169-188.49 Usp. E. Cockcroft, Abstract Expressionism, Weapon of the Cold War, Art Forum, 10, 1974, 39-41.50 O tome v. u: H. Foster, R. Krauss, Y.-A. Bois, B. Buchloh, n.dj., 328.51 M. Krlea, n.dj., 60.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.280

    (11) Gradnja scenografije za 1. kongres AF-a u Zagrebu/ autor nije registriran

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 281

    u sebi sadri pojedince, a konstituira se povijeu praksi, rituala, obiaja, vjetina i tehnika, kao i nizom materijalnih objekata i prostora.52 Integralnim dijelom socijalistikoga kulturnog medija postali su stoga javni prostori u kojima su se socijalistiki sadraji masovno konzumirali. Meutim socrealistiki sadraji sovjetskog tipa, koji su u hrvatskome javnom prostoru prisutni od komuni-stikog preuzimanja vlasti 1945. godine, nipoto nisu ieznuli nakon odbacivanja doktrine socijalistikog realizma i nominalnog doputanja slobode umjetnikog stvaranja. Socijalistiki realizam manifestirao se prije svega u socijalistikim ritualima praktici-ranim u javnim prostorima ivim sudjelovanjem socijalistikog radnog naroda te socijalistike omladine i pionira te, nadalje, u tim istim sadrajima diseminiranim putem masovnih medija: foto-grafskom slikom ilustriranih tiskovina i filmom. Za razliku od klasinih umjetnikih medija, poput slikarstva ili skulpture ija je konzumacija ograniena na uski krug publike posjetitelja galerija i muzeja, ija se recepcija dogaa kroz individualnu kontemplaciju, konzumacija filmskog sadraja (u predtelevizijskoj eri) dogaa se u masi. U zamraenoj kino dvorani.

    U svom, ve spomenutome uvenom radu (Umjetniko djelo u razdoblju tehnike reproducibilnosti), objavljenome 1936. godine, osvrui se na Marxovu analizu uvjeta kapitalistike proizvodnje W. Benjamin zakljuuje kako je bilo potrebno vie od pola stoljea da preobrazba nadgradnje, koja se odvijala puno sporije od preo-brazbe baze, promijeni uvjete proizvodnje na svim podrujima kulture. Prihvaajui se zadatka formuliranja teza o razvojnim tendencijama umjetnosti u tadanjim uvjetima proizvodnje, W. Benjamin hotimice ostavlja po strani niz uvrijeenih pojmova (kao to su stvaralatvo ili genijalnost, vjena vrijednost ili tajna), sma-trajui da njihova nekontrolirana primjena dovodi do preraivanja injeninog materijala u faistikom smislu. On eksplicite kae da se pojmovi, koje prvi put uvodi u teoriju umjetnosti, razliku-ju od uobiajenih time to su potpuno neupotrebljivi za ciljeve faizma, ali su zato upotrebljivi za formiranje revolucionarnih zahtjeva umjetnike publike.53 Piui o procesu nestajanja aure umjetnikog djela kroz mogunost njegove reproducibilnosti, on zakljuuje kako dananje mase strastveno tee da sebi priblie stvari prostorno i drutveno, kao i tome da prevladaju jednokrat-nost svake datosti posezanjem za njezinom reproducibilnou. Na podruju vizualnoga, tvrdi on, oituje se ono to se na podruju teorije moe zamijetiti kao sve vee znaenje statistike. Utjecaj realnosti na mase i masa na nju proces je neogranienog dosega i za miljenje i za promatranje.54

    W. Benjamin, u tom sklopu, i problem larpurlartizma sagledava bitno drugaije:

    Kad, naime, s pojavom prvoga revolucionarnog reproducibilnog sredstva, fotografije (istodobno s nagovjetajem socijalizma), umjet-nost poinje osjeati blizinu krize, koju je nakon daljnjih stotinu godina nemogue zanijekati, ona reagira uenjem o lart pour lartu, koje je teologija umjetnosti. Iz njega potom proizlazi upravo nega-tivna teologija u obliku ideje o istoj umjetnosti, koja odbacuje ne samo svaku drutvenu funkciju nego i svako odreenje predmetno-u. Te odnose treba naglasiti ako elimo promatrati umjetniko dje-lo u razdoblju tehnike reproducibilnosti. Jer oni odreuju odlunu spoznaju: tehnika reproducibilnost umjetnikog djela prvi put u svjetskoj povijesti oslobaa djelo njegove parazitske egzistencije u ri-

    tualu. Reproducirano umjetniko djelo postaje sve vie reprodukcija umjetnikog djela namijenjena za reprodukcije. Fotografska ploa, na primjer, omoguuje mnotvo kopija; pitanje o originalnoj kopiji je besmisleno. Ali u trenutku kad zakae mjerilo autentinosti u umjetnikoj proizvodnji, mijenja se i cjelokupna funkcija umjetnosti. Njezino utemeljenje u ritualu nadomjeta drukija praksa: naime, utemeljenje u politici.55

    Umjesto umjetnikog djela koje bi parazitiralo u ritualu sam soci-jalistiki ritual postao je umjetniko djelo. Performans: izvedba partijnosti. Niz uglednih hrvatskih umjetnika u poratnim je godi-nama sudjelovao u scenografiranju takvih izvedbi. Ministarstvo prosvjete iz tih razloga 18. travnja 1945. Uredu za personalne po-slove dostavlja popis namjetenika Kulturno-umjetnikoga odjela za koje trai pripomo:

    Popis umjetnika koji su bili na izdravanju u naem ekonomatu i koji se nalaze ovdje:

    uro Tiljak, Oton Postrunik, Zlatko Prica, Edo Murti, Petar i-maga, Ljudevit esti, Branko Kovaevi, Vjekoslav Ruklja, Andrija Maurovi, Zvonko Agbaba, Oskar Herman, Stela Skopal, Nikica Reizer, Zvonko Glad, Stjepan Rajkovi, Miroslav Lunzer, Stanka Vrinjanin, Danica Pollak, Stevo Brkljai, [rukom dopisano] Odette Steiner, Ida Bilu, Ljiljana Bilu, [tipkano] Zdravka Hgel, Lovorka Dobrila, Pavao Novosel, Jelka Borovi, Nada krinjar Agbaba, Flora Tolentino, Marija Ratkovi, Slavko Pavleti.

    [...]Na radu pri Kulturno-umjetnikome odjelu nalazi se grupa od

    15 likovnih umjetnika, kao i grupa od 20 solo pjevaa sa svojim na-stavnikom i dva muziara. Likovnim umjetnicima nastoji se time omoguiti da pored uposlenja u povremenom izraivanju plakata, araniranju dekoracija, radovima kod raznih natjeaja, i.t.d., mogu da stvaraju umjetnika djela i da se struno izgrauju... U vezi s time predlaemo da se njima dodijeli mjesena nagrada. Budui da meu njima postoje razlike u kvalifikacijama, u stepenu uposlenosti i u umjetnikom kvalitetu, drimo da je i meu njima potrebno provesti razvrstavanje po kategorijama koje e prema veliini sume doznaene za nagradu, odgovarati kategorijama ustanovljenim za inovnitvo. Predlaemo nadalje da se za solo pjevae i studente slikare odredi izvjesna suma kao dravna stipendija.56

    Na fotografijama koje se nalaze u albumina Agencije za fotodoku-mentaciju AGEFOTO,57 snimljenima u razdoblju od 1945. do 1947. vidljive su brojne prigodne scenografske intervencije na glavnome zagrebakom trgu. Osobito zanimljivim pokazuju se intervenci-je kojima je spomenik konjaniki portret bana Josipa Jelaia, rad kipara Antona Dominika Fernkorna postavljen 1866. godine,

    52 Usp. W. J. T. Mitchell, What do Pictures Want? The Lives and Loves of Images, Chicago London, The University of Chicago Press, 2005.

    53 Usp. W. Benjamin, n.dj., 126.54 Usp. isto, 131-132.55 Isto, 132.56 HDA, Zagreb, HR-HDA-291, MPRO, kut. 57, fasc. 13.5.57 Albumi se od 1993. nalaze u HDA u Zagrebu, Fond fotografija AGEFOTO-a, HR-HDA-1422.

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    12

    14

    13

    (12) Zdenka Pexidr Sria, Godinjica ustanka naroda Jugoslavije, 1946. (kat. br. 71)(13) Marijan Detoni, Prelaz partizana u amcu (kat. br. 11)(14) Tekst V. Babia iz Vjesnika, 1947.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 283

    skrivan od oiju javnosti. Na fotografijama snimljenim prije srp-nja 1945. vidljiva je sveana bina postavljena uz sam spomenik, s njegove zapadne strane, i na njoj se, nad natpisom ivio Maral J. B. Tito organizator i rukovodilac Jugoslavenske armije, nalazio ogromni fotografski portret marala, te s njegovih bonih strana, formatom neznatno manji, portreti Vladimira Nazora i Vladimira Bakaria. Nad Titovim se portretom uzdizala zvijezda petokraka. Ubrzo su nad Spomenikom bana Jelaia poele nicati prigodne drvene konstrukcije. Jedna od njih, nalik stupu dalekovoda sa zvijezdom petokrakom na vrhu, nadvisivala je zgrade smjetene na sjevernoj strani trga. Sa sjeverne se strane iz podnoja konstrukcije izdizao gigantski kota zupanika u ijem se sreditu nalazila Titova slika. Fotografije iz AGEFOTO-vih albuma prikazuju mimihod razliitih skupina graana pred tom konstrukcijom, a iz natpisa s transpare-nata koje nose, kao i iz prikaza pomonih bina mogue je zakljuiti da su se tim ritualnim, prvomajskim okupljanjem veliali uspjesi u elektrifikaciji zemlje. Nad Fernkornovim spomenikom smje-njivali su se u razdoblju od 1945. do 27. srpnja 1947. godine, kada je spomenik ispod jedne takve konstrukcije misteriozno nestao, razliiti drveni omotai u funkciji podloge sa prigodnim, reljefno apliciranim socrealistikim ikonografskim motivima. AGEFOTO-vim snimcima dokumentiran je cijeli proces, odnosno sve faze izrade scenografije za masovno okupljanje na Trgu bana Jelaia (buduemu Trgu Republike) uprilieno u povodu 1. kongresa An-tifaistike fronte ena (AF) u srpnju 1945. godine. Spomenik je poklopljen gigantskim drvenim kvadrom na ijoj je sjevernoj plohi bio ispisan navod iz Titove izjave:

    Ja se ponosim s tim to stojim na elu armije u kojoj ima ogroman broj ena. Ja mogu kazati da su ene u ovoj borbi po svom heroizmu, po svojoj izdrljivosti, bile i jesu u prvim redovima.

    Zapadna je ploha bila oslonac za desetak metara visoki reljefni pri-kaz etelice sa srpom, a istona ploha za prikaz partizanke u narod-noj nonji, s pukom (oblikom slinijom toljagi) u ruci. Scenografija parade povodom 1. kongresa AF-a nije propustila vizualizirati ni ideju bratstva i jedinstva, naime, na zapadnoj strani trga, nad tram-vajskom prugom, podignut je slavoluk. inila ga je kompozicija geometrijski apstrahiranih likova dviju ena kolosalnih dimenzija (jedne u hrvatskoj, druge u srpskoj narodnoj nonji), ije su se ispruene ruke susretale drei zvijezdu petokraku. Nonja jedne od njih bila je ispisana stihovima: Drue Tito mi ti se kunemo da sa tvoga puta ne skreemo. Autor slavoluka je Zvonimir Faist,58 koji je svoju dizajnersku karijeru zapoeo u vrijeme Nezavisne Drave Hrvatske (NDH) u Izlobeno-grafikom odsjeku pri ure-du Promiba. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata radio je u OLIKPROP-u Dravne agencije za propagandu, odnosno u Oglasnom zavodu Hrvatske (OZEHA) kojemu je OKILPROP pripojen 1947. godine.59

    Meu socijalistikim ritualima neizostavni su, nadalje, bili i sletovi to su se odravali u razliitim prigodama, a najspektaku-larniji je bio onaj koji se prakticirao na zavrnoj sveanosti dodjele tafetne palice maralu Titu na Dan mladosti, 25. svibnja kada se obiljeavao njegov roendan. Funkcija sleta u socijalistikoj Jugo-slaviji, kao uostalom u svim zemljama s totalitarnim reimima, sa-stojala se u simbolikom iskazivanju zdravog (socijalistikog) duha u zdravom tijelu. Stoga je fenomen sleta nemogue razmatrati izvan konteksta pojma tjelesne kulture. Sintagma tjelesna kultura (njem.

    Krperkultur) u javnom diskursu pojavljuje se, inae, u poetku 20. st. i povezuje s kolektivnim prakticiranjem odreenih tjelesnih aktivnosti poput, primjerice, ritmike gimnastike i odreenih vrsta plesa sa ciljem odravanja tjelesnoga i mentalnog zdravlja.

    Moderni kult zdravog tijela doivjet e jednu od svojih najra-nijih apologetikih orkestracija u njemakome kulturfilmu Wege zu Kraft und Schnheit (Putovi prema snazi i ljepoti) kojega su 1925. snimili Nicholas Kaufmann i Wilhelm Prager.

    A Siegfried Kracauer, kulturalni kritiar i teoretiar filma, objavljuje 1927. esej Das Ornament der Masse/Ornament mase u kojemu domenu tjelesne kulture dovodi u vezu s masovnim me-dijima: ilustriranim novinama, odnosno fotografijom i filmom. Njegove opservacije o pretvorbi ivog tijela u ornament, pretvorbi koju kontekstualizira kapitalistikom ekonomijom i inherentnoj joj masovnom kulturom, primjenjive su i na analizu vizualne kulture, odnosno ritualnih praksi tjelesne izvedbe u ikonografiji komunistikih totalitarnih sustava. On svoju refleksiju o transfor-maciji ivog tijela u fragment ornamentarne strukture zapoinje kritikim vienjem scenskih izvedbi, odnosno koreografiranih nastupa plesne trupe koja je potkraj 19. st. postala poznata pod nazivom Tiller Girls. Slike njihovih izvedbi posredstvom ilustrira-nih novina i filmskih urnala obilazile su svijet, stoga je u prvim desetljeima 20. st. praksa slinih masovnih izvedbi u kojima se tijela stapaju u ornament postala planetarno popularna i poela se prakticirati ne samo na varijetetskim pozornicama nego i na sta-dionima. Dovoljan je samo letimian pogled na ekran, pie S. Kra-cauer, da bi se shvatilo kako je ornament sainjen od tisuu tijela. Jedino kao dio mase, a ne kao pojedinci koji vjeruju da se formiraju iz vlastite unutranjosti, ljudi postaju dijelom figure. Struktura ornamenta mase zrcali cjelokupnu suvremenu situaciju. Budui da princip kapitalistike proizvodnje ne izvire iz prirode, on mora razoriti prirodne organizme koje smatra ili samo sredstvom ili neime to prua otpor. Zajednica i osobnost nestaju onda kada izraunjivost postaje poeljna; pojedinac moe, bez imalo trenja, sluiti stroju samo kao sitni djeli mase. Sustav koji zaboravlja razliitosti oblika sam po sebi dovodi do zamuenih nacionalnih obiljeja i do proizvodnje radnikih masa koje je mogue na isti nain zaposliti na bilo kojemu kraju svijeta. Masovni ornament je, stoga, estetiki refleks racionalnosti kojoj tei dominantni ekonomski sustav.60

    S. Kracauer se, nadalje, implicite osvre i na odnos tzv. visoke umjetnosti i masovne kulture:

    Obrazovani ljudi, koji nikada nisu potpuno odsutni, uvrijeeni su pojavom Tiller Girls i slika sa stadiona. Oni misle da e ih osuda onoga to zabavlja gomilu odvojiti od te gomile. Ali, unato tome to oni misle, estetiko zadovoljstvo koje priinja ornamentalni pokret masa jest legitimno. Takvi pokreti spadaju meu rijetke kreacije vremena koje podaruju oblik datom materijalu. Mase organizirane u te kretnje dolaze iz ureda i tvornica; formalni princip prema kojemu

    58 On izradu slavoluka i spominje u intervjuu s Vesnom Kusin (Vjesnik, Zagreb, 8. studenoga 2003., 18).

    59 Prema: V. Kusin, Iitavanje diktata vremena, Vjesnik, Zagreb, 25. listopada 2003., 16.60 Usp. S. Kracauer, The Mass Ornament, u: isti, The Mass Ornament: Weimar Essays, Cambridge

    Massachusetts London, England, Harvard University Press, 1995, 75-78.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.284

    su ukalupljene odreuje ih i u stvarnosti. Kad znaajne komponente u naem svijetu postaju nevidljive, umjetnost se mora snai s onim to preostaje, jer je estetika prezentacija stvarnija ako ima manje zajednikoga sa stvarnou izvan estetike sfere. Bez obzira na to ko-liko nisko rangirana bila vrijednost ornamenta mase, njezin stupanj stvarnosti je uvijek vii od onoga umjetnike produkcije koja njeguje zastarjele otmjene sentimente u potroenim oblicima.59

    Naposljetku S. Kracauer zakljuuje kako se, sagledan iz perspekti-ve razuma, ornament masa otkriva kao mitoloki kult maskiran u ruho apstrakcije.60 U kontekstu njegove usporedbe performativa ornamenta mase i estetikih produkata tzv. visoke kulture vrijedilo bi razmotriti pitanje diseminacije socrealizma u hrvatskome jav-nom prostoru u drugoj polovini 40-ih i tijekom 50-ih godina. U tom se smislu zagovori ili diskreditacije socrealistike estetike na podruju umjetnosti koji su se dogaali u akademskim polemika-ma u razdoblju nakon odbacivanja Rezolucije Informbiroa pokazuju irelevantnima spram uinka socijalistikih rituala prakticiranih sudjelovanjem masa u javnim prostorima koji su (za razliku od posveenih prostora galerija i muzeja gdje zalazi odabrana, educirana publika visoke umjetnosti) bivali i jo jesu svakodnevno okruje itave populacije. U tim se prostorima za mase ostvarivala stvarna biopolitika misija vizualne kulture socijalistikog realizma, dok-trine unutar koje su kroz postupke objektivizacije materijalizira-ni novi drutveni subjekti. Ako se pozornost posveti djelatnosti AGEFOTO-a u poratnome razdoblju, Kracauerova napomena o ne-stajanju osobnosti u ideologiji izraunjivosti, odnosno tvrdnja da je masovni ornament estetiki refleks racionalnosti kojoj tei do-minantni ekonomski sustav, takoer se pokazuje vjerodostojnom.

    Inae, AGEFOTO je djelovalo kao pravna osoba i bio financiran dravnim novcem. Aktivnosti te agencije mogu se pratiti od 1939. kada Vlada Banovine Hrvatske nabavlja opremu za fotografiranje. Po proglaenju NDH osniva se Sluba fotopromidbe kojoj je na elu Mladen Grevi, a po zavretku Drugoga svjetskog rata u nas na djelu je Fotosluba Hrvatske koja ubrzo mijenja naziv u AGEFOTO.61 Agencijini profesionalni snimatelji sustavno i planski biljeili su sve aspekte ivota u novoformiranoj dravi, od radnih akcija i aktivnosti Narodne fronte, proizvodnje u tvornikim pogonima, politikih skupova i razliitih proslava, sistematskih pregleda kolske djece, aktivnosti u vezi s brigom za ratnu siroad, zapo-ljavanja slijepaca, proizvodnje proteza za invalide, fiskulturnih aktivnosti u kolama i poduzeima, teajeva za strune radnike, poljoprivrednih radova, ribarenja..., do podizanja spomenika i biljeenja zbivanja u ateljeima uglednih umjetnika. Komentare svojih snimaka zapisivali su u posebne biljenice, a ti su komen-tari, strojno prepisani i zalijepljeni uz fotografije koje su uredno i sustavno, po pojedinim temama, razvrstavane u albume. Ko-mentarima je svojstven neskriveni ideoloki naboj. Primjerice, uz seriju fotografija koje prikazuju ulazak Jugoslavenske armije na glavni zagrebaki trg postoji sljedei komentar:

    Pogled na dio Jelai trga gdje se vidi nepregledna masa rodoljuba, ko ja je dola da na ovaj nain iskae zahvalnost Jugoslavenskoj ar-miji za osloboenje od krvolonog ustatva i vapskog okupatorstva.

    Jacques Derrida konstatira da se arhiv dogaa na mjestu izvornoga i strukturalnog sloma pamenja, odnosno da nema politike moi

    bez kontrole arhiva, ako ne i sjeanja. Pitanje arhiva, tvrdi on, nije pitanje prolosti nego budunosti.62

    Vratila bih se, ipak, ponovno Kracauerovoj tvrdnji o izraunji-vosti, odnosno o masovnom ornamentu kao estetikom refleksu racionalnosti kojoj tei dominantni ekonomski sustav. Brojne snimke iz AGEFOTO-vih albuma prikazuju oglasne ploe s kredom iscrtanim tabelama na kojima se numeriki iskazuju statistiki obraeni podaci o rezultatima dobrovoljnih radnih akcija i stup-njevima prebacivanja radnih normi. Izvedba partijnosti ovdje je u izravnoj vezi s procesima izgradnje i industrijalizacije ratom devastirane i ekonomski zaostale zemlje u kojoj je tada ivjelo vie od 20 posto potpuno nepismene populacije. Ukratko, rije je o procesima modernizacije. Meutim, estetiki uzorak masov-nog ornamenta vidljiv je i u uvjetima prisilnog rada. Fotografija nepoznatog autora, nalik zranom snimku, biljei prizor iz ka-njenikog logora na Golom otoku: gigantska zvijezda petokraka naslikana na tlu opasana je ivim obruem sainjenim od stotina kanjenika koji krue oko nje.

    Program fotografskog dokumentiranja, a time i nadzora svih aspekata ivota zajednice koji je u drugoj polovini 40-ih i tijekom 50-ih prakticirao AGEFOTO nije komunistika invencija. Slian projekt pokrenut je desetak godina ranije u sklopu Rooseveltovog programa oporavka nacionalne ekonomije od posljedica Velike depresije. Federal Arts Project (FAP) zaposlio je brojne umjetnike na izradi murala u javnim ustanovama poput kola i bolnica te na izra-di plakata koji su promovirali New Deal. Meu tim umjetnicima nalazilo se i nekoliko kljunih imena apstraktnog ekspresionizma, pa i sama ikona American type paintinga Jackson Pollock. I dobar dio onoga to je danas poznato pod krovnim terminom amerika fotografija tridesetih nastalo je takoer u sklopu istog tog projekta. Dovoljno je prisjetiti se antologijskih fotografija Dorothee Lange ili Walkera Evansa. Vladina agencija Information Division of Farm Security Administration osim pokretanja projekta fotografskog snimanja ivota ljudi u najsiromanijim dijelovima SAD-a te doku-mentiranja izgradnje prometne infrastrukture, tvornikih objeka-ta i sl. producirala je i niz propagandnih filmova, meu kojima su i neka od remek djela dokumentarnog filma, poput The Plow that Broke the Plains (1936) ili The River (1937) Pare Lorentza.

    U Hrvatskoj je 1946. osnovano Dravno poduzee za proizvod-nju i distribuciju filmova Jadran film, koje 1948. pokree propagan-dni projekt Filmski pregled u kojemu su scenaristike, snimateljske, montaerske i redateljske poslove obavljali iskusni profesionalci koji su za vrijeme NDH proizvodili filmske urnale za Dravni slikopisni zavod Hrvatski slikopis, meu njima Oktavijan Mile-ti, Milan Kati i Branko Marjanovi. Sadraj filmskih pregleda tematski se podudara sa sadrajem fotografija iz produkcije AGE-FOTO-a. Unutar projekta Filmski pregled proizveden je, primjerice, film Osloboenje Zagreba u kojemu su kadrovi posljednjih borbi montirani s kadrovima mimohoda partizanskih jedinica glav-nim gradskim trgom te prizorima iz logora za ratne zarobljenike

    59 Isto, 79.60 Usp. isto, 83.61 Za podatke o AGEFOTO-u zahvaljujem Zvonimiru Barieviu, proelniku Sredinjeg

    fotolaboratorija HDA u Zagrebu.62 Usp. J. Derrida, Archive Fever: A Freudian Impressions, Diacritics, vol.25, no.2, 1995, 9-63.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 285

    smjetenim u zagrebakoj etvrti Kanal, na mjestu dananjega Autobusnog kolodvora. Branko Belan reirao je za Pregled filmove Elektrifikacija, Ribari Jadrana, Tunolovci, Vritina i klasje te film Istarski puti kojemu je snimatelj bio O. Mileti. Ovdje je takoer vano spomenuti film iz 1948. naslovljen Znaajni dani Jugoslaven-ske akademije redatelja Kree Golika i snimatelja Nikole Tanhofera, koji prikazuje sveanu sjednicu JAZU kojoj prisustvuje i J. B. Tito. U isti Pregled (1/1948.) uklopljen je i Tanhoferov film Svetosavska besjeda u Zagrebu ija retorika srednjovjekovnog sveca smjeta u kontekst Narodnooslobodilake borbe. Meutim, veza izmeu estetike visoke umjetnosti, narodnih masa, socijalistikog rea-lizma te nerazmrsivog prepletanja pojma proizvodnje, odnosno industrijalizacije s pojmovima modernizacije i modernosti, postaje potpuno jasna u filmu M. Katia Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji proizvedenog 1948. takoer za potrebe Filmskog pregleda. Narativna struktura filma povezuje radove umjetnika (meu nji-ma Grga Antunac, pa ak i majstor F. Krini) u ateljeima i radio-nicama majstora A. Augustinia s poslovima radnike klase koja u brakom kamenolomu vadi i do brodova transportira ogromne kamene blokove iz kojih e biti isklesane monumentalne figu-re za spomenik. Atmosfera proizvodnog, gotovo industrijskoga rada i udarnitva doarana je i u prizorima iz ljevaonice umjetni-na koji detaljno opisuju svaku fazu izrade bronanih skulptura. Atmosferu gradilita, odnosno socijalistike izgradnje nedvojbe-no denotiraju kadrovi podizanja postamenta za figuru Pobjede koja, drei u desnoj ruci ma a u lijevoj srp, neodoljivo podsjea na amblematsku socrealistiku, 25 metara visoku skulpturalnu kompoziciju Radnik i kolhoznica kiparice Vere Muhine izraenu od nehrajueg elika i postavljenu 1937. na ravni krov sovjetskog paviljona na Svjetskoj izlobi u Parizu.

    Iz naina snimanja i montae Katieva filma oito je da su proi-zvoai Filmskog pregleda bili dobro upoznati s praksom sovjetskog avangardnog eksperimentalno-dokumentarnog propagandnog fil-ma, konkretno s Kino Okima Dzige Vertova te nadasve s njegovom apologijom sovjetske petoljetke naslovljenom Entuzijazam: Simfo-nija Donbasa iz 1931. godine. Osim procesa proizvodnje spomenika, gdje u diskurzivnom prostoru filma umjetniki rad postaje ekvi-valentom proizvodnome tvornikom radu, Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji prikazuje i sveanost inauguracije spomenika 9. studenoga 1947. u Batinoj Skeli kojoj, simptomatino, ne prisu-stvuje maral Jugoslavenske armije J. B. Tito. Nakon odbacivanja Rezolucije Informbiroa u lipnju 1948. Augustiniev spomenik nije demontiran, a jedan je i od rijetkih spomenika posveenih doga-ajima iz antifaistike borbe i njihovim protagonistima koji je tijekom 90-ih izbjegao devastaciju ili ruenje.

    Filmske urnale iz produkcije Jadran filma potrebno bi bilo ra-zmo triti i u kontekstu anra Kulturfilma, invencije njemakih UFA stu dija, koji svoj procvat doivljava tijekom 20-ih godina. Kultur-film je, inae, specifina vrsta kratkometranog ili srednjemetra-nog obrazovno-dokumentarno-propagandnog filma. Prema UFA katalogu iz toga vremena teme su mu bile sljedee: rad srca, snopovi ivaca, zmije, infuzorija, jelen, orijentalni kultni obredi, oboava-telji vatre i tibetanski samostani, ivui Bude, gigantski mostovi, moni brodovi, eljeznice, strojevi, japanske ene s lepezama koje piju aj osvijetljene kineskim lanternama, itd.63 Ranije spomenuti Wege zu Kraft und Schnheit bio je prvi dugometrani Kulturfilm; financiran je novcem njemake vlade i prikazivan po kolama.

    Zahvaljujui pozivanju na znanost te vrsnoj fotografiji Kulturfilme su ubrzo postali traeni na meunarodnome tritu. Ti su filmovi 30-ih godina, i pod krinkom popularizacije znanstvenih tema, iri-li biologistiku nacionalsocijalistiku ideologiju, da bi od 1940. nji-hov otvoreno propagandni sadraj u formi tjednih pregleda postao obveznim dijelom kino repertoara. U kolovozu 1940. ustrojena je, stoga, Deutsche Kulturfilm-Zentrale pod izravnom upravom mini-stra prosvjete i propagande Josepha Goebbelsa. Posve je nepotrebno ovdje napominjati da je Filmski pregled, posredstvom nekadanjih profesionalaca prema njemakom modelu koncipiranog Hrvatskog slikopisa iju je tehniku opremu preuzeo, batinio i goebbelsovsku tehnologiju indoktrinacije masa. Meutim, ono to je vano spo-menuti jest to da je njemako filmsko poduzee UFA nastalo 1917. pred kraj Prvoga svjetskog rata, i to ukazom svemonog generala Ericha Luddendorfa, koji je naredio da se sve male filmske kompa-nije moraju ujediniti kako bi se sva kreativna i proizvodna energija kanalizirala u nacionalne interese. U studenome 1917. Vrhovno zapovjednitvo njemake vojske, u suradnji s najsnanijim financi-jerima, industrijalcima i brodovlasnicima, stvorilo je Universal Film A.G. UFA. Slubena misija UFA-e bila je reklamirati Njemaku u skladu s vladinim direktivama. Taj zahtjev nije se odnosio samo na izravnu ratno-propagandnu nego i na ukupnu filmsku produkciju, posebice onu obrazovnih svojstava.64

    Napominjem ovo stoga to su dvije jugoslavenske producent-ske kue, zagrebaki Jadran film i beogradski Avala film, koji su se tijekom 60-ih i 70-ih ubrajali meu najvee filmske studije u Europi, osnovani kao dravna poduzea. tovie, Avala film osno-van je 1947. u programu Prve jugoslavenske petoljetke,65 a sama ta injenica svjedoi o tome da je u Titovoj modernizirajuoj Jugoslaviji filmska proizvodnja bila jednako vana kao i industrijska proi-zvodnja. Poput montae industrijskih proizvoda na pokretnoj traci, montaa pokretnih slika na montanom stolu ima sposob-nost proizvodnje stvarnosti. I J. B. Tito je to dobro znao. Recentni dokumentarni film Cinema Komunisto, redateljice i scenaristice M. Turajli pokazuje Tita kao strastvenog filmofila i donosi intervju s njegovim osobnim kinooperaterom Lekom Konstantinoviem koji mu je u 32 godine slube upriliio vie od 8000 privatnih filmskih projekcija. Premda su za Titova ivota neki hrvatski, od-nosno jugoslavenski filmovi snimljeni kasnih 40-ih i ranih 50-ih bili zabranjeni za prikazivanje, zatvorska kazna dosuena je samo jednome redatelju, i to tek 1973. za film snimljen dvije godine ranije kao diplomski rad na beogradskoj Akademiji. Posrijedi je Lazar Stojanovi i njegov Plastini Isus u kojemu montaa arhivske dokumentarne filmske grae stvara izravnu analogiju izmeu Titove komunistike i Hitlerove nacionalsocijalistike retorike.

    Da bi se shvatili performativi onoga to se kolokvijalno naziva socijalistikim realizmom potrebno je, naposljetku, obratiti po-zornost na sjecite pojmova realizma, realnosti i ideologije. Slavoj iek tvrdi kako ideologija nije naprosto lana svijest, iluzijska reprezentacija realnosti, ve e prije biti rije da tu realnost treba shvatiti kao ideoloku. Ideoloka drutvena realnost, tvrdi on, jest

    63 Usp. S. Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler: A Psychological History of the German Film, Princeton Uni-ver si ty Press, 2004, 142.

    64 Usp. isto, 35-39.65 Prema podatku iz dokumentarnog filma Mire Turajli, Cinema Komunisto, 2010.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.286

    (15) Edo Murti, ivio 1. maj svenarodni praznik, 19451950. (kat. br. 153)

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 287

    ona ije samo postojanje implicira ne-znanje sudionika o njezinoj biti, tj. drutvena stvarnost ija sama reprodukcija implicira da po-jedinci ne znaju to ine. Ideoloka nije lana svijest (drutvenog) bia nego samo to bie u onoj mjeri u kojoj je podrano lanom svi-jeu.66 Polazei od Lacanovih pojmova fantazma i realnog, on foku-sira sljedee pitanje: to znai kad kaemo da ideoloki fantazam strukturira samu realnost? Pritom ukazuje na paradoks Lacanovog realnog, tj. na injenicu da je rije o entitetu koji premda ne postoji (u smislu realno postojeeg, onoga to zauzima mjesto u realnosti) ima niz svojstava te, stoga, rezultira odreenima strukturalnim posljedicama, a u simbolikoj realnosti subjekta moe proizvesti niz efekata. Jer, prema Jacquesu Lacanu, realni objekt (elje) bila bi tako ista praznina; uzrok koji po sebi ne postoji i koji je prisutan samo kao niz efekata, ali uvijek na distorziran, pomaknut nain. Ako je realno nemogue, zakljuuje S. iek, upravo je ta nemo-gunost ono to treba zahvatiti kroz njezine efekte.67 Tvrdnju, meu ostalim, oprimjeruje usporedbom staljinistikoga realnog i jugoslavenskoga samoupravnog socijalizma:

    Do pojave jugoslavenskog samoupravljanja staljinizam nije efektiv-no dostigao nivo obmane u njezinoj specifino ljudskoj dimenziji. U staljinizmu je obmana jo uvijek jednostavna: vlast (partijska i dravna birokracija) se pretvara da vlada u ime naroda, dok svat-ko dobro zna kako vlada u svome vlastitom interesu u interesu reproduciranja vlastite moi; u jugoslavenskome samoupravnom sistemu, meutim, vlada ista partijska i dravna birokracija, ali vlada u ime ideologije ija je osnovna teza da se najvea prepreka punom razvoju samoupravljanja sastoji u otuenoj partijskoj i dravnoj birokraciji. Elementarna semantika os koja legitimira vlast Partije sastoji se u opoziciji izmeu samoupravnog socijalizma i birokratskoga dravno-partijskog socijalizma drugim rijeima, dravno-partijska birokracija legitimira svoju vladavinu ideologi-jom kojom sebe oznaava kao glavnog neprijatelja... Sad vidimo zato teza prema kojoj je, nasuprot obinom realnom socijalizmu, jugoslavensko samoupravljanje predstavljalo socijalizam s ljud-skim licem nije bila puki propagandni slogan nego je treba shvatiti posve doslovno: u Jugoslaviji su ljudi, naravno, bili obmanjivani kao i u svakome drugom realnom socijalizmu, ali ovdje su barem bili varani na specifino ljudskom nivou... Poznati jugoslavenski poli-tiki vic izraava kvintesenciju toga: U staljinizmu se predstavnici naroda voze u mercedesima, dok se u Jugoslaviji sam narod vozi u mercedesu posredstvom svojih predstavnika. To jest, jugoslaven-sko samoupravljanje predstavlja toku na kojoj subjekt, u figuri koja utjelovljuje otuenu supstancijalnu mo (birokrata koji se vozi u mercedesu), mora prepoznati ne samo njemu suprotstavljenu stra-nu silu to jest, svoje drugo nego samoga sebe u svojoj drugosti, i tako se pomiriti s njim.68

    Razmiljajui nadalje o zabranjenim hrvatskim filmovima, sni-mljenima u razdoblju neposredno nakon odbacivanja Rezolucije Informbiroa, indikativnom se pokazuje injenica da je gotovo is-kljuivo bila rije o komedijama koje su ismijavale upravo sovjetski model partijnosti. Primjerice, film Ciguli Miguli snimili su 1952. redatelj B. Marjanovi i snimatelj N. Tanhofer prema scenariju Joe Horvata. Ivan Ivanovi, partijski referent za kulturu, dolazi u gradi koji tuje pretka glazbenika Cigulija Migulija iji se spo-menik nalazi na glavnome gradskom trgu. U gradu postoji pet

    glazbenih drutava: obrtniki Crveni kos i umirovljeniki Milopoj te obrtniko-radnika Hrvatska zora, vatrogasna Truba i inovni-ka Socijalistika zora. I. Ivanovi naumio je izvriti reorganizaciju, odnosno racionalizirati kulturni ivot u gradu iskorjenjujui pri-tom burujske obiaje i navike njegovih stanovnika, pa stoga ukida sva ta drutva. Budui da se kao glavna prepreka njegovoj reorga-nizaciji pokazao kult Cigulija Migulija, nareuje da se spomenik daanom oplatom sakrije od oiju tovatelja. Moda je upravo ta, neskrivena aluzija na uklanjanje spomenika banu Jelaiu, uz karikaturalni prikaz tada aktualne krajnje birokratizirane izvedbe partijnosti, bila razlogom viedesetljetne zabrane. Film je dozvolu za prikazivanje dobio tek 1977. godine.

    Kratki filmovi snimljeni poetkom 50-ih prema satirinim je-dno inkama koje su se, ismijavajui sovjetski imperijalizam, iz vo-dile u Kerempuhovom vedrom kazalitu Fadila Hadia nikada nisu dobili dozvolu za prikazivanje. Jedan od njih je Tajna dvorca IB M. Katia snimljen 1951. godine. Posrijedi je komedija s elemen ti ma bajke i nadrealizma u kojemu je Rezolucija Informbiroa personifici-rana: raa se iz okultnoga laboratorijskog eksperimenta u jednome dvorcu odakle biva poslana u svoj razorni plesni pohod. Ulogu Rezolucije IB-a otplesala je tada uvena balerina Silvija Hercigonja. Drugi, nikad prikazani film, snimljen u isto vrijeme, sve do prije nekoliko tjedana smatrao se izgubljenim. Rije je o estominut-nom filmu O. Miletia Profesor Budalasov snimljenome u jednome kadru. Daniel Rafaeli otkrio ga je insertiranoga u film koji je re i rao Bogdan Marai, a producirao Jadran film pod nazivom Hu mo ristini film: Iz Kerempuhova dnevnika. Nedvojbeno je da su oba filma antisovjetskog propagandnog karaktera i, kao takvi, na Titovoj su liniji otpora J. V. Staljinu. Meutim, ostaje pitanje, zbog ega nisu dobili dozvolu za prikazivanje? Zato je humor, kao i u sluaju filma Ciguli Miguli, smjesta postao podloan cenzu-ri? Mogue iz istog razloga zbog kojeg se klju misterioznog niza ubojstava u romanu Ime rue Umberta Ecoa nalazi u nepoznatom sadraju izgubljene Aristotelove Komedije, koja je moda estetizi-rala ono to je farsino, neherojsko i skeptiko.

    66 Prema: S. iek, Sublimni objekt ideologije (prev. Neboja Jovanovi, Dejan Kri i Ivan Molek), Zagreb Sarajevo, Arkzin Drutvo za teorijsku psihoanalizu, 2002., 39.

    67 Usp. isto, 220-221.68 Isto, 265-267.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 289

    ili istke staljinista u drugoj Jugoslaviji.

    Dan borca Praznik kojim se 4. srpnja obiljeavao poziv KPJ na oruani otpor silama Osovine 1941. godine.

    Dan djeje radosti Praznik koji se slavio 31. prosinca te bio povezan s dolaskom Djeda Mraza i darivanjem djece. U javnosti je zauzimao mjesto vjerskih blagdana.

    Dan mladosti Praznik kojim se 25. svibnja slavila mladost i Titov roendan, obiljeen noenjem i predajom tafete.

    Dan Republike Praznik kojim se obiljeavalo 2. zasjedanje AVNOJa, odnosno osnivanje DFJ 29. studenoga 1943. te proglaenje Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije (FNRJ) 29. studenoga 1945. godine.

    Dan ustanka Praznik kojim se u Hrvatskoj obiljeavao poetak ustanka 27. srpnja 1941. u Srbu.

    Dan ena Meunarodni praznik kojim se 8. oujka obiljeavaju emancipacija te drutvena i politika postignua ena.

    Demokratska Federativna Jugoslavija (DFJ)/Federativna Narodna Republika Jugoslavija (FNRJ)/Socijalistika Federativna Republika Jugoslavija (SFRJ) Federativna drava est junoslavenskih naroda, odnosno njihovih republika i pokrajina. DFJ je proglaena 29. studenoga 1943. na 2. zasjedanju AVNOJa u Jajcu. Od 29. studenoga 1945. naziva se FNRJ, a od 7. travnja 1963. SFRJ. Dugogodinji i doivotni predsjednik bio je J. Broz Tito. U njezinom sastavu bila je Federalna Drava Hrvatska, potom NRH i naposljetku Socijalistike Republika Hrvatska (SRH).

    desovjetizacija Odmak od primjene sovjetskog modela u bilo kojemu obliku, nastao prije svega u Jugoslavi ji nakon Rezolucije Informacijskog biroa komunistikih partija (IB, Informbiro, Kominform) i sukoba sa SSSRom 1948. godine.

    diktatura proletarijata Revoluciona rni oblik vlasti radnike klase (pro le tarijata) koji se uspostavlja radi ukidanja kapitalizma i kapitalistike eksploatacije. U Jugoslaviji se uvo di razvojem socijalistike revoluci je nakon okonanja Drugog svjetskog rata.

    ilas, Milovan (1911.1995.) Crnogorski politiar i publicist. Od 1940. lan je Politbiroa CK KPJ. Bio je, u vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata, organizator ustanka u Crnoj Gori, lan Vrhovnog taba (V) NOVJ i Prezidijuma AVNOJa. Nakon rata jedan je od ideologa KPJ i rukovodilac Agitpropa, potpredsjednik savezne vlade i predsjednik Narodne skuptine. Godine 1954. zbog zalaganja za demokratizaciju optuen je za protupartijske stavove i iskljuen iz politikog ivota zemlje.

    eksproprijacija Prisilno izvlatenje/otuenje privatnog vlasnitva od strane drave iz razloga opeg interesa.

    Agitprop Komisija, odjel ili uprava za agitaciju i propagandu u sa sta vu Cen tralnog komiteta (CK) Ko mu nisti ke partije Jugoslavije (KPJ), dakle i Komunistike partije Hrvatske (KPH) i niih partijskih razina, koji su od 1945. do 1952. ideoloki usmjeravali i nadzirali provoenje kulturne politike.

    agitpropovci Skupni naziv za ljude koji su neposredno nakon okonanja Drugog svjetskog rata na raznolikim razinama agitpropova us mjeravali i nadzirali provoenje kulturne politike.

    agrarna reforma Preraspodjela zemljinog fonda na temelju Zakona o agrarnoj reformi i kolonizaciji od 23. ko lovoza 1945. i Zakona o provoenju agrarne reforme i kolonizacije na podruju Federalne Hrvatske od 24. stude noga 1945. godine.

    Antifaistika fronta ena (AF) Masovna politika organizacija koja je unutar Narodne fronte (NF) okupljala ene radi njihova poduavanja i politikog opismenjivanja. AF je osnovan 1942. u Bosanskom Petrovcu, a 1953. mijenja naziv u Savez enskih drutava.

    Antifaistiko vijee narodnog oslobo enja Jugoslavije (AVNOJ) Vrhovno politiko predstavniko i zakonodavno tijelo Narodnooslobodilakog pokreta (NOP) utemeljeno 1942. na 1. zasjedanju u Bihau. Na 2. zasjedanju 1943. u Jajcu postaje vrhovno predstavniko tijelo novoo sno vane Demokratske Federativne Ju goslavije (DFJ), a 1945. prerasta u Pri vremenu narodnu skuptinu.

    Bakari, Vladimir (1912.1983.)

    Hr va t ski politiar. U vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata komesar je Glavnoga taba Narodnooslobodilake vojske i partizanskih odreda Hrvatske, suosniva Zemaljskog antifaistikog vijea Hrvatske (ZAVNOH) i lan Predsjednitva AVNOJa. Bio je od

    1944. do 1969. na elu KPH, potom Saveza komunista Hrvatske (SKH) te visoki dunosnik u CK Saveza komunista Jugoslavije (SKJ). U cijelome raz do blju od 1945. nadalje bio je jedan od vodeih hrvatskih politiara i obnaao je najvie dunosti: od 1945. do 1953. predsjednik je Vlade Narodne Republike Hrvatske (NRH), a od 1953. do 1963. predsjednik je Sabora NRH; nakon toga je lan, potom i potpredsjednik Predsjednitva Socijalistike Federativne Republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ).

    boljevici Na 2. kongresu Ruske socijaldemokratske radnike partije 1903. u Londonu nastao je povijesni raskol meu lanovima partije: za razliku od manjine (menjevika), veina je delegata (boljevici) poduprla Vladimira I. Lenjina.

    boljevizacija Prilagoavanje boljevikim idejama, odnosno borba za prevlast boljevika, u irem smislu komunista.

    bratstvo i jedinstvo Pojam kojim se od 1945. nadalje opisuje bratski odnos izmeu svih naroda i narodnosti te oznaava jedinstvo u Jugoslaviji.

    bunkeriranje Vremenska zabrana pristu pa javnog objavljivanja ili pri ka zivanja nekog djela, primjerice fil ma koji se ne prikazuje, ali se ipak u va za neka druga vremena.

    Broz, Josip Tito (1892.1980.) Hrvatski i jugoslavenski politiar i dravnik. Poetno je kao metalski radnik (bravar) radio u zemlji i inozemstvu. U Prvom svjetskom ratu austrougarski je vojnik na ruskoj fronti. lan KPJ od 1920., a generalni sekretar KPJ od 1937. godine. Osniva je i KPH. Pokreta je NOPa i vrhovni zapovjednik Narodnooslobodilake vojske Jugoslavije (NOVJ) 1941.1945. godine. Nakon rata zauzima kljune politike poloaje: predsjednik je savezne vlade, ministar obrane i vrhovni zapovjednik Jugoslavenske armije, generalni sekretar KPJ i predsjednik NFa. Od 1953. je Predsjednik Republike i Saveznoga izvrnog vijea (SIV). I od 1963. do smrti Predsjednik je Republike. Suosniva je Pokreta nesvrstanih.

    istka Uklanjanje neprijateljskih elemenata iz neke zajednice, primjeri ce staljinistike istke u Savezu Sovjetskih Socijalistikih Republika /SSSR)

    LeksikonIgor Stani

    Tumaenja pojmova te naziva dokumenata, drava, organizacija, osoba, pokreta, praznika, slubi, stranaka i sl. manje poznatih dananjim, prije svega mlaim naratajima

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.290

    slu njime se, za razliku od NOBa (dijelom i NORa), oznaava sa mo antifaistiki politiki/pozadinski i/ili neborbeni pokret i rat 1941.1945. godine.

    Narodnooslobodilaki rat (NOR) Sku pni naziv kojim se objedinjuju sadr aji NOBa i NOPa 1941.1945. u ire m i uem smislu.

    Nazor, Vladimir (1876.1949.) Hrvatski knjievnik. Kao umirovljeni profesor i gimnazijski ravnatelj 1942. iz Zagreba odlazi na teritorij pod parti zanskim nadzorom. Od 1943. je predsje dnik Izvrnog odbora ZAVNOHa, a nakon rata do smrti predsjednik Pre zidijuma Sabora NRH.

    Odjeljenje zatite naroda (OZN, Ozna) Sigurnosna sluba jugoslavenskih antifaistikih snaga osnovana 1944. godine. Reorganizirana je 1946. u Upravu dravne bezbjednosti (UDB, Udba).

    omladinac lan Narodne omladine Jugoslavije, obino u dobi od 14. do 27. godine ivota.

    omladinska radna akcija (ORA) Rad mla dih na obnovi ili gradnji nove infra strukture u poslijeratnome razdoblju Jugoslavije. Tri najvanije akcije: dvije bosanskohercegovake pruge (BrkoBanovii i amacSara je vo) koje su se nadovezale na hrvatsku eljezniku mreu te cesta od slo venskoaustrijske do makedonskogrke granice preko Zagreba i Be o grada (Autocesta Bratstva i jedinstva).

    OZN/Ozna (v. Odjeljenje zatite naroda)

    partizan Sudionik NORa, dakle NOBa i NOPa, naposljetku pripadnik NOVJa (dijelom i Jugoslavenske armije).

    petogodinji plan (petoljetka) Plan razvoja u trajanju od pet godina. U Jugoslaviji prvi je petogodinji plan donesen 1947. godine, a izraen je prema sovjetskom obrascu.

    pionir lan Saveza pionira Jugoslavije, obino u dobi od 6. do 13. godine ivota.

    Praznik rada (Prvi maj) Meunarodni praznik kojim se 1. svibnja obiljeava borba za radnika prava i dostignua radnikog pokreta.

    etatizam Politiki sustav u kojemu drava ima najire ovlasti i odluujuu ulogu u vladanju ekonomskim, politikim, kulturnim i svim drugim pitanjima drutvenog ivota. U Jugoslaviji nepoeljan nakon uvoenja samoupravljanja te prihvaanja i razrade marksistike ideje o odumiranju drave.

    FNRJ (v. Demokratska Federativna Jugoslavija)

    Goli otok Otok izmeu Raba, Svetog Grgura (enska kaznionica), Prvia i kopna, na kojemu je od 1949. djelovala kaznionica za politike zatvorenike koji su stvarno ili navodno kao pristalice SSSRa i Josifa V. Staljina pristajali uz Informbiro.

    Hebrang, Andrija (1889.1949.) Hrvatski politiar. lan je KPJ od 1919. i organizator ustanka u Hrvatskoj 1941., sekretar CK KPH 1942.1944. i lan Politbiroa CK KPJ 1943.1946. godine. Sudjelovao je u radu osnivakog zasjedanja AVNOJa te bio inicijator osnivakog zasjedanja ZAVNOHa. Nakon rata bio je predsjednik Privrednog savjeta, ministar industrije u Vladi DFJ i predsjednik Savezne planske komisije. Nakon izbijanja sukoba s Informbiroom uhien i tajno ubijen.

    ibeovci/informbiroovci Naziv za stvarne ili navodne pristalice Rezolucije Informbiroa u kojoj se osuuje KPJ i otvara sukob izmeu SSSRa i Jugoslavije.

    Informacijski biro komunistikih partija (IB, Informbiro, Kominform) Organizacija europskih komunistikih partija osnovana 1947. na poticaj CK Svesavezne komunistike partije (boljevika) sa sjeditem u Beogradu. KPJ je 1948. izbaena iz lanstva te organizacije. IB je rasputen 1956. godine.

    Jedinstvena narodnooslobodilaka fronta (v. Narodna fronta)

    Jugoslavenska armija (JA), Jugoslavenska narodna armija (JNA) Glavni dio jugoslavenskih oruanih snaga. Korijene vue iz NOVJa, koji je pred kraj rata preimenovan u JA, a 1951. u JNA.

    Kardelj, Edvard (1910.1979.) Sloven ski politiar. Osniva Komunistike partije Slovenije, suosniva Osvobo dilne fronte Slovenije, vijenik AVNOJa te jedan od najviih dunosni ka KPJ/SKJ. Potpredsjednik je jugoslavenske vlade 1945.1963., ministar vanjskih poslova 1948.1953., potom i predsjednik Savezne skuptine te lan Predsjednitva SFRJ. Poslije pada M. ilasa bio je glavni partijski ideolog i teoretiar te reformator federacije 1974. godine.

    Kidri, Boris (1912.1953.) Slovenski politiar. Od 1935. bio je sekretar CK Saveza komunistike omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ), od 1940. lan CK KPJ, a od 1948. lan Politbiroa CK KPJ. Godine 1945. postao je prvi predsjednik Narodne vlade Slovenije, 1946. ministar za industriju u Vladi FNRJ, a potom i predsjednik Planske komisije i Privrednoga savjeta FNRJ te lan SIVa. Jedan je od tvoraca sustava radnikog samoupravljanja.

    kolektivizacija Oblik ukidanja privatnog vlasnitva seljakih gospodarstava putem dragovoljnog udruivanja u poljoprivredna poduzea koji u Jugoslaviji podrazumijeva udruivanje u seljake radne zadruge 1949.1953. godine.

    kolonizacija Plansko preseljavanje stanovnitva iz siromanijih i prenapuenih dijelova zemlje u bogatije krajeve radi smanjenja pothranjenosti i gladi na temelju Zakona o agrarnoj reformi i kolonizaciji iz 1945. godine.

    Kominform (v. Informacijski biro komunistikih partija)

    Komunistika partija Hrvatske (KPH) Komunistika stranka osnovana 1937. u blizini Samobora kao dio KPJ. Na vlasti je u Hrvatskoj bila od 1945., a od 1952. je djelovala pod nazivom SKH.

    Komunistika partija Jugoslavije (KPJ) Komunistika stranka osnovana 1919. u Beogradu kao Socijalistika

    radnika partija Jugoslavije (komunista). Od 1920. nosila je naziv KPJ. Iste go dine zabranjeno joj je djelovanje te prelazi u ilegalu. Od 1937. vodi je J. Broz Tito, a 1945. pre uzela je vlast u Jugoslaviji. Pro mi jenila je naziv u SKJ 1952. godine.

    komunizam Ideologija, odnosno zami ljeni drutveni poredak, bez bilo kakvih oblika privatnog vlasnitva, prije svega nad sredstvima za proizvodnju. Socijalistika drutva trebala su prerasti u komunistika.

    Kumrovec Rodno selo J. Broza Tita u Hrvatskome zagorju koje je u poslijeratnim godinama, a dijelom i do dananjih dana odredite brojnih posjetitelja i jedan od temelja izgradnje svojedobnoga Titova kulta linosti.

    konfiskacija Zapljena/otuenja imetka privatne osobe u korist drave.

    lakirovka Rusizam preuzet iz sovjetske prakse, a oznaava uljepavanje stvarnosti, primjerice filmskim sredstvima.

    nacionalizacija Proces kojim privatna imovina postaje dravno ili drutveno vlasnitvo. U Jugoslaviji se provo dila od 1946. na osnovi Zakona o na cionalizaciji privatnih i privrednih poduzea.

    Narodna fronta (NF) Masovna politika organizacija putem koje je u Jugoslaviji organiziran i kontroliran drutveni ivot. Osnovana je prije izbijanja Drugog svjetskog rata kao Jedinstvena narodnooslobodilaka fronta (JNOF), a 1953. prerasta u Socijalistiki savez radnog naroda (SSRN) Jugoslavije (SSRNJ), dakle i u SSRN Hrvatske (SSRNH).

    Narodna omladina Masovna politika organizacija koja je unutar NFa okupljala mlade. Osnovana je 1942. u Bihau kao Ujedinjeni savez antifaistike omladine Jugoslavije (USAOJ) , koji se poslije rata stapa s Narodnom omladinom, kasnije Savezom socijalistike omladine. U svome sastavu, do njegova izdvajanja 1950. godine, ima i Savez pionira kao djeju organizaciju.

    narodni heroj Poasni naziv za osobu odlikovanu Ordenom narodnog heroja za posebne zasluge u Narodnooslobodilakome ratu (NOR).

    Narodnooslobodilaka borba (NOB) Naziv antifaistike oruane borbe i antifaistikog rata 1941.1945. u Jugoslaviji pod vodstvom KPJ s ciljevima osloboenja od okupator te pobjede nad domaima kolaboracionistima i kvislinzima, uz ponovno, ali ravnopravno ujedinjenje svih nacionalnih dravnih sastavnica u novu jugoslavensku zajednicu.

    narodnooslobodilaki odbor (NOO) Tijelo vlasti NOPa na razliitima hijerarhijskim razinama.

    Narodnooslobodilaki pokret (NOP) Sadrajno iri naziv od NOBa kojim se oznaava ukupnost zbivanja antifaistike borbe i antifaistikog rata 1941.1945 u Jugoslaviji. U uem smi

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 291

    radniki savjet Tijelo upravljanja u rad nim organizacijama koje je sukladno sustavu radnikog samoupravljanja od 1950. u svojoj nadlenosti imalo donoenje samoupravnih akata, pra vilnika, financijskih i proizvodnih planova, biranje upravnog odbora i raspodjelu dijela akumulacije.

    radniko odmaralite Smjetajna jedinica unutar sustava socijalnog turi zma koji je radnicima omoguavao povoljnije kori te nje prava na plaeni godinji odmor.

    Rankovi, Aleksandar (1909.1983.) Srbijanski politiar. U vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata bio je lan V NOVJa i Predsjednitva AVNOJa te jedan od osnivaa Ozne. Godine 1946. postaje ministar unutarnjih poslova, 1948.1963. potpredsjednik je savezne vlade, a 1963.1966. potpredsjednik SFRJa. Na Brijunskom plenumu CK SKJ 1966. smijenjen je sa svih dunosti i iskljuen iz SKJ zbog zloporabe poloaja u Udbi.

    Rezolucija Informbiroa (Rezolucija o stanju u KPJ) Dokument s optubama i kritikama na raun KPJ, nastao 1948. na sastanku Kominforma u Bu kuretu kada je jugoslavensko vodstvo optueno za neprijateljsku politiku prema SSSRu i jaanje nesocijalistikih ideja i protusocijalistikih pojava u zemlji.

    samoupravljanje Jugoslavenski sustav upravljanja opim drutvenim odnosima i poslovima unutar zajednica, podruja i organizacija u kojemu odluuju oni koji te poslove obavljaju. Godine 1950. Osnovnim zakonom o upravljanju dravnim privrednim poduzeima i viima privrednim udruenjima od strane radnih kolektiva poduzea postaju drutveno vlasnitvo i uvode se radniki savjeti.

    Savez komunista Hrvatske (v. Komu nistika partija Hrvatske)

    Savez komunista Jugoslavije (v. Komu nistika partija Jugoslavije)

    Savez komunistike omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ) Politika organizacija mladih komunista osnovana 1919. u Zagrebu. Godine 1942. postaje borbe na jezgra novoosnovanoga USAOJa, a poslije rata stapa se Narodnom omladi nom, kasnije Savezom socijali stike omladine.

    seljaka radna zadruga Jedinica kolek tivnoga poljoprivrednog sustava

    koji je u Jugoslaviji na snazi od 1949. do 1953. kada se provodi kolektivizacija. Zadruge se osnivaju prema uzoru na sovjetski model (kolhoz), uz ukljuivanje seljaka u zadrugu zajedno s njihovom zemljom i sredstvima za proizvodnju.

    SFRJ (v. Demokratska Federativna Jugoslavija)

    Slobodni Teritorij Trsta Podruje Trsta, Slovenskog primorja i sjeverozapadne Istre koje je 1947.1954. bilo ustrojeno kao neutralno podruje podijeljeno na Zonu A (Trst i okolica) i Zonu B (kotari Buje i Kopar).

    socijalistiki realizam (socrealizam) Smjer u knjievnosti i likovnim umjetnostima u kojem se realistiki izraz spaja s ideolokoodgojnim htijenjima socijalistikog drutva, primjerice izvorno sovjetskoga. U Jugoslaviji naputen je poetkom 50ih godina 20. stoljea.

    Socijalistiki savez radnog naroda (v. Narodna fronta)

    socijalizam Ekonomska ili politika teorija i poredak kojim se ukida klasna eksploatacija ukidanjem koncentracije ekonomske i politike moi s ciljem izgradnje drutva ravno pravnih graana. U Jugoslaviji se razvijao i provodio od 1945. godine.

    socijalizam s ljudskim licem Izraz koji se u Jugoslaviji dijelom koristi nakon sukoba sa SSSRom da bi se naglasila razlika spram sovjetskog socijalizma.

    socrealizam (v. socijalistiki realizam)

    staljinisti Sljedbenici staljinizma tj. sustava idejnopolitikih koncepcija J. V. Staljina (1879.1953.) birokratske deformacije socijalizma i nasilnih metoda u reguliranju drutvenoga i politikog ivota.

    Stepinac, Alojzije (1898.1960.) Za gre baki nadbiskup i kardinal. U Dru go m svjetskom ratu isprva sklon Ne zavisnoj Dravi Hrvatskoj, ali se od nje potom zbog diskriminacijskih zakona distancirao, kao i od us ta kog pokreta zbog poinjenih ne dje la u ratu. Nakon rata pod optubom za suradnju s ustakim reimom bio je osuen na 16 godina zatvorske kazne koju je izdravao u Lepoglavi do 1951. kada je premjeten u kuni pritvor u Kraiu gdje je ostao do smrti. Papa Pio XII. imenovao ga je 1952. kar di nalom, a blaenik je od 1998. go di ne.

    tafeta tafetna palica koju su graani razliite dobi i zanimanja te lanovi politikih organizacija ritualno nosili po cijeloj Jugoslaviji, pridonosei tako ideolokoj izgradnji drutva. Razne tafete prepustile su 1957. prednost zajednikoj tafeti mladosti koju je J. Broz Tito otada primao povodom Dana mladosti.

    titoisti Pristae titoizma, tj. J. B. Tita, koji se, stvarno ili navodno, i izvan Jugoslavije suprotstavljaju staljinizmu te zalau za razvoj socijalizma s ljudskim licem.

    trockisti Sljedbenici trockizma, tj. su stava idejnopolitikih koncepcija Lava B. Trockog (1879.1940.), jednoga od voa Oktobarske revolucije u Ru si ji, koji, nakon sukoba s J. V. Staljinom, nasuprot 3. (Komunistikoj) in ternacionali, osniva i 4. in ter na cionalu.

    udarnik Titula najuspjenijega i najproduktivnijeg radnika koji predstavlja primjer ostalim radnicima. Udarnitvo je nastalo u sklopu sovjetskog sustava socijalistikog natjecanja radnika te se iri nakon 1945. i u druge zemlje narodne demokracije i/ili socijalistike zemlje. U Jugoslaviji odumire uvoenjem samoupravljanja.

    UDB/Udba (v. Uprava dravne bezbjednosti)

    Ujedinjeni savez antifaistike omla dine Jugoslavije (v. Narodna omla dina i Savez komunistike omladine Jugoslavije)

    Uprava dravne bezbjednosti (UDB, Udba) Organizacija nastala 1946. preustrojavanjem Ozne. Poslije je djelovala kao Sluba dravne sigurnosti, a bila je pod vodstvom A. Rankovia. Nakon njegove smjene 1966. promijenjeni su status i ovlasti organizacije koja se i dalje bavila sigurnou drave i protivnicima reima.

    Zemaljsko antifaistiko vijee narodnog osloboenja Hrvatske (ZAVNOH) Vrhovno predstavniko tijelo, nositelj hrvatskog suvereniteta i najvia dravna vlast NOPa u Hrvatskoj, osnovano 1943. na zasjedanju u Otocu i Plitvicama. Djeluje do 1945. kada postaje Narodni sabor Hrvatske.

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 293

    Katalokejedinice

    slike, crtei, grafike

    Frano Bae 1. Jama, 1948. litografija/papir 21 x 29,5 cm inv. br. 1967 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    2. Jama, 1948. litografija/papir 20,5 x 29,5 cm inv. br. 1948 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    3. Jama, 1948. litografija/papir 21 x 30 cm inv. br. 1950 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    4. Jama, 1948. litografija/papir 21 x 29,5 cm inv. br. 1951 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Vladimir Beci 5. Jablanica, 1950. sepija/papir 34 x 24 cm inv. br. GUNMZ200 Narodni muzej Zadar, Zadar

    6. Portret Josipa Broza Tita u crvenoj fotelji, 1947. ulje/platno 71,5 x 59,5 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHC3759 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    Ema Bursa 7. Zgrade u Moskovskoj ulici ulje/platno 53 x 76 cm inv. br. 478 Grad Zagreb

    Bogumil Car 8. U ast Dana Republike, 1945. akvarel, olovka/papir 61,4 x 47,6 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    9. U ast Velikog Oktobra, 1945. tempera, kreda/polukarton 68,1 x 38,1 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Marijan Detoni 10. Iz kolone, 1946. ulje/platno 74 x 109,5 cm inv. br. 99 Grad Zagreb

    11. Prelaz partizana u amcu ulje/karton 62,1 x 92,8 cm inv. br. MG1497 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    Cata Dujin Ribar 12. Tunel pod Sljemenom, 1948. ulje/karton 60 x 49,5 cm inv. br. 127 Grad Zagreb

    Jerko Fabkovi 13. Nabijanje terena na radnoj akciji, 1946.

    ulje/perploa 38,2 x 52,5 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    14. Od starog gradimo novo, 19451946. ulje/platno 76 x 147,5 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    15. Pred sveanost otvorenja omladinske pruge, 1948. ulje, tempera/platno 69,5 x 260 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Vladimir Filakovac 16. Dolazak partizana u Dubravu 1945, 1945. ulje/platno 58,5 x 70 cm inv. br. V0000168 Grad Zagreb

    17. Maral Tito, 1948. ulje/platno 96 x 78,4 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Pavao Gavrani 18. Brodogradilite, 1949. litografija/papir 39 x 51 cm inv. br. UGD777 Umjetnika galerija Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik

    19. Dvije figure pri radu, 1951. lavirani tu/strukturirani papir 29 x 20,4 cm inv. br. 9010 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    Oton Gliha 20. Izvlaenje drva iz ume ulje/platno 100 x 81 cm inv. br. S550 Galerija likovnih umjetnosti, Osijek

    21. S pruge, 19461947. ulje/platno 72 x 88 cm inv. br. UGD929 Umjetnika galerija Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik

    Sergije Glumac 22. Radnik s ciglama, 1949. litografija kredom/litografski papir prikaz: 17 x 10,9 cm inv. br. 9522 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    23. Rasklopni ureaj, iz mape Rade Konar, 1956. bakropis/papir prikaz: 21,2 x 32,2 cm inv. br. 9722 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    24. Sastavljanje generatora, iz mape Rade Konar, 1956. bakropis/papir prikaz: 32,1 x 24 cm inv. br. 9724 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    25. Sklapanje transformatora, iz mape Rade Konar, 1956. bakropis/papir prikaz: 32,4 x 24,4 cm inv. br. 9527 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    26. Transformatori, iz mape Rade Konar, 1956. bakropis/papir prikaz: 32,3 x 25 cm inv. br. 9716 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    Ivan Heil 27. Stolarska radionica, 1946. ulje/perploa 54 x 69 cm inv. br. S338 Galerija likovnih umjetnosti, Osijek

    Vladimir Jeli 28. Na radu (Gradnja pruge Graani) gva/papir 48,5 x 69 cm inv. br. MG2079 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    Pivo Karamatijevi 29. Krajikinje, 1948. otisak/papir 32,5 x 28,4 cm inv. br. GUNMZ1401 Narodni muzej Zadar, Zadar

    30. Mineri, 1948. otisak/papir 32,5 x 28,4 cm inv. br. GUNMZ1413 Narodni muzej Zadar, Zadar

    Albert Kinert 31. Doruak, prije 1952. ulje/platno 46,5 x 60,5 cm inv. br. GUNMZ45 Narodni muzej Zadar, Zadar

    32. Lava, 1947. bakropis/papir prikaz: 13,4 x 20,9 cm inv. br. 2225 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    33. Omladinac ulje/platno 30 x 20 cm inv. br. MG1547 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    34. Omladinke na radu ugljen/papir 20,5 x 27,3 cm inv. br. 2220 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    35. S pruge tu/papir 16 x 18,9 cm inv. br. 2223 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    Joko Kneevi 36. Radovi na sjevernoj luci, oko 1950. ulje/platno 104 x 83 cm

    inv. br. GUNMZ21 Narodni muzej Zadar, Zadar

    Franjo Koren 37. Izgradnja pruge, 19461947. tu/papir 28,5 x 39 cm inv. br. GMKIKMP250 G Gradski muzej Karlovac, Karlovac

    Branko Kovaevi 38. A narod je pomagao partizane (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. linorez/papir prikaz: 17,3 x 28,9 cm inv. br. 3040 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    39. Bacan je narod u tamnice (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. linorez/papir prikaz: 22,4 x 17,2 cm inv. br. 3037 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    40. Bili smo okupirani, ali... (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. linorez/papir prikaz: 23,6 x 17,6 cm inv. br. 3036 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    41. I pobijeen (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. linorez/papir prikaz: 23,5 x 17,6 cm inv. br. 3050 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    42. I vjean (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. linorez/papir prikaz: 17,8 x 23,9 cm inv. br. 3038 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    43. Podigao se ustanak (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. linorez/papir prikaz: 2 x 17,5 cm inv. br. 3039 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    44. Ruene su komunikacije (iz mape linoreza Kroz nau borbu), 1945. linorez/papir prikaz: 18,4 x 21,6 cm inv. br. 3045 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Edo Kovaevi 45. Kovai, 19451949. ulje/platno 36,7 x 41,5 cm Muzej moderne i suvremene umjetnosti, Rijeka

    Anka Krizmani 46. U loi (Anka Berus, Kata Pejnovi, Franjo Gai), 1949. ulje/platno 55 x 68 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Alfred Krupa 47. Javni radovi, 1948. tu/papir

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.294

    28,8 x 39,8 cm inv. br. GMKIKMP36 G Gradski muzej Karlovac, Karlovac

    Mila Kumbatovi 48. Uz kamenolom, 19461949. ulje/platno 45 x 55 cm Muzej moderne i suvremene umjetnosti, Rijeka

    Stjepan Lahovsky 49. Demonstracija (Autoportret kao drugarica u povorci), 1947. tempera/papir 28,9 x 39,7 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Miron Makanec 50. Tri radnika na gradnji pruge, 1947. akvarel/papir 28 x 39,7 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    51. Utovar dasaka u rijekoj luci, 1948. ulje/platno 54 x 65 cm Muzej moderne i suvremene umjetnosti, Rijeka

    Fedor Malanec 52. Gradnja karpe na Ksaveru ulje/platno 57 x 73 cm inv. br. 30 Grad Zagreb

    Antun Masle 53. Rad na obnovi, 1945. akvarel/papir 30 x 46,5 cm inv. br. 332 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Julius Meissner 54. Popravak lokomotive ulje/perploa 60 x 50 cm inv. br. 457 Grad Zagreb

    Antun Mezdji 55. Mladi stolar ulje/platno 69,8 x 58,8 cm inv. br. MG1646 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    Jerolim Mie 56. Kamenolom, 1949. ulje/platno 92 x 76 cm inv. br. S551 Galerija likovnih umjetnosti, Osijek

    57. Splitsko brodogradilite, 1948. ulje/platno 83 x 66 cm Ministarstvo vanjskih i europskih poslova Republike Hrvatske, Zagreb

    Franjo Mraz 58. Crte br. 8 iz mape reprodukcija Omladinska pruga / 20 crtea, 1947. Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb tisak

    pojedinani list: 30 x 43,3 cm inv. br. 2666 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    59. Gradnja mosta kod Zapreia, 1948. ulje/platno 81 x 100 cm inv. br. UGD938 Umjetnika galerija Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik

    60. Gradnja eljeznike pruge, 1948. ulje/platno 59,5 x 75 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHC3757 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    61. ljunara na autostradi, 1947. ulje/platno 60 x 75,5 cm inv. br. MMSU9 Muzej moderne i suvremene umjetnosti, Rijeka

    Omer Mujadi 62. Omladinska radna brigada, 1948. ulje/platno 36,5 x 29,2 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHC3752 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    63. Portret Josipa Broza Tita za radnim stolom, oko 1950. ulje/platno 64,2 x 47,5 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHC3756 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    Ismet Mujezinovi 64. Oslobaanje Jajca, 1955. ulje/platno 600 x 300 cm inv. br. 9000003865 Ured predsjednika Republike Hrvatske, Zagreb

    Edo Murti 65. 1. maj 1946, 1946. lavirani tu/papir 35 x 50 cm inv. br. GUNMZ1012 Narodni muzej Zadar, Zadar

    66. Na strai, 1946. ulje/platno 138 x 108,4 cm inv. br. MG1674 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    67. Proslava 1. maja, 1946. ulje/platno prikaz: 54 x 88,5 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    68. Prvomajska povorka, 1946. ugljen/papir 32 x 48 cm inv. br. GUNMZ1028 Narodni muzej Zadar, Zadar

    69. Rijeka, 1947. ulje/platno 64,5 x 80 cm inv. br. A 56 Vila Brijunka, Brijuni

    Zdenka Pexidr Sria 70. Buldoer na radnim akcijama u Maglaju, 1947. crni akvarel kistom i perom/papir 22,9 x 34 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    71. Godinjica ustanka naroda Jugoslavije, 1946. akvarel/papir 38,5 x 31,8 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    72. Govor partizanskog voe s balkona kue Pexidrovih na mitingu u Novom, 1945. akvarel/papir 24,1 x 24,2 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    73. Naa baraka tab VI sekcije Nemila, 1947. olovka/papir 22,9 x 34,1 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Ico Polovi 74. Gradnja kole na Pantovaku, 1954. ulje/platno 73,5 x 93,5 cm inv. br. 96 Grad Zagreb

    75. Pilane Zagreb, 1951. ulje/platno 48 x 64 cm inv. br. 731 Grad Zagreb

    Oton Postrunik 76. Vrilica, 1947. ulje/platno 63,9 x 74,4 cm inv. br. MG1731 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    Zlatko Prica 77. Pastirice, 1953. ulje/platno 116 x 65,5 cm inv. br. MG2838 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    78. Zagrebaka loiona, 1949. ulje/platno 81 x 100 cm inv. br. 255 Grad Zagreb

    uro Pulitika 79. Povratak iz grada, 1952. ulje/platno 58 x 78 cm inv. br. UGD2375 Umjetnika galerija Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik

    80. Povratak s pazara, 1952. tempera/karton 41,5 x 55 cm inv. br. 336 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Mirko Raki 81. Skica za sliku Darovi novom ovjeku (ovjek sa srpom), 1948. olovka/bezdrvni papir (poleina plakata) 25 x 17,7 cm inv. br. 3107 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    82. Skica za sliku Darovi novom ovjeku (ena s koarom), 1948. olovka/bezdrvni papir (poleina plakata) 25,2 x 14,8 cm inv. br. 3105 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    Vanja Radau 83. Zbirka reprodukcija mape linoreza Mi pamtimo, 1945. Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb otisak prema linorezu inv. br. 2779 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    Josip Restek 84. Kosci, 1954. drvorez u tri boje/papir prikaz: 21,7 x 33,5 cm inv. br. 2286 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    85. Soboslikar, 1949. tempera/papir 42,7 x 29,6 cm inv. br. MG1749 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    86. Spremanje sijena, 1954. drvorez u etiri boje/papir prikaz: 21,5 x 29 cm inv. br. 2287 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Ivo Reek 87. Vapnara zagorski krajolik ulje/platno 50 x 64 cm inv. br. 9000004434 Ured predsjednika RH, Zagreb

    Nasta Rojc 88. Ideja za spomenik u Pakracu, 1946. ulje/platno prikaz: 18,5 x 31,1 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    89. Radna akcija u Ulici proleterskih brigada, 1946. ulje/perploa 29,1 x 38,5 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Rudolf Sabli 90. Usjek kod tunela Oslo, 1947. ulje/platno 105,5 x 80 cm inv. br. 267 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Vilim Svenjak 91. Brodogradilite ulje/platno 60 x 73,5 cm inv. br. 9000002324 Ured predsjednika RH, Zagreb

    Ivo eremet 92. Gradnja pruge, oko 1950. ulje/platno 65 x 81 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHC3766 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    Petar imaga 93. Mijeanje betona, 1949. akvarel 43,8 x 60 cm inv. br. 9000004414 Ured predsjednika RH, Zagreb

    94. Na gradskom smetlitu, 1948. akvarel 35,3 x 50 cm inv. br. MG1772 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    95. Pralje, 1949. tu/papir 30 x 42 cm inv. br. 919 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Frano imunovi 96. Crte K slobodi iz mape reprodukcija Pod okupacijom/24 crtea, 1947. Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb tisak 39,5 x 30,5 cm inv. br. 2884 Kabinet grafike HAZU, Zagreb

    97. Rad na autoputu, 1947. ulje/platno 52 x 63 cm inv. br. 9000004408 Ured predsjednika RH, Zagreb

    Marino Tartaglia 98. Portret marala Tita, 1951. ulje/platno 53 x 34,8 cm inv. br. MG2062 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    99. Portret marala, 2. pol. 20. st. ulje/platno 150 x 100 cm inv. br. 9000003155 Ured predsjednika RH, Zagreb

    uro Tiljak 100. Tvornica u Rumunjskoj II, 1947. tempera 64,5 x 49,8 cm inv. br. MG3596 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    101. Tvornica u Rumunjskoj Hunyedrava, 1947. akvarel 50,2 x 65 cm inv. br. MG3621 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    Milan Toli 102. S udarnikog rada, prije 1949. ugljen/papir 49 x 66 cm inv. br. GUNMZ194 Narodni muzej Zadar, Zadar

    Kamilo Tompa 103. Osloboenje Zagreba, 1945. tempera/papir 62 x 49,5 cm inv. br. MG5168 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 295

    Mladen Vea 104. Na pruzi, 1946. gva/papir prikaz: 35 x 55 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Antun Zupa 105. Gradnja autoceste, oko 1950. ulje/platno 55 x 69 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHC3758 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    Ante uni 106. Popravak brodia, 1947. ulje/karton 37 x 54 cm inv. br. S467 Galerija likovnih umjetnosti, Osijek

    skulpture i reljefi

    Grga Antunac 107. Lenjin, 1940e mjed v. 54,5 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Antun Augustini 108. Avijatiar model figure za Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj Armiji, 1947. gips v. 220 cm inv. br. GA272 Galerija Antuna Augustinia, Klanjec

    109. Josip Broz Tito, 2. pol. 20. st. reljef; mramor v. 57 cm inv. br. 9000002759 Ured predsjednika RH, Zagreb

    110. Juri skica dijela Spomenika zahvalnosti Crvenoj Armiji, 1947. gips v. 31 cm inv. br. GA63 Galerija Antuna Augustinia, Klanjec

    111. Noenje ranjenika, 1. pol. 20. st. bronca v. 165 cm Muzej Staro selo (Zbirka poklona vila Kumrovec), Kumrovec

    112. Pobjeda, 1945. bronca v. 250 cm inv. br. GA352 P Galerija Antuna Augustinia, Klanjec

    113. Spomenik maralu Titu, 1948. bronca iz 1980ih v. 201 cm inv. br. GA353 P Galerija Antuna Augustinia, Klanjec

    114. Tenkist model figure za Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj Armiji, 1947. gips v. 222 cm inv. br. GA269 Galerija Antuna Augustinia, Klanjec

    Vojin Baki 115. Josip Broz Tito, oko 1960. reljef; aluminij 85,4 x 69,5 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHS55 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    116. Skica za Spomenik streljanima u Bjelovaru, 1946. bronca v. 40 cm Ministarstvo vanjskih i europskih poslova Republike Hrvatske, Zagreb

    Rudolf Ivankovi 117. Borac, oko 1950. bronca v. 52 cm inv. br. GU337 Narodni muzej Zadar, Zadar

    Ksenija Kantoci 118. Kata Pejnovi, oko 1950. bronca v. 36,7 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    119. Ivo Kerdi Josip Broz Tito, 1950e reljef; bronca, drvena podloga 30 x 70 cm inv. br. 250 IV 1115 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    120. Ivan Kirin Bomba, 20. st. reljef; bronca 41 x 40 cm inv. br. 272 IV 124 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    121. Friedrich Engels, 20. st. reljef; drvo, bronca 31 cm inv. br. 273 IV 125 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    122. Karl Marx, 20. st. reljef; drvo, bronca 31 cm inv. br. 273 IV 125 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    Marijan Kockovi 123. Partizanka, oko 1950. gips v. 40 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    124. Savo Kovaevi, oko 1950. gips v. 38 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Andrija Krstulovi 125. Motiv s jematve, oko 1950. bronca v. 88 cm inv. br. UGD1438 Umjetnika galerija Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik

    126. Prvoborci, 1947. reljef; bojani gips 49,5 x 55 x 6 cm inv. br. 1150 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Velibor Maukatin 127. Ranjenik (skica), 1950. bronca v. 24 cm inv. br. 1463 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Frano Meneghello Dini 128. Deset dinara, 1953. reljef; posrebrena bronca 17,7 cm inv. br. 63 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    129. Dvadeset dinara, 1953. reljef; posrebrena bronca 21,3 cm inv. br. 64 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Petar Mitrovi 130. Ribari, 1947. reljef; rezbareno drvo 54 x 80 x 3 cm inv. br. 1469 Galerija umjetnina, Split

    Nepoznati autor (prema predloku Antuna Augustinia) 131. Josip Broz Tito, 19451955. reljef; bakar 36 x 45 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Nepoznati autor (pripisano Ivi Kerdiu) 132. Borbeni savez radnike klase i seljaka, 19461947. reljef; bronca 34 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Vanja Radau 133. Bomba, oko 1950. bronca v. 50 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHC114 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    134. Noenje ranjenika (studija za veu kompoziciju), oko 1946. gips v. 51,5 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    135. Radnik, oko 1945. patinirani gips v. 73 cm inv. br. UGD1437 Umjetnika galerija Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik

    136. Ranjenik, 1952. bronca v. 35 cm inv. br. MG2093 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    137. ena u borbi, oko 1945. reljef; bronca 89,3 x 52,8 x 12 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Vjekoslav Ruklja 138. Ranjenik, 1950.

    bronca v. 26 cm inv. br. MG1980 Moderna galerija, Zagreb

    Ivan Saboli 139. Rudar s pukom, oko 1950. legura (kositar, aluminij), patinirano v. 40 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHS100 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    plakati

    Zvonimir Agbaba 140. Omladino i u izgradnji domovine budi na prvom mjestu, 1945. litografija viebojna 100 x 70 cm inv. br. 187482 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    141. Udarnikim radom ubrzajmo obnovu zemlje, 1945. litografija viebojna 100 x 70 cm inv. br. 187483 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    Ferdo Bis 142. ivio Prvi maj/ praznik radnog naroda, 1951. litografija viebojna 100 x 68 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP510 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    Marijan Detoni 143. Izgradimo opustoenu domovinu, 1945. litografija viebojna 100 x 70 cm inv. br. 187484 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    144. Svi/ NA FRONT/ OBNOVE, 1945. litografija viebojna 95 x 64,8 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP604 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    Zvonimir Faist 145. Perion/ pere vse/ ZLATOROG MARIBOR, 1953. litografija viebojna 99,5 x 67 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP558 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    Zvonimir Faist, Duan Mrvo 146. PONOS / DOMAICE/

    GORICA// POSUE S OVIM ZNAKOM, oko 1955. litografija viebojna 99 x 67 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP563 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    Andrija Maurovi 147. Partija i Tito, 1949. litografija viebojna 99,5 x 70,2 cm inv. br. GZP 247/1999 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    148. ivio I. kongres Narodnog fronta Hrvatske, 13.15. X. 1946., 1946. litografija u vie boja 117,5 x 85 cm inv. br. GZP 227/1999 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    149. ivjeli IZBORI/ za USTAVOTVORNI SABOR/ IZRAZ DRAVNOSTI, I/ SUVERENITETA/ naroda/ Hrvatske, 1946. litografija viebojna 100 x 70 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP527 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    150. ivot u seljakoj radnoj zadruzi donio mi je olakanje rada/ vie hrane, vie odjee i vie novca./ Oslobodio me tekog rada na sitnom zaostalom posjedu, 1949. litografija viebojna 50 x 71 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP509 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    Edo Murti 151. Koraci slobode, 1945. litografija viebojna 119,8 x 72,5 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP525 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    152. ene// glasajmo za sretnu/ budunost nae djece/ antifaistika fronta ena jugoslavije, 1945. litografija viebojna 95 x 64 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP529 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    153. ivio I. majsvenarodni praznik, 19451950. litografija u tri boje 100 x 70 cm inv. br. GZP 520/2000 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    154. ivjee ovaj narod, 1947. litografija viebojna 70,8 x 99,8 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP507 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    155. Yugoslavia, 1954. sitotisak 99,2 x 65,6 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Nepoznati autor 156. Narodno sito Da smo prije rata mogli ovako sitno da prosijavamo, ne bi vaba

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.296

    onako lako ario i palio po naoj zemlji, 1945. litografija 48 x 62 cm inv. br. 190974 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    157. Nema vie povratka na staro Za novu Demokratsku Federativnu Jugoslaviju, 1945. litografija 48 x 62 cm inv. br. 190975 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    158. Novopeeni demokrati Pravo kae ona naa

    poslovica: Ne laje kuca... , 1945. litografija 48 x 62 cm inv. br. 187488 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    159. Plakat za izlobu kolstvo za vrijeme NOBa, 1949. akvarel/papir 70,5 x 49,7 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31804 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    160. Dani muzike, Opatija, Rijeka, 1950. sitotisak 100 x 70,8 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    161. Opatija, Zdravstveni radnici, 1952. sitotisak 67,3 x 47,8 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    162. Predizborne odluke ivjela Republika, 1945. litografija 62 x 48 cm inv. br. 187490 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    163. Program proslave 1. maja, 1950. litografija 85 x 60 cm inv. br. 190997 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    164. Svi na smotru brigada Svi na izgradnju beljskog

    nasipa, 1949. litografija 100 x 70 cm inv. br. 187737 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    165. Takmiimo se/ u ast godinjice. V. kongresa KPJ, 1949. litografija viebojna 100 x 70,8 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP511 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    166. Zagrebaki Velesajam.// Z/V// u Zagrebu/ od 31. V. 9.

    VI. 1947, Zagreb, 1947. litografija viebojna 95,2 x 63,5 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP508 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    Janez Vidi 167. Jugoslawien: Berge, Meer, Heilbder, 1952. sitotisak 100 x 70,3 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    Mate Zlamalik 168. ivio/ V. kongres KPJ, 1948. litografija viebojna 100 x 70 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHP586 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    umjetniki obrt

    Stella Skopal 169. Omladinska pruga, 1947. engoba/crvena glina 30 x 30 cm inv. br. MUO 9378 Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb

    170. Sijaica, 1947. engoba/crvena glina pr. 26,5 cm inv. br. MUO 9167 Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb

    Broz Tito, Josip 171. Dio kovane eljezne ograde koju je izradio Josip Broz Tito u Sisku, 1912. kovano eljezo 28 x 88,6 cm inv. br. 5 I 15 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    Nepoznati autor 172. Isklesano kameno srce s granicom mira, 1945. kamen, metal 43 x 10 x 26 cm inv. br. 146 IV 137 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    Nepoznati autor, Biha 173. Tapiserija s likom Josipa Broza Tita, vjerojatno 2. pol. 20. st. platno, vuna 65 x 42 cm inv. br. 252 II 53 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    predmeti iz svakodnevog ivota

    174. Bombonijera Snjeguljica, 1958. bojana ljepenka 19 x 28 cm, v. 3 cm inv. br. HPM 79765 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    175. Boca Najfiniji gorski malinovac, 1. pol. 20. st. staklo, papir

    v. 27 cm, 8,5 cm inv. br. HPM 43911 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    176. Kutija za eer u kockama, 1950e karton 10 x 26 x 20,5 cm inv. br. U164541 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    177. Kutija za kekse Petit Beurre, 1950e karton, papir 6,2 x 20,4 x 12,4 cm inv. br. U164442 Muzej Slavonije Osijek, Osijek

    178. Promidbeni komplet igica, 1950e karton 5,3 x 25,2 x 24 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    179. Termofor amerike savezne vojske, 1944. keramika, guma 7 x 15,5 cm, v. 25 cm inv. br. EMI4566 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    180. Televizor, 19561958. privatno vlasnitvo

    181. Perilica rublja Maytag, oko 1950. darovateljica: gospoa Vanja Balzer, Zagreb 79 x 69 x 115,5 cm; 63 kg inv. br. TM 3206 Tehniki muzej, Zagreb

    182. Cokule (Sredinja Istra, minj), oko 1955. drvo 12 x 30 cm inv. br. EMI160 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    183. katula za tabak tabakera, 1. pol. 20. st. rezbareno drvo inv. br. EMI2206 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    184. Djeja kolica vozi (okolica Pazina), 1. pol. 20. st. drvo 17,3 x 50,5 cm inv. br. EMI4366 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    185. Pitolj igraka, 20. st. eljezo d. 11 cm inv. br. EMI4481 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    186. Djeji tricikl (Pula), sr. 20. st. drvo, eljezo, plastika 49 x 60 cm inv. br. EMI4681 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    187. Igraka stoli, 20. st. drvo 10 x 15 cm inv. br. EMI5171 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    188. Igraka stolica, sr. 20. st. drvo v. 13 cm inv. br. EMI51711 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    189. Dopisnica, 1954. papir 9 x 14,2 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    190. Razglednica, 1954. papir, tisak, rukopis 10,4 x 15,6 cm inv. br. EMI7342 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    191. Razglednica, 1955. papir, tisak, rukopis 15,6 x 10,7 cm inv. br. EMI7343 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    192. Koveg, 1. pol. 20. st. prue 40 x 60 cm, v. 32 cm inv. br. EMI4363 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    193. Koveg, 1. pol. 20.st. karton, metal, plastika 30 x 50 cm, v. 15 cm inv. br. EMI4745 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    194. Molitvenik, 1946. papir 9 x 14 cm EMI7395 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    195. Telefonski imenik, 1951. papir 17 x 23,5 cm EMI7396 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    196. Vozni red, 1950. papir 10 x 15 cm EMI7397 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    197. Glasake kuglice s grbom Demokratske Federalne Jugoslavije, 1945. guma, sintetiki materijal opseg 4,5 cm inv. br. HPM/PMH 25494 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    198. Udarnike znake, 19451955. metal privatno vlasnitvo

    nastavna sredstva, kolska oprema, radovi uenika i nastavnika

    199. Remen za noenje knjiga (Rijeka), 20. st. koa 23 x 48 cm inv. br. EMI4328 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    200. Pernica, po. 20. st. 6,8 x 24 cm, v. 1,9 cm drvo inv. br. EMI4667 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    201. kolska knjiga za prvi razred talijanske kole, 1945. papir 24,3 x 17,5 cm inv. br. EMI4627 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    202. Udbenik zemljopisa FNR Jugoslavije za 7. razred sedmogodinje kole i 3. razred gimnazije, 1951. papir 20 x 14,3 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    203. Udbenik hrvatskog ili srpskog jezika za 5. razred osmogodinje kole (Rijeka), 1954. papir 20 x 14,5 cm inv. br. EMI7394 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    204. Raunalo sa iarkama, 1944. O Satri (kotar Sinj) drvo, metal, iarke 50 x 94 cm inv. br. HM Mp 25 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    205. Drveni tronoac, 19411945. Nepoznati autor, Hrvatska drvo sjedalo: 33 x 33 cm noge: 18 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31230 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    206. Zidna poetnica za I. razred Slovo P, 19561957. autor: Viktorija Potonjak rukopis, akvarel/papir 89,5 x 63 cm inv. br. HM Mp 30913 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    207. Zidna poetnica za I. razred Slovo T, 19561957. autor: Viktorija Potonjak rukopis, akvarel/papir 89,5 x 63 cm inv. br. HM Mp 30918 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    208. Zidne novine omladinaca II.a razreda

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 297

    graditelja omladinske pruge, 1946. Uiteljska kola, Osijek rukopis, crte, lijepljenje/karton, papir 96,5 x 65 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31745 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    209. Zidne novine Pregled rada tijekom Svjetske omladinske nedjelje u Daruvaru, 1945. uenici, Daruvar rukopis, crte/papir 65 x 96,5 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31746 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    210. Zidne novine br. 3 osnovnog opeobrazovnog teaja u Breu (kotar Osijek), 1949. uenici, Bree rukopis, crte/papir 84,5 x 63 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31750 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    211. Zidne novine IV.c razreda O Sveti Duh u Zagrebu, 1949. uenici, Zagreb rukopis, crte/papir 81 x 57 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31752 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    212. Zidne novine br. 5 II.a razreda Uiteljske kole u Osijeku Slava palim borcima, 1948. Uiteljska kola, Osijek rukopis, crte/papir 100 x 70 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31754 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    213. Zidne novine broj 3 Srednjokolskog internata u Daruvaru, 1948. Srednjokolski internat, Daruvar rukopis, crte/papir 125 x 87,5 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31755 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    214. Zidne novine posebno izdanje Kerempuh, 1949. Srednjokolski aki dom, Podlabin rukopis, crte/papir 100 x 78 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31757 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    215. Zidne novine Podaci rada pionira XXXIX. odreda, 1949. III. muka gimnazija rukopis, crte/papir 86 x 59 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31764 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    216. Zidne novine Mi smo mlada vojska Titova, 19451946. uenici, Osijek rukopis, crte/papir 100 x 70 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31771 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    217. Zidne novine Uspjeh na kraju k. god. 1947/1948. u IV. gimnaziji, 1948. IV. gimnazija rukopis, crte/papir 45 x 68,7 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31774 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    218. Zidne novine 30. godinjica Oktobarske revolucije, 1947. Uiteljska kola, Osijek rukopis, crte/papir 100 x 71 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31782 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    arhivska graa

    219. Iskaznica Saveza hrvatskih obrtnika Zagreb, 1945. Savez hrvatskih obrtnika papir, plastificirane korice 11,5 x 7 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    220. Dozvola boravka za strane dravljane, 1945. Odjel za unutranje poslove Narodne Republike Hrvatske papir 8,5 x 6 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    221. Sreka Dobrotvorne stvarne lutrije za izgradnju popaljenih sela, 1946. papir 12,8 x 9 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHSI423 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    222. Molba za primitak u uljarsku zadrugu, 1946. papir 25 x 26,2 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    223. Radna knjiica Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije, 1947. Ministarstvo rada Federativne Narodne Republike Hrvatske papir 14,5 x 10 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    224. Udarnika karta, 1947. papir 11,7 x 8,5 cm inv. br. HPM/MNRHSI215 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    225. Prijava za upis u knjigu dravljana, 1947.

    papir 15,9 x 8,5 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    226. Potvrda o upisu narodnog zajma na ime Ivana Tuzuna, 1948. papir 14,5 x 5,8 cm inv. br. HPM/MRNHSI356 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    227. Priznanica o plaenom porezu, 1948. papir 13 x 16,6 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    228. lanska iskaznica Saveza boraca Narodno oslobodilakog rata, 1949. papir 7,5 x 10 cm inv. br. EMI7400 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    229. Vojna knjiica Jugoslovenske armije, 1949. papir 13 x 9,2 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    230. Program za seoske partijske organizacije, 1949. ili 1950. Komunistika partija Hrvatske papir 21 x 15 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    231. Potvrda o podmirenju rauna za elektrinu energiju, 1950. papir 9,8 x 12,2 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    232. Udarnika karta, 1950. papir 7 x 9,8 cm inv. br. EMI7398 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    233. Potroaka karta So2 za predmete ishrane (Marija Mesner), 1951. papir 15,3 x 5,7 cm inv. br. HPM/MNRHSI302 Hrvatski povijesni muzej, Zagreb

    234. Prijava za stalni dohodak za djecu, 1952. papir 29,3 x 21 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    235. Iskaznica radnje Tkanina i pribor, 1952. Tkanina i pribor. Krojaka nabavnoprodajna zadruga, Bogovieva 1, Zagreb papir 6 x 9,5 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    236. lanska iskaznica Narodnog fronta Hrvatske, 1952.

    papir 6 x 9,2 cm EMI7399 Etnografski muzej Istre, Pazin

    237. Iskaznica Saveza sindikata Jugoslavije Udruenje penzionera Narodne Republike Hrvatske, 1954. Savez sindikata Jugoslavije papir, karton 12,5 x 9 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    238. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Uputa namjetenicima Ministarstva o pravu i pravilima u nabavi graanskih odijela, 1945. papir 29,5 x 20,5 cm inv. br. HM A 2607 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    239. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Iskaz Ureda za socijalnu i zdravstvenu zatitu sluaa Sveuilita i visokih kola u Zagrebu o namjetenicima puaima i molba za izdavanje cigareta, 1945. papir 34 x 21 cm inv. br. HM A 2607 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    240. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Okrunice. Raspored sata vjeronauka u osnovnim kolama, 1945. papir 29,5 x 20,5 cm inv. br. HM A 2118 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    241. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Okrunice. Diktiranje u srednjim kolama, 1946. papir 31 x 21 cm inv. br. HM A 2118 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    242. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Okrunice. kolske proslave, 1946. papir 30 x 21 cm inv. br. HM A 2118 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    243. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Okrunice. Obljetnica smrti V. I. Lenjina, 1947. papir 29,5 x 21 cm

    inv. br. HM A 2120 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    244. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Okrunice. Analfabetski teajevi u tvornicama i poduzeima, 1947. papir 30 x 21 cm inv. br. HM A 2120 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    245. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Popis namjetenika za pripomo za april, 1945. papir 29,7 x 21 cm; 14,8 x 21 cm sign. HRHDA29113.5, izv. br. 878 Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    246. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Molba za pokrie trokova izlobe umjetnika partizana, 1945. papir 29,7 x 21 cm sign. HRHDA29113.5, izv. br. 1973 Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    247. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Dopis o likovnoj cenzuri plakata, 1945. papir 14,8 x 21 cm sign. HRHDA29113.5, izv. br. 2477 Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    248. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Popis umjetnikapartizana za hranu u menzi, 1945. papir 29,7 x 21 cm; 14,8 x 21 cm sign. HRHDA29113.5, izv. br. 3552 Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    249. Ministarstvo prosvjete Narodne Republike Hrvatske. Dozvola putujueg kinematografa Rudolfa Pergera, 1945. papir 29,7 x 42 cm; 20 x 25 cm sign. HRHDA29113.5, izv. br. 5264 Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    250. Dopis Saveza likovnih umjetnika Jugoslavije Udruenju likovnih umjetnika Hrvatske, 1948. papir 29,7 x 21 cm Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.298

    251. Dopis Udruenja likovnih umjetnika Hrvatske Savezu likovnih umjetnika Jugoslavije, 1949. papir 29,7 x 21 cm Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    osobni predmeti josipa broza tita

    252. Nepoznati autor (vjerojatno Radionica XXVI. divizije) Opasa Josipa Broza Tita, 1944. koa, metal 91 x 5 cm inv. br. 4 III 14 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    253. Radionica XXVI. divizije Originalna maralska uniforma ivana po mjeri, 1944. platno, konac, tekstil razliite dimenzije inv. br.1 III 11 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    odlikovanja josipa broza tita

    254. Nepoznati autor Orden narodnog heroja, 1950. metal 6 x 4,5 cm inv. br. 146 IV 137 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    255. Antun Augustini Maralski znak Josipa Broza Tita, 1949. gips r. 80 cm inv. br. GA43 Galerija Antuna Augustinia, Klanjec

    tafete

    256. tafetna palica s pismom drugu Titu za roendan od omladinaca, 2.pol.20.st. O Dragojla Jarnevi, Karlovac lijevanje, urezivanje, rukopis/mesing, papir d. 29,5 cm inv. br. HM Mp 31422 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    knjige, asopisi i novine

    257. Barkovi, Josip Sinovi slobode Novo pokoljenje, Zagreb i Beograd, 1948. sign. 193.669 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    258. Parun, Vesna Zore i vihori

    Drutvo knjievnika Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1947. sign. 188.582 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    259. Matkovi, Marijan (ur.) Na pruzi Drutvo knjievnika Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1947. sign. 190.908 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    260. Kaleb, Vjekoslav Divota praine Mladost, Zagreb, 1954. sign. 325.377 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    261. Ujevi, Tin edan kamen na studencu Drutvo knjievnika Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1954. sign. 325.645 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    262. Zogovi, Radovan Na popritu Kultura, Beograd, 1947. sign. 188.997 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    263. Franievi, Marin Pisci i problemi Kultura, Zagreb, 1948. sign. 193.779 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    264. Slamnig, Ivan i oljan, Antun (prir.) Amerika lirika Zora, Zagreb, 1952. sign. 182.828 Nacionalna i sveuilina knjinica, Zagreb

    265. Poljoprivreda br. 3 Ministarstvo poljoprivrede Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije, Beograd, 1949. privatno vlasnitvo

    266. Seljaka sloga, god. XII/br. 7 Hrvatsko seljako prosvjetno drutvo Seljaka sloga, Zagreb, 1950. privatno vlasnitvo

    267. Slobodna Dalmacija, god IV/br. 355 Narodni front Dalmacije, Split, 1946. privatno vlasnitvo

    268. Slobodna Dalmacija, god IV/br. 331 Narodni front Dalmacije, Split, 1946. privatno vlasnitvo

    269. Vijesti br. 54 JNOF Zagrebake oblasti, Zagreb, 1945. inv. br. 72 III 47 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    270. Izvor: list knjievnika i umjetnika samoaktivista,

    god. 1/br. 2 Zagreb, 1945. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    271. Izvor: asopis za knjievnost i kulturna pitanja, god. I/br. 4/5 Novo pokoljenje, Zagreb, 1948. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    272. Izvor: asopis za knjievnost i kulturna pitanja, god. II/br. 9 Novo pokoljenje, Zagreb, 1949. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    273. Izvor: asopis za knjievnost i kulturna pitanja, god. III/br. 1 Novo pokoljenje, Zagreb, 1950. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    274. Izvor: asopis za knjievnost i kulturna pitanja, god. IV/br. 1/2 Novo pokoljenje, Zagreb, 1951. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    275. Republika: mjesenik za knjievnost, umjetnost i javni ivot, god. III/br. 1 Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1947. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    276. Republika: asopis za knjievnost i umjetnost, god. III/ br. 3 Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1947. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    277. Republika: asopis za knjievnost i umjetnost, god. III/br. 6 Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1947. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    278. Republika: asopis za knjievnost i umjetnost, god. III/br. 12 Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1947. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    279. Republika: asopis za knjievnost i umjetnost, god. IV/br. 1 Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1948. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    280. Republika: asopis za knjievnost i umjetnost, god. VI/br. 1 Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1950. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    281. Republika: asopis za knjievnost i umjetnost, god. VI/br. 2/3 Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1950. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    282. Republika: asopis za knjievnost i umjetnost, god. VI/br. 7 Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1950. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    283. Kulturni radnik: organ Saveza kulturnoprosvjetnih drutava Hrvatske, god. II/br. 4 Savez kulturnoprosvjetnih drutava NRH, Zagreb, 1949. Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti HAZU, Zagreb

    284. Nacrt Ustava Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije Beograd, 1945. sign. T 342.4 JUG U 1945 Knjinice grada Zagreba, Zagreb

    285. Republika: asopis za knjievnost i umjetnost, god.VIII/br. 10/11 Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb, 1952. sign. P23 G. 1952 br. 712 Knjinice grada Zagreba, Zagreb

    286. Krugovi: mjesenik za knjievnost i kulturu, god.I/br. 1 Mladost, Zagreb, 1952. sign. P59 G.1952 Knjinice grada Zagreba, Zagreb

    287. Svijet: moda, kozmetika, kazalite, film, roman, god.II/br. 1 Vjesnik, Zagreb, 1954. sign. P2017 G.1954 Knjinice grada Zagreba, Zagreb

    288. Plavi vjesnik, god.I/br. 1 Vjesnik, Zagreb, 1954. sign. RANS N270 G.1954 br. 114 Knjinice grada Zagreba, Zagreb

    289. Zagrebaki tjednik, god. I/br. 4 Zagreb, 1953. privatno vlasnitvo

    290. Vjesnik Narodnog fronta Hrvatske, god. VI/br. 453 Zagreb, 1946. privatno vlasnitvo

    novac i potanske marke

    291. Novanica 1 dinar, 1944. papir 4 x 8,2 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    292. 5 dinara, 1945. metal 2,6 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    293. Novanica 100 dinara, 1946. Izrada M. Zlamalika prema nacrtima V.A. Kuna (Av.), odnosno T. Krnjajia (Rv.) papir 5,6 x 12 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    294. Novanica 1000 dinara, 1946. Izrada M. Zlamalika prema nacrtima V. A. Kuna (Av.), odnosno T. Krnjajia (Rv.) papir 6,7 x 14,5 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    295. Novanica 500 dinara, 1950. papir 5,8 x 13,5 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    296. Novanica 1000 dinara, 1950. papir 6,4 x 14,8 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    297. Novanica 5000 dinara, 1950. papir 6,8 x 15,6 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    298. Novanica 100 dinara, 1953. Izrada O. Mujadia prema nacrtu T. Krnjajia papir 6,8 x 14 cm privatno vlasnivo

    299. Novanica 100 dinara, 1955. Izrada M. Petrovia po nacrtima T. Krnjajia (Av.) i B. Kocmuta (Rv.) papir 5,1 x 11,7 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    300. Novanica 1000 dinara, 1955. Izrada M. Petrovia po nacrtima T. Krnjajia papir 5,9 x 13,4 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    301. Kolekcija metalnog novca, 19531955. 50 dinara, metal, 2,5 cm 20 dinara, metal, 2,3 cm 10 dinara, metal, 2,1 cm 5 dinara, Al, 2,4 cm 2 dinara, Al, 2,2 cm 1 dinar, Al, 1,9 cm 50 para, Al, 1,7 cm privatno vlasnitvo

    302. Kolekcija potanskih maraka, 19451955. privatno vlasnitvo

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 299

    FOTOALBUMI, FOTOGRAFIJE, VIDEO I AUDIO

    303. Fotoalbum 5. kongresa KPJ, 1948. papir, plastika, metal 25 x 40 cm inv. br. 177 IV 146 Muzej Staro selo, Kumrovec

    304. Josip Broz Tito sa kolskom djecom, Kumrovec, 1948. fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 30 x 40 cm inv. br. HM Mf 405 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    305. Uenik prvog razreda, Lika, vrijeme NOBa fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 29 x 38 cm inv. br. HM Mf 411 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    306. Za vrijeme nastave u Partizanskoj gimnaziji marala Tita, Zagreb, 1948. fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 25 x 31 cm inv. br. HM Mf 106 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    307. Josip Broz Tito s pionirkama i pionirima, Kumrovec, 1948. fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 28 x 38 cm inv. br. HM Mf 406 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    308. Omladinski aktiv Partizanske gimnazije marala Tita, Zagreb, 1946. fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 25 x 31 cm inv. br. HM Mf 107 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    309. Za vrijeme nastave u osnovnoj koli u Podlugu, Podlug (Benkovac), vrijeme NOBa fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 28 x 39 cm inv. br. HM Mf 413 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    310. Pioniri iz Istre, Istra, neposredno nakon 1945. fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 30 x 40 cm inv. br. HM Mf 407 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    311. Raspaavanje lista Pionir, djeji dom u Hrvatskoj, neposredno nakon 1945.

    fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 28 x 33 cm inv. br. HM Mf 403 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    312. Pioniri itaju djeje asopise, Hrvatska, neposredno nakon 1945. fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 30 x 40 cm inv. br. HM Mf 404 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    313. Pioniri iz Istre, Istra, neposredno nakon 1945. fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 29 x 38 cm inv. br. HM Mf 409 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    314. Pioniri iz Istre, Istra, neposredno nakon 1945. fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 29 x 38 cm inv. br. HM Mf 408 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    315. Pioniri iz Starog Grada, Stari Grad (Hvar), vrijeme NOBa fotografija crnobijela, kairana, mat 30 x 40 cm inv. br. HM Mf 410 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    316. Praktina nastava i rad u elektroprivrednoj koli; iz albuma Industrijske kole na podruju NOK Zagreb 19451955, Zagreb, 1945.1955. fotografija crnobijela, mat 27 x 39 cm inv. br. HM Mf 2141/13 Hrvatski kolski muzej, Zagreb

    317. Filmske novosti 1/1945. Osloboenje Zagreba r: Branko Marjanovi sign. 458 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    318. Filmske novosti 2/1945. tafeta mladosti r: Branko Marjanovi sign. 317/1 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    319. Pregled 1/1946. Sabor, Poljoprivreda, Omladinski izlet, Folklorna smotra u Zagrebu r: nepoznat sign. 318/16 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    320. Maral Tito u Hrvatskoj, 1946. r: Josip Barkovi sign. 1877 D

    Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    321. Pregled 1/1948. Znaajni dani Jugoslavenske armije, Radni dan u tvornici Gorica, Seljake radne zadruge u Hrvatskoj r: Kreo Golik sign. 538 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    322. Pregled 2/1948. eljezniki tehnikum u Puli, Opremanje broda Kosmaj, Kako nastaje knjiga, Kamena spilja na otoku Brau r: Kreo Golik sign. 318/4 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    323. Pregled 3/1948. Jo jedan brod je zaplovio r: Kreo Golik sign. 283/2 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    324. Pregled 4/1948. Velesajam u Zagrebu, Frontovci Zagreba pomau obnovi zemlje, Meu radnicima umske industrije r: Kreo Golik sign. 306/1 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    325. Pregled 5/1948. Hrvatska pozdravlja marala Tita, tafeta, Na gradilitima zadrunih domova, Graditelji Pionirskog grada r: Kreo Golik sign. 318/5 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    326. Pregled 6/1948. Kulturnoprosvjetni ivot radnika, Berba ljekovitog bilja, Modelari i jedriliari r: Kreo Golik sign. 306/2 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    327. Pregled 7/1948. Srednja poljoprivredna kola u Krievcima, Priprema atletiara za Olimpijadu, Djeje kolonije Narodne fronte r: Kreo Golik sign. 318/6 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    328. Spomenik zahvalnosti Crvenoj armiji, 1948. r: Milan Kati sign. 492 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    329. Pregled 7/1949. Tito u Puli, Slet r: Milan Luks sign. 283/4 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    330. Pregled 4/1950. Proljee u radnikim

    odmaralitima r: Branko Bauer sign. 452 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    331. Pregled 10/1950. Tvornice radnicima r: A. Vuko Podvodni ribolov r: Frano Vodopivec Snimanje Plavi 9 r: Branko Bauer sign. 375 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    332. Filmske novosti 27/1952. Engleska krstarica: Lord Mountbatten na Brionima r: nepoznat sign. 1557 b D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    333. Filmske novosti 38/1952. Tito u Splitu Tito na Velesajmu r: nepoznat sign. 1557 c D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    334. Filmske novosti 44/1952. U rodnoj kui druga Tita r: nepoznat sign. 1557 d D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    335. Filmske novosti 45/1952. Tito otvorio VI. kongres KPJ Zagrepani sluaju na ulici r: nepoznat sign. 1557 e D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    336. VI. kongres SKJ u Zagrebu, 1952. r: ika ukuli sign. 1575 D Hrvatski dravni arhiv, Zagreb

    337. Vijest BBCa o Hitlerovoj smrti, 1. svibnja 1945.

    338. Govor Vladimira Nazora na Kongresu Narodnog fronta, 21. prosinca 1949. sign. DG47 Hrvatska radiotelevizija, Hrvatski radio, Zagreb

    339. Govor Milana Stania pri povratku zarobljenika iz Njemake, govor dr. ure Kumiia, Zagreb sign. DGDG54 Hrvatska radiotelevizija, Hrvatski radio, Zagreb

    340. Razred Davore Martini i njihova karta Istre, 1951. sign. DG74 Hrvatska radiotelevizija, Hrvatski radio, Zagreb

    341. Miting na Jelaievu trgu u Zagrebu govor

    Stjepana Plania, 11. svibnja 1945. Govor generalalajtnanta Ivana Gonjaka Govor generalalajtnanta Koe Popovia Govor Josipa Broza Tita na Trgu Stjepana Radia u Zagrebu, 21. svibnja 1945. sign. DG120, DG121, DG123 Hrvatska radiotelevizija, Hrvatski radio, Zagreb

    342. Miting u Zagrebu (emisija), 15. listopada 1945. Fragmenti mitinga na Jelaievu trgu u Zagrebu uoi izbora za Ustavotvornu skuptinu, 15. listopada 1945. Upis narodnog zajma (emisija), 1. srpnja 1948. Miting u Zagrebu protiv Francova reima (emisija), 18. srpnja 1946. sign. DG171 Hrvatska radiotelevizija, Hrvatski radio, Zagreb

    muzej istorije jugoslavije

    likovna zbirka

    Grga Antunac 343. Borac u juriu, prije 1955. darovatelj: Dom JNA, Pula, 1955. bronca v. 62,5 cm inv. br. B 384 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Vojin Baki 344. Bista Anke Butorac, prije 1950. darovatelj: III. kongres ena Jugoslavije, 1950. patinirana bronca 48 x 36 x 37 cm inv. br. B 339 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Marijan Detoni 345. No na Zelengori, 19501951. darovatelj: autor, 1955. ulje/platno 91 x 116 cm inv. br. 90 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Krsto Hegedui 346. Pruga Brko Banovii, 1956. darovatelj: autor, 1962. ulje/platno 146 x 162 cm inv. br. 52 / zbirka umjetnina Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Boris Kalin 347. Grupa boraca posrebrena bronca,

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.300

    patinirana, cizelirana 44 x 41 x 33,5 cm inv. br. 3742 R Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Valentin Tine Kos 348. Mukarac i ena u iskoraku istiu zastavu, 1947. posveta: Poklon naroda slovenakog primorja 1957. patinirana bronca skulptura: 65 x 21 x 25 cm inv. br. 1585 P Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Tomislav Krizman 349. U maralovoj rodnoj kui u Kumrovcu, kuhinja olovka prikaz: 31,4 x 45,2 cm inv. br. 113 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Frano Krini 350. Skica za spomenik Titov naprijed, 19481849. darovatelj: Vlada NR Hrvatske, 1952. patinirana bronca skulptura: 65 x 23 x 50,5 cm inv. br. 143 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    351. Skica za spomenik Ustanak, 1949. darovatelj: grad Sisak patinirana bronca skulptura: 38 x 27 x 16 cm inv. br. 4239 R Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Nepoznati autor 352. ena koja prua zlatno srce Novomeanka darovatelj: ene Novog Mesta posveta: Novomeani Titu patinirana bronca skulptura: 70,5 x 23 x 33 cm inv. br. 1716 R Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Vjekoslav Ruklja 353. Noenje ranjenika, 19481949. darovatelj: kolektiv i studenti VMA, 1950. bronca skulptura: 63 x 67 x 21 cm inv. br. 140 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Ivan Saboli 354. Skica za spomenik Husinski rudari, prije 1953. darovatelj: rudari rudnika Kreka, 1956. patinirana bronca, drveno postolje skulptura: 88 x 36 x 29 cm inv. br. B 386 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Sreten Stojanovi 355. Borba (Partizan i

    partizanka), prije 1949. bronca v. 62 cm inv. br. MRJ 3770.III.5/152 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Frano imunovi 356. Tvornica Duga Resa, 1955. darovatelj: Tvornica pamuka Duga Resa, 1955. ulje/platno 82 x 104 cm inv. br. 85 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    plakat

    Radoaj 357. Plakat za Prvi kongres Saveza slubenika zdravstvenih i socijalnih ustanova u Zagrebu, 1012.06.1946. inv. br. 1166.IV.4/91.JPG Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    tehnika zbirka

    358. Skulptura Elektriar, 1951. darovatelj: Radni kolektiv Novosadske tvornice Kabel bronca, mramor, fiberglas, metal v. 35 cm inv. br. B 420 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    359. Figura ene s lovorovim vijencem darovatelj: Ivan Kralj, limar iz Zagreba metal, mramor 40 x 20 cm inv. br. B 496 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    360. Pepeljara, 1945. darovatelj: Belsap, Beograd aluminij v. 11 cm inv. br. B 500 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    361. Maketa pei za topljenje koja slui kao stolna svjetiljka s figurom ljevaa, 1951. darovatelj: eljezniari Jugoslavije metal, drvo, mjed postolje: 30,5 x 18 x 2,5 cm inv. br. B 896 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    362. Maketa rafinerije nafte, 1951. darovatelj: rafinerija nafte, Sisak metal, aluminij, drvo 50 cm inv. br. B 1334

    Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    363. Maketa zrakoplova, 1947. darovatelj: radionica zrakoplova JRV kromirani metal v. 54 cm inv. br. B 1490 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    364. Maketa zubne ambulante darovatelj: Jugodent, Novi Sad obojeni metal 47 x 35 x 26,5 cm inv. br. B 1511 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    365. Maketa zubne proteze sa zubima, 1955. darovatelj: Savez zubarskih drutava FNRJ 14 cm inv. br. B 1516 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    366. Maketa lokomotive, 1951. darovatelj: eleznika radionica Stanko Paunovi, Ni niklani metal v. 18 cm inv. br. B 1549 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    367. Figura nagog mukarca, maketa stupa, knjige i bubnja za kabel, 1949. darovatelj: tvornica Kabeli, Novi Sad mjed, aluminij 35 x 35 x 40 cm inv. br. B 1596 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    368. Maketa tednjaka nepoznati darovatelj obojani lim 38 x 23 x 26 cm inv. br. B 1844 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    369. Maketa kazaline scene s dekorom dubrovakog pejsaa, 1950. darovatelj: Kolektiv narodnog kazalita Rijeka drvo, obojani gips, svila 46 x 38 x 28 cm inv. br. B 1904 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    370. Maketa kolske uionice s namjetajem i priborom, 1957. darovatelj: Osnovna kola urug lakirano drvo 95 x 74 x 46 cm inv. br. B 2027 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    371. Usisava za prainu darovatelj: Zavod RR Ni, Ni inv. br. 422 P Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    372. Model limene kante za vodu nepoznati darovatelj lim obojen alubroncom inv. br. 1647 P Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    373. Maketa vage nepoznati darovatelj mjed inv. br. 1823 P Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    374. Maketa planinarske cipele, 1951. darovatelj: planinari Srbije drvo inv. br. 1844 P Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    375. Maketa zgrade Saveznog izvrnog vea, 1948. darovatelj: graditelji Novog Beograda inv. br. 1915 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    376. Radioaparat, 1952. darovatelj: omladinci Zavoda RR Ni, Ni inv. br. 1908 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    377. Svjetiljka sa srpom i ekiem, 1948. darovatelj: rudari rudnika Trepa v. 50 cm inv. br. MRJ 3780. IV. 1/153 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    zbirka raznih predmeta

    378. Kutijica s Titovom fotografijom, 1954. darovatelj: ene iz Bosanske Mezgraje, Bijeljina metal, staklo, tekstil 12,5 x 5 cm inv. br. B 74 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    379. Mastionica, 1945. darovatelj: radnici Vojnotehnikih radionica Kragujevac niklani metal, drvo, meci d. 42 cm inv. br. B 146 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    380. Mastionica s pepeljarom, 1945. darovatelj: Prva makedonska automobilska brigada JA, Skopje metal, mramor, pleksiglas

    d. 32 cm inv. br. B 169 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    381. Maketa grobnice, 1947. darovatelj: partizani iz elezne Kaple posveta: TOV. MARALU TITU / PARTIZANI IZ ELEZNE KAPLE drvo 15 x 18,5 cm inv. br. B 447 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    382. Stolna svjetiljka nepoznati darovatelj aluminij v. 52 cm inv. br. B 1196 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    383. Kutijica s fotografijama istaknutih drutvenopolitikih radnika, 1952. darovatelj: bolesnici i osoblje Vojnog ljeilita Lovran posveta: Uspomena voljenom drugu Titu za ezdeseti roendan, da nam dugo poivi na sreu naih naroda. celuloid d. 51 cm inv. br. B 2267 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    384. Stolna svjetiljka darovatelj: Kolektiva Uljarne Ljubljana Moste staklo, drvo v. 37 cm inv. br. 632 P Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    385. Stolna svjetiljka nepoznati darovatelj drvo inv. br. 1500 P Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    386. Stolna svjetiljka nepoznati darovatelj drvo inv. br. 1501 P Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    387. Dra ibica darovatelj: ene okruga Karlovac gips inv. br. 1886 P Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    prirodnjaka zbirka

    388. Uzorci ruda bakra, 1952. darovatelj: Centar predvojnike obuke, Bor posveta: CENTAR PREDVOJ NIKE OBUKE GRADA BORA KOMANDANTU DRUGU TITU (ir.) rude, drvo 32 x 15 x 39 cm inv. br. B 2149 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955. 301

    etnografska zbirka

    389. Ukrasni jastuk nepoznati darovatelj posveta: IVIO DRUG TITO svila 35 x 35 cm inv. br. E 798 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    390. Ukrasna jastunica nepoznati darovatelj posveta: . D. TITO svila 42 cm inv. br. E 1400 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    391. Ukrasni jastuk nepoznati darovatelj svila 46 cm inv. br. E 1412 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    392. Ukrasna jastunica nepoznati darovatelj posveta: IVIO MARAL TITO / IVIO MARAL STALJIN pamuno platno 44 x 49 cm inv. br. E 1630 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    393. Ukrasni jastuk, 1945. darovatelj: Novoselec omladina posveta: Zdravo Tito sretan ti! borili se za te svi, tvoji hrabri drugovi uvjek si nas dobro vodil od jarma nas oslobodil, tu sad treba samo Boga pa e biti prava sloga / Novoselec omladina eli zdravo drugovima ivila nam domovina / 1945 pamuna tkanina, svileni konac 50 x 60 cm inv. br. E 1802 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    394. Ukrasna petokraka darovatelj: ene Klotra Ivania posveta: IVIO MARAL JUGOSLAVIJE JOSIP BROZ

    TITO karton, saten svila 50 x 54 cm inv. br. E 1250 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    395. Ukrasna jastunica darovatelj: A.F.. Remete posveta: A. F. . REMETE DRUGU TITU saten svila 47 x 39 cm inv. br. E 1597 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    primijenjena zbirka

    396. Prikaz zadrunog doma, 1950.

    darovatelj: Osnovna organizacija Saveza boraca N.O.Ba, Budaevo, Hrvatska posveta: U ast roendana voljenom drugu TITI! laneno platno, drveni okvir 45 x 40 cm inv. br. L 1207 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    397. Ukrasni tanjur aluminij 50,5 cm inv. br. 10 P Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    tafete

    398. tafetna palica, 1955. Zagreb drvo, metal, plastina masa 29 x 9 cm inv. br. 416 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    399. tafetna palica, 1953. pioniri, Slavonski Brod drvo 40 x 8,5 cm inv. br. 441 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    400. tafetna palica, 1954. pioniri Narodne estogodinje kole, Vaka drvo 33,5 x 5,5 cm inv. br. 442 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    401. tafetna palica, 1952. Tiskarsko poduzee Prosveta, Ni drvo, karton 38 x 10 cm inv. br. 471 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    402. tafetna palica, 1951. Loznica drvo, metal 40,5 x 12 cm inv. br. 478 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    403. tafetna palica, 1951. Osijek karton, papir 38 x 9 cm inv. br. 498 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    404. tafetna palica, 1951. Vrape metal 23 x 4,5 cm inv. br. 509 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    405. tafetna palica, 1950. radnici Muslinovca drvo 36 x 31 cm

    inv. br. 559 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    406. tafetna palica, 1952. pioniri, Bosanski Novi drvo 29 x 4 cm inv. br. 577 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    407. tafetna palica, 1952. Knepolje drvo, metal 44 x 15,5 cm inv. br. 669 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    408. tafetna palica, 1950. JRV metal 25,5 x 4,5 cm inv. br. 693 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    409. tafetna palica, 1954. pioniri rnice rogovlje, plastina masa 46,5 x 4,5 cm inv. br. 736 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    410. tafetna palica, 1951. Boksaki klub Mladost, Osijek drvo, tekstil 45 x 13 cm inv. br. 750 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    411. tafetna palica, 1954. Gorenjski lovci rogovlje, metal 47 x 11 cm inv. br. 837 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    412. tafetna palica, 1953. graniari drvo 53 x 8 cm inv. br. 845 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    413. tafetna palica, 1952. narod Crne Gore metal 42 x 7 cm inv. br. 879 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    414. tafetna palica, 1953. Travnik metal, plastina masa 38 x 6,5 cm inv. br. 961 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    415. tafetna palica, 1951. Delnice drvo, metal 20 x 6,5 cm inv. br. 973 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    416. tafetna palica, 1950. poduzee Crvena zvijezda, Osijek drvo, vuna 50 x 7 cm inv. br. 984 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    417. tafetna palica drvo 41 x 19 cm inv. br. 1026 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    418. tafetna palica, 1950. Zadrugari SRZ Edvard Kardelj Banatsko Plandite drvo, metal 46 x 9 cm inv. br. 1038 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    419. tafetna palica selo ardak drvo 44 x 8 cm inv. br. 1046 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    420. tafetna palica selo Zelinje drvo 36 x 11 cm inv. br. 1116 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    421. tafetna palica, 1956. poduzee Jugokeramika porculan 36 x 5,5 cm inv. br. 1228 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    422. tafetna palica, 1951. poduzee Jadran kamen 33,5 x 7 cm inv. br. 1244 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    423. tafetna palica drvo, metal 40 x 11 inv. br. 1252 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    424. tafetna palica, 1952. Split drvo, metal 44 x 7 cm inv. br. 1285 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    425. tafetna palica, 1952. Donja Stubica drvo, metal 51 x 12 cm inv. br. 1308 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    426. tafetna palica Zelina kod Zagreba drvo

    39 x 7 cm inv. br. 1337 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    427. tafetna palica Zelina kod Zagreba drvo 45,5 x 7,5 cm inv. br. 1343 M Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    zbirka satova

    428. Kaminski sat posveta: Svom voljenom maralu za 64. roendan Radni kolektiv industrije i kovnice Orekovi Marko. Prigodom 10god. osnutka, Zagreb 25. V. 1950. srebro s pozlatom inv. br. 234 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    429. Runi sat srebro inv. br. 3063 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    430. Runi sat zlato inv. br. 573 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    431. Stolni sat inv. br. 163 R Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    432. Stolni sat posveta: J.B.Titu poklon radnog kolektiva Nikole Tesle u ast II. kongresa K.P.S. inv. br. B 1090 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    odlikovanja josipa broza tita

    433. Maralski znak Antun Augustini, obradio u plemenitim metalima Teodor Krivak zlato, srebro, platina teina: 201,8 g inv. br. 22O Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    434. Orden jugoslavenske velike zvijezde s lentom zlato, srebro, dijamanti, rubin teina: 151,3 g inv. br. 1O Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    435. Orden slobode zlato, dijamanti, rubini teina: 42,9 g inv. br. 2O Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

  • REFLEKSIJE VREMENA 1945. 1955.302

    436. Minijaturna odlikovanja, 21 komad (na bluzi uniforme) inv. br. 103O Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    nakit

    437. enska narukvica bijelo zlato, smaragdi, brilijanti teina: 42,8 g inv. br. 5N Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    438. Bro u obliku cvijeta zlato, rubini, brilijanti teina: 32,5 g inv. br. 84N Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    439. enska narukvica bijelo zlato, brilijanti teina: 30 g inv. br. 108N Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    440. Komplet nakita: ogrlica, narukvica, prsten zlato, aavi topaz teina: 327 g inv. br. 314N Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    441. enska narukvica zlato teina: 94,5 g inv. br. 8N Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    442. enske naunice zlato teina: 6,3 g inv. br. 23N Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    443. enska narukvica zlato, filigranski rad teina: 82 g inv. br. 65N Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    444. enska narukvica zlato, almandin, ljuske dijamanata teina: 70,5 g inv. br. 77N Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    445. Bro zlato, biseri teina: 31,5 g inv. br. 98N Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    446. Komplet nakita: ogrlica i naunice zlato teina: 47,8 g inv. br. 62N Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    fotografije, uramljene

    447. Kraljica Elizabeta II i princ Filip, portret srebro 25 x 33 cm inv. br. 2838 R Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    448. Earl Mountbatten sa suprugom Edwinom, portret drvo, koa, pozlata 45 x 32 cm inv. br. 2830 R Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    osobni predmeti josipa broza tita

    449. Bluza sveane maralske uniforme ponono plave boje inv. br. K IVc/365 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    450. apka, bijela, dio maralske uniforme Josipa Broza Tita inv. br. K IVc/410 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    451. Earpa (sveani opasa) inv. br. K IVc/471 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    452. Bluze uniforme inv. br. K IVc/3821, K IVc/4271 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    453. Hlae uniforme inv. br. K IVc/3822, K IVc/4272 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    454. alovi svila, vuna inv. br. 111, 128, 125, 124, 110/2, 126, 120, 121, 115 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    455. Cipele koa inv. br. 300, 91/1, 102/1, 285/7, 292/2, 272 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    456. Rukavice koa, svila 11 x 24 cm inv. br. 142, 129, 133, 137, 135, 139, 152/1, 158/1, 158/2, 159/2, 147, 152/2, 145, 55 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    457. Sportski kaket laneno platno inv. br. 245 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    458. eir tipa fedora filc inv. br. 266, 226, 222 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    459. eir, cilindar dlaka belgijskog zeca i svila inv. br. 322/1, 322/2 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    460. eir homburg filc inv. br. 216 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    461. Kutija za uvanje cilindra papir, karton u boji, koa inv. br. 322/3, 322/4 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    462. Kravate d. 138 cm inv. br. 534/1, 534/2, 534/3, 534/4, 534/5, 534/6, 534/7, 534/8, 534/9, 533/1, 533/2, 531/1, 531/2, 531/3, 530/1, 530/2, 530/3, 530/4, 529/1, 529/2, 529/3, 529/4, 529/5 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    463. Sveano crno trodijelno odijelo, kaput, koulja, kravata i sveani veernji al inv. br. 111 a, 111 b, 1/b, 529/6, 110/1, 350 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    464. Diplomatsko odijelo s leptir manom inv. br. 141, 148, 1/a, 11/1, 522 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    465. Odijelo s polufrakom, leptir manom i sveanim pojasom inv. br. 169, 141, 9/a, 11/2, 525, pojas: rekonstrukcija Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    466. Smoking s dvorednim kopanjem, leptir manom i maramicom inv. br. 140 a, 140 b, 7, 521, K IVc/II66 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    467. Jutarnje formalno odijelo inv. br. 360 a, 360 b, 186, 9/b, 11/3, 529/7, 109 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    468. Ljetno sportsko odijelo inv. br. 108 a, 108 b, 34 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    469. Kutije za cigare, cigare i cigarete inv. br. KB II/2 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    470. Dvogled, binokularni inv. br. 145 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    471. Futrola fotoaparata Nikon

    inv. br. 532 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    472. Putna garnitura za pie inv. br. 3499 R Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    473. Kutija za minijaturna odlikovanja i znake, igle za kravate i dugmad za koulje inv. br. R2045 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    474. Koferi za eire, koni inv. br. 52/1, 52/2 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    475. Kofer za odijela inv. br. 64 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    fotoalbumi

    476. Album fotografija s izgradnje puta Zagreb Karlovac Rijeka, 1954. darovatelj: Uprava za ceste NR Hrvatske 30 x 50 cm inv. br. 573 Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    477. Album fotografija predvojnike obuke urevac, 1950. darovatelj: Predvojnika obuka urevac, urevac 29,5 x 45,5 cm inv. br. 187/190 (800) Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    478. Album fotografija Brodospasa, Split, 1953. darovatelj: kolektiv Labun poduzea Brodospas, Split 31,5 x 41,5cm inv. br. 314/317 (348) Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    479. Album fotografija radnih ljudi Viadukta, 1950. darovatelj: Radni kolektiv Viadukta, Zagreb 30 x 50 cm inv. br. 498/504 () Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    480. Album fotografija Most Suak Rijeka, 1946. 24 x 33 cm inv. br. 1721/301 () Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    481. Album fotografija 1. maj 1953. na Sljemenu, 1953. 17,5 x 24 cm

    inv. br. 1978/43 (193) Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    482. Album fotografija s izgradnje pruge Brko Banovii, 1946 darovatelj: Graditelji Omladinske pruge Brko Banovii 35,5 x 50 cm. inv. br. 2107/162 (320) Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    483. Album fotografija s izgradnje valjaonice bakra u Sevojnu, 1952. darovatelj: graditelji Sevojna 34 x 53,5 cm inv. br. 2032/90 (241) Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

  • Refleksije vremena 1945. 1955.Galerija Klovievi dvoriJezuitski trg 4, Zagreb

    NakladnikGalerija Klovievi dvori, Zagreb

    Za nakladnika Marina ViculinUrednica Jasmina Bavoljak

    Autori tekstovaTomislav AniJasmina BavoljakVladi BraliIgor DudaIvan GrubiiRenata Jambrei KirinReana SenjkoviNevena krbi AlempijeviKreimir MikiMaa KolanoviLeonida KovaMilica RaduloviDaniel Rafaeli

    Struni recenzentiarko PaiZdenko Radeli

    Struna redaktura tekstaIgor Graovac

    Katalog djela Katarina Srdarev

    FotografDarko Bavoljak

    Arhivske fotografijeHrvatski dravni arhiv, ZagrebFotodokumentacija Muzeja istorije JugoslavijaHrvatski kolski muzej, ZagrebKabinet grafike HAZU, ZagrebUmjetnika galerija Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik

    Grafiko oblikovanje kataloga, plakata i pozivniceHamper studio Ivana VuiTomislav Jurica Kauni

    Prijelom i priprema za tisakRadovan Radievi

    Obrada fotografijaDragi SavieviSkaner studioTisak Kersh offset d.o.o., ZagrebNaklada700Copyright Galerija Klovievi dvori, ZagrebHrvatski dravni arhiv, ZagrebHrvatska radio televizija, ZagrebMuzej istorije Jugoslavije, Beograd

    Zagreb, Hrvatska 2012.

    ISBN 9789532710670

    CIP zapis dostupan je u raunalnom katalogu Nacionalne i sveuiline knjinice u Zagrebu pod brojem

    Medijski pokrovitelj Veernji list

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945-1955

  • Reflections of Time 1945 1955December 12th 2012 March 10th 2013Klovievi Dvori GalleryJezuitski trg 4, Zagrebwww.klovicevidvori.hr

    March 26th 2013 May 5th 2013Muzejsko-galerijski prostor Sveta SrcaDe Villeov uspon 8, Pula

    Under the high auspices of the President of the Republic of Croatia Dr. Ivo Josipovi

    Exhibition productionGalerija Klovievi dvori

    The exhibition was realised in cooperation with the Museum of Yugoslav History from Belgrade

    Exhibition concept and choice of objects Jasmina Bavoljak

    Exhibition designNedjeljko Mikac

    Audiovisual collection conceptDarko Bavoljak

    Junior curatorsKatarina SrdarevDanijela Markovi

    Texts at the exhibitionLucija Barada BenyovskyVladi BraliIgor DudaIgor GraovacRenata Jambrei KirinMaa KolanoviMartin Previi Reana SenjkoviDavorin Vuji

    museum of yugoslav historyProject LeaderAna Pani (myh)

    Expert associatesSlavica Drobac (myh)Tatomir Toroman (myh)

    CuratorsRadovan Cuki (myh)Momo Cvijovi (myh)Marija orgovi (myh)Veselinka Kastratovi-Risti (myh)Dragoljub Kupreanin (myh)

    Ivan Manojlovi (myh)Aleksandra Momilovi-Jovanovi (myh)Ana Pani (myh)Tatomir Toroman (myh)

    ConservationIvanka ivadinovi (myh)

    Visual identity and graphic design of the exhibitionHamper studioIvana VuiTomislav Jurica Kauni

    RestorationMirta KrizmanAna DumboviDragan DokiCroatian Restoration Institute:Vinja Brali (cri)Mario Braun (cri)Davor Filipi (cri)Darko Ivi (cri)Mario Mioi (cri)Vjeran Potoi (cri)Slobodan Radi (cri)

    Choice of archival film materialsDaniel Rafaeli

    Film materials editingVinja Skorin

    Audio materials editingPetar Vujai

    Trailer conceptVinko GrubiiFredi Kolombo

    Film materialsCroatian Film ArchiveCarmen LhotkaMladen Buri

    Photographic materialsCentral Photographic Laboratory of HDAZvonimir BarieviHrvoje GrinaDamir PildekJasna VlaiMuseum of Yugoslav History Photographic Collection

    Audio materialsHRT Croatian RadioTamara BregeAris Angelis

    Photographic blow-ups at the exhibitionAstroclima, ZagrebArskopija, Zagreb

    Educational programmeLiljana Velkovski

    Expert associates in educational programmeNikolina Oko ZanokiMario Perani

    Marketing of the exhibitionAntonio Picukari

    Technical productionDragutin MatasTomislav AntoliDamir BabiDavor MarkotiVinko Soldan Tomica etek

    TransportGalerija Klovievi dvori

    InsuranceCroatia osiguranje, Zagreb

    Exhibition co-organisersCroatian State ArchiveCroatian Radio and Television Croatian RadioCroatian Restoration InstituteJadran film

    Cover photo: Unknown Author (attributed to Ivo Kerdi)Fighting Alliance Between the Working Class and Peasants, 1946-1947. (Cat. no. 132)

    The Exhibition was realised with the support of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia and City Office for Education, Culture and Sports of the City of Zagreb

    The Exhibition was realised thanks to the state guarantee of the Government of the Republic of Croatia

    The organisers would like to thank institutions and private owners whose loans have made this exhibition possible:Visual Arts Archive of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Zagreb

    Ethnographic Museum of Istria, PazinAntun Augustini Gallery, KlanjecArt Gallery, OsijekArt Gallery, SplitCity of ZagrebCity Museum of Karlovac, KarlovacCroatian Radio and Television, Croatian Radio, ZagrebCroatian State Archive, ZagrebCroatian Museum of Architecture, Zagreb Croatian History Museum, Zagreb Croatian School Museum, Zagreb Department of Prints and Drawings, Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, ZagrebLibraries of the City of Zagreb, Zagreb Hunting Museum of the Croatian Hunters Association, ZagrebMinistry of Foreign and European Affairs of the Republic of Croatia, Zagreb Modern Gallery, ZagrebMuseum of Yugoslav History, Belgrade Museum of Modern and Contemporary Arts, RijekaMuseum of Slavonija Osijek, OsijekStaro Selo Museum, KumrovecMuseum of Arts and Crafts, Zagreb National and University Library, Zagreb National Museum Zadar, ZadarArt Gallery Dubrovnik, DubrovnikOffice of the President of the Republic of Croatia, Zagreb Villa Brijunka, BrijuniBorna BaracLucija Barada BenyovskyDarko BekiRadmila BiondiZora Cazi GotovacVladimir Dodig TrokutIgor Jovi Marijan i Neven KockoviJosip KovaiMario PeraniZvonimir koriBranko Zec

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 305

    PrologueJasmina Bavoljak

    The utopian faith in the ideals of freedom, equality and justice instilled into our mothers and grandmothers, fathers and grandfathers, at one of the watershed moments of the 20th century has without doubt left an indelible mark on us too.

    The end of World War II in the country, the topic of 1945 and the first post-war years, years of an epoch-mak-ing discontinuity and revolution in modern history, are alive today, not only because of the relative closeness in time, but also because of their important and still sensible effects on the forms and substances of histor-ical remembrance. The time defined by 1945, the year in which two totalitarianisms (fascism and National Socialism) were defeated, and the years in which conflicts and clashes soon arose in the third totalitarianism (Stalinism) as well as the birth of Titoism, was also the time of the victories of the rest of humanity, or, in the vocabulary of political and military history, of the Allies. This time, then, is not, cannot be, just a petrified fact of history, for it is marked by the constitution of the new political system in the world, the increasingly rapid flow of information, the development of social and economic relations and an unprecedented progress in civilisation in all segments of social development.

    This exhibition should remind us of the dynamic and multifarious social impulses in the period from the closing days of World War II until the first television broadcasts in the country. Visitors will here be aided not only by traditional museum exhibits but also by various multimedia contents of the time that were made with a very clear ideological intent, borrowed from the Croatian State Archives and the sound archives of Croatian Radio Television. Material on loan from the Museum of the History of Yugoslavia in Belgrade will also set an important mark on the exhibition, illustrating with the gifts, the personal objects and the works of art the setting in which Josip Broz Tito lived and worked. It is worth mentioning that the exhibition is just one of the many possible culture-studies oriented views and reviews of a time from which six decades have elapsed, and that one of its intentions was to draw attention to the censorship and the taboos, the disruptions and the social incentives that changed the contents of historical memory, resulting in some of the phenomena of the time being easily forgotten and others recalled with either joy or discomfiture.

    In the horizon of live, historical time, events make their impact in the long term, in interaction with human actions and deeds, creative or destructive. If this is so, then the time of 1945 to 1955, present in the collective awareness through memories of a promised, lived and imploded communism/socialism, is still alive and is working, overtly or covertly, on the self-perceptions of todays generations, their (self) interpretation, value representations and social, cultural, artistic and life practices.

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955306

    On griffins, unicorns and Moon rocks or the collection of the last rulerAna Pani

    In the Berlin Zoo, beside a pool with a live elephant seal stands an unusual display. Behind the glass are items found in the insides of Roland, a long-dead elephant seal. The visitor, more fascinated than shocked, stands before these unusual exhibits as though standing before archaeological discoveries. The visitor knows that the value of this as a museum exhibit was determined by chance, but is unable to resist the poetic thought that, over time, these items have mutually established subtler and more significant ties. Caught up in his thought, the visitor further attempts to establish coordinates of meaning and reconstruct the historic ones.

    Dubravka Ugrei, The Museum of Unconditional Surrender1

    Odd, fantastic, exotic and unusual items have always attracted attention. Magical powers have often been ascribed to rare and exotic objects. Possession and control of wonders gives strength to those who have them but, at a more abstract level, their rarity and uniqueness reflect the rarity and uniqueness of the owner, who is set apart from his contemporaries by that which he possesses2 Royal and church treasuries contained hundreds of items. The core of these were relics of Christian saints and reliquaries containing them, as well as various liturgical objects, royal insignia and jewellery and other decorative items, with the inevitable presence of a certain numbers of wonders and exotic items. Mediaeval discoveries and descriptions of these treasuries show little interest in classification or the relationships among the items they contain. They tended to emphasise the value of the materials the items were made from, their material value and origin. Mediaeval collections were not museums but treasuries, in the sense of economic and spiritual capital, which reflects yet another parallel with the collection amassed by Tito as ruler. Reservoirs of power in the symbolic sense many items are gifts from patrons, feudal overlords, and other important figures, representatives of political, social and military alliances3.

    The public life of Titos gifts in museums began with the opening of the May 25 Museum in 1962. Most of the exhibits were relay batons and scale models, while the most valuable items remained within the residen-tial premises, accessibly only to selected guests of the president of the republic, who clearly represented the identity and the power of the community. Given that only two hundred samples of Moon rock were given to the nations of the world by the United States of America and that the recipients included the people of the former SFR Yugoslavia, we could regard this as modern naturalia, such as the griffin legs or unicorn horns known only or primarily through pictures and descriptions. Other items from Titos chamber of rarities combine the finest crafts and most extravagant products of nature, with an emphasis on rare and precious materials. These are the standard contents of Cabinets of Wonders, bringing together, through their design, the wonders of nature and art with the aim of enchanting the observer. Most items admired in former Cabinets of Wonders could now find their place in an exhibition of kitsch. Only if presented as historic artefacts in an exhibition of development could they earn a place in a major museum. To exhibit them with no irony or historic under-pinning would smack of parochialism4. Many items found today in major museums around the world come from early court collections and some have been categorised in various different ways, beginning from a court collection, then in a Kunstkamera and finally a museum collection. For example, some of the Hapsburg court collection is exhibited in museums in Vienna while less valuable items have been distributed to provincial museums in Innsbruck and Salzburg5.

    In the reverse of this process, the synthesis of items brought together under the name of Josip Broz was preserved by the establishment of the Josip Broz Tito Memorial Centre. Despite many requests for the return to their mother museums of items presented to Tito, the collection, or the greater part of it, has remained intact (at least formally) to the present day, within the newly established Museum of Yugoslav History. This becomes extremely important in the light of modern museological practice in which the main aim is no longer the item itself, but the interpretation of the layers of meanings of museological items. Had items from the Tito collection become part of some other museum whose collections were conceived differently, they would have lost their meaning and their cultural and social value which would have changed in keeping with changes in the concept of the reality which surrounded them.

    After Titos death, the first inventory of all items from the buildings he used was released. In this all gifts were regarded equally, from works of art to materially worthless mass-produced utility items. The result

    1 Dubravka Ugrei, Muzej Bezuvjetne Predaje (Museum of Unconditional Surrender), Fabrika Knjiga, Belgrade 2008, 211-212.

    2 David Carrier, Museum Skepticism, Duke University Press, Durham London, 2006, 110.

    3 Andrew McClellan, The Art Museum from Boulle to Bilbao, University of California Press, Berkeley Los Angeles London 2008, 107-154.

    4 Lorraine Daston, Katharine Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature 1150-1750, Zone books, New York 2001, 366.

    5 Paintings were moved to the Kunsthistorisches Museum, dinosaur skeletons and minerals to the Naturhistorisches Museum while gilded rhinoceros horns were given to Schloss Ambras in Innsbruck, and a foetus in formaldehyde to Haus der Natur in Salzburg. ibid., 367.

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 307

    was the creation of integrated documentation 38 books of inventory which are an excellent source for the reconstruction of the appearance of some buildings and the items inside them.

    The Oval Building, intended as a new residence, was to be a combination of residential and exhibition space, a kind of private museum, a Kunstkamera, in which Tito could personally show the items on display to his guests. Following the death of Josip Broz, all the buildings were opened to the public and the Oval Build-ing was turned into a museum of gifts and awards, with the aim of presenting the most representative and valuable items from all the collections, with particular emphasis on the prestige and origin of the presenter of the gift. Thus Titos private collection became an instrument for shaping and presenting identify, just as, following the French Revolution, the Louvre became a public museum and was thus transformed from being a luxury to a national treasure, a source of patriotic pride and an illustration of the French Republic, showing its national treasure to everyone6. The establishment of the Josip Broz Tito Memorial Centre, an institution charged with preserving and nurturing the memory of Josip Broz, gave the collection a new meaning, one which is precisely the point of collection making the collector immortal.

    Are we still fascinated by wonders? Max Weber believed that liberation from illusions and false beliefs was the turning point from childhood to adulthood and the Enlightenment of the late seventeenth century, as a way of living and a state of mind, refused to believe in wonders which were being scientifically explained and proclaimed as vulgar. Nevertheless there is a close connection between wonders and human appetite for the rare and the novel. Ren Descartes saw wonders as the first of passions, an unexpected surprise for the soul which draws it into observing attentively those items which seem to it unusual. The educated admire those wonders exhibited in museums and explained in books (volcanic eruptions, meteor showers, magnetism) while the less educated marvel at wonders from the tabloids, such as the birth of a two-headed child, flying saucers and so on.

    What do Stalins commanders sword, Titos Marshal insignia, antique coins, a ritual item from Hinduism and Buddhism, a figurine of Venus, an Italo-Etruscan helmet, a Moon rock, a sword from an Illyrian tribe, the sabre of Stevan Knianin, Royal Norwegian insignia, a twentieth century sculpture and a sixth century statuette have in common? If we were to group the items on display in a catalogue with descriptive information such as that found in the inventory referred to above, with no attempt or desire to find a spatial or chronological connection, to analysed or explain them in any way, we would have the impression that we were reading a mediaeval catalogue of wonders7. This would not be far from the truth, because this incoherent list of items of diverse origin, time and place of emergence, tradition and purpose, meets all the criteria of a typical inven-tory of former cabinets of wonders. This is precisely why it is our choice for an exhibition in which we want to present a broader social context.

    Items which, regardless of the extent to which they come from other times or other places, gain meaning in accordance with the time and space in which they are located. Thus their meaning and the value put on them changes, either expanding or inverting depending on how the reality of the time and space in which they find themselves is conceptualised. Brought together as a collection, whether this is called a museum or some other name, the items acquire meanings which derive from the reason for the collection existing, the relationships established in connection with it and the power relationships which it confirms8.

    As it enters the museum, each item undergoes metamorphosis and begins a new life, or even death, as claimed by museum sceptics who are developing a theory that museums kill cultural values and destroy their meaning by tearing them from their original surroundings and historical context9.

    Visitors who look at a museum exhibit do not necessarily have to investigate the context of its emergence in order to understand its value to art or civilisation but knowing the culture in which it came into being may significantly affect what they see. When the envelope of the museum changes, the way in which we see its contents also changes.

    We are aware that museums, with their projects, suggest interpretations and that curators manufacture the envelopes in which museum exhibits are delivered to visitors. These exhibits all differ from one another in purpose, origin, donor and time of origin, but in this way we shall attempt to establish connections between them on a different level, that of symbolism, meaning and history.

    6 Carrier, op. cit., 17-38.7 Gervase of Tilbury, advisor to

    King Otto IV, wrote in 1210 a piece called Otia imperalia which contained a catalogue of 129 wonders from all provinces, from the magnet a mysterious Indian stone that attracts metals, to a spring near Narbona that changes its course when something dirty is thrown into it. L. Daston, K. Park, op. cit., 21.

    8 Lj. Gavrilovi, op. cit., 12-13.9 Museum skeptics do not, of

    course, deny that the museums contain many old objects, but they do reject the claim that this old art gives us true beliefs about the past. () When you put a Raphael in the museum, the museum skeptic argues, then you preserve an old object, but not that painting itself. Carrier, op. cit., 52.

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955308

    Running-in socialism. Croatia in the decade after the year 1945Igor Duda

    When in May 1945 World War II ended in Europe, Democratic Federative Yugoslavia had already ex-isted for a year and a half: in accordance with inter-national agreements, politicians of communist and civil orientation had worked in its government for two months already, and the state was internation-ally recognized by anti-fascist powers. Three months later, the Antifascist Council of Peoples Liberation of Yugoslavia, strengthened by uncompromised repre-sentatives from the pre-war Yugoslavian parliament, grew into the Temporary Peoples Parliament, and preparations for the first post-war elections started. Also part of the federation was the Federal Republic of Croatia (FDH), whose government had entered the Zagreb offices of the defeated Nazi-protector-ate, the Independent Republic of Croatia (NDH) in May 1945. At that moment, the new Croatian gov-ernment was represented by the month-old Peoples Government of Croatia, whose leader for the next eight years would be Vladimir Bakari. The Govern-ment arrived from previously freed Split, and based its political legitimacy on the two years of operation of the Countrys Antifascist Council of Peoples Lib-eration of Croatia (ZAVNOH) which would, at its 4th session in Zagreb, in July 1945, become the Peoples Parliament of Croatia.

    Furthermore, as early as its 1943 resolution, ZAVNOH had stressed:

    The Communist Party was the only party in Croatia that remained true to our people. The Communist Party called on all nations to rise in armed resistance to the invaders and their servant Paveli. It organised the first strike groups and first partisan troops who, weapons in hand, rose against the fascist conquerors and the Ustaa.1

    Members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) entered the war in 1941, after twenty years of prohibition and illegal activities in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and came out of the war with the leading influence in the constitution of the new government. In Croatia, the KPJ acted through the Communist Party of Croatia (KPH), which announced at its very constitution the fight for the realisation of social and national rights for the widest masses:

    the Croatian people is unified in its struggle to break the fetters of national slavery, to fight for democratic

    rights and liberties, to curb the robbery and exploita-tion of the people, which has been reduced to the beg-garsbowl It is because we love our homeland and our people that we fight for a free homeland with happi-ness and freedom for all.2

    During the war, however, communists avoided the subjects of revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, so ZAVNOH documents guarantee to all citizens of FDH:

    safety of person and property property rights and private initiative in economic life freedom of reli-gion and freedom of conscience freedom of speech, the press, association, agreement and freedom of congress general, equal and direct voting rights the right to petition and complain to all state authorities [and] free education.3

    Of course, unless it is the matter of persons who had harmed the interests of the Peoples freedom fight (NOB), or could be connected with treason or serving the enemy. Similar limits were stated by Josip Broz Tito himself after the victory:

    Our people has won for itself its own type of democracy, with full freedom for the vast majority of the masses, yet for a negligible minority there are certain limita-tions, such limitations which prevent them from doing what they want, and those limits consist of the fact that they hold no power in their hands, and therefore cannot do anything.4

    The war which had, in its cruel duality, been simul-taneously a fight for freedom and a civil war, pushed many subjects in public life for later, and then once it was possible to guess or know the outcome of the fighting it was possible to tone down both the stress on the statehood of Yugoslavian federal units and the value of certain civil rights. Many guarantees on paper from the war years were forgotten in the new, post-war circumstances. The level and kind of democracy was set by the victors from the war, who soon became also the victors at the first parliamentary elections. The Communist Party gained the right to create and construct the government and, afterwards, the right to form the society, and it was there within the pol-icies that did not accept a return to the old that the third characteristic of the NOB finally came to light: the socialist revolution.

    Strengthening of authoritiesThe fall 1945 was marked by the first elections. Leav-ing aside everything else that happened in the first post-war months, preparations for the elections themselves did not pass in a democratic atmos-phere, since KPJ prevented political and pre-election

    1 Plitvika rezolucija (Plitvice resolution), quoted from: Hodimir Sirotkovi, ZAVNOH. Rasprave i dokumenti, Zagreb, Dom i svijet, Zagreb, 2002, p. 280.

    2 Proglas osnivakog kongresa KPH, (Declaration of the constitutional congress of KPH), quoted from: Hrvoje Matkovi, Na vrelima hrvatske povijesti, Zagreb, Golden marketing (GM) Tehhnika knjiga, Zagreb, 2006, p. 337.

    3 Deklaracija o osnovnim pravima naroda i graana Demokratske Hrvatske (Declaration of Basic Rights of Peoples and Citizens of Democratic Croatia), quoted from: H. Sirotkovi, op cit., pp. 300-301.

    4 Speech of the Chair of the Peoples Front of Yugoslavia (NFJ), quoted from: Katarina Spehnjak, Javnost i propaganda. Narodne fronte (NF) u politici i kulturi Hrvatske 1945.-1952. godine, Zagreb, Hrvatski institut za povijest (HIP) Dom i svijet, Zagreb, 2002, p. 28.

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 309

    activities of civil parties. Among them was Croatian Peasants Party, which had the highest support of Croatian voters before the war, but its reconstruc-tion was prevented by war and post-war division to different factions of the party, and the communists attempts to keep one part of under their control, as part of the Peoples Front. Expressing disagreement with political circumstances, civil politicians left the government and retired from the election race. Thus, at the Federal Constitutional Parliament elections, held on the 11th of November 1945, the only candi-dacy was that of the Peoples Front, with J. Broz Tito as bearer of the list, and the polls offered two box-es the Front box and a no-name box, or the red and the black boxes and voters hands went much more significantly to the first one. In Croatia, 1.9 million or 91.8% of the voters participated in the elections, with the Peoples Front getting 91.5% of the votes.5 An even higher percentage was won in the after-term elections in the newly incorporated, or, rather, united Istria. Most Croatian representatives in the Consti-tutional Parliament from the Peoples Front came from among KPH members. Foreign analysts were surprised by such good results, but despite reports of irregularities, it is indubitable that they were to a large extent the reflection of the political atmosphere, and that the Fronts victory in November 1945 cannot under any circumstances be questioned.6 The voters were carried away by the post-war victory lan and the programme of the Front, which stressed recon-struction and renovation, better life for peasants and workers, womens rights, opportunities for youth, so-cial security, all-available education, technology and science, creation of peoples intelligentsia, democrat-ic rights, peoples power and republican government, brotherhood and unity, and equality of the peoples of Yugoslavia, friendship with all freedom-loving peo-ples, and Balkanic and Slavic solidarity.7

    KPJ thus managed to develop and realise a synthe-sis of interest for all peoples of Yugoslavia, and thus create super-national power during the war, adding to it communist utopia of the new just society, which gained it wide support, particularly from younger generations.8 The Party then gained political legiti-macy at the elections.

    The construction of the legal system certainly contributed to the strengthening of the peoples au-thorities and party state. By the 29th of November 1945 at the second anniversary of the AVNOJ session and the constitution of DFJ, a date that would later be celebrated as Republic Day, Constitutional Parliament proclaimed Federative Peoples Republic of Yugosla-via, describing it in the Parliament Declaration as

    ... federative peoples state of republican form, a union of equal peoples that have freely expressed their will to remain united in Yugoslavia.9

    In January next year, the Federation got its first Con-stitution. The same rhythm continued a year later at republic levels: in November 1946, elections for Constitutional Parliament in Croatia were conducted with the results similar to those at federate elections, and in January 1947, Peoples Republic of Croatia (NRH) got its constitution as a peoples republic, united by its free will and following the princi-ple of equality in Yugoslavia, but with the right to self-definition and secession.10

    Apart from the constitution and the creation of all levels of authority, the state and its order had to be strengthened by numerous specific moves in the field, where reckoning with those of different opinions took place both in legal and illegal manners. In the language of the times, those were counter-revolutionaries, re-action, anti-state elements or gangs, but in reality the remnants of enemy troops, large landowners, bour-geoisie and the church, often ordinary citizens. Par-ticularly rough was the treatment of POWs in the first few months after the war, while the Corps of Peoples Defence of Yugoslavia had to deal with members of guerrilla crusaders groups until the end of the 1940s.11 However, the governments treatment of the people was not without roughness itself so that, in those years, even the Politburo of the Central Committee (CK) of KPH saw criticisms of the policy of commanding the people, and disapproval of anarchy, chaos and terror.12 All this could hardly be discussed in the press since, as early as August 1945, the Press Act introduced wide possibilities of banning publications, among others in cases of threatening state interest, libel against author-ities, and support for foreign enemies.13

    Disregard for the principle of private property al-lowed the confiscation, expropriation and national-isation of private property. Confiscation, conceived also in August 1946 in the Agrarian Reform Act, played an important role in the realignment of the land. It was not, however, conducted following the soviet model of general nationalisation and collectivisation, but rather following the motto Land to the farmers!

    leaving allowed amounts of properties in private ownership of the peasants, by far the most numerous class and the carrier force in the NOB. Taking away all properties larger than 45 hectares, or 25 hectares of arable land, and limiting farmers properties to 20-25 hectares, the state, for instance in Croatia, created land funds of 390,510 hectares.14 62% of the land re-mained state-owned, while the remainder was divid-ed among 108,072 families, of which most had been local users who gained the right to land or widening of their property, while one third consisted of colo-nists who left their infertile and undeveloped areas in trains without time-tables towards Baranja, Slavonija, Srijem and Vojvodina.

    Empty properties receiving the colonists were not only the product of agrarian reform, but also of

    5 See K. Spehnjak, op.cit., 132, and Zdenko Radeli, Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji 1945.-1991. godine. Od zajednitva do razlaza, Zagreb, HIP kolska knjiga (K), Zagreb, 2006, p. 76.

    6 SSee K. Spehnjak, op.cit., 134-135, and Jera Voduek Stari, Kako su komunisti osvojili vlast 1944.-1946. godine, Zagreb, Naklada Pavii, 2006., 409.

    7 See Osnovna programatska naela NFJ, quoted from: K. Spehnjak, op.cit., pp. 27-28.

    8 See Duan Bilandi, Hrvatska moderna povijest, Zagreb, GM, 1999, p. 226.

    9 Quoted from: H. Matkovi, Povijest Jugoslavije (1918.-1991.). Hrvatski pogled, Zagreb, Naklada Pavii, 1998, p. 280.

    10 Ustav NRH (Constitution of NRH), quoted from: H. Matkovi, Na vrelima hrvatske povijesti, ndj., p. 480.

    11 See Z. Radeli, op.cit., pp. 128-133.

    12 See D. Bilandi, op.cit., pp. 262-263.

    13 See Z. Radeli, op.cit., p. 155.14 See Z. Radeli, op.cit., p. 155. 14

    See Marijan Maticka, Agrarna reforma i kolonizacija u Hrvatskoj 1945.-1948 godine., Zagreb, K Stvarnost, 1990, pp. 48, 93 and 135.

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955310

    15 See Z. Radeli, op.cit., p. 188, and Ivo Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918.-2008 godine., Zagreb, Europapress holding (EPH) Novi liber, 2008, p. 383.

    16 See Z. Radeli, op.cit., pp. 134-151.

    17 See ibid, p. 184.18 See D. Bilandi, op.cit., p. 257. 19 Quoted from: ibid, p. 297.20 See Rezoluciju IB-a o stanju u

    KPJ (Resolution of Informbiro on the situation in KPJ), in: Petar Poar, Rezolucija Informbiroa (prije i poslije), Zagreb, Radnike novine, 1988, pp. 71-80.

    emigration/banishment of German nationals minori-ty, of which around 90,000 left Croatia, with around ten thousand remaining.15 This was part of the wider process that led several million Germans from Cen-tral and Eastern Europe, as victims of collective guilt due to their connection with the defeated Third Reich.

    This context can partially be used for the banish-ment of Italians as well, although their leaving was interweaved with the solution of border matters be-tween Italy and Yugoslavia, which, in the early 1950s, came to the edge of war. In many areas, Croatian bor-ders followed the lines from centuries past, while in some places within Yugoslavia they were set after World War II, based on the nationality of the popula-tion and inter-republic agreements; only in Istria did they depend on complex international negotiations.16 Although Yugoslavian Army freed Pula, they soon had to leave the town to Anglo-American forces, which re-mained there until 1947. Then, through peace agree-ment, Yugoslavia managed to gain all controversial Croatian areas except for northwest Istria, which re-mained part of the Free Trieste Territory until 1954. After several minor corrections, the territory of NRH was completed in 1956. Parallel to the solution of the border issues, over 180,000 people, mostly Italians, left Croatian part of Istria. Their property became the property of the Yugoslavian state, in exchange for war damages, which Italy thus avoided paying to Yugoslavia.

    In 1946, the Act on Nationalisation of Private and Economic Enterprises made all larger companies State properties, while smaller companies, artisan work-shops, shops and public houses were included in the Act in 1948.17 Private property remained intact for land and livestock, small workshops, and a small num-ber of catering and trading objects. Thus, the State re-moved capitalist property from the economy and took control over means of production, so there were no new legal interventions in nationalisation until 1958.Particularly disenfranchised was the Catholic Church, but property was not the only conflict between the Church and the State. There was a clash between the bearers of civil authorities, which were based on the mass membership of the Peoples Front, and the rep-resentatives of the Catholic Church, which leaned on tradition and the numbers of its flock. The ideol-ogy of the Front included atheism, and considered religion a backward phenomenon for which there was no more room in the new society. Furthermore, they suspected and accused the Church and Vati-can for their behaviour and acts during World War II and after, and wanted to prevent the influence of the priesthood on the masses. The Church, on the other hand, had been anti-communist even before the war, and with the communists ascent to power, the Church stood in defence of its position, as well as their spiritual and material values, which became

    extremely endangered. The authorities conflict with Zagrebs Archbishop Alojzije Stepinac should be con-textualised in the conflict of those strengthening their position of power and those unwilling to leave their previous position in society; considering their mutual opinions, the conflict was inevitable. It re-sulted in court cases, imprisonment and murders of priests, and the ruling against A. Stepinac, who was quickly sentenced to 16 years of prison in 1946, with the justification of support for NDH during the war and actions against Yugoslavia after the war.18 Until 1951, he was in Lepoglava, and afterwards, until his death, in Krai.

    A different socialismIn post-war years, conflicts appeared, not only be-tween the Communist Party and its opponents, but also among communists themselves. This conflict was spurred by forces outside Yugoslavia, and its resolution would lead the country towards internal reform and considerably different international po-sition, but would also prolong the period of regime consolidation. The new stage of political strictness was aimed towards all who, after the breaking of sovi-et-Yugoslavian brotherhood connection, either stood with or were believed to stand with the Union of Sovi-et Socialist Republics and Joseph Vissarionovich Sta-lin, thus expressing their disagreement with J. Broz Tito, Yugoslavian government, and the Communist Party. Tensions between the two countries gradually grew since the end of the war, until, in spring 1948, Communist Party of Yugoslavia received letters in which Yugoslavian internal and foreign policies were attacked. Tito issued a clear answer to Moscow:

    No matter how much any one of us loved the land of socialism, USSR, they can in no way love their own country, also building socialism, any less.19

    Yugoslavian communists refused to participate at the session of the Informbiro of communist parties in Bucharest, at which, consequently, representatives of Bulgarian, Czechoslovakian, French, Hungarian, Polish, Rumanian, Soviet and Italian communist par-ties, on the 28th of July 1948, adopted the Resolution on the situation in KPJ.20 The publication of this docu-ment provoked astonishment in Yugoslavian public, as it dethroned the ideal and protector that had been supposed to remain as such forever. The Resolution accused the leadership of KPJ of straying from Marx-ism and Leninism, abandoning the working class position, allowing peaceful ingrowths of capital-ism into socialism, and of wrongful rural policies, allowing private property. Informbiro also noted the policies inimical towards the USSR and the Bolshevik Communist Party, warning of libellous propaganda treating USSR as an imperialist force, and concluded

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 311

    21 See I. Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918.-2018. godine,op.cit., p. 454.

    22 See Ivo Banac, Sa Staljinom protiv Tita. Informbiroovski rascjepi u jugoslavenskome komunistikom pokretu, Zagreb, Globus, 1990, pp. 148-149.

    23 See D. Bilandi, op.cit., p. 370. 24 See Tvrtko Jakovina, Ameriki

    komunistiki saveznik. Hrvati, Titova Jugoslavija i SAD 1945.-1955. godine, Zagreb, Profil Srednja Europa (SE), 2003, pp. 354-355.

    25 See D. Bilandi, op.cit., p. 334. 26 Zapisnik sa sastanka prvoga

    radnikog savjeta (Minutes from the meeting of the first workers council), Kulturni radnik, Zagreb, 30/1977, no. 5, p. 55.

    that Yugoslavian leadership considered capitalist states less of a danger than the USSR, which might lead to Yugoslavia becoming an ordinary bourgeois republic, loss of Yugoslavias independence and the transformation of Yugoslavia into a colony of impe-rialist countries. The brotherly parties stressed that KPJ was organised in a factional and bureaucratic manner, that it was in a semi-legal position, and hiding behind the Peoples Front:

    [KPJ leaders] invented the version of their allegedly unequal position... [and are infected by] ambition, pride and vanity [so they react to criticism] with irritation, [while in fact they are moving] towards a separation from the unified socialist front against imperialism, towards betrayal of the cause of interna-tional solidarity of the working people, and towards a switch to the position of nationalism.

    In Bucharest, it was concluded that the Central Com-mittee of KPJ had, due to the reasons cited, excluded itself from the Informbiro, with KPJ membership called to institute a new, internationalist leadership. Within the context, Sreten ujovi and Andrija He-brang were certainly not helped by the fact that the Resolution named them as soviet friends and protested against their arrests. A. Hebrang, war secretary of the CK KPH and after the war chair of the Federal Planning Committee, was arrested two months before the Res-olution, and most probably killed in Belgrade prison the following year.21

    Thousands of communists who sided with the USSR or were suspected of disloyalty towards the leadership of KPJ were arrested. Almost 56,000 Informbiro-people were in evidence (one eighth of this in Croatia), while the number of arrests at Yugoslavian level mounted to 16,000.22 Most of them were sent to the Goli Otok prison. Although in 1951, KPJ was twice as numerous as at the beginning of the Tito-Stalin conflict, over three years it lost around one hundred thousand members. At the same time, the country was under threat of so-viet intervention, and the army was at yellow alert, all eyes set on the eastern borders.

    International and inter-party relations between Yu-goslavia and the USSR were normalised only with the new soviet leadership, after signing the Belgrade (1955) and Moscow (1956) Declarations. Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev, Premier of USSR, admitted the soviet mistake:

    We sincerely regret what happened, and resolutely refuse everything that has piled up in that period.23

    This was a sign of Yugoslavian victory, just like Titos trip to London in March 1953, immediately after Sta-lins death, which was Titos first official visit to a West-ern country, and his first trip abroad after several years.24

    In short term, internal Yugoslavian political con-flicts after 1948 prolonged the period of hard polit-ical dictate, while in long term, it took the country towards seeking a separation from the soviet model. De-sovietisation, approaching the West, particularly the US, and connecting with non-European countries into the Non-Alignment Movement were all indubi-tably consequences of Yugoslavia stepping away from the soviet shadow.

    At the beginning of Yugoslavian search for a differ-ent way came social reform led by the principles of de-centralisation, de-bureaucratisation, democratisation and de-etatisation.25 Changes were presented as a re-turn to original Marxism and Leninism, including the concept of gradual reduction of the State and the in-troduction of self-government. Among the first steps was the adoption of the Basic Act on the Management of State Companies and Higher Economic Associations by their labour collectives in 1950. With the motto Factories to the workers! this introduced the principle of workers self-management, in which the state was supposed to have less and less influence in the oper-ation, while workers became owners of the means of production, and were supposed to participate in company management through workers councils. The first ones to use the possibility in Croatia were the workers of the cement factory Prvoborac in Solin, who discussed their production plan and workplace discipline at the first session of their council:

    Discipline in our company is low. Most workers are a few minutes or up to half an hour late for work. At the cafeteria, after the siren announces the start of work, workers remain sitting and drinking. This should be treated harshly.26

    In the early 1950s, harsh treatment of farmers re-fusing the collectivisation started in 1949, in the conflicted moment when socialist righteousness was being proven together with the distance from the soviet model, will also stop. However, the drop of agricultural production brought about the aban-donment of the concept of farmers working collec-tives by 1953.

    Part of the social reform consisted in the changes of names for a number of organisations, including the Communist Party, which became Communist Alliance at its 6th congress, held in Zagreb in 1952. The Party was supposed to abandon the old practice of commanding the people and the state, and transfer to persuasion and direction, with its members ex-pected to become ideologically educated avant-garde of the society. Self-government, social ownership and social democracy got a prominent position in the Constitutional Act on the Basics of Social and Political Or-ganisation in 1953. Federal and republic parliaments got producers councils as separate houses, while

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955312

    27 See Z. Radeli, op.cit., p. 240. 28 See Vladimir erjavi, Opsesije

    i megalomanije oko Jasenovca i Bleiburga. Gubici stanovnitva Jugoslavije u Drugome svjetskom ratu, Zagreb, Globus, 1992, pp. 159 and 166.

    29 See Z. Radeli, op.cit., pp. 46-47. 30 See ibid, p. 55.31 See Jakov Sirotkovi, Hrvatsko

    gospodarstvo, Zagreb, Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, GM, 1996, p. 66.

    32 See I. Goldstein, Hrvatska povijest (Povijest 21), Zagreb, EPH, 2008, p. 630-631.

    33 See J. Sirotkovi, Hrvatsko gospodarstvo, op.cit., pp. 124 and 128.

    34 See Z. Radeli, op.cit., pp. 46-47. 35 See M. Maticka, Opskrba

    stanovnitva u Hrvatskoj od 1945. do 1953. godine, u: Zbornik Mirjane Gross, Zagreb, Zavod za hrvatsku povijest, 1999, p. 387, and Z. Radeli, op.cit., p. 47.

    36 See J. Sirotkovi, Ekonomski razvoj Jugoslavije. Od prosperiteta do krize, Zagreb, Narodne novine, 1990, p. 163.

    37 See Marijan Koroi, Jugoslavenska kriza, Zagreb, Naprijed Ekonomski institut, 1989, p. 57.

    38 See I. Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918-2008. godine, op.cit., p. 602.

    the Government was replaced by Federal Executive Council, chaired for the next ten years by J. Broz Tito, who was also given the newly-instituted posi-tion of the President of the Republic. At lower levels, self-government and de-centralisation were visible in the new territorial and administration divisions, and the introduction of a communal system, with municipalities as the basis of economic and political system.27 Thus, in 1955, Croatia was divided into 299 municipalities, gathered in 27 counties.

    However, in 1954, social reform was stopped for a few years, which would become a move that would be used later when reforms endanger government and order. The threat in the fall 1953 came from within. Milovan ilas, secretary of the Central Committee of SKJ and chair of the Federal Council issued a series of articles criticising the functioning of government and the system, and stressing the need for radical democratisation. Attacking the so-called new class, he accused Yugoslavian bureaucracy of greed, abuse of its war-inherited position, closing of its ivory tower and separation from the people. However, due to that running out, M. ilas was excluded from the Party and imprisoned, reforms were cut short, liberal-demo-cratic tendencies stopped, and the self-government concept remained undeveloped. Changes were made only in 1958, at the 7th congress of SKJ.

    Everyday atmosphereCroatia left World War II with great damages and significant human loss. The number of people killed in the war was 295,000 (of which, among others, 137,000 Serbs and 118,000 Croats), while overall de-mographic losses were estimated to around 500,000. At the level of Yugoslavia, the number reached two million, with around one million direct victims.28 In Croatia, around 300 villages were completely destroyed, while around 400,000 people were left without living space.29 The dead and the displaced influenced the lowering of the overall population, which reached 3.8 million in 1948 and 3.9 million in 1953, still under the pre-war numbers.30 In 1953, the population was overwhelmingly rural, with only a quarter of the population living in urban areas, a little over Yugoslavian average.31 At the beginning of intense industrialisation and urbanisation, accord-ing to the same census, Zagreb was the largest city with approximately 351,000 people; Split (76,000) was barely over Rijeka (75,000), followed by Osijek (57,000), Karlovac (32,000) and Pula (29,000).32 Half a million people were employed, but only a little un-der 26,000 workers were looking for a job.33

    Industrialisation and electrification were the key points of post-war reconstruction and economic de-velopment. The starting point had not been envia-ble; industrially undeveloped and agrarian until the mid-century, Yugoslavia would enter the circles of

    moderately developed countries only in the 1960s. In 1945, the economy was at one third of its pre-war capacities. During the war, 36.5% of Yugoslavian in-dustry was destroyed or damaged; in Croatia, only 16% of railways were usable, truck and bus fleet was reduced to 60%, over 90% of the ships were sunk or taken, 2.7 million orchard trees and 2.5 million heads of livestock were destroyed.34 By some calculations, war damages in Croatia were estimated to 117 billion Dinars or 2.3 billion US$.35

    However, reconstruction work actions such as the construction of the Brotherhood and Unity High-way from Zagreb to Belgrade and the system of workers competition through the status of udarnik (superworker) and mass enthusiasm quickly changed the country. Croatian gross national product in 1947 reached 97% of 1939 GNP, with the fastest growth in industry and construction.36 In such circumstances, the implementation of the first five-year plan, for the period 1947-1951, began and was then prolonged by one year due to the cut cooperation with the Eastern Block and search for Western connections. The plan itself followed the soviet model, i.e. centralisation with strong State supervision, the State as the only investor, and the development of heavy industry.

    Forced growth produced results, but it lacked light industry and consumer growth, with expenses and efficiency under question. In addition to the search for a system different from the soviet one, Yugosla-via introduced workers self-government during the First Five-Year Plan exactly with the goal of spurring productivity and workers initiative. Between 1948 and 1952, GNP grew on average two percent per year, while between 1953 and 1956 in the period of one-year planning and abandonment of five-year plans it grew on average by 6.6%.37 This was the introduction to the economic growth of the late fifties, the years of Yugoslavian economic miracle. All parts of the fed-eration needed high growth rates, particularly those less developed. In the last year of the First Five-Year Plan, GNP went above the federal average (index 100) in Slovenia (182) and Croatia (121), while Bosnia and Herzegovina (96), Serbia (93, but with pronounced internal differences, from 102 in inner Serbia and 89 in Vojvodina to 47 in Kosovo and Metohija), Mon-tenegro (88) and Macedonia (71) showed poorer de-velopment.38 These relations were the consequence of developments in the first half of the century and earlier, but despite political attempts, they would re-main mostly unchanged, with larger gaps, over the following decades. Everybody met each other and their foreign partners at the International Zagreb Fair, renewed in 1947 and transferred to New Zagreb in 1956. From May that same year, Croatia also started experimental programme of Zagreb Television, and in December, in Ivanec, the first Croatian and Yugo-slavian self-service store was opened. The year before,

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 313

    39 See D. Bilandi, op.cit., p. 237. 40 Slobodna Dalmacija, Split,

    May 31st 1946., quoted from: M. Maticka, Opskrba stanovnitva, op.cit., p. 388.

    41 See, ibid, p. 394.42 See Statistiki godinjak

    NRH: 1955, Zagreb, Zavod za statistiku, [1956.], p. 408.

    43 See ibid, pp. 398 and 402.44 See ibid, p. 390.45 See K. Spehnjak, op.cit., p. 200. 46 See Igor Duda, U potrazi za

    blagostanjem. O povijesti dokolice i potroakog drutva u Hrvatskoj 1950-ih i 1960-ih, Zagreb, SE, 2005, pp. 109-110.

    47 Annual report of the Zagreb City Committee of KPH for 1949, quoted from: K. Spehnjak, op.cit., p. 258.

    48 T. Jakovina, op.cit., p. 465. 49 See Statistiki godinjak NRH:

    1955., op.cit., p. 462.

    motorways saw the arrival of Fio, a car produced in Crvena Zastava in Kragujevac (Serbia), while the year before that, Zagreb-based Kra offered still appreciat-ed and popular Bajadera chocolate bonbon.

    But the way from post-war hunger to chocolate bonbons was long. Immediately after the war, a large portion of the 416 million US$ of UNRRA aid to Yu-goslavia was necessary for food alone.39 Powdered milk and eggs as well as other foodstuffs were neces-sary for the survival of a part of the population, and would have been better used had the instructions been intelligible:

    Among many consumers of UNRRA-package cans, there are a fair number of those who cannot divine the con-tent of the cans, marked in English, and are therefore unable to use the food in a rational manner.40

    The issue of food in cities was particularly sensitive, and after 1948, it was joined by military supplies. In order to manage the goods at its disposal as efficiently as possible, the State conducted rationing or secured supplies from 1945 to the end of 1952. The system was changed along the way, but legally, goods could not be gained without consumer booklets, coupons, points or cards. Consumers were divided into groups; a workers consumer card could, between 1945 and 1947, allow the acquisition of 0.4-0.8 kg of bread per day, 0.75 l of oil or 0.75 kg of fat per month, 0.5 kg of sugar and salt each, as well as one washing soap and one laundry soap.41 In 1953 the limits were removed, but compared to the following period, the quality of food remained low. In Croatia, a worker family of four consumed on average 43 kilos of bread and bak-ery products, 11 kg of meat and fish, 40 kg of fresh vegetables, 11 kg of fresh fruit, and 32 litres of milk.42 On a daily basis, that would give approximately 10 decagrams of meat and fruit, 35 decagrams of bread, and one glass of milk. A worker family had month-ly income of 21,010 Dinars, and 52% of it went for food.43 One kilo of bread cost 32 Dinars in 1953; pork cost 203 Dinars, one litre of milk 27 Dinars, a kilo of apples 44 Dinars, a kilo of sugar 145 Dinars, a pair of shoes approximately three thousand Dinars, cinema tickets 33 Dinars, the same as haircut, but perming cost a full 334 Dinars.44 It is no wonder that in 1949, under-nourishment was the reason for one fifth of army recruits being assessed as ineligible.45

    Although due to empty warehouses at the end of the 1940s people went hungry at organised holidays as well, tourism was an important state project which tried to create an impression of temporary plenty in the lean years. Following the recommendations of the International Labour Organisation and pre-war deci-sions in other European countries, Yugoslavia intro-duced paid leave for all employed people in 1946. The following year saw the first regulation on the social

    tourism system, controlled by the state and the unions. Local tourists in Yugoslavia accounted for nine million overnight stays in 1948, more than double compared with pre-war results, and almost half of this was real-ised in Croatia.46 Tourism had a social and nationally homogenisational effect, and was considered a social, health and culture need, a sing of material and cultural advance and improved standard of living. The period when holidays meant collective discounts with union papers was key for the later success of mass commer-cial tourism and strengthening the role of tourism in economic and social development.

    But tourism was far from the only aspect of free time. In the early 1950s, in Croatia, around 150 titles of papers and magazines were printed, with the over-all annual print run of one and a half million copies; the number of books in peoples libraries went over one million, as did the number of theatre goers. Some twenty times higher was the number of cinemagoers, where American movies were gaining the largest por-tion, which Party observers assessed as the growing influence of the West on the young:

    Dandified clothing, night-clubbing and developing immorality, fights for tickets for bad western movies, developing propaganda and introducing in youth or-ganisations the theory of good Western life (actually rotten bourgeoisie), poor school results etc.47

    However, the incurrence of Western popular culture continued despite discussions on Americanism as a negative phenomenon.48

    Approximately 125,000 subscribers in 1953 lis-tened to two Radio Zagreb programmes, as well as Radio Rijeka and Radio Split; they listened more often through speakers than at home, because one radio covered 31 persons.49 Sports lovers could read Sportske novosti (Sports News) since 1945; since 1952, Vjesnik u Srijedu (Wednesday Clarion) became the main gen-eral interest magazine; the following year, magazine Svijet (World) first offered fashion and womens in-terests, while the year after that, Vjesnik publishing house offered Plavi Vjesnik (Blue Clarion) to its younger readers. Since 1946, films were produced in Jadranfilm, and music recorded in Jugoton, confirming Zagrebs position as the centre of mass popular culture. Since 1953, local films were shown at the Pula Film Festival, and since 1954, Zagreb also hosted singers, creating the oldest local pop-music festival, significantly in-fluenced by Italian San Remo festival.

    In 1950, theatre got its own Academy and Du-brovnik Summer Festival, while visual art tried its hand in abstraction as part of the EXAT 51 group. Croatian literature also distanced itself from social realism since the early 1950s. Klais Foreign Words Diction-ary resolved linguistic enigmas in 1951, while a year before that, Croatian Lexicographic Institute and

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955314

    50 See ibid, pp. 66 and 70.51 See Z. Radeli, op.cit., pp.

    322-323.52 See K. Spehnjak, op.cit., pp.

    208-217.53 Program SKJ, Zagreb, Stvarnost,

    1965, pp. 75 and 142.54 Ibid, p. 234.55 Ibid, p. 243.56 Ibid, p. 240.57 Ibid, p. 144.

    Ruer Bokovi Institute covered science. The number of students also grew, but the 1953 census still regis-tered around 16% of illiterates, while a full quarter of active population had no qualifications, 61% only had primary school, and only 1% attended university.50 Primary schooling system was varied, as it included four-year, six-year and eight-year schools.51 Obliga-tory seven-year education was introduced in 1946, and eight-year in 1951; however, until the end of the 1950s, there were eight-year lyceums that accepted pupils after four years of primary school.

    Immediately after the war, the centre of all cultur-al and educational actions in the country was literacy, as well as economic, health and home-management classes, general classes and additional education for workers.52 Among other reasons, this was intended to resolve the lack of health professionals who could provide counselling on protection from contagious diseases and childcare, and the lack of teachers that could create a literate population, since Croatia en-tered World War II with very high illiteracy rate of 42%. The classes were initially organised by mass po-litical organisations, but by 1947, there were over 150 peoples universities, holding almost 18,000 classes with over 1.5 million students. That same year, more than 500 education centres were active in villages and culture centres in towns. Cultural and educa-tional associations gathered theatrical, singing and folklore groups. Social and cultural activities of the masses were highly respected.

    After the first decade of socialismTen years after the conflict with the USSR, Yugoslavia was at the pinnacle of its economic miracle, and SKJ adopted a new programme at its 7th congress. This was an opportunity to look back at the recent past, in which Informbiro had tried to impose inequali-ty in relations between socialist countries, and in which Yugoslavias organisation represented nei-ther harmonic social symbiosis nor an idyllic order, self-satisfied with its final perfection.53 There was awareness of mistakes and problems appearing in an environment that is starting to get insensitive to everyday issues of life and work of the citizens:

    [W]hen problems are resolved as a routine, and not based on comprehensive analysis and knowledge of facts; when too much trust is given to the power of de-crees, ordinances and regulations; when technocratic methods are attempted in the solution of socio-polit-ical problems; when individuals cover their current weaknesses by past successes; when individuals are led by self-satisfaction, self-love and conviction that they are irreplaceable.54

    Still, communists dared to conclude in the Programme of SKJ:

    When our future generations once read the history of the fight for socialism, they will not be ashamed of us.55

    What was the source of their pride? After the victory in the War and gaining power at the elections, the leadership of KPJ/SKJ successfully avoided two situ-ations Stalins foreign intervention and ilass in-ternal ruckus in which they could have lost power either in short or longer term. Furthermore, interna-tional military conflict with the USSSR and its satel-lites was avoided, as well as the one with Italy and its Western allies. The State held a new, more important international position. Economy was out of isolation and crisis, showing exceptional liveliness. Forced and compressed modernisation brought the society into a formative stage in the areas of culture and science, as well as the threshold behind which mass consumer culture awaited. Socially and politically, the founda-tions of the socialist order were shored up by several cults that were beyond discussion: freedom fighting, Tito, brotherhood and unity, self-government and, as the latest addition, non-alignment. All organisations gathered in the Socialist Association of Working Peo-ple worked on the preservation of these values, from the pioneer organisation for the youngest, through youth organisation and unions, all the way to vet-erans organisation and, of course, Communist As-sociation itself, as the main bearer of these values. The cults developed special rituals and festivities, enshrined in state holidays. The Programme of SKJ foresaw that the new society, creating new traditions needed a new socialist man:

    [A] free creative personality [that would exist in a reality] in which class and all traces of exploitation and terror of man over man would disappear.56

    Such people should develop new interpersonal re-lationships:

    [Relationships of ] honesty, trust, humanity, under-standing, tolerance, mutual cooperation and help, in a word human sympathies and comradeship among men.57

    All this may have sounded good after years of hard post-war Party dictate and the more liberal portion of the 1950s, but it would have to develop further with a much lower level of mass lan, as most of it was already invested in the running-in of socialism.

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 315

    58 See Croatian State Archive (HDA), Zagreb, Vijee Saveza sindikata Hrvatske (VSSH), f. 1286, Historijat takmienja Zemaljskog odbora za Hrvatsku sindikata radnika i slubenika industrije drveta Jugoslavije, box 256.

    59 See Zdenko Radeli, Jedinstveni sindikati Hrvatske/JSH (1945-1946), Povijesni prilozi, 6, Zagreb, 1987, p. 89.

    60 See ibid, JSH (1944-1948), Zagreb, 1988, p. 57.

    61 HDA, Zagreb, VSSH, f. 1286, Minutes from the Land Committee Council of JSRNJ for Croatia and the delegates of union organisations of Croatia, the 8th of October 1945, box 12.

    62 See Z. Radeli, JSH (1944-1948), op.cit., p. 79.

    Heroes and heroines of labourTomislav Ani

    The first years of Communist Party (KP) government in the new Yugoslavian state, after the end of World War II, were marked by attempts to institute the order already developed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-publics (USSR), with the imitation of almost all sovi-et models and management techniques, particularly in politics (single-party system) and economy (plan economy). Within that context, with the worker as the basis of society, the cult of labour and proletarian culture were cultivated with the goal of speedy de-velopment of industry despite shortage of primary materials, machines and qualified labour force. De-spite difficulties, the increase of economic effects was also attempted through udarnik work (superwork)

    particular efforts of heroes and heroines of labour. All workers get the role of heroes from the period of Peoples Freedom Fight (NOB) in a new form, no longer in the defence of the country, but in bearing the greatest burden in the constitution of the new social organisation. New tool skills become equal to the previous weapons skills.

    Socialist competitivity initially appeared in the USSR, and spread after the end of World War II as a sort of soviet export product to the countries of Cen-tral and Eastern Europe as one of the revolutionary methods necessary for the socialist transformation of any society (among the other obligatory methods, the most important were industrialisation, confiscation, nationalisation and collectivisation).

    In Yugoslavia and therefore in Croatia, socialist competitivity appeared and developed in the form of compulsory contract expressed in numerous le-gal acts and laws, creating also the udarnik workers elite (udarniks). The competition started with the idea of speedy reconstruction of the destroyed and wrecked production lines and factories and burned villages,58 and in the first period, it was based on hard physical labour, with no particularly strong organisa-tional structure and no evidence of the effects. From its (re)inception in the post-war period, the union was the main initiator of the constitution of socialist competition and the development of superworking. Its activities were focused on two lines: the first was expressed in the attempts to mobilise workers and clerks towards higher productivity, and the second in the protection of labour rights and improved liv-ing conditions for the workers. These two factors became the basis of union activity, and gained wider importance for the speedy reconstruction of com-pany reconstruction and normalisation of circum-

    stances that would allow the start of the building of socialist order.59

    In that context, on Labour Day 1945, the first mass labour competition was organised with the goal to increase working discipline, and develop the cultural and educational activities of labour: reconstruction included railways, railway cars, machines and tools, and workers promised prolonged working hours. This May Day competition lasted for 15 days. However, at the very start of the competition organisation, there were difficulties that indicated the competitions va-cuity of content. Criticism turned towards the basis on which the overall superworking system was based: prolongation of working hours (with maximum physical effort) as the basis of the construction for the whole system. The warning that the Head Com-mittee of the Union Matrix of Workers and Clerks of Yugoslavia (JSRNJ) issued on this confirms the crit-icisms of competitivity and superworking which by prolonging working hours and increasing work intensity merely created a sweaty and bloody work system.60 Because of this, union leaders were often called in the second half of 1945 to stop the unilateral interpretation of competitivity and superworking through prolonged working hours, which most un-ion organisations used as the only way to increase production. The main reason why almost all of the labour activity was focused on physical exhaustion lay in low development of technological processes, caused by lack of machinery, insufficient numbers of qualified workers, and poor education of the existing workers, which was why company managements as production organisers and union leaders as compet-itivity organisers used physical exhaustion, which gradually revealed itself as very harmful, as many workers got sick due to physical effort. This is con-firmed, for example, by a case from September 1945:

    In Dalmatia, everything is in ruins [so] workers labour in superworker mode. There are udarnik comrades that got sick at work. For example, one con-struction worker remained until the end of work on a furnace, although he was sick and spitting blood.61

    This case also confirms the indubitable motivation of workers in the period after the end of World War II, with labour ethics bordering on fanaticism but, on the other hand, indicates that this also threatens their health, which actually increases production costs, as was stated in memos from the Ministry of Labour of the Peoples Republic of Croatia.62

    However, increased efforts are still incited, and competitivity is positively valued, also through the Labour Medal Introduction Act, although only in a form of honours, with no privileges for the bearers of the medal. Still, declared lan and shiny medals could not suffice for long, and the authorities soon adopted

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955316

    63 See edomir Vinji, Partizansko ljetovanje, Zagreb, 2003, pp. 65-74.

    64 HDA, Zagreb, Central Committee of the Association of Communists of Croatia, Agitprop 1946, XII (quoted from: Katarina Spehnjak, Javnost i propaganda. Narodna fronta u politici i kulturi Hrvatske, Zagreb, 2002, p. 199).

    65 See HDA, Zagreb, VSSH, f. 1286, Report of the Local Union Council (MSV), Rijeka, the 15th of March 1950, box 16.

    66 See, forexample, same place, MSV Report, Karlovac, the 5th of April 1950, box 2.

    other regulations on the normativisation of labour and awards for good results, in order to provide public approval to workers and clerks for their creative efforts in the reconstruction of the country and strengthen-ing the economy (see Slubeni list, No. 28, the 11th of May 1945).

    In order to further strengthen self-deprecating work, the existing category of udarnik is legally re-gulated by the Ordinance on the Manner and Condi-tions for the Proclamation of Udarniks in Companies and Institutions. The title udarnik had been in use before, but entered the legislation only through this ordinance, according to which the honorific could be given to anyone who had constantly worked over the norm by at least 20 percent over a period of three months. The honour was limited to a three-month period, and could be taken away from the persons who would defile the reputation of udarniks through inappropriate behaviour. Udarniks also had certain privileges, primarily the right to additional supplies in foodstuffs, clothing, shoes and fuel. Udarniks also received udarnik cards with the right to no-waiting medical checkups and accommodation in hospitals and other health institutions, as well as for the acqui-sition of bus, steamboat and railway tickets, as well as theatre and cinema tickets (See Slubeni list, No. 33, the 23rd of April 1946).

    Almost immediately after the end of World War II, workers and clerks, primarily udarniks, started visit-ing health resorts, holiday resorts and spas in union organisation something that, for most of them, rep-resented a completely new form of using free time. Union branches thus gradually introduced all those unused to holiday trips and group excursions to the benefits of holidays, although first such attempts were rather awkward, as can be seen, for example, in the usage of weekend holiday for a group of workers and clerks in July 1946 in Suak, as presented in an article (For Better Organisation and Nicer Holidays for Workers and Clerks) published on page 4 of Glas rada, dated the 30th of August 1946:

    Most, perhaps 80 percent [of them] had never been to the sea, and it was a truly important and unique event for them Trip leaders simply took our tour-ists to the City Beach, and there, at the sun, unpre-pared for such sudden and quick introduction to the sea, they were naturally in a jam. These tourists, completely dressed sweated under southern sun. Very few of them bathed in the sea. The others, tired from the night drive and exhausted by the sun and the heat, sought comfort in beer and wine, to the great pleasure of the City Beach caf.

    Glorification of labour reached its pinnacle in 1949. At the time of economic stagnation following the con-flict with the USSR, Communist Party of Yugoslavia

    (KPJ) had to invent a model that would strengthen the economy and show their previous ally that the country still worked on the construction of a social-ist system. The Five Year Plan was in jeopardy, as it had largely relied on cooperation with the USSR and peoples democracies. Thus, among other things, KPJ tried to develop a movement for high work productiv-ity, copied from the soviet Stakhanovite movement, named after the grand udarnik the miner Alexey Grigoryevich Stakhanov, with the Yugoslavian lead in the person of Alija Sirotanovi, who broke the so-viet record, surpassing Stakhanov by 50 tons of coal, and that, according to the front page article from Glas rada dated the 13th of October 1949 (Let Us Make High Productivity Movement Massive) at the very anniversary of the Fifth Congress of KPJ.

    After this, each Yugoslavian republic would give birth to their own labour heroes and reward them. In Croatia, according to the article (Rewards for Best Fighters for High Productivity) published on page 7 in Glas rada dated the 3rd of November 1949, the heroes were miner Antun Bii, who was given a suit and shoes, carpenter Stjepan Orekovi, who received a suit for surpassing the norm by 300 percent, tex-tile worker Bara ulac, who received shoes and a set of dishes, and finally engineer Vladimir Logomerac who, as multiple innovator, saved over 300 million Dinars for his company, and received a suitcase and walking shoes.

    The awards, particularly gifts of suits and shoes, rep-resented small treasures at the time,63 as confirmed by the following case from the Vrginmost district:

    [One teacher] came to the district conference in sum-mer shoes in the snow, and four teachers from Vorka-pi Selo in the same district met to arrange which two of them would go to the conference, as only two of them had shoes that could at least partially take the travel to the district centre.64

    After the introduction of workers self-government, the udarnik movement gradually weakens and dis-appears. Thus, for example, in 1950, at the Rijeka district territory, union councils registered over one thousand workers who surpassed the norms and had the right to the title of udarnik, but not a single one of them was pronounced udarnik.65 The situation was similar in other parts of Croatia as well.66

    Thus, after the formal transfer of companies to the workers, discussions started on the utility of further competitions, where two opinions were formed: the old view, with the attempt to retain the existing con-ditions, and the new view, with the proposal to abol-ish the competitions which considering the new conditions became unnecessary, primarily because the law of supply and demand would lead to com-panies competing at the market, which would need

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 317

    67 HDA, Zagreb, VSSH, 40. Division for salaries and competition, , 1952, 1st of November 31st of December, papers, f. 1286, How to organise competition, p. 1, box 266.

    68 See Vladimir Geiger, Ikonografija i dizajn novanica (od dinara SHS do hrvatskoga dinara), Obol. Glasilo Hrvat-skoga numizmatikog drutva, No. 44, Zagreb, 1992, p. 6.

    69 See Marijan Maticka, Zakonski propisi o vlasnikim odnosima u Jugoslaviji (1944.-1948.), Ra-dovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest, vol. 25, Zagreb, 1992, p. 132.

    70 See V. Geiger, op.cit., 7.71 See Novanice Jugoslavije 1918.-

    1997. godine, Beograd, Narodna banka Jugoslavije, 1997, p. 78.

    72 See Rudari na naim novanica-ma, Numizmatiki asopis dinar, No. 20; Beograd, 2003, p. 38.

    73 See Katalog potanskih maraka jugoslavenskih zemalja, Beograd, 1985, pp. 39-40.

    the development of new forms of income division, stimulative for every worker, and thus all collectives. Opponents of competition abolition, on the other hand, feared that financial stimulations would jeop-ardise the basic content of socialism:

    [Thus] personal material interest must not be the only means in the system of workers management, in the development of new socialist relations, in the strength-ening of collectivist spirit of the working class and growth of its consciousness. Competition, [on the oth-er hand], connects the working people with the com-munity and interest of socialist society; through it the working people of our homeland [express] their loyalty and dedication to socialism.67

    How labour was glorified on banknotes and postage stampsBased on the artistic expression and motifs on bank-notes, the basic directions in which Yugoslavian soci-ety wanted to move in the first decade after the end of World War II can be discerned.

    By mid-1944, when the outcome of the War was completely clear, the National Committee of Liber-ation of Yugoslavia, which functioned as Yugoslavi-an government, started preparing monetary reform and printing of new paper money. Significant steps started in July 1944 at the island of Vis. The Trustee for Peoples Economy of the Temporary Yugoslavian Government, Ivan Milutinovi, finished the organ-isational part of the work, while painter and graph-ic artist ore Andrejevi Kun made the drawings for the banknotes in only a few days. Milivoje Rodi posed for the drawing of the partisan with a rifle, which was not only the basic but also the only mo-tif on all denominations of banknotes. The drawings were checked and approved by Josip Broz Tito and I. Milutinovi, and were flown to Moscow, where the first series of banknotes, in the denominations of one, five, ten, twenty, fifty, one hundred, five hundred and one thousand Dinars were made. Thus, the new state in the making thanked its creators partisans, who, with rifles in hand, represented the foundation of the new state and were the keepers of what was achieved in the fight. Afterwards, the banknotes with the arms of new Yugoslavia even further stressed the impor-tance of statehood, and later the socialist orientation of the new government.68

    Withdrawal of all earlier banknotes from circula-tion in Yugoslavia started as early as April 1945 and was completed with exceeding speed, in a little less than three months time.69

    The influence of social realism in the creation of banknotes was already visible with the replacement of the first, partisan series of post-war banknotes. The basic motif of partisan/warrior was replaced in 1946

    by the motif of the worker, which brings the ideal of hard labour over the NOB warriors. Thus, on paper money, the main heroes are farmers, fishermen, min-ers, woodworkers, welders and reapers. The influence of daily politics on the motifs and visual solutions on the banknotes remains present in later years, most obviously on the self-governing banknote from 1953: on the front of the banknote, workers are completing the construction of a locomotive, while on the verso farmers are completing the harvest.70

    In conclusion, the first decade of existence of the second Yugoslavia, from the numismatic perspective, was best and most especially marked by the banknote in the nominal value of one thousand Dinars. On the front, the banknote showed a smiling moulder, while the verso showed Zenica ironworks.71

    The legendary thousand remains subject of contro-versy almost until today, due to the stereotype. It had been believed and claimed that the banknote showed A. Sirotanovi, Yugoslavias biggest udarnik miner. But the note actually shows Afir Herali, Roma work-er from the Zenica ironworks, whose gentle smile from the thousand Dinars banknote foresaw the usu-al sad destiny of the Roma in our parts. Physically exhausted, A. Herali was retired as workplace invalid, and died in utter poverty and misery. He could not get help from the numerous members of his closest family, either: only seven of his eleven children sur-vived to adulthood.72

    In the world of philately, after the NOB motifs and J. Broz Tito, labour world stamps were the most numer-ous. The most impressive is a 1950 series with the rep-resentation of works for workers and farmers, where each individual stamp showed one labour area, or an overview of the most important economy branches in the country, with the following motifs: male and female workers in an ironworks; a woman leading a horse, a cow and a sheep; a worker in shipping; and construction and wood workers, fishermen, miners and orchard workers.73

    PioneersIgor Duda

    The Union of Pioneers of Yugoslavia was one of the mass socialist organisations whose operation started during World War II, as part of the Peoples Freedom Fighting movement. It was constituted in Biha on the 27th of December 1942, at the 1st Congress of the United Association of Anti-Fascist Youth of Yu-goslavia. In post-war decades, pupils from the first grade of primary school were induced in the pioneer organisation at the festivities held towards the end

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955318

    74 Usp. Umjetnost i revolucija. Revolucionarno slikarstvo, Zagreb, Spektar, 1977, 80.

    75 The principles of socialist realism were ardently advocated, among others, by Grgo Gamulin, Marcel Gorenc, Vera Sinobad, . Tiljak and Boris Viintin in the fine arts and by Zlatko Kauzlari and Neven egvi in architecture.

    of November, connected with Republic Day, and re-mained members until they were 13 or 14, and be-came members of the youth organisation. The blue Titovka cap and red scarf, pioneer badge and five-point star, blue-white clothes and pioneers promise were the insignia of pioneers until the end of socialism. The organisation had sections in primary schools and gathered pioneers, in cooperation with other mass organisations, for post-war reconstruction actions, as well as participation in holiday festivities and other protocolary occasions.

    The turning point in the development of the Un-ion of Pioneers in the first post-war decade came from the letter signed in 1950 by Milovan ilas on behalf of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The letter lists the goods sides of the previous operation of the organisation, but stresses primarily that it provides insufficient play, amuse-ment and everyday childrens joy to the children. The letter opposed political harshness and overbearing military spirit and discipline within the organisation. This was followed by a reform by which the Union of Pioneers was supposed to develop educational and entertainment elements, and created a network of Pioneer Union Councils, with the goal to gather ex-perts for work with children.

    At the end of 1950, the 1st Conference of the Un-ion of Pioneers of the Peoples Republic of Croatia was held, and next year, in Zagreb, Pioneer Town was opened, immediately opening its doors to the best Croatian pioneers. Since 1953, pioneers also partic-ipated in the Pioneer Relay, which would in May be given to the hands of Josip Broz Tito. Furthermore, the pioneer organisation also issued magazines and other publications, and their actions largely contrib-uted to the development of patriotism and faith in socialism with the youngest population, the most amenable to new ideas.

    The connection of the Republics birthday with pioneer inception was a clear sign of initiation of the youngest population in the socialist society, and their inclusion in the group of politically aware cit-izens, devoted to the basic ideological values of the political system, which was additionally stressed by the unofficial expression Titos pioneers. The ini-tiation into socialist society and the reform passed by the Pioneer Union in 1950 as part of a wider so-cial de-sovietisation reform were the main factors marking the history of this organisation in the first post-war decade.

    Between diktat and conscienceJasmina Bavoljak

    After World War II, this country, a land that had been impoverished, ravaged and devastated, set to work with energy and enthusiasm on the material recon-struction that was the precondition for the countrys survival and revival. The masses were spontaneously mobilised, because people who were sharing the same troubles came together, surmounting the barriers of class, gender and education. An enthusiasm and mood almost identical to those in Russia after the October revolution prevailed, including a wish for the social engagement of art, as effective weapon in the building of a better tomorrow, set off, as Anatoly V. Lunacharsky testified by a whole phalanx of artists who in part considered themselves apolitical.

    It had been preceded by the mass departure of a large number of highly politically motivated fine art-ists (106 of them) for the NOB, the Peoples Liberation War of 1941 to 1945.74 And this in turn was the result of the historically broad pre-war platform of the work and activity of the Communist Party (CP) and the League of Communist Youth of Yugoslavia (SKOJ) at Zagreb University (including Lela ermak, Velibor Maukatin, Slavko Mari, Edo Murti, Vjekoslav Ruk-lja and Ivan Saboli), as well as the social engage-ment fostered by the artistic programme of the Zemlja group and the vigorous leftist activity at the Academy of Fine Arts (on the part of Antun Augustini, Mari-jan Detoni, Ivo Lozica, Oton Postrunik, Zlatko Prica, Vanja Radau, uro Tiljak and others). These artists, in spite of the repressions, brought up many gener-ations of students, whose views were thus formed and decisions determined, to whom the anti-fascist war was calculated to give creative stimulus, uniting idea and action in their biographies, spurring them to artistic accomplishments.

    The artistic climate of post-war reconstruction and development was to be essentially defined by the mod-el of the greatest political exemplar of the time the USSR. At that time, hence, ideology powerfully perme-ated aesthetics and art criticism, mobilising and using some of the intellectual potentials in its powerful and relentless propaganda.75 The work of art had to meet the criteria of embodying socialist ideas (which had to be clear to the broadest mass of the people), partyness or party-mindedness (through the aggrandisement of communism) and the spirit of the people (as against cos-mopolitanism and bourgeois nationalism).

    This is of course a matter of the programming of the effect of the work of art, that is, of intending a certain

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 319

    76 G. Gamulin, Hrvatsko slikarstvo XX. Stoljea, Zagreb, Naprijed, 1997, 447.

    77 Snjeana Pavii, Hrvatski politiki plakat 1940.-1950. godine, Zagreb, Hrvatski povijesni muzej, 1991, 37.

    78 Vladimir Malekovi, Hrvatska likovna umjetnost 1945.-1955. godine/Tendenciozni realizam, catalogue of an exhibition in the Modern Gallery, Zagreb, May 24 June 24, 1974, 8.

    79 G. Gamulin, Umjetnost na zaokretu, Republika, 4, Zagreb, 1947, 247.

    80 Stanko Lasi, lanci, razgovori, pisma, Zagreb, Gordogan, 2004,.29

    spiritual (intellectual and emotional) state and a new attitude to the environment, critical or rebellious, in-cluding the attitude to other art.76

    Thus the theory of socialist realism, founded on the theses of the Moscow Writers Conference of 1934, acquired in this country the force of decree.

    Culture was thus reduced to agitation, a special form of propaganda and organised political influence on the masses, under the control of special commis-sions, AGITPROP (directorate for agitation and prop-aganda) and OLIKPROP (department of visual prop-aganda), which were founded within all the party committees, from the Central Committee to the lo-cal or regional committees. Permanent members of these or occasional associates were Zvonimir Agbaba, M. Detoni, Zvonimir Faist, E. Murti, Vlado Kristl, O. Postrunik, Z. Prica, Mladen Vea and a few less-er-knowns, for not all had been from the beginning on the winning side (Ferdo Bis and Andrija Maurovi) as well as those who were still to prove themselves in the first post-war years (Vojin Baki):

    Members did illustrations, caricatures, wall newspa-pers, adverts, large advertising panels, slogans, posters, daises, large portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and other prominent politicians.77

    They endeavoured to do this in an intelligible and clear manner, and knew well in advance what could per-missibly be represented, and what not. Comradeship, collectivism, social solidarity and class consciousness had to be voiced as the very essence of socialism in art. And while the authors of proclamations, slogans and posters did create true masterpieces, socialist tendentiousness and grandiosity in works of paint-ing provided an opportunity for the mediocre and the untalented to push their way to the front and create para-artistic works. The artistic production of the time became heavily overburdened by the content of the work, by the big topics of revolution, reconstruction, development, the aggrandisement of industrialisation and agriculture, and it stayed, or rather was halted, at the realistic manner of expression:

    This is the language of a political stance, subject to the moment and the dictatorship of artistic pragmatics. Its achievement was measured by its effectiveness as agitation, not by artistic profundity.78

    At the same time criticism anyway thought that the misformed bathers of Czanne had been engendered by an inhuman class

    that according to its social position could not be hu-man [and that] in its further development of its art rejected figural composition from its visual repertoire.79

    The generations of today find it hard to understand this need for utopia in art and life, which the exalt-ed participants of events in these stirring times felt irresistibly, even in spite of the visible restrictions and pressures. The question is whether it was possible

    to work, passionately and consistently, in revolu-tionary politics and at the same time to know that revolutionary political action was just relative, and nothing more?80

    In 1945 the first number of the journal Izvor came out; it was a journal for writers and artists self-ac-tivated who by their own activity acquired knowl-edge about art and how to become artists, and were in addition sufficiently politically educated to be able to take part in organised processes of enlightenment.

    In the journals Djelo (1945-1951) and Republika, in this context, reports about the 1st congress of visual artists held in the end of 1947 in Zagreb were pub-lished. Exhaustive coverage was given to the contents of the papers of ore Andrijevi Kuna and . Tiljak, in order to explain the theoretical foundations of the art of the new age.

    Although the reduction of socialist realism to the level of political opportunism or necessary choice would mean to underrate the revolutionary ethos of some Croatian intellectuals in these years, it is nevertheless necessary to mention that the political direction of art was often made clear in a very drastic manner and that there was an appreciable inhibition of the development of divergent forms of cultural, artistic or academic creative work The hot-spots of indoctrination were the numerous congresses where the programmatic foundations of the new cultural policy were laid down and adopted; for example, at the 2nd Congress of the CPC, at which in the Reso-lution on the basic forthcoming tasks of the CPC it was stated that:

    by the development of art criticism [it is necessary to fight] for a highly ideational art of socialist realism.

    Simultaneously the professional associations sup-ported institutionalisation and had a great role in implementing the set objectives, the development of models and the formation of prohibitions, via the 7th department of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts (known as JAZU), the Association of Fine Artists of Croatia (ULUH), the president of which was Mirko Raki, who was also the director of the Modern Gallery in 1946 to 1947, the Academy of Fine Arts , with its rector, Antun Augustini, the Master Work-shops and so on. However clear the watershed year of 1945 was in geopolitical terms, the necessity for it to become a line of division between two artistic epochs did not result in a stylistic transfiguration of the same

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955320

    81 Tonko Maroevi, Od stvaralatva u slobodi do slobode stvaralatva, Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnosti (IPU), 9, Zagreb, 1986, 91.

    82 Ljiljana Kolenik, Izmeu Istoka i Zapada, hrvatska umjetnost i likovna kritika 50-ih godina, Zagreb, IPU, 2006, 38

    83 V. Malekovi, Hrvatska likovna umjetnost 1945.-1955. godine/ Tendenciozni realizam, Zagreb, Artstudio Azinovi: Stilovi i tendencije u hrvatskoj umje-tnosti XX. stoljea, 1999, 296.

    84 The Zemlja group (1929-1935) was the result of an organised and pragmatically articulated coming together of members and sympathisers of leftist sympathies. The founders were A. Augustini, sculptor, Vinko Grdan, painter, Krsto Hegedui, painter, Drago Ibler, architect, Leo Junek, painter, Frano Krini, sculptor, Omer Mujadi, painter, O. Postrunik, painter, Kamilo Ruika, painter and Ivan Tabakovi, painter. The president was D. Ibler. Subsequently the group was joined by M. Detoni, Ivan Generali, eljko Hegedui, Branka Hegedui-Frange, Lavoslav Horvat, Edo Kovaevi and Mladen Kauzlari, Stjepan Pani, Vilim Svenjak, Ernest Tomaevi and Fedor Vai. Most of the members took an active part in the NOB or in other ways assisted the antifascist war.

    order. It was expected that a revolution would occur within art itself, not only in its contents but also in its forms; but this did not happen:

    The voluntaristic programme for the creation of an art to correspond to the moment of revolutionary ardour and the demands of the newly-recruited, aesthetically inexperienced public, from the outset came up against constraints of the media and the discipline, with the habits and manners transferred by the established system of visual education.81

    Since socialist realism took from bourgeois art the form and the old traditional visual language (realism), which it enriched with new contents, so some of the main proponents of pre-war painting (Vladimir Beci, Jerolim Mie, Antun Motika and Marino Tartaglia) in some way also took part in the reconstruction move-ment, painting numerous compositions from the work sites, at the same time without thinking of the point of their social existence:

    Adjustment to the normative frameworks of socialist realism thus took place largely at the level of theme and motif, to the extent that was necessary for people to be able to appear at the annual ULUH exhibition and thus retain the official status of artist.82

    In critical reviews of post-war art events, there is a clear disappointment of the critics of the time that most of the works were anachronous, and that they could easily belong to very different social contexts; in other words, in the works of art there were no clear morphological properties or qualitative evolutionary shifts to distinguish the painting and sculpture of the new age from the pre-war trends.

    Since radical criticism did not require from the art-ist only a distanced observation but a direct involve-ment and combativeness, from the very beginning there were quarrels or

    [more accurately, the conditions for] conflict between the requirement for political pragmatism in art and creative freedom.83

    The supports that the artists of the time wanted to en-sure for themselves went back right to the artistic mod-els of the beginning of the century, or else they found such backing in individual vital examples of domestic art from between the wars which, at base, was closer to the original spirit of modernity from the temporally lat-er but inorganically interpolated conservative socialist realism. In the period from 1945 to 1950, that is, apart from the appearance of four Soviet painters in 1946 and an exhibition of reproductions of Russian pre-revolu-tionary painting from the Tretyakov Gallery in 1948, there were no direct contacts with the world outside.

    It is interesting that in 1948, after the Resolution of the Information Bureau of Communist Parties and the break of relations with the USSR, pressure on art-ists started to strengthen, and that the most powerful influence in the formation of socialist realist practice was exerted by a speech about the work of agitation and propaganda given by Milovan ilas in the same year at the 5th Congress of the CPY. Instead of the attitude to the cultural sector being changed in these years, the partys determination to persist with the proclaimed principles was strengthened. The period from 1948 to 1953, then, is a time of drastic perse-cution of party dissidents, among whom were the artists Ljubo Ivani, Velibor Maukatin, Valerije Michieli, Alfred Pal, . Tiljak and many others. Some got by with only having their membership of ULUH withdrawn, while others ended up in remand and the prison camp of Goli otok.

    Confronted with socialist realism without an al-ternative, even most of the members of the Zemlja group84 started to demonstrate a kind of quiet resist-ance to the new state of things and continued to shape socialist matters with the visual resources taken on board in the pre-war period. Thus the inheritance of the engaged pre-war art of the Zemlja group was put out of court, while, for example, Krsto Hegedui, was accused of having done really nothing new in his eclectic references in the picture Battle of Stubica 1573 and having not managed, as by contrast he had in 1928, to become assimilated within some contem-porary and energetic new trend.

    Most of the artists, however, returned to the visual problems of the pre-war period and went on using their earlier formal means. But soon, in the case of many artists, personal crises of expression showed up and were felt within the general crisis of the stylistic orientation. But deciding in these circumstances on a personal style meant to choose isolation and separation.

    However, artists did not give up on searching for a style of their own or on explorations in this abnormal situation, of which they were themselves perhaps not even aware. If it was impossible to avoid the con-tents, then the formal treatment did leave some area of freedom, and artists like Kosta Angeli Radovani, V. Baki, Duan Damonja, Oton Gliha, Ksenija Kanto-ci, E. Murti, Z. Prica and Zlatko imunovi did with their individual styles, attempt to arrive at their own formal identities. Art by itself went on living in its own freedom, outside of some general convention, and each of the artists in responsibility for his or her own idiom (i.e. form).

    Constant reliance on, according to the definition of Gamulin, what was called left and right formalism in the Croatian painting of the first half of the 20th century, which implies the tendency for the signif-icance of content in the work of art to be reduced to

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    85 Jasna Galjer, Likovna kritika u Hrvatskoj 1868.-1951. godine, Zagreb, Meandar, 2000, 322.

    86 Zdenko Kupmi, Socijalistiki realizam iz Zbirke hrvatske fotografije Fotokluba Zagreb, exhibition catalogue, Zagreb, Zagreb City Museum, 2006, 23

    87 Cf. Petar egedin, O naoj kritici,.nacrt referata za 2. kongres knjievnika, 1949, K. Hegedui, Rije o kritici i organizaciji kritike, Republika, 2-3/IV, Zagreb 1950, and Rudi Supek, Zato kod nas nema borbe miljenja, Pogledi, 12, Zagreb, 1953.

    88 L. Kolenik, op. cit. 66.89 From the speech of Josip Broz

    Tito at the 6th Congress of the CPY in Zagreb in 1952.

    the lowest possible measure, was ultimately and im-plicitly to lead to the following:

    So called formalist art was let in by the back door into the orbit of the new, realist art, and the dogmatic sys-tem of socialist realism revealed all its own contradic-toriness.85

    Nor could even photography evade the diktat of poli-tics in art. It too was required to exalt all the values of socialist development, and numerous photographers (Too Dabac, Aleksandar Kukec, Ivan Medar, Milan Pavi, Drago Renduli, Georg Skyrigin, Zlatko urjak, Zlatko Zrnec, Vilko Zuber and others), past masters as they were, had in the given conditions and prevailing opportunities the chance to show their talent most of all by investigations into the formal laws of the image:

    [For them] we can justly say that they coped excellent-ly in a time of an artistically contracted space [and yet] they managed clearly to express their own supe-rior artistic standpoints.86

    In Croatian sculpting, as in the sculpting of Yugosla-via in general of the time, the problem was in a dou-ble sense difficult because of the mass of mediocre monuments (to fallen warriors, victims, to victory) that were then being created, and because of the invi-olability that marked them, so that the whole of this production went on quite beyond the range of critical thinking. Indeed, also out of its reach, and mostly of the horizon, was the monumental production of the academicians, protected by reputation and functions, so that in 1950, at the 25th Venice Biennale, the first direct encounter of our art with the European scene after World War II, the Yugoslav contingent, to paeans of praise from domestic critics, was led by Augustini.

    In this world of directives, formulas and slogans, in cautious steps, via speeches at conferences and annual assemblies of ULUH87 there was an endeavour to over-leap the walls of strict indoctrination, fighting against the schematised phrases of the left, in which, in the pe-riod from 1950 to 1954, an important role was played by the Department for Visual Arts of JAZU. This peri-od was marked by the relaxation of the state and its withdrawal from its position as organiser of culture:

    [during which part of the power] was really and not only nominally transferred to institutions that be-longed to the world of art.88

    Thus in April 1954 at the 3rd Congress of the League of Communists of Serbia, Edvard Kardelj said:

    Communists are not here in order as communists to judge which schools of art are good and which bad, nor to prescribe the borders and directions of scientific

    creation. This is when you come down to it a matter of the actual development of art and science.

    This was an utterance in key with the ideas of the in-troduction of self-management which in these years in many areas of life started to acquire its first practi-cal experiences. This is visible in a speech of Josip Broz Tito at the 6th Party Congress in 1952, held in Zagreb:

    Rapid development of the whole of our industrializa-tion and the economy in general requires in parallel an equally rapid cultural development, demands more efforts in the expansion of culture. For a proper and successful development of socialism it is necessary that the civilisation and socialist culture go onwards. A high degree of material culture and social development requires a high degree of all-round spiritual culture. Only when this is harmonised will we have a correct development of social transformation.89

    However, there was still some space between the speeches and the proclamations for the neutral art of an Oskar Herman, Ivan Koari, Antun Motika or an Emanuel Vidovi. It was clear that socialist realism was going to give way and that it would not be able to follow the new awareness and that art, in spite of all, had its own internal rhythm. An organic and natural regeneration of artistic practice occurred, and many new forces appeared and made their statements (for example, in 1951 there was Exat 51, which exhibited for the first time in 1953).

    Finally, although socialist realism did not manage to make itself the dominant aesthetics in art, it was a living tissue that determined and accompanied the whole of a decade. And yet, in spite of the political speeches and decision, works were ultimately being formed and were created, guided by their own talent and consciences, by the artists themselves.

    Socialist Realism Monumental SculptureMilica Radulovi

    To be able to track and view comprehensively the artistic climate after the end of World War II in this country necessarily involves its being analysed in the set of social and political events of the time. The period of the first post-war years in art is defined by the notion of socialist realism, which was more marked by ideology and politics than it was by style. It signifies an orientation devoid of foreign modernist

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955322

    novelties in art and was much involved in the idea of disseminating and propagating the ideas of socialism and communism. At the same time, on the other hand, in the post-war period, there was also a strong need to preserve the memories of all those who had suffered and died, of the sufferings and horrors of the war. Ac-cordingly, sculpture, actually, the public memorial, because of, above all, its properties of monumentality and grandiosity became the most appropriate means for the representation of the triumph of victory, the pathos of loss and above all for the glorification of revolutionary ideology. Thus it was precisely public memorial sculpture that became the most powerful resource for the expression of the collective sense of heroism. Such demands of the ideology of socialist realism did not excessively diverge from the idea of non-autonomous/heteronymous art present for so long in the Yugoslav setting. Thus socialist realism simply channelled this idea towards its own particu-lar views and solutions. For these reasons, unlike in painting, in sculpture there was no radical break with the heritage of inter-war art. In brief, this kind of basis for socialist realist presentation existed even before 1945, and lasted until the ideological transformation, even after 1950, until the appearance of Vojin Baki, Duan Damonja and others. It can be recognised in the works of the older artists, of Antun Augustini and Frane Krini who in fact never departed from their pre-war visual expression but rather adjusted it to the aesthetic of socialist realism at the level of theme: with a new iconography of conflict, war, loss

    Still, loyalty to the Soviet revolutionary ideology can be recognised very strongly, particularly in works created in the first post-war years, when political and ideological closeness to the USSR was at the highest level and when there was a need and indeed a wish to emphasise this closeness. Here, then, public memori-al sculpture was the very best means for a clear dec-laration of affiliation to a given political ideology. For these reasons, under the influence of Soviet socialist realist sculpting and in the spirit of its iconography, under the aegis of the affirmation of the revolution and its heritage a very wide space was opened up for sculptural or memorial activity and for its growth and expansion. The memorials that were created in these years were on the whole highly emotional and symbolic: they were almost always of typified fig-ures of combatants and working people, with a highly emphatic musculature that stood for revolutionary strength and combativeness. In socialist realist sculp-ture an exaggerated realism was requisite, in the di-rection of its decadence, which reduced it to the level of manner. The memorial accordingly ceased to be a work of art with its visual connotations, being seen exclusively in terms of motif (where the shot and the dead represented just exactly the shot and the dead), not of sculptural art. This aspiration to repre-

    sent heroic figures of soldiers and workers revealed the need of socialist realism for movement: the drive for movement appears in figural composition only so that the action can be clearly expressed. Every figure, hence, is accompanied by a certain and emphatic ges-ture, in which it clearly wants to express the property and the character of what is represented, whether it is about figures that express loss or heroism, combat-iveness or the revolutionary spirit. We can find good examples of such monumental solutions in the works of Augustini, Krini and Vanja Radau.

    Nevertheless, it would be a mistake to observe the origin of post-war memorial sculpture only in rela-tion to a certain kind of political propaganda. The cir-cumstances of the war did certainly have a hand in the origins and the characteristics of memorial sculpture. A large number of artists took an active part in the Peoples Liberation War (referred to as the NOB), and they had spent time in wartime prisons and camps and had heterogeneous personal and family experi-ences from the war, which contributed profoundly to their very real sense of belonging to this kind of heroism, this kind of suffering. In addition, since it was almost impossible to produce sculpture during the war, for technical reasons, in the post-war period, when there was an urge to create a large number of memorials celebrating the heroes and those who had perished, suddenly artists found before them a vast field for their work, with huge state commissions for public monuments, creating a euphoria in which great public memorials of entirely new dimensions were to be created.

    One of the first such monuments, created under the auspices of the aesthetic of Soviet socialist real-ism, was Monument of Gratitude to the Red Army by Augustini, erected by Batina on the bank of the Danube. This memorial, grandiose in its dimensions, which was devised at once, and then completed and unveiled in 1947, was placed on the site of the bat-tle of November 1944, when for the first time the combined forces of the Peoples Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and the Red Army had fought against the German forces. This is an architectural-cum-sculptur-al complex with a 19.5 m high stone column, at the top of which is a seven-metre high bronze sculpture of Victory. In the centre of the column are five stone figures of Soviet soldiers, and at the bottom of the monument a bronze relief with a depiction of Yugo-slav Partisans, united in the common battle with the army of the Red Army. The entire group of figures is defined by a powerful gesture of heroism and triumph. The figure of Victory is of particular interest, for it reflects the already mentioned context of the rela-tionship between earlier, interwar, art and the new art of socialist realism. For back in 1937, in the sketch for the Skenderbeg Monument in Tirana, and then in the model for the King Alexander Memorial in Ni in

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 323

    1939, Augustini had envisaged or made a similar figure (though without a raised arm with torch), but it was not moved to Batina. The figure had been earlier meant to suggest the power and unity of the interwar social community, but in the new form it witnessed to the same thing, only within the context of the new socialist commonality. Hence it did not even need the new socialist iconography: it was enough, figuratively, to translate it ideationally.

    Then in 1948 Augustini used a similar approach to considering the making of a Memorial to Fallen Bor-derers on the hill of ehitluka over Banja Luka, which, however, he was to produce only in 1961. At base, this consists of a combatant, the depiction of which ag-grandises heroism and the spirit of the revolution, in a way similar to that of the figure of the Artillery-man from the Red Army memorial in Batina, which was completed in stone in autumn 1947. Then it was carved in one more example, which was erected in 1954 on the Tomb of the Liberators of Belgrade in 1944 in Belgrade. In this sculpture, the soldierly readiness and determination was even more emphasised, typically of depictions of fighters at that period, for example in the works of Radau: Bombers (Zemun, 1946) and Combatant (Podsused, 1948).

    It is interesting to point out that the Radaus com-batant monument that has been in Pula since 1955 represents a variant of a monument that he completed earlier, back in the winter of 1951/1943, as Memorial to Croatian Troops killed in Villefranche in 1943 when they mutinied against their Nazi officers. This memo-rial was supposed to have been put in place in Ville-franche in the autumn of 1953, marking the tenth an-niversary of the event, but the Yugoslav government rejected the idea, for according to the well known way of seeing things, Croatian Landwehr / Home Guard / Regular Army soldiers in Villefranche could not be pos-sibly be thought of as fighters against Nazism. Hence this ideationally translated memorial was erected, in a somewhat changed relationship of figures, in Pula, as Memorial to the Insurrection of the People of Istria. The central figure, intended to dominate the group, was the figure of Mother, with apples in her arms (record-ing the old custom of bringing apples to the graves of the nearest and dearest), today placed in the rear of the memorial. All of this bears out that not in this case either was it only a matter of some heroic monument, even less of an enthusiastic idealisation of the Partisan soldier. Finally, Radau was really dissatisfied, indig-nant even, about the change of use of the monument. Still, this injustice was corrected and, with the help of the architect Prtenjak, as was originally intended, the monument was finally erected in Villefranche.

    In these years too, Kosta Angeli Radovani in his Me-morial to the Insurrection in Drenika (1949) reported the current monumental clich: readiness of action and resolution are expressed by a standing male fig-

    ure, without any emphasised gesture, in some slight movement. This level of liberated movement and enlarged gesture is contained in the Baki Memorial to the Shot Call to Insurrection placed in Bjelovar in 1947. This first monumental work of his had a per-sonal meaning too four of his brothers were among the victims of the firing squad. The figures on the monument are done in almost life size. In spite of the partially overemphasised gesture and movement, there is also some restraint, so rare among sculptors of the socialist realist period, which was afterwards, in 1949, lost in his Memorial to the Peoples Insurrection in Kolain: a female and a male figure, Partisans, with rifle and banner in their hands, in a victorious, indeed practically rapturous stance.

    Any very strong attachment to the Soviet revolu-tionary ideology like that of the first post-war years began to be abandoned, in the main, after 1948, that is after the Cominform Resolution in which Yugosla-via and the CP of Yugoslavia were accused and con-demned, leading to the definite parting of the ways between Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin and Josip Broz Tito. In memorial sculpting, the Soviet socialist realist iconography was gradually let go, and in part modern-ist elements were brought in.

    Still, the heroism and autonomy of Yugoslav (now without Soviet) fighters were dominant motifs in the early fifties. Examples of this are patent in, for exam-ple, the 1953 Memorial to the Insurrection by Radau in Srb (numerous figures of combatants on a large stone surface); in the 1954 Memorial to the Insurrection of Krini in Sisak (three Partisans in victorious and bold movement, below a flag fluttering in the hands of one of them; and in the 1957 memorial to Partisans enti-tled On Eternal Watch in Senj (three powerful male figures of the Partisan Navy).

    At the same time, and on the other hand, newer ideas and more modern visual concepts were slowly making their way into the Yugoslav art milieu, which is particularly reflected in sculpture and so, naturally, in memorial sculpting. This is clear, for example, in the abandonment of redundant description and in the refinement of form. Memorial sculpture of socialist realism accepted these solutions with a good deal of reserve, but gradually they were to come into being, above all in works of the younger generation of art-ists, now already on the scene, and now would be the vehicle for the euphoria of reconstruction.

    Among the first monuments of the time, which in a way mark the beginning of the application of reduction of form, was certainly the Memorial to the Revolution of Kosta Angeli Radovani of 1951 in Ku-manovo: a female figure holds in her arms, raised high, a huge ear of grain, with the form being reduced to basic elements of the female figure with accent on the rhythm of the volume. The composed and almost monumental stance, without any forced narration,

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    in many ways distances this monument from the tradition of socialist memorial sculpture of the first post-war years in this country.

    Another work, the Memorial to the Husino Miners of Ivan Saboli of 1953 in Kreka by Tuzla, raised in honour of the Husino insurrection of 1920, and of all the miners who were killed in the NOB, in part contains the tendency to treat form geometrically. The figure of the miner in victorious stance with raised rifle in hand is almost completely simplified and placed on a straight, flat, practically geometri-cally defined surface. Saboli used, in the making the memorial, the advice of his artistic mentor (and best man) Augustini, whose Master Workshop he took over after his death.

    Still, the most striking productions of the period, which absolutely certainly mark the break with so-cialist realist expression in the classic manner, are to be found in the works of Vojin Baki, in his Memorial to Stjepan Filipovi in Valjevo and in the Memorial to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in Belgrade (never pro-duced). The first monument was conceived in 1953 and produced in 1960. Although the interpretation is still at the level of clear legibility, this male figure with its lifted arms and clenched fists is extremely refined in its form with simplified and stylised shapes, a harmony of the meanings of the form and content of the sculpture thus being achieved. This work, devoid of emphasised and unconvincing gesture, is close to socialist realist poetics only in its theme, but it ad-umbrates completely new and more mature ideas in public memorial sculpture. Following on from and building on such ideas of the new sculptural forma-tion, Baki was to make a proposal for the Memorial to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels that, although it was turned down in the competition, became a symbolic work among the sculptures created in the fifties in this country. The two figures of the Marxist thinkers are reduced to almost geometrical shapes, with mildly Cubist suggestions, the reflection of a new sculptural meditation on figural monumentality. This memo-rial thus is essentially to be distinguished from the then great socialist realist public memorials, precisely in this eschewing of the socialist rhetoric of monu-mental and memorial sculpting, powerfully aiming at modernist cleanness and reduction. For this reason its worth is more in the liberation from the dogmas of socialist realism than in the actual artistic and sculp-tural accomplishment.

    Memorial sculpting at the time of the first post-war decade went on, in this country, all in all, in a range from hard-line, conservative renderings subserving socialist and communist dogma, to indications of modernism recognised in the gradual forsaking of surplus description and in a strong urge to break down form. Although memorials were created according to a strictly determined programme content and a for-

    mulated socialist and communist idea, the individual author is nevertheless there to be seen, in the visual poetics, in the particularities of the artists attitude to the given sculptural problem area. If we look at these works in this way, beyond their exclusive man-ifestations of political and ideological beliefs, we can recognise in them the powerful impulses of artistic expressions of that time.

    When social and political circumstances changed and the young generation of sculptors arrived on the scene in the fifties, then, the real transformation of Yugoslav sculpting started. Indeed, the memorialisa-tion of the revolutionary past went on in the decades to come, but still, in monuments of reduced forms, cleaner expressions and simplified forms, all in the direction of ultimate abstraction, with which the ties with the earlier post-war inheritance were to be total-ly snapped, and a new chapter in memorial sculpting was to be started in the country.

    Monument of Gratitude to the Red ArmyDavorin Vuji

    In mid-November 1944, by the town of Batina on the Danube, one of the bloodiest local battles of World War II took place, with units of the 3rd Ukrainian Front of the Red Army and the 12th Corps of the Peoples Liberation Army of Yugoslavia (NOVJ) attempted to pass to the right side of the river, defended by German (Brandenburg division and Lombardi division of the SS) and Hungarian armies. The Batina Battle, with several thousand dead, ended in victory for the Soviet and Yugoslavian forces, which allowed the Red Army to go on towards Hungary, and the NOVJ to liberate Baranja.

    Immediately after the end of the war, in memory of the event, the Yugoslavian government decided to erect a monument that would symbolise the grat-itude of the peoples of Yugoslavia to the Red Army fighters. The job was given to the sculptor Antun Augustini, whose pre-war experience with mon-uments in Katowice, Banja Luka, Kragujevac, Ni, Varadin, Skopje, Zajear and Sombor made him the logical choice. In charge of organising the erection of the monument were the Federal Committee in Belgrade, the Country Committee in Zagreb, and the District Committee in Beli Manastir. Despite the de-manding dimensions, the monument was completed quickly: Augustini and the architect Drago Gali performed the preparations in 1946, the work began on the 9th of April 1947, and the monument was pre-sented to the public on the 9th of November 1947, on the thirtieth anniversary of the October Revolution.

    The architectural-sculptural complex Monument of Gratitude to the Red Army by Batina was erect-ed on Bansko Brdo hill above the Danube, on the

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    Baranja side, on the plateau of Gradac, known as The Bloody Point 169. The complex spreads over an ellip-soid plateau (49 x 24 x 3.5 m) opening towards the river through a semicircular stairway. The plateau is dominated by the obelisk, at the foot of which is a rectangular prominence at the middle of the stairway, carrying the figural group of two fight-ers charging. The 19.5 m obelisk grows from a basis with a cross-section in the shape of a ten-pointed star. At half-level, five of the stars points carry five stone figures 220 cm tall, symbolising the branches of the Red Army participating at the Batina Battle: Armored Infantry, Artillery, Infantry, Aviation and the Navy. From the half-point to the top, the obelisk has a cross-section in the shape of a five-pointed star, while on the top stands Victory, an approximately seven meter tall female figure facing the Danube, with a lowered sword in her right hand, and a torch with a five-pointed star in her raised left hand. Both lateral walls of the plateau carry a 10-meter bronze relief each: one shows the crossing of the Red Army soldiers, and the other the crossing of partisans over the Danube. Later, the complex spread: in 1962, an ossuary was built at the bottom of the monument, burying the remains of 1297 fighters, and in 1972, after the project of Sreko Lonarevi, a Memorial Home for the Battle of Batina was built next to the monument. Today, the monument is facing prob-lems due to landslides in the area, so even its physical existence is jeopardised. With minor reconstruction work performed by the Russian side, the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia is investing significant efforts in the maintenance of the monu-ment, but complete reconstruction would demand extremely large funds.

    The architectural parts were executed in Bra stone, worked by stonemasons from Puie. Because of the demanding sculptural work and short deadlines, Au-gustini asked his colleagues, sculptors, to help him execute large-scale sketches. In the first six months of work on the monument, he modelled the figure of Victory in Belgrade, and two fighters charging in Zagreb. In Belgrade, Giuseppe Pino Grassi and Radeta Stankovi worked on Victory; in Zagreb, Grga Antunac, Rudolf Ivankovi and Frano Krini worked on the models of the figures of Red Army soldiers that would be sculpted in stone and put on the obelisk, while Ivan Saboli, elimir Jane and Ante Despot worked on the relief friezes. Victory was cast in bronze in Bel-grade, while other casts and sculpting were done in Zagreb. The struggle with the deadlines is confirmed by the fact that there had been no time to cast the reliefs in bronze, so the monument presentation was held with tarnished plaster models.

    The Batina monument represents an important point within Augustinis oeuvre. The overall di-mensions of the monument are impressive, and Au-

    gustini would never surpass them. Furthermore, in none of his later monuments would he so sacrifice the autonomy of form in exchange for the explicit-ness of content and its glorification. The stone figures representing different branches of the Red Army are executed like poster-clear, depersonalised symbols. In the bronze sculpture, insistence on details and description led to narrativity, while the expression remained in the service of bathos and heroic gesture. With the stress on this kind of form, Augustini came closest to the standard form of socialist realist monument in his Batina work.

    The analysis of motives and morphology of the Batina monument reveals the continuity of Au-gustinis sculptural solutions from before World War II, but also the development of elements from the Batina monument in his later work. The use of pre-war sculpture is obvious in the figure of Victory, which started its genesis in the sketch for the mon-ument to Skanderbeg in Tirana from 1937, where the figure was placed at the basis of the base with the horseman. Augustini also used it in 1939 at the ten-der for the monument to King Alexander in Ni. The realisation of the two proposals never happened, al-though he won first prize on both occasions. Thus, it is understandable that the element remained present in further developments. For the Batina monument, he modified the figure so that, instead of a shield on the shoulder, the female character held a torch with a five-point star in a high-raised arm. This morpho-logical change led to a key semantic consequence: Victory took the dominant place in the monument, taking over the function of ideological lighthouse on the Danube. A 250 cm tall bronze copy of Victory was also put on the memorial graveyard in Brko in 1967. The other copy, presented at this exhibition, was put in the park of Titos villa in Kumrovec in the 1960s, and has been held in the A. Augustini Gallery in Klanjec since 1993. The figural group of two fighters charging also has pre-war predecessors: at the Monument to Fallen umadinci, erected in 1932 in Kragujevac, and for the Monument to Silesian Up-rising and Marshal Pilsudski from 1937, which was never completely erected in Katowice, Augustini also used the motif of two male characters in strong forward motion.

    At the Batina monument, Augustini also used the form of the obelisk for the first time. The reason for this was the desire to follow the configuration of the terrain, and association with the pyramid, which was colloquial name for Point 169, the key place in the Batina Battle. He would use the obelisk again later, for instance in the development of the Monument to Victims of Fascism in Addis Abeba (1955), which shows clear Batina roots.

    The stone figure of the artillery soldier from the obelisk had further use: another copy was sculpted

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    in 1954 and set on the Cemetery of Belgrade Liberators 1944 as the Monument to Red Army Soldier in 1954.

    It should be said that the use of previously tried elements and variations of the same motif are proce-dures usual for many sculptors, across time and space. It springs from the very logic of monumental sculp-ture, and should not be considered as exclusive to Au-gustini, just as the monument in Batina should not be identified with his sculpting oeuvre. One of the main criteria of success for a monument is meeting its function, and the Batina monument has, without doubt, met its function at the time. The Monument of Gratitude to the Red Army was built on the basis of the war-time alliance, and was created at the time of ide-ological closeness with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, before the anti-Yugoslavian Resolution of the Cominform in 1948. Thus, any analysis of its sculp-tural component outside the monumental function cannot be complete, and neither can the interpre-tation of the monument in the whole outside the discourse of the post-war political situation.

    Finally, the construction of the Monument of Grati-tude to the Red Army in Batina had another far-reach-ing consequence: it started the realisation of the idea of the master workshops for visual arts that were soon founded in Zagreb, Belgrade and Ljubljana, as places of execution for future large monuments, and breeding grounds for new artists.

    Tito MonumentDavorin Vuji

    Antun Augustini first portrayed Josip Broz Tito in November 1943 in Jajce. The photograph of that went around the world, confirming that the partisan move-ment in Yugoslavia was more than just an armed fight. Unfortunately, during the 3rd offensive, that bust was lost. After the war, in this studio in Zagrebs Jabuk-ovac, Augustini made Titos figure from memory, in an army coat, stepping forward, hands on the back, and called it Tito in Army Coat. The expressiveness and portrait conviction of the sculpture inspired Miroslav Krlea to write in the foreword to Augustinis mon-ograph (Zagreb, 1976) that it was a depiction of Tito

    circling, lost in thoughts, in the narrow yard of the Jajce fortress, just as he had long circled prison yards in prisoners stripes.

    This image of Tito was different from the rep-resentations of the revolutionaries of the time, and was an important step back from the unquestioningly heroic figuration that characterised the monuments of the time. Tito Monument is a paradigmatic example of realism, with no basis for the addition of the adjec-tive socialist, possible only if the subject matter were identified with style.

    After the first copy of the figure was cast in bronze in October 1948 and set before Titos house in Kum-rovec, some twenty more copies were cast by the 1980s, the only such high number of casts in Croatian sculpture of that size.

    The popularity of the sculpture is further con-firmed by the fact that its sketch and derivatives were amply used: the sketch for the monument was used as souvenir cast in bronze in several thousand copies, while fragments of the sculpture (head, bust) were made in different versions (bronze, marble). A version of the Tito Monument, increased to the height of 630 cm and set in 1977 in Velenje proved that monumen-tality is not always connected to dimensions.

    The bronze copy presented in this exhibition was made in the 1980s. It was set at Plitvice, as part of the Memorial Home of the 6th Lika Proletarian Brigade in Mukinje. Some ten years later, it became the vic-tim of an intervention using car paint, and has been kept in the collection of the A. Augustini Gallery in Klanjec since 1998.

    Krinis MonumentsMaro Grbi

    Frano Krini felt no affinity towards monumental-ism; he felt no need to make something that would astound; but he knew how to make a good monument. He made monuments for money, not out of inspira-tion: between 1924 and 1963, he made 20 public mon-uments (nine each in the Kingdom of and the second and/or socialist Yugoslavia, and two for Ethiopia), and eight funerary statues. With the change of the state, all his Peters and Alexanders disappeared, together with his symbolic figures; during the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), he erected no monuments. In the last years of NDH, F. Krini was Chancellor of the Academy of Arts, and after the end of World War II he gradually, with no large commissions, got into the subject matter of the Peoples Freedom Fight (NOB), primarily through smaller sculptures, e.g. of wounded couriers. He also made several sketches of monuments to Andrija Buvina, Ivan Gunduli, Silvije Strahimir Kranjevi and Antun Gustav Mato, but those were never erected.

    He only received his first commission for an NOB-themed monument in 1950: a fighter with a flag and rifle for Grubino Polje. The naturalist form and lit-eral gesture with a clear message of uprising met the demands of the commission.

    Monument to Those Shot at Dotrina was started in 1951, by narratively threading the occupation soldiers and the tied victims, which he then cleared to realist modellation, with strong expression of heroic ges-tures. Narration is also present in the sketch for the Monument to Marko Orekovi from 1953: rebels under

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    the flag, armed with a pitch fork, an axe and a rifle, calling to the uprising. The same sketch also produced the Monument to the Uprising in Sisak, modelled in concise forms with strong movement, towards the end of 1953. Even more closed forms are found in his Dubrovnik monument: a calm fighter keeping watch, set in the park of the largest Dubrovnik for-tress in 1954.

    A step away from the typical fighting subjects can be found in the 1953 male nude which F. Krini pro-duced for Bakars Fallen Fighters Monument.

    ArchitectureVladi Brali

    As the consequence of the social transformation started after the end of World War II, which all leftist artists, and particularly the visual artists association of the Zemlja (Land) group supported even before the War through different proclamations, architectural profession was gradually organised according to the new socialist principles.

    Accordingly, private architect activities were banned, which led to the disappearance of private studios such as Gombo-Kauzlari, Slavko Lowy, Boro Petrovi, Stanko Kliska, Kovai-Ehrlich (which, in its early years, gathered numerous young architects, mostly from the Faculty of Technology, founded in 1919), Drago Ibler (connected with the Arts Acade-my, and including Drago Gali as the most important Ibler associate) and others, the birthplaces of the tra-dition of so-called Zagreb architecture school in the interwar period, renowned by the quality of its work, positive theoretical attitude (Andre Mohorovii) and progressive leanings.

    In the new state, architecture became planned ac-tivity, subjected to social and ideological sphere, with huge demands for speedy repair of war-destroyed ob-jects and the construction of the necessary buildings, as well as the transformation of a decidedly agrarian and rural country into an industrial, urbanised one. Within such demands, architects had to obediently gather in larger collectives project institutes, while their creative interests and lans were temporarily pushed to the margins.

    As early as 1946, Zagreb constituted a large Land and Construction Project Institute of Croatia, with numerous architects who continued working in the new circumstances, and 1947 also saw the constitu-tion of the Urbanism Institute of Croatia. This created the conditions not only for the development of pro-jects, but also for systemic urban planning, and the concept of modern architecture began to be understood and interpreted in a much wider sense, with addition-

    al accent on the zoning component. Following the Zagreb model, Croatia later founded other project and urbanism institutes, with the goal to pool all creative forces at their disposal to realise the reconstruction programme for the ravaged country.

    Of course, in the first post-war years, until the Res-olution of the Informbiro of Communist Parties in 1948, the country was under the influence of the socialist realism doctrine and architectural experiences from the Soviet Union, then an ally to Yugoslavia and a model for many countries in the construction of the new social order. However, despite this, the theory and practice of socialist realism was never accepted by Croatian architects, and the most valuable exam-ples of architecture and urbanism in post-war years continued to follow earlier, confirmed values of the Zagreb architecture school from the interbellum peri-od, or individual models from the modernist treasury of European architecture.

    Thus, in the entire post-war architecture, there is one rarity or an exception, the 1947 State tender for the construction of the Belgrade building for the Cen-tral Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, whose monumental architecture was supposed to affirm and confirm the social system of the then-ex-isting Federative Peoples Republic of Yugoslavia. The challenge of projecting architecture in the spirit of monumental socialist realism attracted Croatian architects Branko Bon, D. Gali, Mladen Kauzlari, Neven egvi, Ivan Viti and others, with a number of tender projects. It is interesting to note that N. egvi, dissatisfied by the result of his work, immediately after the official closure of the tender, of his own will, developed a new version of the Belgrade building, in which he attempted to find the unity and balance of the function and form, so often stressed by numerous pre-war Croatian architects.

    The short-lived episode of socialist realism in Cro-atian architecture ended that same year, 1947, with the brave action of architecture theorist A. Mohor-ovii, who continued to support architectural func-tionalism and criticised socrealist monumentalism in architecture, calling it a deviation in the article The-oretical Analysis of Architectonic Form, published in Urbanizam i arhitektura (Urbanism and Architecture) magazine, No. 1-2, 1947:

    [Socrealist monumentalism] disallows the proper realisation of aesthetical-functional relations in ar-chitecture, leading to the most miserable formalism and eclecticism.

    Regardless of this, the strength of architectonic in-terventions in Croatia then blazed in the range from mass housing construction in the style of vulgar functionalism, all the way to architecture that pro-vided quality solutions for the societys existential

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    problems. The importance of individual reaches of these architectural creations in the post-war period was partially registered in the important retrospec-tion Arhitektura u Hrvatskoj 1945.-1985. (Architecture in Croatia 1945-1985) by N. egvi.

    In the row of these creations, architectural quality definitely sets apart the examples of industrial halls by Lavoslav Horvat, Stjepan Gombo, M. Kauzlari, Marijan Haberle and Zlatko Neumann, shaped with extraordinary attention, similar to examples of Wal-ter Gropiuss architecture and characterised by high functionality and usage of new construction materi-als: for instance, the Rade Konar factory in 1949 and textile mill Dalmatinka in 1953.

    Housing architecture also realised and showed sig-nificant value of architectural concept through mul-ti-apartment buildings by Alfredo Albini, Stanko Fabris, D. Gali, D. Ibler, Stjepan Plani, and N. egvi

    although it is obvious that the general thrifty line of the time did not always provide them with the possibility for completely free architectural creation. Despite this, individual examples evidently show and confirm that the 1950s continued the continuum of architecture in these spaces: Plani building in Delnice (1953) is a direct continuation of the experience of the Zemlja group, while some of Galis buildings, togeth-er with the interpretation of local tradition, follow Le Corbusiers, completely contemporary Marseille model in their rational and functional principles as well as the aesthetic component: Vukovarska Street and Svaiev Square in Zagreb from 1953.

    The fifties also saw the continued construction of noted and socially important buildings with edu-cational (Lovro Perkovi and Boidar Raica), health (Vladimir Turina), sports (Franjo Bahovac, Eugen Ehr-lich, Franjo Neidhardt, Zvonimir Pogaj and V. Turina) and cultural function (Aleksandar Freudenreich and I. Viti) as well as administration (Marko Markovina, Budimir Pervan and Kazimir Ostrogovi), also prov-ing and confirming that architecture was significantly fulfilling its social function.

    In harmony with the artistic tendencies of West-ern Europe, between 1950 and 1956, the idea of syn-thesis between painting, sculpture and architecture was represented by EXAT 51 group (architects Bernardo Bernardi, Zdravko Bregovac, Zvonimir Radi, Boidar Raica, Vjenceslav Richter and Vladimir Zarahovi and painters Vlado Kristl, Ivan Picelj and Aleksandar Srnec), promoting abstract art, so the 1953 project of the Ivan Goran Kovai Primary School in Zagreb by B. Raica included certain elements of the famous Russian avant-garde in the architecture.

    A special place in the architecture of the period belongs to V. Turina, an architect leaning towards stronger urban moves and functional and construc-tive innovation, particularly in sports architecture, as confirmed by his projects for the Olympic Stadium

    on Banjica in Belgrade (1947), Combined Swimming Pool at Rijekas Delta (1949) and the Sports Stadium in Zagreb (1946, realised in 1954).

    Of course, in the post-war period, new challenges also appeared and were realised in the planning of urbanistic interventions and the shaping of towns. The most representative example can be found in the concept of construction of the Town of Vukovar Street, then called the Moscow Boulevard, as it was named in 1949 by Vlado Antoli in the Regulation Plan and Directive for Regulation Basics of Zagreb. The street was completely planned following the urbanism prin-ciples of CIAM, in the manner of monumental modern-ism with representative public buildings and housing blocks, and from its very beginning, it represented the axis of development for the new part of Zagreb, between the Main Railway Station and Sava.

    Important urbanistic interventions of the period also include the post-war reconstruction of Zadar (Milovan Kovaevi, Zdenko Strii and B. Raica 1947, realisation Bruno Mili, 1955) as a successful intervention in the reconstruction of the war-torn construction heritage.

    The period between 1945 and 1955 was dedicated to post-war reconstruction and mass housing con-struction, often based on the social programme of new social organisation. This is the period that gave us certain legendary works of Croatian architecture, with its tendency to form a more humane space for human life, such as Galis multi-flat building of pure volume and functional flats, with free fronts for large windows and light in the flats in the Town of Vukovar Street, or the Dinamo Stadium by E. Ehr-lich, F. Neidhardt and V. Turina, which elegantly and without superfluous construction, deliberately opens towards the nature of Maksimir Forest and Medved-nica; or the Centre for the Protection of Mother and Child by V. Turina in Zagrebs Klaieva Street, whose architectural and lyrical poetics is aligned with the humane purpose of the building.

    Film Newsreel a forgotten film genreDaniel Rafaeli

    Used to everyday consummation of contemporary audiovisual media, we have almost forgotten the time when information was distributed exclusively through radio, newspapers and the most important for us film newsreels. In the times before television, this film genre was logically the most popular. Events of historic, political, cultural and sports importance were brought up by the film newsreel better than any

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    other medium. The living picture of the story subjects became irreplaceable.

    The history of film newsreels in Croatian space reaches the first decade of the 20th century. The leg-endary Josip Karaman systematically noted the most important events in the town of Split with his cam-era, and soon afterwards showed them to the citizens (Zagreb will be recorded in the same manner by Josip Halla). However, the power and first official form for the film newsreel will only come in the time of World War I. That is when the enormous propaganda power of the controlled film narration of contemporary news was discovered. Nineteen-twenties, thirties and most of all forties were the most interesting years for the study of film newsreels.

    In parallel to the world, local film forces also at-tempted to produce local versions of the new and ex-traordinarily popular film genre. First of all, in 1913, the silent Star Film urnal was created in Osijek with the financing from Vienna-based Sascha Film, and soon afterwards first long-term journal attempts ap-peared. Starting with 1926, Franjo Ledi produces his own journal under the name of ZVONO (Bell). Not only was this the first privately produced film newsreel in Croatia, but also the first journal that contained the intent of longevity. It kept appearing until mid-thirties. In parallel, but with more staying power, appeared the ZORA urnal (Dawn journal), another silent film newsreel, concentrating mostly on the presentation of life in Zagreb before the start of World War II. The appearance of sound in film and the arrival of extreme nationalism to power forever ended the innocent stage of the film journal, which became propaganda tool in 1949 (and, interestingly, remained that after 1945 all the way until 1980).

    Despite the fact that Orson Welles played with the newsreel form as early as 1941 in Citizen Kane, the form of film journal, once extremely popular and today almost forgotten, is a wonderful collec-tion of everyday images wrapped in propaganda. However, although excellent as a historical source, film newsreels, either from the times of the Inde-pendent State of Croatia (NDH) or post-war ones, from the times of the second Yugoslavia, remain relatively unknown.

    However, those in the know (or believing to be) will regularly name Filmske novosti (Film News) as our only post-war film news journal. However, in the shadow of Filmske novosti, there was also Filmski pregled (Film Overview), newsreel produced between 1948 and 1955 by Zagreb film studio Jadran film. The new, young, ideologically marked cinematography was tasked with wrapping the filmed reality in soc-realist clothes. Together with the first film steps (as those made in NDH were not acknowledged), in paral-lel to feature films, filming and interpretation of life in Croatia began towards the end of the 1940s and in

    early 1950s. Thanks to this, FILMSKI PREGLED news-reels, long forgotten, would finally leave the darkness of film archives. Interestingly enough, its form was almost identical to the pattern canonised during the NDH, when the State Film Institute Hrvatski slikopis (Croatian Film) regularly delivered journal stories to the willing cinematographic audience. The pattern consisted of a collage of serious, ideologically-political, and vivacious, sports and cultural content. If we look at the content of the first seven newsreels of Filmski pregled from 1948, it is immediately clear what kind of stories those were:

    1. PREGLED no. 1: I. Important days of Yugoslavian army; II Working day in Gorica factory; III Farmers collectives in Croatia, and IV Svetosavska Beseda (Serbian nationals celebration) in Zagreb,

    2. PREGLED no. 2: I Railway Polytechnic School in Pula, II Fitting out of the ship Kosmaj, III How a book is made, and IV Stone cave on the island of Bra

    3. PREGLED no. 3: Another Ship Has Sailed,4. PREGLED no. 4: I. International Fair in Zagreb, II

    Front members from Zagreb help the reconstruc-tion of the country, and III Among woodworkers

    5. PREGLED no. 5: I. Congress of the Veteran Associa-tion of the Peoples Republic of Croatia, II Croatia greets Marshall Tito, III At the construction sites for collective centres, and IV Builders of Pioneer Town

    6. PREGLED no. 6: I. Cultural and educational life of workers, II Herbs gathering, and III Model and glid-er constructors, and

    7. PREGLED no. 7: I. Ivanec coalmine, II Agriculture Sec-ondary School in Krievci, III Sportsmen prepare for Olympic games, and IV Childrens colonies of Peoples Front.

    Following the pattern of these seven newsreels, it is not hard to spot the combination of propagan-da and escapism that characterises (absolutely) all film journals, in other countries and in all periods. Due to the Goebbels abuse of film newsreel during the Third Reich, film journal as an open means of propaganda often remained apocryphal, and was not regularly used as historical source. Only after the 1990s and the end of the Cold War did newsreels suddenly become an incredibly interesting form for film archaeologists and historians. That is why the guest appearance of Filmski pregled in Klovievi dvori in Zagreb opens to visitors the ideologically-prop-aganda covering that, at the time of the newsreels creation, precluded any other view. Today, when we are no longer under the propaganda covering, but rather choose propaganda wrappings ourselves, we can still find the strength to face slightly forgotten, but still always fresh film expression that is the best witness talking about the time of its creation but also about ourselves.

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955330

    Croatian Film and Socialist RealismKreimir Miki

    Socialist realism in Croatian film never acquired those or at least all the traits characteristic for other arts and media, partially due to the relatively small produc-tion of Croatian film at the time. However, it is clear that, within Croatian film, there were certain regu-lations of narrative style, story-centrism, fabulism, and connectedness with everyday life. The films dealt with life-like, realistic stories, with characters that carried the dramatic story, but were also individuals with which mass audiences could identify. Further-more, the films subjects were supposed to be socialist, i.e. completely new subjects, not used by Western film. Within this framework, in Belgrade-based Film magazine in 1949, Eli Finci counselled:

    that the art of film should nurse in our people only those thoughts and feelings that are aligned with the socialist leanings of our lives; it should teach them, through the suggestive power of artistic language, to accept all that is positive as their own, to get inspired and elevated, and not to accept anything farcical and false, which still survives as remnants from the old times, forever gone

    Films needed to provide particularly realistic images of the time of post-war reconstruction, the creation of new society of ethics and morals, and the formation of individuals fighting for a better future, with ideas of justice and equality. That is why, for example, doc-umentaries of the time often disregard the visual, and stress the spoken, mostly bathetic, political and ideo-logical commentary. Music in films was also aligned with this. Luckily, this approach lasted a short time, and never completely took root in Croatia. Social real-ism of the Soviet kind, with typified characters and dra-matic schemas, remained rare in Croatian film-making.

    Due to the political situation, and after the conflict with the USSR, films wanted to represent something that would characterise Croatia/Yugoslavia and its people, in the attempt, as it was called at the time, of building a socialism with a human face. At the same time, in the 1950s, there were attempts not only to get rid of Soviet influences and socrealist art, but also of Western influences, and to create a completely original and new artistic style. However, in the ad-mittedly short socrealist period of film-making, film was mostly interpreted as a means of propaganda, as a political, educational, ideological, not to say state medium, although films avoided typified characters and images of class schematics. All in all, Croatian film

    of the time was marked, as stated by T. aki in the text on Fedor Hanekovi (in the book Hrvatski filmski redatelji (Croatian film directors), vol. I, Zagreb, Hrvat-sko drutvo filmskih kritiara i Hrvatski filmski savez, 2009, p. 55), either the politisation of aesthetics, or the aesthetisation of politics. Films created earlier, on the other hand, were characterised by naivet and bathos, and sometimes, spectacle and ideology. And the new film, as the only socialist art born in the new era, was, with its stories, subjects, motifs and charac-ters, subordinate to the so-called new reality, and the new socialist man.

    Thus, in our parts, we can talk more about some kind of realism or verism, or neorealism, or folklore realism, presented, for example, by Hanekovis film Svoga tela gospodar (Master of His Own Body) a little later, specifically, in 1957. As early as 1953, ime i-matovi attempted to steer socialist realism towards neorealism in Kameni horizonti (Stone Horizons), but with the resulting work primarily a story in the shape of social drama, but within the canon of socrealism, which can be seen in the typifying and the idea of the film, based on showing class differences in society. Fi-nally, looking at Branko Bauers work from todays perspective, it seems that he was, in that period, the best in managing the dramaturgy of socialist realism while avoiding social bathos: in Sinji galeb (The Grey Gull) from 1953, bathos is still present, but in 1955 Mili-juni na otoku (Millions on the Island) it is practically gone.

    Film-making organisationIn the period under consideration, film-making was state-owned, but due to tradition, organised more by the German than the Soviet model, although the latter had the primary ideologically-educational task based on the ideology and view of communism.

    Cinematographic goods were nationalised within state film-making, particularly all property of Croatian Moving Pictures, with the process concluded in 1948. State Film Company was founded as early as 1945, as was the Film Direction for Croatia, to allow state fund-ing of film-making. The Direction was abolished in 1946, followed by the constitution of National Film Company, in Zagreb Jadran film, with the task of mak-ing propaganda film presenting support for the recon-struction and building the country. All such companies were in turn managed by the Film Committee of the Government of the Federative Peoples Republic of Yugoslavia (FNRJ), whose Arts Committee approved film scripts and controlled overall film production. However, in 1947, another novelty appeared: in Sep-tember, a Film Committee of the Government of the Peoples Republic of Croatia was constituted, although still under control of the Film Committee of the FNRJ Government, which had the final say and approval in the judging of film scripts, partially due to the division of federal budgets. The only exceptions to this were

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 331

    finances for certain important films, where military aid was provided for film-making, as well as accom-modation for film crews and such matters, all of which were dealt through political deals, decrees and orders.

    In June 1948, due to the conflict and breakup with Informbiro of the communist parties (Informbiro/ Kominform) changed the situation and created big difficulties. These difficulties are illustrated, for ex-ample, by a part of the text published in Ivo kraba-los book Izmeu politike i drave (Between Politics and State) (Zagreb, Znanje, 1984, p. 151), where he cites part of the resolution of the union branch of Jadran film dated the 29th of July 1948, on the withdraw-al of Croatian/Yugoslavian films from a festival in Czechoslovakia:

    [At the film festival, w]e can only foresee a continu-ationof insults that have lately been aimed at our country. Due to this, we completely agree with the de-cision of the Film Committee to withdraw our films from the festival. It is truly unbelievable that American, English and French, empty, criminal and chauvinist films get a much nicer reception from Czechoslovaki-an comrades than our film, from which the working people of Czechoslovakia and the whole world could learn so much.

    In the early 1950s, the country started introducing self-government, so film companies became social property, and their funds enter the financial accounts, which led to their partial self-financing. At the same time, republics governments strengthen, and federal Film Committee is abolished. Starting with the 1st of May 1951, film workers are no longer clerks, but become free film workers; for example, in Zagreb, the Association of Film Workers was founded on the 7th of May 1950, and at their constitutional meeting adopted a Programme Resolution in which they stated, among other things:

    We, film workers of Croatia, refuse on one hand the negative bourgeois larpurlatism, which worships formalism of all kinds, and the other, we also refuse the tendencies of idealistic and artistic dogmatism, which wants to make film art uniform and schema-tised, smothering any attempt of free interpretation.

    This opens a new direction of democratisation, de-centralisation and, as it was called at the time, de-bu-rocratisation of film. Furthermore, greater care is tak-en in the usage of finances, so fewer films are made, some film companies are disbanded (for instance Duga film), cinematography gets open towards co-production, and larger imports of foreign, particu-larly American films begins. Until then, according to the historian of Yugoslavian film Daniel Goulding, who observed these processes in Yugoslavian and

    therefore Croatian film from the sidelines, from the end of World War II until the year 1950, or even 1952, cinematography was organised following the soviet model and centralised under strict party control. Only later, in 1957, a Federal Fund is created, gath-ering the income from the ticket sales and dividing it, depending on the popularity of their films, to pro-ducers (20 percent of the income from ticket sales), which introduces basic principles of market economy. This period, however, is not the object of our consid-eration in this context.

    Film production

    AnimationIn Croatia, animation appeared relatively late. Still, as early as 1945, but as a completely propaganda work, one animated short was produced, Svi na izbore (All to the Polls) by Norbert Neugebauer; in 1951, the same author made Veliki miting (The Great Meeting), a kind of satire on the informbiro propaganda methods, of which film.hr says the following:

    The first [real] local animated film, which travelled the screens of almost all cinemas in the country, it [is] a political satire at the expense of the croaking informbiro propaganda (personified in Albanian frogs and Bulgarian ducks), very current in those difficult years of pressures against Yugoslavia.

    Introductory sequence shows an anti-Yugoslavian pusher, Judin the journalist, in his newsroom. He in-vents canards, which he launches against a neighbour country Then, Judin sends his reporter Patkin (Duck-in) to a meeting in Albania where he is greeted by frogs, with their leader, a bug-eyes, talkative toad. Patkin is present at the frogs meeting against the drying of marshes, which Yugoslavia was then performing in border areas [While] returning, the wind carries the reporter to the sky above Yugoslavia where with his binoculars [he observes and notices] large worker-run factories, new roads, bridges and working lan in the spirit of the socrealist revolution of the time. On his return to the office he tells Judin his impressions, but Judin gets wildly mad and throws the report to prison. In the last shot, the unlucky journalist protests in vein claiming that he had only told the truth

    Later animated films are, on the other hand, more or less completely under the influence of Disney animation.

    DocumentaryDocumentary films also stress the victory in war, lan in the reconstruction of the country, the creation of a new society, working achievements, contrasts of the old and the new in pictures. Commentary is completely

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955332

    ecstatic or politically bathetic, with the image most often used as scenery or illustration for the spoken word. It was also very important to settle the scores with the enemies of the people, as is the case with Fedor Hanekovis 1947 film Stepinac pred narodnim sudom (Stepinac Before the Peoples Court). Film News between 1946 and 1950 also always had a clearly stressed propa-ganda goal that, as a rule, prettified reality. But, despite this, in that period, some valuable artistic documenta-ries were realised, particularly towards the end of the period, when socrealistic style of glorifying the role of the individual in the mass class struggle (solidary col-lectivism) and the overstressing of the ideas of justice and equality were gradually abandoned.

    I. krabalo particularly mentions propaganda documentaries created at the time on the consti-tution of farmers collectives, as part of the forced collectivisation, which the farmers opposed. These are the films of the top documentarists, created in 1947 (Koralji i spuvari (Corals and Sponge Catchers) by Rudolf Sremac, 1948 (Elektrifikacija (Electrification) by Branko Belan, and Na novome putu (On the New Road) by Kreo Golik) and 1949 (Vritina i klasje (Heather and Wheat) by B. Belan). These films were expected, and therefore most often produced lakirovka (prettified reality) but despite the propaganda intent and given subjects and aesthetics there were supremely valu-able works, such as 1948 films by B. Belan (Tunolovci/ Tunafishers) and K. Golik (Jo jedan brod je zaplovio/Another Ship Has Launched). These films attempt to at least partially avoid socrealism. But even when films met all the propaganda demands, some still ended up in a bunker. According to Petar Krelja in his text Pri-jeateljska kamera R. Sremca (The Friendly Camera of R. Sremac) published in Hrvatski filmski ljetopis (No. 67, Zagreb, 2011, pp. 90-92) this was, for instance, the case with the previously mentioned Sremac film on the underwater life in the sea, because, in a few shots of the film, the portraits of Vladimir I. Lenin, Joseph V. Stalin and Josip Broz Tito are seen together.

    Feature filmThe first socrealist feature film in our country was definitely Afris Slavica from the year 1947, although there are still discussions on whether the film is Croatian (its subject is life in Dalmatia, the crew is Croatian) or Yugoslavian (production was Serbian). The film, dealing with the start of partisan navy, is dominated by film naivet, emotions and melodrama. Such socrealist approach is present in the whole film, particularly in the end sequence on the heroic sacri-fice of life for general good, when the film includes elements of folklore realism.

    The second feature film, also from 1947 ivjet e ovaj narod (The Unconquered People) by Nikola Popovi

    deals with the start of the activity of Communist Par-ty (KP) in Western Bosnia. Individual destinies are in-

    cluded in a mass picture of unity between the people and the KP, particularly during the Peoples Fight for Freedom (NOB), when the new age/new reality is born, glorifying the leadership of NOB, KP, and the advan-tages of the collective over the individual, as well as stressing the guaranteed happy future. This ideological baggage is followed by pathetic music and theatrical acting, which creates something of a fresco on war, full of lan and emotion, and revolutionary rhetoric.

    The third film Zastava (The Flag) directed by Branko Marjanovi in 1949 is intimate and almost without spectacle, realised with significantly fewer funds, but still, by its content, according to film.hr portal, similar to other films from the period:

    [In the film,] ballerina Marija, horrified by the ac-tions of the attackers and the Ustaa saves the flag of fallen partisans, joining the NOB She becomes a dedicated peoples artist and a freedom fighter. [Final-ly], in the Kalnik battle she proudly puts the red flag on the mountaintop.

    Zastava is, despite many possible complaints, a serious creation (the second post-war film in Croatia, seventh in Yugoslavia), even an example how art, by using folk art, can serve ideology even though it contains bathos in the sense of direction, acting and visuals.

    The following year, 1950, sports comedy Plavi 9 (The Blue 9) was directed by K. Golik, a populist genre film influenced by socialist realism, which transposed it to a didactic comedy, which is seen from the sup-port for the spirit of collectivism, belonging to the party, the people Solidarity and collectivism are here contrasted with individualism.

    Later, in 1951, F. Hanekovi films Bakonja fra Brne, an adaptation of a novel by Simo Matavulj. Although the film is static and lacks life, strongly didactic and realised with caricature characters, like a pamphlet, the history of Croatian film by I. krabalo and others consider it a prime example of socialist realism: the film uses basic elements of the work of bourgeois real-ism, and shapes the film into a socialist realist work. In this, the film creates its ideological backbone, under-scoring social conflicts and using only what is typical for the characters and the background from the novel, yet not diverging completely from the original work.

    In addition, film critic Nenad Polimac alsmo men-tions Milan Katis film Tajna dvorca I. B. (The Secret of I.B. Castle), made in 1951 and found in 1992. It had been unknown until recently, as its existence has never been noted nor was it ever shown, because it presents an obviously premature political satire on the Informbiro Resolution. However, previously men-tioned Big Meeting by N. Neugebauer, also a political satire on Informbiro, made also in 1951, did not dis-appear possibly because it wasnt a feature film, but only a cartoon. However, forever gone are political

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 333

    satires on film Profesor Budalastov (Professor Foolish) by B. Marjanovi and Oktavijan Mileti from 1948, and Kerempuhov dnevnik (Kerempuhs Diary) by Bogdan Marai from 1951.

    All in all, socialist realism was present in post-war film-making organised following the soviet model, with strict central control, so it was more or less pres-ent and visible in the afore-mentioned films ivjet e ovaj narod by N. Popovi from 1947, Plavi 9 by K. Golik from 1950 and Bakonja fra Brne by F. Hanekovi from 1951, as well as other works, primarily in Plavi 9 and only partially in the 1955 Djevojka i hrast (The Girl and the Oak), also by K. Golik, about the hard life of village women in Dalmatian rockies.

    There were, however, also attempts to move away from socialist realism, to use humour to oppose such an approach, for example in the film Ciguli Miguli by B. Marjanovi, made in 1952 and ridiculing local au-thorities. The film was banned (it was only approved in 1977, and publicly presented only in 1989) because government at the time believed that the work that ridiculed soviet also ironised Yugoslavian communism by its satirical presentation of bureaucracy and pro-vincialism, as well as its humoristic relation towards collectivisation and nationalisation. The Party felt even worse because the author of the script was Joa Horvat, their man. General Party assessment of such creators and works was given by Milutin Balti, one of the leading politicians of the time:

    Such artists are false artists. Just like Ciguli Miguli the film is false.

    Finally, there are more Croatian films where socre-alism can be found, at least in traces; one such is the 1952 film by Vatroslav Mimica, U oluji (In the Storm), a melodrama with schematised characters. That said, V. Mimica, just like K. Golik and others, remains rath-er successful in covering the ruling ideology, which encountered also with other Croatian film directors of the times, such as B. Bauer (Sinji galeb, 1953, and Milijuni na otoku, 1955), B. Belan (Koncert/The Concert, 1954) and others.

    From culture for the masses to mass cultureMaa Kolanovi

    The revolutionary social changes that occurred in Yu-goslavia at the same time as World War II and immedi-ately after it discursively co-opted all social practices,

    with culture being an exceptionally important field in which the tempestuous political dynamics of the time both unfolded and were reflected.90 Even as ear-ly as the time of the Peoples Liberation War (known as the NOB), revolutionary cultural and artistic life appeared in the form of various manifestations of Partisan folk art, amateur cultural work and similar activities.91 There was an effort to retain this strength, to reinforce and appropriately articulate it after the war as well. The priorities of the new society in its po-litical emancipating activity were seen in the creation of an authentic socialist culture that was supposed to transcend the class barrier of bourgeois culture and become accessible to all the strata of the people. These demands just after the war in Yugoslavia and in other countries that took socialism on board as the new social and political system unfolded under the aegis of the normative poetics of socialist realism and the USSR, the authority in matters social, political and cultural.92 The formation and implementation of this kind of cultural policy were a component part of the party programme from the socialist transformation of society after 1945. In the first post-war years, a specially formed agitation and propaganda body called Agitprop93 was in charge of the implementa-tion. Because of the central role of the people in the political system of what was called the peoples de-mocracy in the second Yugoslavia, the process of the legitimation of the government of the Yugoslav, and of course the Croatian, political post-war system was based on breaking the people down into the mass,94 and cultural policy was placed on the broad basis of having to meet the most basic cultural needs of the people. The very project of creating and advancing the common culture in this country after World War II can be seen, in the manner of its articulation as a whole, as an enlightening and populist project for the massification of culture by which the dominant ideol-ogy symbolically and materially reinforced its power.

    The creation of a new socialist intelligentsia to be engaged in the apparatus of Agitprop, in the culture centres or houses of culture, in the Yugoslav Acade-my of Sciences and Arts, in theatres,95 cultural estab-lishments, committees for education and culture, in universities and schools, and so on, and also devoted to party objectives, was the priority of the new cul-tural policy,96 with cinematography97 and literature98 having the key roles in the mentioned project for the massification of culture. In the development of the new socialist society the post-war cultural mobili-sation unreservedly beckoned domestic intellectu-als and artists, in which writers in particular had an important and indeed almost mythical role within the political narrative of the time, which had been borne out even during the war itself, in the case of, for example, Vladimir Nazor and Ivan Goran Kovai. Similarly, the actual debates about writing published

    90 The concept of field is used in the sense articulated by Pierre Bourdieu in his book The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, New York, Columbia University Press, 1993.

    91 Cf. Jeli Ivan et al., ed., Kultura i umjetnost u NOB-u i socijalistikoj revoluciji u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb, Institut za historiju radnikog pokreta, 1975.

    92 Cf. Vojislav Mataga, Knjievna kritika i teorija socijalistikog realizma, Zagreb, Grafiki zavod Hrvatske, 1987.

    93 Cf. Zlata Knezovi, Obiljeja boljevizacije hrvatske kulture (1945-1947), asopis za suvre-me nu povijest (SP), 24, Zagreb, 1992, 106-108, and Ljubodrag Dimi, Agitprop kultura: agitpropovska faza kulturne politike u Srbiji: 1945-1952. godine, Belgrade, Rad, 1988.

    94 Cf. Katarina Spehnjak, Funkcioniranje plebiscitarne demokracije, SP, 1-3, Zagreb, 1991, 217.

    95 In addition to the central theatrical institution in Croatia, the Zagreb CNT, Croatian National Theatre, after 1945 new and independent theatres were founded., in 1948 the Zagreb Puppet Theatre and the Socialist Childrens Theatre [Pionirski], in 1949, the Kerempuh Theatre, and others, and outside Zagreb, theatres appeared in many other cities, in Bjelovar, Dubrovnik, Karlovac, Poega, Pula, Rovinj, ibenik, Vinkovci, Zadar itd. (Cf. Nikola Batui, Kazalite pedesetih, in: Zvonko Makovi et al., ed., Pedesete godine u hrvatskoj umjetnosti, Zagreb, Hrvatsko drutvo likovnih umjetnika, 2004, 158-177.

    96 Cf. Lj. Dimi, op. cit., 119.97 O tome Cf. Daniel J. Goulding:

    Jugoslavensko filmsko iskustvo 1945-2001. godine: osloboeni film, Zagreb, V.B.Z., 2004., Tomislav aki, Hrvatski film klasinog razdoblja: ideologizi-rani filmski diskurs i modeli otklona, Hrvatski filmski ljetopis, 38, Zagreb, 2004., 6-33, Nikica Gili, Uvod u povijest hrvatskoga igranog filma, Zagreb, Leykam International, 2010., et al.

    98 Cf. Kreimir Nemec, Povijest hrvatskog romana, III., Zagreb, kolska knjiga, 2003., te isti, Sozialisticher Realismus und der kroatische Roman, u: R. Laure: Kroatien: Kultur Sprache Literatur, Gttingen, 2005, 187-204.

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955334

    99 Cf. M. Krlea, Knjievnost danas, Republika, 1, Zagreb, 1945, 158.

    100 Krlea, Staljinska pobjeda pred Moskvom, Borba, February 22, 1946.

    101 Z. tambuk, O naoj knjievnosti i knjievnim prilikama, Republika, 3, Zagreb, 1947, 152.

    102 V. Nazor, Speech of the honorary president of the CWA and of the honorary president of the Union of Writers of Yugoslavia, Republika, 3, Zagreb, 1947, 146.

    103 J. Horvat, Report of the secre-ta ry to the annual general assem bly of the AWC/DKH in Zagreb, February 1, 1948, Republika, 3, Zagreb, 1948., 224

    104 Cf. Darko Macan, Hrvatski strip 1945-1954. godine, Zagreb, Mentor, 2007, 15-18.

    105 After: M. Matkovi, ed., Na pruzi: zbornik radova knjievnika iz Hrvatske o pruzi amac-Sarajevo, Zagreb, DKH, 1947, 59.

    in the journals Izvor, Republika and Kulturni radnik, for example, constitute a document very valuable for the reconstitution of the cultural climate of the time. All the important figures in public life of that time published their writings in them, ranging from Radovan Zogovi to Miroslav Krlea.

    In line with the already mentioned central role of the people in the implementation of the new culture policy, the concepts the people, the broad masses of the people and sometimes just the masses became the fun-damental symbolic value in debates about writing. The actual connection of the people and writing, the idea of writers serving the broad masses of the people, quests for inspiration in the people and aggrandise-ment of the USSR are an indispensable leitmotif of most of the texts published in this period, irrespec-tive of the degree to which their discourse is ideolo-gised. Thus, for example, in 1945, Krlea, model of the new tendency in writing, emphasised the strength of the mass as an important factor in the post-war re-construction and modernisation of society,99 while in 1946 he wrote of the military genius of the Soviet soldiers and the courage of Joseph Vissiarionovich Dzhugashvili Stalin as general.100

    The Yugoslav Writers Union, whose work was reported to the main assembly of the Association of Writers of Croatia (DKH) in Zagreb, February 23,1947, by writer and critic Zdenko tambuk, insisted to the writers that

    the people and its government can and must ask us. to fulfil the tasks that the new reality has imposed spe-cifically on us writers.101

    On the other hand Vladimir Nazor, addressing the same set of people referred to the specific relation between writers and the masses of the people in the following terms:

    [W]riters have in themselves the means and the pos-sibility to find shortcuts to the heart of not only the individual but of the major masses of the people.102

    Such demands imply at the same time a criticism of bourgeois culture that considers culture and art the privilege of the ruling class. The ideal recipient of writing in a socialist society then, as understood by Joo Horvat, should come from the ranks of the working class that writers, as he states, have not yet taken to be a relevant factor in their literary work. Hence he apostrophises the shock worker as privi-leged social figure for and about whom writers ought to be writing:

    [W]hat would we do if one day into our association came a miner from Raa and says to us: Comrades, I exceed my quota everyday by such and such a percent-

    age. Im a shock worker, I labour hard, honourably ful-fil my obligations. Dont I, and people like me, deserve to have you writing of us? What would we do if the brigade workers from the working cooperatives, the shock workers from the Youth railway line, the inno-vators of our industry, the worthy readers of the rural schools and asked us when at last they were going to be the heroes of our dramas, novels and novellas? If it happened, I would find it quite embarrassing, and I dare say you would too.103

    One of the particular features of socialist realist cul-tural practice in the years just after World War II in this country was the levelling of the borders between

    high and low culture, for the same tasks were im-posed on all texts and practices. Thus for example, the first post-war comic strips published in dailies and weeklies bore the names Soviet heroes: Komsomol Radio Operator, Golden Key (after the novel of Alek-sey Nikolayevich Tolstoy), edo the Pioneer [juvenile communist], Ratko the Shock Worker and so on104. In 1947 the DKH (Croatian Writers Association) issued a collected volume called On the Railway Line in which there were writings by Josip Barkovic, Vjeko-slav Kaleb, Jure Katelan, Gustav Krklec, Slobodan Novak, Marijan Matkovi, Vesna Parun, Grigor Vitez and others on the theme of the construction of the amac to Sarajevo railway line. All the pieces, without exception, write up the cult of shock working in a socialist-realist manner of the representation of the body harnessed to the development of the homeland and social interests, the body that did not consent to hedonism, individualism and other Western decadent values. For illustration, we might take the verses of the poem Before the tunnel of Grigor Vitez:

    Youthful vigour, muscle, will, Well push a tunnel through each hill, Through all the hills and places black Well make path and road and track, To drive coaches of the ready throng Through the gorges country-long. Let fount of joy spring to our eye, May our train first reach the station Of socialism, our destination.105

    As well as these texts that deal with World War II themes and those of the post-war construction, some others should be mentioned as mythical places of the socialist society: Iza prve linije [Behind the front line] (1945), Na zagrebakoj fronti [On the Zagreb front] (1945), Sinovi slobode [Sons of freedom] (1948), Iz bor-be i izgradnje [From the battle, from the development] (1949) of J. Barkovi, Pjesme partizanke [Poems of a Partisan girl] (1943), S partizanima [With the Parti-sans] (1943-1945), Kurir Loda [Loda Courier] (1946), Partizanka Mara [Partisan girl Mara] (1946), Legende

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 335

    106 I. Andri: Elektrobih,in Pod grabiem. Pripovetke o ivotu bosanskog sela, Sarajevo, Seljaka knjiga, 1952, 85.

    107 This concept is used in the sense of David Carter & Kay Ferres, The public life of lit-erature, in: Tony Bennett D. Carter, ed., Culture in Australia: Policies, Publics and Programs, Cambridge University Press, 2001.

    108 Cf. Z. tambuk, op. cit., 157-158.

    109 Cf. J. Horvat, Na rad i nai zadaci..., op. cit.

    110 Cf. Biljana Kai, Politika kul-ture, ideologijsko mapiranje, zasjeci, in: Nada Kisi Kolano-vi et al., ed., 1945. razdjelnica hrvatske povijesti, proceedings of a conference held on May 5 and 6 2006 in the Croatian Institute for History in Zagreb, Zagreb, HIP, 2006, 112-113

    111 Cf. Lj. Dimi, op. cit., 80-83. 112 Cf. Stuart Hall, Notes on

    deconstructing the Popular, as found in: Duda Dean, ed., Politika teorije, zbornik rasprava iz kulturalnih studija, Zagreb, Disput, 2006, 302.

    113 Cf. B. Kai, op. cit., 132-133. 114 Cf. E. inko, Dvije knjige P. e-

    gedina, Republika, III/6, Zagreb, 1947, 405-408, G. Gamulin, Uz prvi roman P. egedina, Repub-lika, III/12, Zagreb, 1947, 930-944, R. Zogovi, Na popritu, Belgrade, Kultura, 1947, Marin Franievi, Pisci i problemi, Zagreb, Kultura, 1948, , the same writere, Zimsko ljetovan-je V. Desnice, Republika, VI/7, Zagreb, 1950, 456-457.

    o drugu Titu [Legends about Comrade Tito] (1946), Pionir Grujo [Grujo the Pioneer] (1947) of V. Nazor, Demonja (1950) of Milan Noini, Pralja Pavlova [Washerwoman Pavlova] (1952) of Mate Beretin, for instance. Some other authors, whose poetics we are not in the habit of connecting with socialist realism, also gave at that time their own modest contribution to the socialist poetics. Thus for example Ivo Andri in the post-war tale Elektrobih aggrandises the Five Year Plan and the State Firm for the electrification of Bosnia and Herzegovina, from which the tale has its name, and the actual electrification and modernisa-tion of Bosnia and Herzegovina is used as a metaphor embodying the light of the future:

    E-L-E-K-T-R-O-B-I-H! E-L-E-K-T-R-O-B-I-H! The tireless letters go on and off and the words, between each on and off, remain for a second to glint at the bottom of eyesight. Led by this light, man passes in himself thus from the dark past into the illuminated future and vice versa, and at the same time walks along the city streets, walks fast, as soldier in the endless procession of the Five Year Plan and the Electrification of Bosnia, land with little sight, and feels so, with another before him and another behind him, he is going towards better times. This path is neither short nor easy, but there is no doubt it is heading to the goal, to the time when in Bosnia there will be every day fewer tears and ever more light, when for the peasant too there will be better conditions of life and when in the villages people will be able to be more enlightened, softer in their nature, the nights less dark and impenetrable, when young schoolmistresses will not have to weep over the backward villages, because of the mountains dark and the feeble lamp, when tears of this kind, wretched, powerless tears, without help and defence, will not exist here, when six-year old boys will have scenes of joy incised in their memory. And after them, on the tall house, the fiery letters circle just the same and call for electrification, tireless like nature herself. E-L-E-K-T-R-O-B-I-H! E-L-E-K-T-R-O-B-I-H!106

    It has to be said that in the consideration of these populist demands of the new culture and writing the public life of literature107 was given a very important place. In its report about its activities, the Croatian Writers Association mentions the literary evenings held in the Army House, in the regional Culture Hous-es and elsewhere for the purpose of acquainting the masses with literature and the popularisation of liter-ature.108 In other reports of the DKH/CWA too there are regular references to activities carried out via various events and occasions, participation in union and front organisations, guest appearances in artillery schools, collaboration with writers who sprang from the working class and the peasantry.109

    The same demands were made on the wider sym-bolic space of the institutions of culture and learning,

    which had also been overtaken by a wave of stratifi-cation. But the role of Matica hrvatska was reduced to its publishing programme and it was involved in the broader culture project of educating the people and orienting its own editions to the broadest masses of the people. A similar fate was experienced by the university, which lost its central symbolic power in competition with social establishments such as the houses of peoples education, peoples universities, culture establishments and so on.110

    From courses for the elimination of illiteracy, the building of as great a number as possible of cultural institutions, like houses of culture, labour houses, red corners as they were called, reading rooms and organ-ised courses for librarians to the cultural and artistic work of the working class through amateur sections, working class choirs, musical sections, events, the founding of culture and art societies and other things, the fundamental importance of bringing culture and art closer to the working glass can be seen, as well as the emphasis on its key role in the accomplishment of the cultural revolution.111 The phrase culture for the masses much used in public discourse as imperative social value immediately after 1945 indicates the re-spectful attitude of Croatian/Yugoslav intellectuals to the mass and popular aspects of culture and writing as an essentially socialist view on culture and the nature of the working class.112

    In the system of distinct binary values immedi-ately after the war, the USSR was perceived without exception as a positive social character while the capitalist West was ideologically stigmatised with a steady set of metaphors with connotations of nega-tive values. Particularly effective was the ideological phrase the decadent West when it was to do with the whole of attitudes to the other picture of the world that was labelled bourgeons, and semantically cov-ered bourgeois tendencies, trends and opinions such as artism, decadence, individualism, Existentialism, Cubism, Surrealism and so on.113 Socialist realistic criticism took issue with these values, using a total-itarian dictionary, and so works by Vladan Desnica, Vesna Parun, Tin Ujevi, Petar egedin and others found themselves targets of the ideological criticism of Ervin inko, Grgo Gamulin, R. Zogovi et al.114

    Western values in popular culture texts and prac-tices received identical ideological condemnations, particularly cinematographic art. In the film review columns of literary and arts journals, along with reviews of individual firms there were quite often general essays about the art of the film in which ca-tering for the mass was without exception consid-ered a positive value. But in these debates about film, it was above all the content that was the problem, the products of Hollywood being quoted as a nega-tive example. Where popular culture was concerned, America regularly semantically covered a spectrum

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955336

    115 After Dean Vuletic, European sounds, Yugoslav visions: per for ming Yugoslavia a t t he Eurovision song contest, in: Breda Luthar Marua Punik, ed., Remembering Utopia: The Culture of Everyday Life in So-cialist Yugoslavia, Washington DC, New Academia Publishing, 2010, 125.

    116 Cf. Nikola Vonina, Dvanaest prevratnih godina: 1941-1953: Prilozi za povijest radija u Hr vatskoj, II, Zagreb, Hrvatski radio, 1997, Zrinjka Petruko, ed., Uvod u medije, Zagreb, Na klada Jesenski i Turk Hr-vatsko filoloko drutvo, 2011, and Klara Jakeli, Kratki pregled povijesti radija u Narodnoj Republici Hrvatskoj 1945-1952. godine, 2011, manuscript.

    117 For political and social aspects of the history of Yugoslavia at that time see Darko Beki, Jugoslavija u hladnom ratu: odnosi s velikim silama 1949-1955. godine, Zagreb, Globus, 1988, Duan Bilandi, Hrvat-ska moderna povijest, Zagreb, Golden marketing, 1999, Tvrko Jakovina, Socijalizam na amer-ikoj penici, Zagreb, Matica hrvatska, 2002, Ivo Goldstein, Hrvatska 1918-2008. godine, Zagreb, Europapress holding and Novi Liber, 2008, as well as T. Jakovina, Trea strana hladnog rata, Zagreb, Fraktura, 2011.

    118 Cf. Lj. Dimi, op. cit., 253. 119 For example, in the massed

    socialist rituals or films of the later decades of Yugoslav socialism (Cf. Andrej prah, ed.: Partizanski film, Ljubljana, Drutvo za irenje filmske kulture KINO!, 2010.

    120 Cf. Kulturni radnik br. 1 (A. R. Bogli, Organizacija knjievnih kruoka u kulturno-prosvjet-nim drutvima, 34-35, and H. Singer, Organizacija i rad kul-turno-umjetnikih drutava, 17-21), no. 3 (. V, Nekoliko na-pomena u vezi s prireivanjem knjievnih veeri, 181-184), no. 10-11 (Tatjana Blaekovi, Neto o propagandi knjige i itanja, 565-568), etc.

    121 Cf. I. Andri et al., Odgovor ju goslavenskih k njievnika sovjetskim knjievnicima F. Glatkovu, N. Tihonovu i drugi-ma, Republika, 2-3, Zagreb, 1949, 182-187.

    122 Cf. D. Beki, op. cit., 134.123 Cf. Lj. Dimi, op. cit., 187, and

    N. Batui, op. cit., 172.124 I use the concept of structure

    of feelings after Raymond Williams in The Long Revolu-tion as found in D. Dean, ed., op. cit., 35-63.

    125 Cf. Ljiljana Kolenik, Izmeu Istoka i Zapada. Hrvatska umjet-nost i likovna kritika 50-ih godi-na, Zagreb, Institut za povijest umjetnosti, 2006, and Ivica upan, Pragmatiari, dogmati, sanjari. Hrvatska umjetnost i drutvo 1950-ih godina, Zagreb, INA d.d. Meridijani, 2007.

    126 Cf. Stanko Lasi, Sukob na kn-jievnoj ljevici 1928-1952. godine, Zagreb, Liber, 1970.

    of meanings of the tag decadent West, whether it was about film, or writing, music or fashion, and so on. When in 1947, Milan Djilas, in the years before his quarrel with Josip Broz Tito and his imprisonment and then emigration to the USA, said:

    America is our sworn enemy, as is jazz, its product.115

    Radio too was given the role of working ideologically on the broad masses, close to that of film.116

    From 1948, crucial changes occurred in the inter-national position of Yugoslavia. That was the year of the celebrated opposition of Tito to Stalin and the domination of the USSR in the Balkans, which result-ed in Yugoslavia being accused of nationalism and in the Yugoslav communists being expelled from the Cominform the Communist Information Bureau (Informbiro for short here).117 But these political turbu-lences were not immediately reflected in the field of the arts. For although the conflict with Stalinism did open up the possibility of the critical examination of the administrative/centralist concept of the social sys-tem, it did not essentially modify the basic objectives and tasks of the Communist Party in cultural policy.118 Indeed, not even in the decades of Yugoslav/Croatian socialism to come was socialist realism wiped out as if with a sponge, and its aesthetic and ideological pat-terns were to circulate in a specific way in both artis-tic and public political discourse, quite often covered with a new layer of shiny Western icing that suited it very well.119 The project for the massification of cul-ture still remained the priority in cultural policy. For example, in Kulturni radnik [Cultural worker], a cen-tral journal for the consideration of the mass cultural and educational and artistic work launched in 1948 in Zagreb, the idea of the massification and popularisa-tion of cultural and artistic life without exception suffused all issues in the years between 1948 and 1952. The journal also regularly insisted that the masses should take part in the arts along with many practical suggestions and instructions for animation and mas-sification of the public life of literature.120 But as the fifties were entered, there was an increasing nominal abandonment of socialist realism, and the image of the previous ideological enemy was changed. In this period the door began to be opened to the previously unwelcome symbolic creations from the West, while those from the East were subjected to sharp criticism. In the texts of Croatian intellectuals from 1949 on, for example, it is possible to perceive an important re-stigmatisation of the ideological enemies; the attitude to Soviet writers and artists became more trenchant, with Yugoslav/Croatian writers making their stances known;121 the clear domination of Rus-sian as the main foreign language in schools gradually vanished when, from 1949, other foreign languages were taught alongside Russian;122 after 1949, local cin-

    emas started showing increasing numbers of Western film; at the beginning of the fifties, the dominance of Soviet writing in the theatres vanished too,123 while the introduction of self-management determined the specific Yugoslav way to communism. All this opened up the path for a new structure of feelings, which was formed in the 1950s.124

    Commonly cited when the abandonment of so-cialist realism in literature is concerned as crucial are the address (On our criticism) by Petar egedin in 1949 to the Second Conference and in particular that of Krlea to the Third Conference of the Union of Writers of Yugoslavia in 1952125 when he gave an offi-cial stamp to the break with the socialist realist idea of art and the pre-war conflict on the left.126 Krlea wrote his speech, according to an interpretation of some sources, with the agreement of the partys lead-ership127, its beginning symbolically describing the position of Yugoslavia on the international political scene in those years:

    Four years have gone by since our country refused to bend to Stalinist violence, breaking the links with that forum of the organisation that had remained as some kind of publicist, informative surrogate for the Third International. That the letters of the Central Commit-tee (CK) of the Federal Communist Party (SKP) that ap-peared precisely on the hundredth anniversary of the organisation of the international proletariat should have celebrated the event in its forums precisely in such an unreasonable way as was done under the com-mand of the CC SKP, all this tells of a vast intellectual and moral crisis of the international proletarian move-ment in this period of history. Excommunicated from the international organisation (in the framework of which as a communist movement we developed and struggled for more than thirty years) we have been voyaging alone for four years now.128

    An examination of the material of the literary and arts magazines of will reveal that coming out against the USSR and socialist realism in art after 1949 became the new mental figure of the time. The abandonment of socialist realism in writing and visual art was not led, as is usually thought, exclusively by the Promethean figures of the literary and art worlds but it was, in a more or less complex form, in its way a commonplace of the public discourse of the time. For intellectuals who before the break with the Cominform been ar-dent in their support now came out against socialist realism. A text of 1951 by Ervin inko, one of the more prominent theorists and practitioners of socialist re-alism, in which, among other things, he criticised the mass nature of socialist realist culture and writing, is symptomatic. This formerly ardent apologist of socialist realism and the USSR as social, political and cultural ideal, now compared in his criticism the mass

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 337

    127 Cf. the entry of Velimir Viskovi, Sukob na ljevici, in: V. Viskovi et al., ed., Krleijana, Zagreb, Leksikografski zavod M. Krlea, 1999.

    128 M. Krlea, Govor na kongresu knjievnika u Ljubljani, Republika, 10-11, Zagreb, 1952 [Translation somewhat reconstructive].

    129 E. inko, Borba protiv naturalizma ili strah od ljudskog, Republika, 10-11, Zagreb, 1951, 309-326.

    130 Cf. K. Jakeli, op. cit., 8. 131 Cf. E. inko, Speech at the

    annual assembly of the CWA, Republika, 1, Zagreb, 1951, 111.

    132 J. Barkovi, O nervozi vremena, Krugovi, 3, Zagreb, 1952, 201.

    133 I use the concept of ideosphere after Roland Barthes from his Ideosphere as found in, Kultura, 44, Zagreb, 1979, 119-134.

    134 Cf. Dunja Detoni-Dujmi, Krugovi, Zagreb, Zavod za znanost o knjievnosti Filozof-skoga fakulteta Sveuilita u Zagrebu, 1995, Tatjana Juki, Hrvatske pedesete i prijevodi s engleskoga. Krugovai i sluaj Izdajica, in: Mirko Tomasovi and Gluni-Buani, Kom-parativna povijest hrvatske knjievnosti, proceedings no. V. (Krugovi i hrvatska knjievnost pedesetih godina prologa stoljea) from a conference held on September 19-20 2002 in Split, Split, Knjievni krug Split, 2003, 49-59, and Gluni-Buani, Revolucija i melankolija: granice pamenja hrvatske knjievnosti, Zagreb, Naklada Ljevak, 2011.

    135 V. Pavleti, Neka bude ivost, Krugovi, 1, Zagreb, 1952.

    136 Cf. Michael Redclift, Chewing Gum. The Fortunes of Taste, New York London, Routledge, 2004.

    137 Cf. N. Milievi, Meuteam oljan Slamnig, Krugovi, 8, Zagreb, 1953, 714-721

    138 It is not unimportant to mention that in 1952 Zora of Zagreb published the antholo-gy Amerika lirika translated by Slamniga and oljan.

    139 Cf. K. Nemec, op. cit., and V. Viskovi, Knjievni ivot pedesetih, in: Z. Makovi et al., ed., op. cit., 178-189.

    140 Cf. N. Batui, op. cit., 160.

    qualities of socialist realist culture and writing with the mass propaganda of Nazi Germany, and thus Adolf Hitler and Andrei Zhdanov were yoked together in a comparison that just a few years earlier would have been shocking.129 It is enough here, for an illustration of the popular culture ideas of the political turnabout to look at the satirical journal Kerempuh that at the beginning of the fifties was filled with caricatures of Stalin and satirical comments the butt of which was Soviet imperialism or, on the other hand, to see what kind of propaganda role was given to the radio in the fight against the Cominform in 1949.130

    On the threshold of the 1950s, Croatian intellectu-als were increasingly discussing their own position in the new political situation that had arisen. For exam-ple, the main theme of the annual assembly of the DKH in 1951 was the division of the world into blocs and the position of Yugoslavia in this division. Needing empha-sis once again in this context are inkos observations about the disorientedness of intellectuals, after the conflict with the Cominform131. Something similar is to be perceived in a text by writer and critic J. Barkovi, author of Sons of Freedom, a characteristic Croatian so-cialist realist novel, who in 1952 was stating:

    Yes, it was easy to hand out lessons and advice while we were marching on the parade ground of socialist realism, when the good was more or less picked out in white, and bad in black. But now, when the colours have mingled How does one cope here? 132

    If from 1948 to 1952 the remains of the old and the first traces of a new ideosphere can be observed,133 when the decade was further advanced, there were important political changes that had their reflexes in the field of culture. In the same year that Krlea gave his speech at the Third Congress in Ljubljana (1952), the journal Krugovi (1952-1958) started to come out; it has the merit of pluralising the cultural life of the time and of opening up to the symbolic space of the West by translations from Anglo-American modern-ism.134 Writers and intellectuals of the younger gen-eration made their names in Krugovi: Zvonimir Golob, Radovan Ivi, Nikola Milievi, S. Novak, Vlatko Pavleti, Josip Pupai, Ivan Slamnig, Antun oljan, Irena Vrkljan and others. It can also be observed that in this journal western influences not only in litera-ture but also in popular culture came in by the back door. A text of Vlatko Pavleti is interesting in this respect, at the beginning of the first number of the journal, in which, along with criticism of the socialist realist restriction of artistic liberty, the authors un-concealed enthusiasm for the American spirit wells out, articulated through, as might be said from a con-temporary perspective, popular culture stereotypes about that country.135 Of particular interest here is the comparison of the American spirit with chewing

    gum, in which the symbolism and meaning of gum, that most widely disseminated symbol of American popular culture,136 was used with positive evaluative connotations that were, in truth, not without a cer-tain modicum of irony.

    But Krugovi was not, it is important to add, just and exclusively an IV infusion of the West into the socialist cultural organism. Quite often the journal would publish articles with conservative and dogmat-ic views on art, like the highly critical text of Nikola Milievi about the prose of Slamnig and oljan,137 which were aesthetically and ideologically marked down precisely because of their inappropriate parti-ality for the American spirit.138

    With all the ambivalences that then became a dominant characteristic of Croatian and Yugoslav so-cialism, vitality really did rule in the cultural practice of the fifties. At that time the following were pub-lished: 1952, Sablasti u dvorcu [Shades in the Palace] of Milan Begovi, Kurlani of Mirko Boi and Djetin-jstvo u Agramu [Childhood in Agram] of M. Krlea; in1953, Hrvatsko glumite [Croatian Acting] of Branko Gavella and Ruke [Hands] of Ranko Marinkovi; 1954, Prokleta avlija [The Damned Yard] of I. Andri, Divota praine [Splendour of the Dust] of V. Kaleb, Komorna muzika [Chamber Music] of Slavko Mihali and edan kamen na studencu [Thirsty Stone at the Well] of T. Ujevi; 1955, Izgubljeni zaviaj [Lost Domain] of S. Novak; 1956, Aleja poslije sveanosti [Avenue after a Ceremony] and Odron [Landslip] of I. Slamnig.139 In 1953 the Zagreb Drama Theatre was founded; this was not founded by state decree, rather by the de-parture of the younger generation of directors and actors headed by Branko Gavella from the CNT. In the fifties they performed Anouilh, Beckett, Ionesco, Lorca, Williams and others.140 Important changes also took place at the level of the quotidian in which a specific Yugoslav way of life was formed, marked by the drive of Westernisation. Once allowed into the Yu-goslav symbolic space, western influences were in it to stay, which was particularly to come to the fore in the subsequent decades of Yugoslav socialism.141 In the representation of this drive of Westernisation at the beginning of the fifties, the popular reviews then launched, Svijet (1953-1992) and Plavi vjesnik (1954-1973) were signs of the times, while the re-actions of intellectuals to the new phenomena of pro-Western origins were on the whole still negative. For example, Joo Horvat, in 1953, at the annual DKH assembly, was still talking of suspect phenomena in literature, expressing his concern at the ever greater interest in reading popular literature.142 Others in-volved in the debate unanimously condemned the suspect phenomena in writing, such as bad writing in pulp fiction and comic strips. Both Kulturni radnik and Republika, which had not previously shown any interest in this aspect of Western popular culture,

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955338

    141 Cf. Predrag Markovi, Beograd izmeu istoka i zapada, 1948-1965, Belgrade, Slubeni list, 1996, Igor Duda, U potrazi za blagostanjem: o povijesti dokolice i potroakog drutva u Hrvatskoj 1950-ih i 1960-ih, Zagreb, Srednja Europa, 2005, Lada ale-Feldman and Ines Prica, ed., Devijacije i promaaji: etnografija domaeg socijalizma, Zagreb, Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, 2006, Reana Senjkovi, Izgubljeno u pri-jenosu: pop iskustvo soc kulture, Zagreb, Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, 2008, I. Duda: Pronaeno blagostanje. Svakod-nevni ivot i potroaka kultura u Hrvatskoj 1970-ih i 1980-ih, Zagreb, Srednja Europa, 2010, Zoran Janjetovi, Od Internac-ionale do komercijale: Popularna kultura u Jugoslaviji 1945-1991. godine, Belgrade, Institut za noviju historiju Srbije, 2011, Tatjana Juki, Revolucija i melankolija. Granice pamenja hrvatske knjievnosti, Zagreb, Naklada Ljevak, 2011, Maa Kolanovi, Udarnik! Buntovnik? Potroa...Popularna kultura i hrvatski roman od socijalizma do tranzicije, Zagreb, Naklada Ljevak, 2011, Hrvoje Klasi, Jugoslavija i svijet 1968. godine, Zagreb, Naklada Ljevak, 2012, and Ljiljana Kolenik, ed., Socijalizam i modernost: umjet-nost, kultura, politika 1950-1974. godine, Zagreb, Institut za povijest umjetnosti Muzej suvremene umjetnosti, 2012.

    142 J. Horvat, Izvjetaj o radu DKH-a na godinjoj skuptini, Republi-ka, 2-3, Zagreb, 1953, 289.

    143 Cf, for exanple, Zoran Palok, O bezvrijednoj literaturi i fil-mu, Kulturni radnik, 1, Zagreb, 1953, 20-23.

    144 Women voting (extract from the speech by Anka Buan, Dalmatias representative at the plenary session of the Head Committee of AF of Croatia in 1946), Naa moda, I/10, Zagreb, in November 1946, p. 2.

    145 There were 100,000 female fighters among partisans between 1941 and 1945, which makes 34 percent of the participants in the Peoples Freedom Fight (NOB), while two million women support-ed the freedom movement. 25,000 women died, 40,000 were wounded, and 91 women were made peoples heroes (see. Marija oljan et al., ed., ene Hrvatske u NOB-u, Zagreb, GO Saveza enskih drutava Hrvatske, 1955).

    146 See Gordana Bosanac. Visoko elo: ogled o humanistikim perspektivama feminizma, Zagreb, Centar za enske studije (CS), 2010, p. 130.

    147 Women voting (extract from the speech by A. Buan), op.cit., p. 2.

    148 See Renata Jambrei Kirin and Reana Senjkovi, Legacies of the Second World War in Croatian Cultural Memory: Women as Seen through the Media, Aspasia: International Yearbook of Central, Eastern, and Southeastern European Womens and Gender History, vol. 4, 2010, pp 71-96.

    published negatively toned articles about it with increasing frequency.143

    In these debates, the socialist realist conception of culture from the second half of the forties and the idea of Western-derived popular culture that with the fifties increasingly reinforced its presence and symbolic interest were combined in a practically schizophrenic manner. Thus the massness and pop-ularisation that were imperative and value-wise positive aspects of culture in the first post-war years, increasingly obtained, in the 1950s, their semantic competition in the concept of mass culture, which from these years on primarily meant popular culture of Western origin. From this time too, the distinction between high and low culture strengthened, and was to become the subject of numerous debates about culture and art in the coming decades of Yugoslav/ Croatian socialism.

    Women in Formative SocialismRenata Jambrei Kirin

    Marshall Tito asked the organisation of the Anti-Fas-cist Womens Front (AF) to re-educate women in their areas and create a new type of woman, just as our country was new, just as our state is different than it had ever been before.144

    After war achievements that amazed the democratic world, former female partisans145 and communists lead the construction of a modern, secular and en-lightened society in which full gender equality was to be realised. But while they participated en masse in the clearing of ruins and reconstruction of the de-stroyed land, built themselves politically and raised themselves culturally, all the while tailoring great-coats into civvies, parachute silk into dresses and blouses, coming up with ways to get soap or a piece of meat, how to warm up their part of the flat and do the laundry on the washing boards,146 the female vic-tors started to develop doubts regarding the character and work, appearance and competencies of the new women. Female veterans mostly shared the feeling of self-awareness, pride and social importance, while cer-tain activists saw the new type of woman as a woman who is cultivated, diligent and neat, and with proper demeanour.147 Perhaps the reason for the conflict regarding the vision of the new woman lies in the fact that it was defined by male ideologists, from Anatoly V. Lunacharsky to Milovan ilas and Vladimir Nazor, giving this woman extraordinary ideological, ethical and psychological traits, but also asking for the im-

    possible that she should shed her private life and the joy of love and motherhood, yet, at the same time, raise the new generations and spur men to extraordinary achievements.148 Not even all ex-parti-sans had a clearly profiled expectations from the fu-ture149 nor did they keep their privileged position for long, because new social and fashion trends and the

    new mentality pushed them to the margins.150 The soviet model of steely proletarian and superworker in a working suit soon lost its credibility, while nice-ly dressed and sexually attractive women overtook the female press and popular culture by the 1950s. However, the character of abstract heroine, sacrificing herself for others and the future was gladly revived in partisan films and monuments, while the image of the new woman employed, independent and socially engaged, with short hair and obligatory perm was a strong means of propaganda for the shaping of a new social reality, inciting urbanisation and modernisa-tion, and later the acceptance of lifestyles and fashion trends from the West.

    Legally guaranteed equality of women, shaped af-ter the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-publics from 1936, meant the right to vote and partic-ipate in decisions, the right to education, employment and equal price of labour, the right to civil marriage, divorce and equal inheritance rights. Together with the health and social security and organised childcare, these rights significantly contributed to economic in-dependence of women and the sense of self-empower-ment. They particularly favoured educated, qualified and employed women, while in the dominant rural population, numerous misunderstandings and oppo-sition occurred due to the conflict between traditional and Marxist visions of desirable gender relations.

    In these circumstances, the ability of the organ-isers of the widespread AF associations network to continue gathering large numbers of women under the same name and with the same revolutionary flag while motivating them for volunteer work de-serves attention.151 The list of works the Affezhees de-votedly achieved in the first post-war days is impres-sive indeed: visits and gifting of war invalids and de-mobilised fighters; blood donations; help in damaged villages; mending and sowing in childrens homes; day care for children of working mothers; registration of women in voters lists; preparation of women for the first elections; participation in public works on cleaning towns and constructing sports stadiums, parks and childrens playgrounds; helping out in of-fices; inciting youth to participate in the construction of the Sava bulwark and the Brko-Banovii railway; organisation of reading groups and different lectures; holding of mass and household meetings at which

    the task of AF and the new position of women is explained, and political consciousness of women is raised.152 But political growth was not focused on the

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 339

    149 Ivana Panteli, Partizanke kao graanke, Beograd, Institut za savremenu istoriju Evoluta, 2011, p. 43.

    150 Svetlana Slapak, enske ikone XX veka, Beograd, Biblioteka XX vek igoja tampa, 2001, p. 209.

    151 See Lydia Sklevicky, AF: kulturnom mijenom do ene novoga tipa, in: Konji, ene, ratovi, ed. Dunja Rihtman Augutin, Zagreb, enska infoteka, 1996, p. 27.

    152 Croatian State Archive (HDA), Zagreb, Conference for Social Activity of Women (KDAH), f. 1234, box 162, Activities and actions of AF in 1945.

    153 Quoted from I. Panteli, op.cit., p. 54.

    154 Quoted from: ibid.155 Quoted from: ibid.156 Quoted from: enska strana.

    Muzej 25. maj, Belgrade, 15th of May 1st of August 2010, Belgrade, Muzej savremene umetnosti Muzej istorije Jugoslavije, 2010, p. 15.

    157 Quoted from: Marija Boroviki, Veloluka Fabrika kroz ivotne prie i socijalistiki reim, unpublished talk at the Annual gathering of Croatian economy association Ekonomija i kultura, Zagreb, June 9th-11th 2011.

    158 See ena u borbi, VI/10, Zagreb, in October 1948, which also published the list of women who were given the Award of the Government of the Peoples Republic of Croatia (NRH) in 1948.

    159 HDA, Zagreb, KDAH, f. 1234,box 162, Memo from Central Committee of AF of Yugoslavia to AF of Croatia, dated the 18th of October 1949.

    160 Na rad na odgovor, ena u borbi, VI/8, Zagreb, in August 1948, pp. 12-13.

    affirmation of autonomous, responsible and well-in-formed female citizens. As Josip Broz Tito clearly stat-ed in his speech at the 1st AF Congress held in 1945 in Belgrade: Yugoslavian forward-thinking women were expected to justify the trust they had been given, and focus all their forces on the issues of strength-ening our government.153

    Our labour our answerIntense promotion work by AF during the First Five Year Plan showed the female worker and farmers as the flywheel of development on which the success of the socialist project depended. The idea of personal empowerment and subjectivisation, on which the campaign for the literacy of women and their par-ticipation in elections had been based, and later the project of social integration, both took second place before the party rhetoric of working fight that cele-brated working women as role model fighters in the socialist construction and the realisation of Five Year Plan, spurring them to competitivity and production over the norm. The idea that the increased number of working hours and workadays, together with the competitive spirit, would resolve all the problems of sudden industrialisation and underdeveloped agricul-ture sometimes bordered on the absurd:

    [Milk maids will] become fighters for increased milk yield, and in their fight, they will try to get as much food as possible to their cow, i.e. to grow as much forage as possible, sowing on meadows to get more hay By learning and fighting for larger yields, and competing among each other, our women will manage to raise cows that would give up to 16,000 litres of milk per year.154

    The ordinance that all companies and institutions employing 20 or more women with children of tender years must institute nurseries and kindergartens155 was not implemented, although the importance of the socialisation of family roles through a network of ap-propriate institutions (kindergartens, cafeterias, Laun-dromats and other services) as a precondition for social engagement of women had been stressed even by Josip B. Tito in his speech at the 3rd AF Congress in Belgrade in 1950, expressing compassion with the dilemmas of the mother to whom such aid is not available:

    [And who is] torn in two, because she wouldnt want to lose the position of a forward-thinking Yugoslavian woman, and yet, at the same time, wouldnt want her children to get hurt or have an accident at home.156

    But this statement also witnesses the continued con-viction that all children-related work should be done by the woman, even if she works full time. Numer-ous AF campaigns with the goal to change the idea of the social roles of women were not aimed at hus-

    bands, fathers and male colleagues. Constitutionally guaranteed equality in practice meant double shifts, preparation for extraordinary efforts and addition of traditional and new duties and obligations of the working woman. This is confirmed, for example, after more than 60 years, by a woman from the sardine factory in Vela Luka:

    I would not go home for three days.. I would lie on wooden boxes, lying down for two-three hours until our presses cooled down All of us working in the ice-house had bloodied fingers. Ice cold fish there were no gloves Eight hours, always in the wet, and the floor weak, wood There were no boots, we wore slippers.157

    Due to general post-war shortages and rationalised consumption, women were motivated to aim for the status of udarnica (sperworker), which provided them with additional coupons for basic foodstuffs, shoes and textile, and later financial bonuses.158 Images of udarnicas and women at machines often appeared on the pages of the ena u borbi (Woman in Fight) month-ly. But photographs were not followed by those wom-ens life stories, so the Central Committee of AF of Yugoslavia in a memo dated the 18th of October 1949 asked their branches to:

    ... urgently... [connect with] industrial centres and [send] photographs and biographies of udarnicas and bearers of labour medals, innovators and rational-isers [T]his must be done URGENTLY, as the issuing of such a brochure is of high importance for the image of our women participating in the building of socialism in our country. The brochures will probably be trans-lated into foreign languages for use abroad, so the task should be undertaken seriously, and a maximum of data gathered.159

    Superwork not only endangered the womens health (so that, for example, the Ordinance on the protection of pregnant and nursing women bans them from over-time and night shifts), but during the conflict with the Informbiro of communist parties, in the summer of 1948, it became apparent that the higher produc-tivity and the higher number of voluntary work-ing hours as well as disciplined, dedicated labour is offered as the only legitimate answer of male and female workers towards the leadership that called upon them to ideologically close the ranks.160

    Party paternalismSo called objective difficulties, negative consequences of fast industrialisation and urbanisation, uneven de-velopment of the country and fight against the fifth column after the conflict with Joseph V. Stalin pushed the female question into the background. Party and state heads controlled organised activities of women

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955340

    161 See. HDA, Zagreb, KDAH, f. 1234, box 64, Sub-series: Communist Association of Croatia.

    162 Josip B. Tito, Nae ene zasluuju da budu kandidirane na ovim izborima (from Marshall Titos speech at the celebration of the 10th anniversary of X corps in Bjelovar), ena u borbi, XI/10, Zagreb, 1953, p. 1.

    163 L. Sklevicky, op.cit., 132, thinks, however, that the reasons for the abolishment were different: [From the summer of 1948 to the abolishment of AF in 1953, the organisation becomes] hardened in the hierarchy that stresses the need for firmness, i.e. control of its members [and thus loses the spread and autonomy of its initial operation] in the obedient fulfilment of party directives.

    164 See. Neda Boinovi. ensko pitanje u Srbiji u 19. i 20. veku, Belgrade, ene u crnom, 1996, pp. 171-184.

    165 The only representatives in the Constitutional Parliament of NRH were famous partisans: Anka Berus, Mileva Cetui, Beka Frnti, Cvita Gili, Maca Greti, Milka Kufrin, Ana Mrkoci and Kata Pejnovi.

    166 See Dijana Dijani et al., ed., enski biografski leksikon (BL): sjeanje ena na ivot u socijalizmu, Zagreb, CS, 2004, pp. 347-358, and I. Panteli, op.cit., pp. 69-80.

    167 G. Bosanac, Pristup itanju i interpretaciji djela Blaenke Despot, in: G. Bosanac, ed., Izabrana djela B. Despot, Zagreb, Institut za drutvena istraivanja (IDIS) enska infoteka, 2004, p. 12.

    168 G. W. Creed, Domesticating Rev-olution: From Socialist Reform to Ambivalent Transition in a Bulgarian Village, University Park: Pennsylvania University Press, 1998.

    See also R. Jambrei Kirin, O konfliktnoj komplementarnos-ti enskog pamenja: izmeu moralne revizije i feministike intervencije, Profemina, Bel-grade, 2 (special issue dedicated to Yugoslavian feminisms Jugoslovenski feminizmi), fall-winter 2011, pp. 39-51.

    169 This pertains to female memo-ries of life in socialism, gath-ered in 2004 in BL, and the connected documentary Borovi i jele (2003) by Sanja Ivekovi. Ambivalent memories of post-war period can also be found in memoirs by Marija-Vica Balen, Sonia Wild Biani, Zora Dirn-bach, Jela Godlar i Eva Grli, which can hardly be treated as typical voices on the socialist experience of emancipation, as they, like dissident voices (political prisoners Mara ovi, Slavica Kumpf or Marica Stankovi) also treat a whole range of traumatic experienc-es: from imprisonment at Goli Otok to permanent struggle with androcentrism and authoritarianism of socialist institutions.

    and defined goals and tasks of activities. Paternalisti-cally constituted socialist feminism gave women legal protection and economic equality, but not equal ac-cess to the sphere of decision-making and political power. As women responsibly took over patronages of childrens homes and children of fallen veterans, subjects without the ability to use their acquired rights, women themselves remained under constant patronage of their comrades in party cells where polit-ical power was concentrated. Policies of employment, advances and payment brackets in state services in the first post-war years depended directly on the char-acter notes and recommendations that professional Affezhees got from their party comrades.161

    When the process of significant inclusion of wom en in the authorities met with failure, and AF organ-isation was abolished, J. Broz Tito transferred part of the responsibility on women, inciting them to a more penetrating, active public activity, but also recalling their primary, natural calling of motherhood:

    Female comrades, now I speak to you: you must your-selves be a little more penetrating, to not allow your comrades, fathers, husbands or brothers to tell you,

    What will you do there, youre a woman! It is true that woman is primarily mother, but exactly because she makes the biggest sacrifice, by raising new gener-ations, she has an even stronger right, as a mother, to have her say in a community such as ours a socialist community.162

    In his 1953 speech at the last AF Congress, M. ilas stated that one of the reasons for the abolishment of AF was the strengthening of democracy and female equality in Yugoslavia, and that the moment was ripe for all the tasks of that semi-political organisation be overtaken by the society as a whole, i.e. the Socialist Association of Working People, and the future union of female associations.163 It was believed that gradual increase of the standard of life and material condi-tions of life would also lead to the improvement of the social position of women. The fact was, on the other hand, that, compared to the period of recon-struction and building, womens activities went down by the mid-1950s, with more cases of female labour rights breaches and dismissals of female work-ers, with regressive attitudes reappearing, while new female associations lacked political emancipation of their members as a goal, nor did they influence the disposal of funds for the construction of flats, kinder-gartens, schools and social services.164

    Representation of women in Croatian Parliament was eight percent in 1945, but in the period between 1953 and 1958 (Republic Council), the number fell to five percent. The first Croatian post-war government had only one female minister (of finance), Anka Berus, while peoples heroine Milka Kufrin entered the Con-

    stitutional Parliament of Federative Peoples Republic of Yugoslavia, which contained 4.7% of women, as did the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (4.8% of women in 1948).165 The number of women in executive authorities and highest par-ty bodies would not change significantly until 1990, with the largest percentage of female Parliament members (25 percent) registered between 1963 and 1965.166 The failure of party policies in solving the problem of gender (in)equality and social (in)equality is found by feminist scientists such as Gordana Bosan-ac in the communist reconstruction of the will for power, and through it the reconstruction of the social state of hegemony, which reproduces again not only inequality, but also new forms of subordination and non-freedom.167

    Madam comradeCoexistence rather than conflict of new social values and socialist morals with the inherited bourgeois val-ues and forms of behaviour can be followed through-out the entire first post-war decade. Anthropologist G. W. Creed, who researched the process of domestica-tion of revolution in Bulgarian society, called that state conflicted complementarity.168 Socialist biographies abound in examples of conflicted complementarities: the sense of economic empowerment is followed by dissatisfaction due to underpayment of (unqualified) female labour; the sense of social security is lowered by frustration due to class layering; glorification of Tito produces mistrust of political nomenclature; the feeling of empowerment threatens the submission to socialist morals that failed to provide equal spaces of freedom to both men and women.169 A survey from the 1950s showed that, considering the division of obligations, freedom of movement and usage of free time, parents had different rules and expectations for boys and girls, i.e. male and female youths.170

    Manners of public address are one of the indicators for the existence of these conflicted social and private domains, and the gradual cultural transformation in which new ritual practices and communication pat-terns did not simply erase the older cultural layers, but rather transformed them and re-semanthised them.171 Although many felt that the word comrade had forever erased the words mister or madam,172 in everyday communication and formal meetings, com-rade and Mrs. are almost equalised, and the situation is confirmed by the first post-war etiquette book from the year 1953.173

    Despite declarative egalitarianism of the socie-ty, there were also social differences, confirmed by different supply cards and limited access to certain shops (military-diplomatic depots).174 And while fe-male workers often worked up to 16 hours a day in the factory and at home, the wives of the members of the new political elite and certain citizens used services

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 341

    170 See. N. Boinovi, op.cit., p. 176. 171 See. Nives Rittig-Beljak, Od

    druga do gospodina: socijalis-tiki oblici ophoenja u Hr-vatskoj, in: R. Jambrei Kirin i T. koki, ed., Izmeu roda i naroda. Zagreb, Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku CS, 2004, p. 142.

    172 V. Marui, to nas je nauila autostrada, ena u borbi, V/46, Zagreb, 1947, p. 12-13.

    173 On this edition, see Antonija Tkali-Koevi, Bon-ton, ena u borbi, XI, Zagreb, 1953, p. 34.

    174 S. Wild Biani, Dvije linije ivota, Zagreb, Durieux, 1999, p. 155: There were introduced three types of supply cards, so-called points: R! (workers 1), R2 (workers 2), and 0 (everybody else). Farmers had no right to supply cards. [Using R1, it was also possible to shop] in special stores of type 2. There were two types of special stores : stores 1, meant for political leaders and their families, and stores 2, for renowned citizens from academ-ic and cultural life.

    175 See., ibid, p. 152.176 T. Frkovi, Vrijedne ruke grade

    novi Zagreb, ena u borbi, IV/30, Zagreb, 1946, p. 9.

    177 After the issue zero of Modni list from October 1945, Naa moda magazine starts appearing on the 1st of February 1946, with the starting print run of 17,000; by 1948, the print run grows to 42,000 copies, to fall to 31,000 in 1949 due to short-age of paper. Editor in chief for the first few issues was Vanja anko, Vesna Regner took over starting with issue 7 from 1948, to be replaced in 1953 by Emilija eparovi. Svijet wom-ens magazine appeared that same year, 1953, while ena u borbi was renamed in 1958 to ena (Woman).

    178 The ambitious publishing plan by AF of Croatia for the year 1950, with 14 titles, was refused by the central authority with the following explanation: The plan is very wide and unrealistic. According to the plan, the whole organisa-tion would become a publishing company We believe that the plan should lose everything except for Cookbooks and What Should I Tell My Child (HDA, Zagreb, KDAH, f. 1234, box 162, AF relations with other organisations).

    179 Party reviewer of ena u borbi magazine complained, among other things, to the editors: There are no theoretical articles No special treatment for Marxist-Leninist issues The magazine should dedicate more space to the forming of dialectically-mate-rialistic view of the world [T]he permanent features should give more space to the issues of child-rearing Our women should get more familiar with the lives of women in other countries (ibid).

    180 See N. Boinovi, op.cit., p. 179. 181 G. Bosanac, Visoko elo..., op.cit.,

    pp. 134-135.182 Quoted from: L. Sklevicky,

    op.cit., p. 134.

    of delivery men, housekeepers and washing women from the environments of Zagreb.175

    Report from the works at the Sava bulwark in the summer of 1946, in which the author tried to stress the unity of all women at the voluntary work action, also spoke of significant differences between those who had put down their clothes, shoes and bags:

    There are all kinds, and could tell many stories if they could only talk. There are dresses coming from fine fashion shops, and there are those bought at the fair or in a second-hand shop And now theyre lying here, next to one another, just as women from different stra-ta of society work side by side.176

    Fashion serving the people: tasteful, simple, practical and prettyHowever, that same year, 1946, Zagreb saw the ap-pearance of the first Yugoslavian fashion magazine, Naa moda (Our fashion), with higher price, better production values and mundane content setting it far apart from the ena u borbi monthly from the same publisher. Print run growth for this illustrated magazine was limited due to shortages of printing paper, and in the key year 1948, it got a deal for sale at kiosks in the USSR.177 It is hard to believe today that the same circle of editors and reports at Republic Square 8, which apparently feared occasional crit-icisms from the Belgrade AF central178 and party complaints of their lack of dialectically-material-istic view of the world179 should start a completely apolitical and conformist magazine. While ena u borbi brought texts on the suffering of women in Greek prisons and camps, of the hard life of farmers and workers in India, China and Korea, Naa moda diligently followed fashion novelties from London, Moscow, Paris and Geneva, brought foreign fashion photography and offered practical advice on how to tailor a wardrobe for different occasions or times of day, or how to knit a bathing suit, together with culinary and cosmetics advice, fitness exercise and marketing for the remaining private Zagreb stores (hairdressers, tailors and millineries). It should also be said that, in the late 1950s, less than 30 percent of Yugoslavian population used store-bought clothes, which was notorious as of poor quality, out of fashion and uniform.180 But students of numerous tailoring courses have the opportunity to show off their skills; local textile factories offer an ever-increasing choice of materials, and nobody lacks reasons to go out, as social and cultural life in Croatian metropolis is ex-tremely lively and varied:

    There isa need for outings, and at the time, it was possible and there were places to go to: the theatre, cinema, concerts, exhibitions, even the church In the fifties, there werent enough cinemas for the huge

    numbers of people who wanted to go to the cinema on a Saturday or Sunday night: that is the age of the fencers, long waits in line for the cinema tickets, and fever before seeing a good film. Also, it is the time of spreading music, concerts and brilliant performers.181

    Women who participated in the legitimisation of the new government, created social trends and started on their own, third way towards a socialist future where beauty, joy and difference rule were not loyal to feminist ideals. We can see this confirmed in the speech of Vida Tomi, head of AF of Yugoslavia, at the 4th plenary session of AF of Croatia, held on the 10th of October 1948 in Zagreb:

    We can see in Russian papers who all women wear ugly clothes there, and that [is presented] like some need of socialism; and all of it negates what we are seeking here beauty, joy and difference. We should teach women to know how to dress prettily and make their flat neat, and to know how to do it quickly.182

    The frivolous notion of the aesthetics difference be-tween Yugoslavian and Soviet women, instead of the ethically-political positioning that marks the differ-ence between the citizens and political leadership of USSR is not the only worrying element. Positive desire for individualism, plenty and joy of life is, in a Copernican reversal typical of socialist demagogical discourse, transformed into an instruction on effi-cient management of own time with the goal of better servicing all members of the household and society as a whole. The thesis that gender equality cannot be dis-cussed as long as womens interests are focused only on the family and household thus gets an interesting twist. Instead of the mission to free women, accord-ing to Vladimir I. Lenin, from difficult and monotone labour that ties her to the past with a thousand lines, the woman is told that only (rational, economic and swift) performance of that same labour can give her more time for constructive works, for creativity in all the fields of human activity.183

    Socialism with a (marketing) female faceIn the mid-1950s, social visibility and political in-fluence of women are dropping, while the number of dismissed women in industrial and state sectors are growing, with the justification that they are less efficient and more often absent from work.184 Re-sponsibility for this is attached to the remnants of patriarchal mentality and irresponsible individuals among managers. But who is to blame for the fact that socialist woman is more and more pushed away from political life and ritual revival of memories of revolution, that she is slowly overtaking the feminised, particular areas of education and employment and that, finally, her image is sexualised and/or turned

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955342

    183 Racionalnost, ekonominost, higijena i kultura u naem domu, ena u borbi, XI/9, Zagreb, 1953, p. 13.

    184 See I. Panteli, op.cit., pp. 124-125.

    185 L. Sklevicky, ene, konji, ratovi..., op.cit., p. 134.

    186 See Biljana iki, Luksuzne lutke i lokalni mangupi: rodna paradigma kvalitetne tampe u jugoslavenskom socijalizmu, in: Sandra Prlenda, ed., Kako je bilo.... O Zagorki i enskoj povijesti, Zagreb, CS, 2011, pp. 241-258.

    187 See M. Foucault, Technologies of the self, in: P. Rabinow, ed., Ethics, Subjectivity and Truth, London, Penguin, vol.1, pp. 223-251.

    188 First examples of negative gender socialisation of children following the pattern of separate appropriate activities for girls and boy can be found in AF issues, with press articles, such as: You and Your Child in Household Chores, ena u borbi, XII/8, Zagreb, 1953, or To Each an Apron, Naa moda, No. 2, Spring 1955.

    189 Branislava Baranovi, Slika ene u udbenicima knjievnosti, Zagreb, IDIS, 2000, p. 28.

    190 See ena u borbi, IX/10, Zagreb, 1951, p. 11.

    191 On the role of publicity at the line between wartime communism and first appearance of consumer society see, for instance, G. Bosanac, Visoko elo..., op.cit., p. 147: Moralistic horror over capitalist mania of consumption , it marketing, that slowly covers every view, hides every sound and every free, empty space, overtakes all senses and dulls all the thresholds of its borders.

    192 ivio 8. mart, ena u borbi, VII/3, Zagreb, 1949, p. 3.

    193 Inicijativna izloba Udruenja umjetnika primijenjene umjetnosti Hrvatske, ena u borbi, XIII/12, Zagreb, 1955, p. 2.

    194 Quoted from: Dunja Rihtman Augutin, O dekristijanizaciji narodne kulture, Etnoloka tribina, 13, 1990., p. 10.

    195 E. Hobsbawm, The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge University Press, 2012 [1983]

    into a household angel, looking for self-realisation in love, marriage and modern-equipped home.

    Thus, it is justified to state that all-important changes of the womans position are in a causal con-nection with the process of modernisation, which was started in underdeveloped agrarian countries by the communists arrival to power.185 This process could not have happened without serious disturbance of patriarchal culture, whose dissolution gave women a historic chance, but also gave them the responsibility for the history of their (unrealised) futures. In one of those aborted futures we find socialism at the measure of a working and socially active woman, gender-sen-sitive self-governing model and a society without segregation of male and female professions, without prostitution, discrimination and sexism, without press whose success is based on the combination of serious political content and pornographic pictures.186

    The transformation of repressive measures of dis-cipline (and punishment) into the practice of self-dis-cipline, self-criticism and self-correction, as described by Michel Foucault,187 is followed by the adaptation of the individual to the modern industrialised soci-ety and its socialist variant. This is a key moment of symbiosis between the emancipatory matrix and the tradition of defined female values in educational prac-tice and the private sphere, where patriarchal logic of the underrated and invisible female physical and affective work struck back at state feminism.188 The ri-valry between two collectivistic projects (patriarchal and communist) that disciplined, socialised and used female labour and reproductive abilities for the good of fathers or general good, now found joint interest in the reconstitution of the discourse of femininity and house pride, and spread the traditional division of family roles to the society as a whole.189

    Speedy economic development and relative pros-perity in the 1950s, with the start of production of household appliances and consumer goods, synthetic materials and plastic, certainly made womens dai-ly lives easier, and half-opened the door of socialist utopia. Optimism was further supported by images of plenty from the Zagreb fair Dolac at which free trade was allowed; full shelves before Christmas 1949 at the Zagreb general store Nama, or the possibility for 350,000 visitors of the Zagreb fair to buy some of the products on exhibition.190 Together with films, womens magazines, fairs and exhibitions shaped the taste of citizens, offering desirable images of material plenty in the decade that still glorifies production, and worries little about the appearance and quality of the products, or their distribution, promotion and rational consumption. But, through the promotion of new technologies and trends in textile industry, construction, furniture design and exhibition trade, Zagreb was trying to become Yugoslavian centre of fashion, modern industrial design and architecture.

    The transition from general poverty into an era of relative plenty, from cinematographic to televi-sion culture, from political indoctrination into the seductive language of publicity, was followed by de-politisation and pacification of women, degradation and commodification of her symbolism: allegory of revolution, the local version of the female revolu-tionary from Delacroixs La Libert and Muhins fe-male worker became the girl from the commercial for the Savica motorbike, Perion laundry detergent, or refined edible oil Zvijezda.191 Celebration of the 8th of March loses its social importance and becomes merely the time for giving flowers and small gifts made by children. From the biggest female social-ist holiday, for which working records were broken and which was dedicated to the international fight for womens rights and cold-war fight against the starters of new war, for peace and democracy in the world192, all that remained were small celebrations in factories and offices. In the first post-war years, the holiday was by its festival atmosphere and mass par-ticipation paired with the May celebration of Moth-ers Day and childrens week with flower course, while, after the gradual abolishment of sacral tradition, the 8th of March took over the characteristics of both Mothers Day and the socialist holiday. By stressing the reproductive, educational and aesthetic aspects of their lives, women are called on to help shape a new, specifically our culture, and to do that, once again in the history of the 20th century, starting from the

    decoration and setting of the flat and buying clothes by their taste, needs and abilities.193 They were thus told to realise their pursuit of happiness, plenty and better future where they had relative power and con-trol: in the space of their own home and in the material of their own bodies, whose (auto) eroticism, utility and political functionality they yet had to perceive.

    Political RitualsReana Senjkovi

    According to British historian Peter Burke, new ide-ologies and new political systems in modern Europe usually tried to reform the existing folk culture or else constituted their power by obliterating previous traditions and introducing new customs and rituals.194 Only a few years later, another British historian, Eric Hobsbawm, called such attempts invention of tradition:

    [We are dealing with actions] usually led by open or taciturn acceptance of rules of ritual or symbolic char-acter, attempting to instil certain values and norms of behaviour through repetition, which automatically implies continuity with certain historic past.195

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 343

    196 See Ibid, 9.197 See David I. Kertzer, Ritual,

    Politics & Power, Yale University Press, 1988, p. 9.

    198 See Alfred Simon, Praznik i politika, Kultura, 73/74/75, Zagreb, 1986., p. 126. See also Christel Lane, Legitimacy and Power in the Soviet Union through Socialist Ritual, British Journal of Political Science, 14/2, 1984, pp. 207-217.

    199 See James von Geldern, Bolshevik Festivals, 1917-1920, University of California Press, 1993, p. 8.

    200 See D. I. Kertzer, op.cit., p. 163201 J. von Geldern, op.cit., p. 124. 202 D. I. Kertzer, op.cit., p. 14. 203 J. von Geldern, op.cit., 124. 204 See Christel Lane, The Rites

    of Rulers: Ritual in Industrial Society the Soviet Case, Cambridge University Press, 1981, p. 161.

    205 A. Simon, op.cit., p. 121.206 Ch. Lane, op.cit., 167.207 Ibid, 207.208 See Narodna vlada Hrvatske

    formirana u gradu Splitu dana 14. travnja 1945. godine, Zagreb, Dravno nakladno poduzee Hrvatske, 1945.

    209 Ibid.

    His typology of such undertakings includes the consti-tution or symbolisation of social cohesion or belong-ing to social groups; constitution or legitimisation of social institutions and their authority; and socialisa-tion, instilling of beliefs, value system and conven-tions of behaviour.196 Certainly, political rituals are wrapped in the network of symbolism, they are stand-ardised and repetitive,197 but also open to adaptations through which political elites attempt to create their legitimacy in changed social circumstances.

    The newly established political elites of the Feder-ative Peoples Republic of Yugoslavia (FNRJ) were not, therefore, forced to invent the invention of tradition, and used the preceding soviet example as a model for the distribution, script and execution of political rituals.198

    The premier socialist country, almost immediately after completing the revolution, adopted in its cel-ebration of the Bolshevik uprising the elements of those cultural traditions it sought to overcome, in-cluding elements of liturgical ritual and tsarist cere-monies.199 Their inspiration, in turn, came from the French celebrations of the fall of the Bastille. Maximi-lien Robespierre and his comrades had enthusiastical-ly adopted the idea by Jean-Jacques Rousseau to use organised folk celebrations to help strengthen the national feeling and embody new political ideas, so religious and monarchist festivities were replaced by a system of revolutionary state rituals. For the Festi-val of the Supreme Being (La fte de ltre suprme) on July 8th 1794 in Paris, for example, they erected huge monuments, decorated the buildings along the way of the festive parade, and constructed a large artificial hill for Robespierre to climb, while the masses at the bottom performed revolutionary songs.200

    Thus, as early as 1908, Anatoly V. Lunacharsky, whom Vladimir I. Lenin would appoint the Commis-sar of Education and Enlightenment in November 1917, supported the introduction of mass festivals, con-ceiving the celebrations of the revolutions victory, to be held on Moscow and Petrograds large squares.201 The idea met with approval of Leo D. B. Trotsky, Lenins Foreign Affairs Commissar, who warned that they should follow the centuries old example of the church and use the human leaning towards the the-atrical, their strong and legitimate need to give free reign to their emotions.202 Soviet post-October pan-theon therefore gathered a varied company: next to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, there was Spartacus, leaders of Cossack uprisings in the 17th and 18th cen-turies, M. Robespierre, and often even Jesus Christ himself.203 At the same time, on the other hand, it seems that workers, military men and intellectuals in the first few years after the revolution spontaneously participated in the celebrations,204 singing revolu-tionary songs and carrying flags or political signs: this confirmed their revolutionary faith, spiritual agreement and emotional complicitness in the supreme reality of

    homeland.205 Celebratory processions soon became moving exhibitions of the achievements of soviet industry and agriculture:

    [The participants] proudly showed the products of their labour, or models thereof or presented the pro-duction procedures through charts and graphs.206

    In time, and particularly after 1930, the celebrations became uniform and standardised. The trend grew even stronger after the death of Joseph V. Stalin in 1953: the system of socialist ritual.207 was introduced.

    Yugoslavian/Croatian political rituals Yugoslavian, and therefore also Croatian, politi cal rituals leaned on almost identical or similar pat-terns, and here they are presented through several examples.

    The Presidency of the Lands Anti-Fascist Council of Peoples Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH) at the ex-traordinary session held on the 14th of April in Split wanted, primarily, to demonstrate that Croatian gov-ernment, to be constituted at the session, would truly be of the people. Peoples Square was specially deco-rated: there were flowers on the windows, as well as carpets and signs through which, according to the re-port, the people of Split expressed their patriotism.208 The Government, however, had to bear in mind the fact that the people they were about to start govern-ing might not be prepared to start off for better life ex nihilo, and that legitimisation through leaning on the October Revolution and its consequences would be unrecognisable at the least. The Government needed generally acceptable yet strong symbols that would give new blood to Marxist-Leninist ideological abstraction. In the eclectic flood of signs used to ex-plain the inauguration event, the most numerous and the strongest were those indicating the awakening of new life. Therefore, symbolically, the councillors arrived to the Peoples Square from the East, the side of the rising Sun, which was appropriately graceful on that day and remained unclouded. The session was then opened by ZAVNOH Chair, Vladimir Nazor, who stressed, among other things:

    [It was] destined that our new government should be created in the middle of spring, between Easter and the Feast of St. George, [and in Dalmatia,] which is the cradle of the idea of Croatian statehood and Croatian culture [Split has] in ancient times both felt and seen Croatian kings [and it has always] resisted attackers, and showed courage and bravery in the hardest mo-ments of our peoples uprising.209

    And the new government, recalling recent past, con-structed in its conclusion a connection with the Bib-lical image of suffering:

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955344

    210 Ibid.211 Ibid.212 See Vjesnik, Zagreb, May 19th

    1945, p. 3.213 Ibid, May 21st 1945, pp. 1-2.214 See D. Rihtman-Augutin,

    Metamorfoza socijalistikih praznika, Narodna umjetnost, 27, Zagreb, 1990, p. 26.

    215 Quoted from: Lydia Sklevicky, Nova Nova godina od Mladog ljeta k politikom ritualu, Etnoloka tribina, 11, Zagreb, 1988, p. 61.

    216 Ibid, p. 62.217 See ibid, pp. 63-64.218 See Ana Pani, Nova godina

    kao politiki ritual (New Years as Political Ritual), in: Titove Nove godine, exhibition catalogue, Belgrade, Muzej Ibidrije Jugoslavije, 2008, at: http://www.mij.rs/Event_new.aspx?id_event=25.

    219 L. Sklevicky, op.cit., p. 65.220 See ibid.

    From blood grows beauty, grows the sun of free-dom for which we have yearned so much. Here is the mighty star, similar to the one from the east, which brought the wise men There is [also] the blue colour of the sky, smiling at the happiness of the martyred and much tortured Job of Yugoslavian nations.210

    The impression of continuity was further support-ed by the representatives of the Sinj Alka, led by their duke and wearing Alkar dress, while gorgeous old-fashion folk dresses were donned by the mem-bers of the Split committee of the Anti-Fascist Wom-ens Front. After the session, V. Nazor and Vladimir Bakari, head of the Government, went on foot to the waterfront, which was all aflame with torches and electric bulbs. Red bulbs were used to spell out Titos name on the Marjan. The celebration lasted long into the night: there was dancing, and singing of pa-triotic songs. And the very next day, after giving their oaths, members of the First Peoples Government set to work and inspection of local institutions:

    They particularly looked at Split shipyard, having their pictures taken with udarnik workers who had, in this short time, prepared the shipyard by their dil-igent work for full operation.211

    In the period between the 22nd and the 25th of May 1945, pioneers in the whole of Yugoslavia celebrated Josip Broz Titos birthday by pioneer jamborees.212 In the meantime, Tito visited Zagreb and then Vara-din, where he was greeted by applause and yells from those present who, after singing the two anthems, Hej, Slaveni (Yugoslavian anthem) and Lijepa naa (Croatian anthem), started singing Partisan songs and danced. A little later, farmers from villages further away from Varadin also arrived, in carts decorated with flags, towels and folk embroidery. Finally, J. Broz Tito spoke to the gathering, and, similarly to V. Nazor in Split, stressed the foundation of the present in the distant past, using the legitimacy formula presenting the new government as the one prolonging the long tradition of rebellion against exploitative social relations.

    Already with Matija Gubecs rebellion, Croatian Zagorje gave an example of how we should fight for our rights and our freedom. Marshall Tito stressed that Croatian Zagorje today stands as one in the fight for the rights for which previous generations had also fought and for which Matija Gubec and his rebels had fallen. Todays fight depends on the fight that Gubec had once fought for human and Croatian justice.213

    That year, religious holidays were celebrated as well, although with obvious unease. During the War, J. Broz Tito wished the fighters a merry Christmas, and in 1945, Christmas was still a public holiday, so federal

    and republic media printed Christmas wishes for the citizens at their front pages.214 For example, he edito-rial at the front page of the celebratory double issue of Zagreb-based Vjesnik carried the title First Christmas in the free Peoples Republic215 In the editorial, as had been the case with the Split celebration of the inaugu-ration of the new government, the new political dis-course sought strength in recalling pre-Christian tra-ditions, and lauding the auld patriarchal custom that had held over centuries.216 However, already in 1946, Vjesnik pushed the Christmas wishes to page nine, and the year after, the new government felt strong enough to give up on that compromise as well: there were no Christmas wishes.217 New Years was declared a State holiday in socialist Yugoslavia only in 1955, with the first general State Holidays Act.218

    There were, however, doubts regarding other dates to be marked as celebrations, so the Ministry of Edu-cation of the Peoples Government of Croatia issued a memo on the 18th of January 1946, with the list of the dates. The memo was sent to all local, county and township peoples committees, all high schools, and teacher schools (see p. 206).

    Over the following years, celebrations were organ-ised also for the Day of Yugoslav Army, the foundation of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, and individual proletarian brigades, and even the first half of the first Five Year Plan. Celebrations were also held at the oc-casion of different congresses (of the Communist Par-ty, Unified Unions of Yugoslavia, Matrix of Railway Unions, Handicapped War Veterans Union, Education Workers Union) and parliamentary sessions; at the occasion of elections for the Peoples Front organs or municipality councils; in honour of medals issued for particular merits in the work on the reconstruction and building the country; announcements of best working collectives; start of operation or opening to traffic of objects constructed through work actions; in honour of elections for workers councils in compa-nies; management committees taking over factories; entering pioneer and youth organisations; start of serving conscription time in the Army Funerals of peoples heroes, memorial plates and monuments as well as issuing of memorials to families of dead fighters were also specially marked.

    Towards the end of 1948, all was ready for the consti-tution of a new ceremonial calendar,219

    which was to gather all citizens of Yugoslavia, stress-ing their similarities and their joint heritage.220

    Insurrection DayTwo weeks before the celebration of the first nation-al holiday after the end of the great Freedom War, Insurrection Day in Croatia, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia sent a memo to

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 345

    221 Hrvatski dravni arhiv (HDA), Zagreb, HR-1220-CK Saveza komunista Hrvatske (SKH), Agitprop, v. 9 (1945).

    222 Ibid, v. 9 (1950).223 See Ibid, v. 9 (1946).224 Ibid.225 Ibid.226 Ibid, v. 9 (1949).227 Ibid, v. 9 (1948).228 Quoted from: ibid.229 Ibid, v. 10 (1950).

    all its local, county and municipal committees with the proposal that was supposed to help that the day be celebrated as well, as beautifully and as festively as possible.221

    Five years later, for the same occasion, it was planned that special committees for the celebration would be formed, lectures and celebratory meetings be held, as well as torch festivities in companies and towns, bonfires, flower arches and house decorations in villages. Furthermore, there were instructions to

    gather the bones of fallen fighters from the Peoples Freedom War, their graves be cleaned, their children and mothers visited, memorial plaques put up, and

    partisan marches and celebrations organised, the whole to culminate with folk merriment. Finally, instructions also asked that:

    many cultural and sports events be held in villages and workers centres, many exhibitions be opened, [and] all cinemas, theatres and museums be aligned and working in the final week.222

    Labour DayParticularly lively were the celebrations for the 1st of May, which incorporated also many elements of the carnival, and of the Feast of St. George. As had been the case with other celebrations, preparations for May Day celebrations started several days early, before the 1st itself. The press concentrated on appropriate subjects, taking care, allegedly due to inner and for-eign enemies, to obfuscate exact data on production achievements.223 Also published were lists of appro-priate Labour Day mottos, so, for instance, on the 24th of April 1948, Vjesnik published over one hundred of them on the front page. Following the instructions of the Republics Propaganda Department, the holiday was to be celebrated:

    in the spirit of all the successes of our nations and our country, in all the fields of our national and state life,

    in a way that would confirm huge efforts invested by the working class in the reconstruction and build-ing the land, but also the general peoples working lan.224

    In 1946, groups of around twenty workers from all larger companies (listed by name) were to go to the Belgrade celebration from Zagreb:

    [The workers would also carry] objects of their own making that would symbolically [represent] their products or their production branch, and diagrams of labour achievements.225

    A unified and harmonic picture of representation was provided through detailed and specific instruc-tions. Thus, for instance, Propaganda Department

    set the number of marches for the 1949 Labour Day parade, as well as the number and distribution of par-ticipants, and even the props they were to bring. It was planned that Sisak Ironworks would appear in the metal heavy industry march, with the goal to

    present on one truck a model of a blast furnace, while Elektroprivreda power company would pres-ent a model of a hydro plant on one vehicle, and on the other a power station with two high-voltage columns that would be transported on two smaller cars The pioneers in the twelfth march were divid-ed into five echelons:

    At the head are two trumpets and two drums, and 60 flags from the brigade. The first echelon carries pres-entations of school equipment, with large textbooks with letters T and P (Titos Pioneers), signs of literary groups, in the shape of triangles and with models of childrens books, a large sign of pioneer papers, signs of history, geography, natural science and maths, and at the end large As laughing, etc.226

    The parades, of course, also included farmers. Twen-ty-four representatives of Croatian counties, in folk dress, participated in Labour Day parade 1950 car-rying agricultural products and tools recognised as typical (see p. 212).

    Republic Day and Titos birthdayThe plan on which the press would write227 was developed in 1948 also for the occasion of Republic Day. There were also pre-prepared theses for lectures on the significance of the date. In Croatian towns, different programmes were prepared: in Varadin, lectures and speeches in all factories, as well as ar-tistic programme, torch marches and bonfires on the surrounding hills; celebratory gathering at the National Theatre, sports parade and football matches, while in ibenik there was to be held a celebratory gathering, appropriate lectures, football matches, and a boat race.228

    And on the occasion of celebrating J. Broz Titos birthday, sportsmen, together with all workers and youth of Yugoslavia would network the country by carrying a relay baton, running on average 250 meters each, at the speed of one kilometre in three minutes. From year to year, the relay was to become more nu-merous and spectacular. Together with the usual relay, in 1950, for example, there was also equestrians relay (each horseman was to go over 3-5 km, depending on the abilities, either at a trot, gallop or simple pace), as well as the Adriatic Greeting Relay:

    [It was the carrying of greetings] by glider, dragged by plane to Belgrade, where [the bearer] of the relay would attempt to set FNRJ record by parachuting at the Zemun airport.229

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955346

    230 Ibid.231 HDA, Zagreb, CK SKH, Politiki

    biro (Polit-biro), 1050, IV, 13 (Report on the elections for the Federal Parliament), quoted from: Katarina Spehnjak, Javnost i propaganda. NF u politici i kulturi Hrvatske 1945-1952. godine, Zagreb, Hrvatski institut za povijest, Dom i svijet imprint, 2002, p. 151.

    232 Ibid.233 Slobodan Novak, Dobojski

    nasip, in: Na pruzi. Zbornik radova knjievnika iz Hrvatske o pruzi amac-Sarajevo, Zagreb, Drutvo knjievnika Hrvatske, 1947, p. 184.

    234 HDA, Zagreb, HR-1220-CK SKH, Agitprop, v. 9 (1952).

    235 1. zemaljska konferencija Saveza Savjeta pionira NRH, Zagreb, Savjet Saveza pionira NRH, 1951.

    236 See, for example, Emil Paravina, Proslava Dana Republike u pionirskoj organizaciji, Zagreb, Savjet Saveza pionira NRH, 1951. Also, later, Ivan Hajui, Spomen slikovnica za pionire povodom 10-godinjice osloboenja nae domovine, Zagreb, Tipografija, 1955.

    237 See Mladen Koritnik, Dan djeje radosti, Zagreb, Savjet Saveza pionira NRH, 1951.

    238 See L. Sklevicky, op.cit., p. 66.239 Ibid, p. 59.240 See ibid, p. 66.

    In the towns and villages through which the relay passed, arrival and departure celebrations were organ-ised, as well as meetings at which letters of greetings were read:

    [And all the railways, following the prepared instruc-tions], shall be specially decorated, particularly the main railway, with different signs, mottos, arches etc., [while] the runners will be showered with flowers and decorated.230

    Of course, ordinary peoples acceptance and under-standing of the celebration instructions was a differ-ent matter. For example, according to the report on the celebration regarding the election of peoples rep-resentatives for the Constitutional Parliament of the Peoples Republic of Croatia (NRH), published at the front page of Vjesnik on the 10th of November 1946, it could be concluded that the celebration had gone exactly as planned:

    However, in some places, it was not the case; cel-ebrations were disturbed, with opposition, and even diversion. Thus, for instance, at the occasion of the elections for the Federal Parliament of Yugoslavia in 1950, it was noted that:

    the enemy is very active, primarily in the villag-es, where capitalist remains and all sorts of Ustaa and Maek types led by priests have developed much stronger activities than in 1945.231

    In one village of the Krievci district, several peas-ants even attacked a group of youth activists, while in another fifty people fled the voting by hiding in the woods, and in a third, dissatisfied people sawed down the arch in the middle of the village and

    cut phone lines.232However, more often the special occasions and

    important dates carried their limited and private, playful face: it was simply taken for granted that the folk celebration would last long into the night, particularly in cases when young men went to the army. Similarly, it was implicitly expected that young men and women would, after working com-petitions at the work actions during the day, use the camp fire time to dance the Kozara.233 Where structured and ideologically approved programmes of celebrations were pushed away by hedonism and debauchery, the need was stressed to fight for a

    more correct orientation, which was confirmed in several case, for instance in 1952, in the Information on cultural and educational work in Zagreb companies (see p. 216). 234

    In the early 50s, stepping away from the celebratory rules was so conspicuous that the need to critically question the previous approach became apparent.

    That year, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia decided to undertake measures:

    to remove those elements that might disturb further correct development of mass organisations [among which the Pioneer Association. It pertained] particu-larly to the straight and narrow content of the work [and to] the introduction of overbearing political work (lectures and political information for children) in-troduction of too much military spirit and discipline, [which produced insufficient popularity of the organ-isation among children].235

    Thus, it was necessary to intervene in the previ-ous way of working with children, providing them with more play, joy and fun. In order to do that, the Council of the Pioneer Association of NRH started the Pioneer Association Imprint, where they also published instructions for the celebration of pio-neer holidays: Childrens Joy Day, How should pioneers celebrate Titos birthday, Celebrating Republic Day in the pioneer organisation, and How shall we organise greeting of spring.236

    Pioneer ritualsThe introductory text in the Childrens Joy Day gives an unambiguous picture of the attempts to form a new, socialist-only tradition:237 this holiday, intro-duced in 1949,238 was to replace the earlier winter church holidays and, with time, become a folk tra-dition, closer to the social reality of the day, while at the same time taking children to the world of stories and fairytales. This was primarily delegated to the characters of Snowman and Father Frost around New Years Eve and New Year, which is very interesting in light of the fact that, only two years before that, after consulting with numerous children experts, writers and other artists, it had been claimed that:

    [Father Frost] is an unsuccessful, Bolshevik-clerical bastard, contradictio in adjecto (frost brings noth-ing, represents no one, and has made no one happy).239

    Thus, it had been counselled that celebrations be cleansed and freed from the influence of mystical and symbolic rituals.240

    In any case, following the instructions from the brochure, Our Children associations were supposed to develop a plan and programme for the celebrations starting with early December 1951, and taking par-ticular care:

    in preparing childrens presents [and] the appear-ance of Father Frost and distribution of presents, in preparing for cultural and artistic programme, in decorating the rooms, making posters and invitations, getting a New Years tree, decorating the tree and set-

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 347

    241 Quoted from : M. Koritnik, op.cit.

    242 Quoted from: ibid.243 Radoslav oki, Ka

    prazninoj kulturi, Kultura, 73/74/75, Zagreb, 1986, pp. 221-232.

    244 Ibid, p. 25.245 See V. Dedijer, J. Broz Tito:

    prilozi za biografiju. Belgrade, Kultura, 1953, and, later, also Novi prilozi za biografiju Josipa Broza Tita, vol. 2, Rijeka, Liburnija, 1981, and vol. 3, Belgrade, Izdavaka radna organizacija Rad, 1984.

    246 See Ibid, J. Broz Tito..., op.cit., pp. 26 and 37-46.

    ting up New Years trees in public places, making tree decorations [as well as] New Years cards, public childrens events, organising different winter games and fun childrens gatherings.241

    The Council of the Pioneer Association counselled on every single item from the list: they even proposed several motifs for the cards, the appropriate height of the tree, the time for the decoration of the tree (on the 30th of December in the afternoon, or the morning of the 31st), appropriate decoration (prior to setting up the tree, its top should be decorated with a five-point star), clothes and appearance for Father Frost, his appearance and tools (we recommend that Father Frost appear with pomp, with snowflakes or bunnies dragging a sled full of presents behind him; Father Frost himself can drag the sled), and, finally, the script for the distribution of presents.242

    Organisers were free to decide whether, instead of Father Frosts arrival, they would organise the arrival of Snowman or the New Year, and, judging from the attachment A. Event materials, New Year could be helped in the distribution of presents by an old fighter as well.

    In the end, with few exceptions, political rituals of the second Yugoslavia were interpreted as an expres-sion of the need to mark victories in war and labour, as well as other important events, in a celebratory and dignified manner. The mixture of spontaneous and organised celebrations was in time replaced with more and more organised celebrations, with the goal to strengthen the consciousness of the revolution in its continuity:

    [Support for this was reflected in the idea that] revolu-tion is a permanent process within the working class being, and that it should be revived continuously in many different manners.243

    Political rituals of FNRJ indeed could and often did seem unified and too harmonic, exactly as the fu-ture of the country was supposed to look. However, even before the celebration of the 10th anniversary of the liberation, political rituals, with the exception of the Youth Day celebration, started losing their spectacular elements. Already in the early 60s, pa-rades were abandoned244 and more and more often, it was assessed that the participants in large cele-brations those performing as well as those watch-ing were not entirely voluntary. With time, also, their once dense symbolic network became frayed, and ideological messages they transferred became in time, as had been the case in other European so-cialist countries, more and more anachronistic and contradictory.

    The Myth of Tito in the Environment example of KumrovecNevena krbi Alempijevi

    In the decade after the end of World War II, in the second Yugoslavia, there began the creation and ap-pearance of contours, and afterwards different dimen-sions of the myth of Josip Broz Tito, which remained in public rhetoric until the disappearance of the state formation presented by this political personality. An important contribution to the creation of the myth, and the starting point for numerous later reinterpre-tations of his character, came from Vladimir Dedijers book on Tito, published in 1953.245 The book, the au-thenticity of which Dedijer attempts to guarantee by repeating the statements of J. Broz himself and his close associates, enthrones the idea of Tito as the leader of revolutionary workers movement, great war leader and military strategist, war victor who did not sleep on his laurels but diligently continued working in the attempt to create a better future for everyone. This mythical Tito dressed in military over-coat, in motion, hands on his back and his gaze lost in thought was materialised in the bronze statue by Antun Augustini from 1948.

    V. Dedijers work also stressed the narrative of Tito as the leader of the people, proud of his peasant origins and worker activities. Thus, in the opening chapters of the book, he is described as a peasant child to whom guarding cows at the Zagorje pastures leaves too lit-tle time for school work, and later as worker, metal worker who combines the locksmith apprenticeship in Sisak with early political work.246 Thus described and imagined, Titos biography embodied the land of workers and farmers, as one-time second Yugoslavia called itself in popular discourse. Finally, through fur-ther chronological description of life stages important for the creation of Titos character, V. Dedijer also drew the socialist version of the transformation myth, fo-cusing on the character that is one of us, but also special enough to end up on the pedestal of the best of us.

    However, texts about Tito, whether fictional or sci-entific, primarily historiographic, did not exhaust the forms of construction of the Tito myth. The myth was also created by other means: organisation of celebra-tions, ceremonies, commemorations cultural and public practices, such as organised mass transports of the relay baton started in 1945, which were part of the celebration of J. Broz Titos birthday. In this, every carrying of the baton and each gift for Tito reflected the prevailing vision of his character, with individu-al and unique performances adding another layer to

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955348

    247 See Ivan olovi, O maketama i tafetama, in: VlasTito iskustvo, Radonja Leposavi ed., Belgrade, Samizdat B92, 2004, pp. 137-162.

    248 See Nevena krbi Alempijevi and Petra Kelemen, Travelling to the Birthplace of the Greatest Son of Yugoslav Nations. The Construction of Kumrovec as a Political Tourism Destination, in: Yugoslavias Sunny Side. A History of Tourism in Socialism (1950s-1980s), ed. Hannes Grandits i Karin Taylor. Budapest New York, Central European University Press, 2010, pp. 141-169.

    249 Marijane Gui, Selo Kumrovec povijesni spomenik, unpublished manuscript held in Croatian State Archive in Zagreb, Personal papers M. Gui, 2428, sig. 21/1986, box 4, p. 1.

    250 See V. Dedijer, Novi prilozi..., vol. 2, op.cit., p. 209.

    251 Mahmud Konjhodi, U kui Brozovih, Narodni list, the 25th of May 1955.

    252 See M. Matoec, Djeak sa Sutle. Zagreb, Mladost, 1980.

    253 M. Gui, op.cit., p. 8.

    the mythical figure.247 Furthermore, the myth of Tito was written into environment: numerous localities on his passage during the war or post-war peace were reinterpreted, in mental maps of the one-time second Yugoslavia, as places where basic myths of Yugoslavia were incited and revived by each new visit.

    In this imaginarium, a special position belonged to Kumrovec, Titos native village, which was defined in the discourse of the time as the cradle of the great-est son of Yugoslavian peoples and nationalities, and the focus of basic ideological messages. The village with some three hundred inhabitants was gradually transformed in mid-20th century into an example of socialist prosperity and welfare, and became inevi-table as political-tourist destination. In the centre of the transformation of Kumrovec stood J. Brozs native house, also the first space in Kumrovec that under-went material reconstruction in alignment with the socialist pattern.248 Immediately after the end of the war, in 1945, the house was put out of use (emptied), and both families Broz that had lived in it were moved to new homes because, according to the documents of the later museum management of the memorial house, the prevailing opinion was already:

    that the house should be kept uninhabited and empty, as a monument of extraordinary importance in and of itself. That is why the house was cleared of all further function, and only the strictest memorial meaning was left to it.249

    In the year 1952, the curators of the Ethnography Museum and the Arts and crafts Museum, as well as the experts from the Conservation Institute of Cro-atia in Zagreb were given the task of arranging the house as a museum with authentic content. In 1953, the house was open to public as Memorial Museum of Marshall Tito, under the leadership of ethnologist M. Gui who had, according to V. Dedijer, taken over the organisation and leadership of the museum in 1952, on invitation of J. Broz himself, who was positively impressed by her exhibition of folk work organised at the Maralat.250

    M. Gui approached the presentation of J. Brozs life in two stages of life. In the right wing of the house, she tried to reconstruct the Broz home from the time of Titos early childhood. The first permanent exhibi-tion also included artistic presentations of his lifes episodes, but those were replaced by original objects from the Broz household or those owned by Tito at the time whenever possible. The authenticity of the objects on exhibition was stressed in media reviews as well, with authors often describing or imagining the ways in which members of the Broz family, and Josip himself, used those object. This particularly per-tained to the central object of this part of the exhibi-tion, with the cradle in which Josip was also rocked,

    and which newspaper articles claimed was the real thing from the Presidents childhood.251 The left part of the house was dedicated to the schooling, early rev-olutionary work, prosecution and imprisonment of J. Broz, and Titos later engagement in the leadership of the anti-fascist struggle, with some accents on his post-war political activities.

    Both parts of the permanent exhibition correspond with two different but intertwined dimensions of the Tito myth. The first includes after-the-fact writing of the biography of the boy from Sutla in an intimate manner, like the one prepared almost three decades later by Milivoj Matoec.252 This was the presentation of the simple and poor surroundings that gave birth to the giant of our age and spurred the development of recognisable characteristics of a future leader. In stage two of the museographic presentation of Titos life, the focus was on the political leader recognised and glorified around the world, with accents within the myth on indications of bon vivant and gallant man of good taste, capable of enjoying life and his fame. This latter dimension reached its full expression in the presentation of his life on the Brijuni, islands marked by his presence from 1947 to 1979; whether he was going through his safari park in a 1953 Cadillac, or welcoming numerous statesmen, celebrities and media stars at the dock.

    The entirety of the presentation at the Kumrovec museum of the time completely materialised the ideological representation of the mythical figure of J. Broz Tito, which was, among other things, intended to confirm that:

    barefoot Zagorje boys went to roam the world, leaving their poor homes, flying off form their miserable villag-es carrying inside them revolt and decisiveness to fight for a happier future for new generations by their work, and how one of these youths managed to get to the head of the world fight for peace, for the future of mankind.253

    In this story, Tito was presented as the model of social mobility, and Kumrovec as the polygon where the Yu-goslavian dream was started. By the passage through two museum rooms, visitors were also instilled with the transformation myth the transformation of one exceptional individual, that can be hiding in any of the visitors, and who started through the hardships and reached for the (red) star. The fact that this muse-ological and simultaneously political strategy found its way to the visitors is confirmed by the notes in the visitors book of the time, where some visitors found the rudiments of Titos later leadership in the very modesty of the small peasant house, as it is described in a note from 1947:

    This quiet peasant home, which I have entered today, renewed my conviction that only a man born in such

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 349

    254 Quoted from: N. krbi Alempijevi i P. Kelemen, op. cit.

    255 M. Gui, op.cit., p. 1.256 Ibid.257 From the leaflet of the

    exhibition Zlatni album, Yugoslavia 1952-1968 Fashion images of the presidential couple, Museum of Yugoslav History and Museum of Vojvodina, 18th of May 10th of June 2012.

    a home can lead his people towards a happier and better future.254

    Since the museum was conceived as an eminent means of ideological education of our people, pri-marily our youth,255 even the arrival of visitors to Kumrovec was not left to chance or exclusively indi-vidual initiative. The organisation of trips and visits was mostly undertaken by influential institutions and associations, union branches and school. Thus, for example, in 1954, the management of the Arts and Crafts Museum in Zagreb adopted the decision that they would provide guides and organisation for travel from Zagreb to Kumrovec.

    Until the very dissolution of Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, Kumrovec presented a sig-nificant political and memorial point for numerous visitors. For instance, immediately after Titos death in 1980, the number of visitors reached around 1,5 million according to the unpublished documentation on visitors to Kumrovecs Old Village Museum. And the main incentive for the Kumrovec transformation as described was based on the myth of Tito. His sym-bolic presence in every segment of the project de-scribed presented the main attraction for thousands of visitors who came to the Zagorje village of Kum-rovec from all sides of the second Yugoslavia, to see the house where, under the roof, in a cradle, rocked the seventh child of Franjo and Marija Broz, Tito, a giant of our time.256

    Tito as dandyAnother fascinating aspect of Tito was his obsession with a glamorous lifestyle. Titos penchant for opulence and dressing up was sometimes even used as a weapon of diplomacy. For instance, when Soviet leaders came on their penitential visit to Belgrade in May 1955, The New York Times wrote how even the sheer contrast between Titos gold-embroidered, light blue Marshall uniform and the Soviets simple, travelling-wrinkled suits seemed impressive.

    Contrary to most other, particularly communist, dictators, luxury and glamour appeared early in the presentation of Titos life, especially in the reports from exotic travels.

    Newsreel reports from Titos travels, summers on Bri-juni, or hunting parties seem closer to celebrity gossip that would appear in Yugoslavia only decades later.

    However, there is another, much older pattern that could be recognised here. Tito was symbolically the father of the people, or, better yet, the good king, like those from folk tales and legends. It is normal for a king to live in a castle, to wear shiny uniforms, to go hunting...

    Predrag Markovi

    The Photo archives of the Museum of Yugoslav His-tory contain around 150,000 photographs following all of Titos public appearances, in the country and abroad, from 1948 to 1980. The photographs also document situations that could, by their content, be considered private (many of those are set-up photo-documents on some segments of the life of Josip Broz and the members of his family). Looking at the Archives reveals another, parallel, opulent and decorated reality, completely different from the one we remembered from the media images of the 1950s and 60s.

    This was true fashion photography, setting out aestheticised clothing and appearance, equivalent to what could be seen in world fashion magazines of those decades.

    Tito was self-confident in wearing his numerous, immaculately sewn suits and accessories that made him part of the world class of dandies, as he had al-ready been described by Salvador Dal at the time of the Spanish Civil War. Clothes and accessories for Jo-sip Broz came from Trieste, Milan, Paris and London, but also from Yugoslavia. Some of his clothes were made in local tailoring shops and textile factories: Vuteks, Varteks, Teteks and Beko.257

    For Tito, with respectThe presents that Tito received from foreign poli-ticians, official delegations from the country and abroad and from private citizens were given not only at the time of his rule, but in all periods, in all parts of Yugoslavia and the world. They are of differ-ent origins, execution and purpose, with different artistic, material and emotional values, and arrived by post or were personally presented on occasions of visits, birthdays and others. Gifting was part of the normal State protocol, but also an expression of personal affection for the president. In the first post-war decade, of particular interest were objects sent to Tito by companies, social organisations, workers, youth, socialist children, fighters, soldiers, more or less anonymous Yugoslavian citizens. There were relays, plaques, artworks, photo albums, folk em-broidery, models of factories and other workplaces, electrical machines and writing implements, objects of traditional folklore but also those that spoke about modernisation, scientific and technical advances. In-novative or traditional, every present was an indica-tion of folk creativity, and a sign of massive public expression of respect and gratitude to the president whose personality cult was formed and strengthened from the end of the war.

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955350

    258 Benjamin Buchloh, 1934a; At the First All Union of Writers, Andrei Zhdanov lays down the doctrine of Soviet Socialist Realism, in Hal Foster, Rosalind Krauss, Yves-Alain Bois, Benjamin H.D. Buchloh, Art Since 1900: Modernism, Antimodernism, Postmodernism, Thames & Hudson, London, 2004, p. 260

    259 Avant-garde and Kitsch, in Clement Greenberg, Art and Culture, Thames & Hudson, London, 1973, pp. 5-6

    260 Das Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen Reproduzierbarkeit, translated in Croatian by Snjeka Kneevi under the title Umjetniko djelo u razdoblju tehnike reprodukcije, published in Walter Benjamin, Estetiki ogledi, kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1986.

    Are we still modern?Leonida Kova

    Attention should be particularly paid to the fiction-al elements of our civilisation, literature and art, the whole series of mournful peripeties of political struggles from the second half of the nineteenth century and the turn of the twentieth century, which still, by the law of inertia, as petrifacts, work on the amalgam of our cultural awareness, for all the elements of this hetero-geneous cultural awareness are found in the gelatine of an amorphous mass that no one has ever attempted to clarify according to a logical and reliable system.

    Miroslav Krlea

    The meaning of the word democracy is no less fraught than that of the word realism. Colloquially, both terms are used to refer to self-evident concepts, while the problems involved in their meanings are additionally complicated by an attempt to compre-hend what is called the (also self-explanatory) area of art beyond the context of visual culture, or of the processes and technologies, in the words of arko Pai,

    of the visual construction of culture. Particular at-tention then needs to be devoted in the discourse of art to the self-explanatory category of socialist real-ism, and then to the myth according to which, unlike in the rest of the communist lands, in the mid-20th century in Yugoslav (necessarily, then, in Croatian) art, socialist realism did not exist in the sense of being a dominant aesthetic paradigm. The question that must then be crucially asked would run: what exactly is socialist realism, and what is the relation between it and, on the one hand, the modernist aesthetic and, on the other, the concept of modernity and the processes of modernisation? And furthermore, is the 20th cen-tury that, among another things, generated socialist realism, really in the past perfect?

    In 2004, in a textbook work written by four currently leading art historians / art theorists and distinguished teachers at prestigious American universities, in a book that supplies a survey of the art of the 20th century as well as its sociocultural contextualisation, Benjamin Buchloh looks at the phenomenon of socialist realism in the context of the anti-modernist tendencies that appeared at the end of the 1920s and during the 1930s. He includes among them the rappel lordre in France, die Neue Sachlichkeit in Germany, Nazi painting during the Third Reich, fascist neo-Classicism in Mussolinis Italy, and various forms of social realism in the USA.258 What comes strikingly across as problematic in Bu-chlohs contextualisation of this phenomenon is the term antimodernism the genesis and argumentation of which can be followed through the processes and

    procedures through which modern art was subjected to certain norms. The establishment of the norms of the modern started in the 1940s with the work of American art criticism, and in the 1950s resulted in a kind of ideology of high modernism, synchronous with the establishment of American global military, economic and cultural domination.

    One of the key events in the process in which the norms of modern art were established was the text of Clement Greenberg Avant-garde and Kitsch, published in 1939 in the American leftist journal The Partisan Review, in which the author, criticising capi-talist consumerism, in fact idealised and depoliticised avant-garde art. Remarking that the avant-garde em-igration from bourgeois society into bohemianism also meant an emigration from the markets of capital-ism, Greenberg yet concluded that the avant-garde remained, nevertheless, loyal to bourgeois society, because it needed its money.

    Yet it is true that once the avant-garde had succeeded in detaching itself from society, it proceeded to turn around and repudiate revolutionary as well as bour-geois politics. The revolution was left inside society, a part of that welter of ideological struggle which art and poetry find so unpropitious as soon as it begins to involve those precious, axiomatic beliefs upon which culture thus far has had to rest. Hence it was developed that the true and most important function of the avant-garde was not to experiment, but to find a path along which it would be possible to keep culture moving in the midst of ideological confusion and viloence. Retiring from public altogether, the avant-garde poet or artist sought to maintain the high level of his art by both narrowing and raising it to the expression of an absolute in which all relativities and contradictions would be either resolved or beside the point. Art for arts sake and pure poetry appear, and subject matter or content becomes something to be avoided like a plague.

    It has been in search of the absolute that the avant-gar-de has arrived at abstract or non-objective art and poetry. too. The avant-garde poet or artist tries in effect to imitate God by creating something valid solely on its own terms Content is to be dissolved so completely into form that the work of art or literature cannot be reduced in whole or in part to anything not itself.259

    Unlike his contemporary Walter Benjamin who three years earlier had published in the Zeitschrift fr Sozialforschung his The Work of Art in the Age of Mechan-ical Reproduction260, Greenberg totally ignored the fact that modernity and modern art were conditioned by a change in the paradigms of production and, ac-cordingly, of culture, as well as by the invention of media (photography and film) to which reproducibili-ty is immanent. In the same text, The Avant-garde and

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 351

    261 Greenberg, pp. 9-11.262 Boris Groys in the postscript to

    the English edition of his book (written in 2010) The Total Art of Stalinism: Avant-Garde, Aesthetic, Dictatorship and Beyond (prev. Charles Rougle) Verso, London, 2011, p. 129

    263 After Buchloh, 1934a.264 Greenberg, op.cit., p. 19

    Kitsch he argued for art of a high rank for the mass-es have always been indifferent to culture. Wherever there is an avant-garde there is also a rearguard, he concludes, claiming that kitsch is a production of the Industrial Revolution that urbanised the masses in Western Europe and America, and founded what is known as universal literacy.

    But with the introduction of universal literacy, the ability to read and write became almost a minor skill like driving a car, and it no longer served to distinguish an individuals cultural inclinations, since it was no longer the exclusive concomitant of refined tastes. The peasants who settled in the cities as proletariat and petty bourgeois learned to read and write for the sake of efficiency, but they did not win the leisure and comfort necessary for the enjoyment of the citys traditional culture. Losing, nevertheless, their taste for the folk culture whose background was the countryside, and discovering a new capacity for boredom at the same time, the new urban masses set up a pressure on society to provide them with a kind of culture fit for their own consumption. To fill the demand of the new market a new commodity was devised: ersatz culture, kitsch, destined for those who, insensible to the values of gen-uine culture, are hungry nevertheless for the diversion that only culture of some sort can provide. Kitsch, us-ing for raw material the debased arid academicized simulacra of genuine culture, welcomes and cultivates this insensibility. It is the source of its profits. Kitsch is mechanical and operates by formulas. Kitsch is vicar-ious experience and faked sensations. Kitsch changes according to style, but remains always the same. Kitsch is the epitome of all that is spurious in the life of our times. Kitsch pretends to demand nothing of its cus-tomers except their money not even their time. Self-ev-idently, all kitsch is academic, and conversely, all thats academic is kitsch. For what is called the academic as such no longer has an independent existence but has become the stuff-shirt front for kitsch. The methods of industrialism displace the handicrafts.261

    Considering the aesthetic production of socialist re-alism in terms of vernacular kitsch, or ersatz-culture, would be to ignore the fact to which Boris Groys re-fers. The Soviet experiment in the development of an artificial society, he claims, inaugurated a new epoch of political imagination that is still far from at its end. Here the art of politics is transformed into the politics of art, and the political imagination assimilated into the artistic imagination.262

    The article of Greenberg quoted was written and published five years after at the First Congress of So-viet Writers in 1934, Stalins chief commissar for cul-ture, and secretary of the Central Committee of the CP, Andrei Zhdanov gave a programmatic definition of socialist realism. The invention of the term itself has

    been ascribed to Stalin personally. Allegedly, in 1932, at a secret meeting of writers in the flat of Maxim Gorky, he stated the following: If an artist wants to show life accurately he will not fail to notice and bring out what is conducive to socialism. This will then be socialist art. It will be socialist realism.263 Champi-oning the banned Soviet avant-garde with the dogma of socialist realism and alluding to Stalins infamous demand that writers and artists have to be engineers of human souls, Greenberg sarcastically remarks that kitsch kept the dictator in closer contact with the

    soul of the people. He did not see the reason for the ban on avant-garde art in the Soviet Union (as in Ger-many and Italy at the time) in superior culture (in this case the avant-garde) being inherently a more critical culture, but in the encouragement of kitsch being one of the cheaper ways in which the totalitarian regime attempted to curry favour with its subjects. Since these regimes, even if they wanted to, cannot raise the cultural level of the masses, they will flatter them by reducing all cultures to their level.264

    In Greenbergs elaboration of the difference be-tween kitsch and genuine art, the use of the term culture in an extremely simplified meaning seems significant. He defines the cultural as something radically opposed to the uncultured in the sense of uneducated and unrefined taste, producing thus a relation of equivalence between the concepts of taste and culture. At that time a leftist, Greenberg, was paradoxically unable to comprehend the concept of culture in terms of productivity, and thus not the fact that the tastes of individual classes are actually produced, which does not exclude the taste of the masses urbanised during the industrial revolutions. One of the founders of the academic field of cultural studies, Raymond Williams, points out the existence of three general categories in the definition of culture. The first is ideal, and according to this culture would be a state or process in which mankind undergoes improvement as compared to certain absolute or uni-versal values. Accordingly, the analysis of culture is the revelation or description of those values in lives and works that create as it were a timeless order or are inextricably connected to a universal human condi-tion. He calls the second category documentary, and according to it culture is a set of works of the mind and the imagination in which human thoughts and experience are recorded in great detail and in differ-ent ways. According to this definition, the analysis of culture would be a critical activity, in which the nature of thought and experience, linguistic details, form and conventions are described and evaluated. As the third, Williams gives the social definition of culture, according to which a cultural analysis would deal with a description of a particular way of life in which certain meanings and values are not expressed only in art and thinking, but also in institutions and

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955352

    265 Raymond Williams, The Long Revolution, Chatto & Windus, London, pp. 59-60,

    266 Boris Groys, The Total Art of Stalinism: Avant-Garde, Aesthetic, Dictatorship and Beyond (translated by Charles Rougle) Verso, London, 2011, p. 7

    267 Ibid, p. 9268 ibid., pp. 122-124

    in everyday behaviour. Cultural analysis that derives from the social definition includes historical criticism that analyses works of the mind and the imagination in relation to separate traditions and societies, and also an analysis of the components of the manner of life that, according to those who champion other definitions, are not culture at all, for example, the or-ganisation of production, the structure of the family, the structure of institutions that express or govern social relations, characteristic forms according to which members of a society communicate. Williams tells us that semantic and meaningful variations in the use of the concept of culture should be seen not only as drawbacks that make it impossible to expound settled and exclusive definitions, but as the original complexity of the concept, that is in accordance with the real components of experience. Each one of these three main manners of defining culture has point, and so attention should be directed precisely to their mutual relationships. Accordingly, he considers any individual definition within any of these categories, which does not involve a relationship with the others, inappropriate and unacceptable, particularly the ideal version that endeavours to split the process that it is describing off from its concrete embodiment and form in given societies. This is a definition that under-stands humanitys ideal development as something split off from or even opposed to his animal nature and the satisfaction of his material needs.265

    It is clear that Greenbergs discourse, which be-came during the 1950s a support for the ideology of high modernism, with its inherent asylumisation and depoliticisation of art works with a definition of culture derived from the ideal category, in Williams terms. Unlike the dominant tendency of American history and art criticism, which even today discredits the phenomenon of socialist realism in terms of anti-modernism in which Greenbergs binary opposition of the avant-garde and kitsch resounds, Boris Groys sees the relationship of the Soviet artistic avant-gar-de and Stalins socialist realism project completely differently. In a book originally written in Russian that was first published in a German translation in 1988 under the title of Gesamtkunstwerk Stalin, he recognised precisely in Stalins total work of art the vitalisation of the avant-garde imperative, and in so-cialist realism a modernist idiom. Groys considers questions such as whether it is really art at all in the case of Nazi Kunst or socialist realism to be derived from the nave idea of art that the twentieth century aesthetic put in circulation, according to which art is an activity independent of power, an activity that endeavours to defend the autonomy of the individual and his characteristic individual liberties. He recalls that, looked at historically, art that was generally con-sidered good was often at the service of the beautifi-cation and glorification of power. Groys, what is more,

    sees the biggest problem of both Russian and Western historiography of modern art in the persistent refusal to recognise that if avant-garde art made outsiders of its creators, this does not mean that the same artists consciously aspired to such a position or that they lacked the will to power. For a careful consideration of the theories and practices of these artists shows something quite different: in avant-garde art there is a direct link between will to power and artistic will to manage material and its organisation according to laws that the artists themselves enforce. And it is here that the reason for the conflict between artist and society lies.266 Unlike Greenberg, Groys claims that Soviet socialist realism has nothing to do with the tastes and requirements of the masses for it was cre-ated by a well-educated and experienced elite that had assimilated the gains of the avant-garde. Under Stalin, he writes, in fact the dream of the avant-garde came true; the life of society was organised in monolithic artistic forms, but naturally, not in the same ones that the avant-garde had favoured.267 The ultimate goal of the Soviet avant-garde, like Stalins, was to create the New Man, the new society and a new form of life. Concluding that the Soviet political project was at the same time an artistic project, Groys avers that the question of elite as against popular art, or art for the masses, which was important in the west, was completely unimportant for the Russian avant-gar-de artists, since they wanted to crush the elites and create new masses.

    Their problem was not how to create art that would be liked or disliked by elites or by the masses, but how to create masses that would appreciate good name-ly, avant-garde art. The Russian avant-garde did not want to submit its artistic practice to the aesthetic judgment of the public, but rather to submit the public to their aesthetic judgment. And its problem was not how to criticize the power, but how to take power and to execute this power in the most radical way. Russian avant-garde art understood itself not as critical art, but as powerful art, able to shape the fate of the Rus-sian population and of the whole world. This attitude was also that of Stalinist Socialist Realism. Socialist Realism did not seek to be liked by the masses it want-ed to create masses that it could like.268

    A key event in the realisation of the project of so-cialist realism, Groys recognises, is Stalins coup-de-grace to the new economic policy (NEP) that allowed certain forms of private property. The repeal of the NEP marked the end of the private art market, and accordingly all the segments of the Soviet artistic front had to devote themselves to the execution of the orders of the Party. A decree of the Central Com-mittee of April 23, 1932, dissolved all artistic groups, and all Soviet creative workers had, in lines with

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 353

    269 ibid. 133270 From the second session of

    AVNOJ (the wartime Partisan authority) on November 29, 1943, the newly created state was called Democratic Federative Yugoslavia, but in the Declaration of the Constituent Assembly of November 29, 1945, it became the Federative Peoples Republic of Yugoslavia.

    271 Ljiljana Kolenik, Izmeu Istoka i Zapada: Hrvatska umjetnost i likovna kritika 50-ih godina [Between East and West: Croatian art and art criticism in the 1950s], Institute for Art History, Zagreb, 2006, p. 17

    272 Ibid., pp. 29-30.273 Groys, op.cit., p. 43-44274 Kolenik, op.cit., p. 31275 Among the most influential

    were Grgo Gamulin and Vera Sinobad (who signed her later works as Horvat-Pintari). A bibliography of Croatian art criticism in the period was elaborated by Ljiljana Kolenik and was published in Izmeu Istoka i Zapada, p. 379 431

    their own particular profession, to become members of a unitary creative association.269

    At the end of World War II the ruling Communist Party of the newly formed Democratic Federative Yugoslavia, or the Federative Peoples Republic of Yugoslavia,270 was to attempt to follow the example of its Soviet ally and impose the canon of socialist realism in the domain of art. In a lengthy and per-spicacious study of the interrelations of artistic production and art criticism in Croatia in the 1950s, Ljiljana Kolenik determines the time between 1946 and 1950 as the time of socialist realism, marked by a total assumption of Soviet models of form and their theoretical explanations. She makes well-grounded claims that these models were developed on cultural history assumptions that had no very strong support in the local setting. The author goes on to conclude that only in the mid-fifties, after the period between 1950 and 1954 (in which she recognises a process in which socialist realism is deconstructed and the mod-ernist paradigm reconstructed) the conditions were created in Croatia for the acceptance and penetration of the ideology and practice of high modernism.271 But from todays perspective, considering the myth of the practical non-existence of socialist realism in Croatian art in the second half of the twentieth cen-tury, and then considering the question that I posed at the beginning of this text, which asks whether the 20th century is past perfect, still more impor-tant than the periodisation of socialist realism and of the process of its deconstruction that Kolenik elaborates in detail, is her reflection on the cultur-al institutions that in the second half of the 1940s were organised after the Soviet socialist realist model. Recalling the fact that Zhdanovism did not imply just a theoretical elaboration of formal and aesthetic characteristics of visual production, but also a specific form of the totalitarian organisation of the world of art that was gradually implemented in all the so-cialist countries, she cites for Croatia examples of the unification of various artistic associations into a unified, monopolistic association of artists shaped on the model of the union (ULUH), then examples of the centralisation of the organisation of artistic life in the sense of dissemination and the control of the media, the hierarchy involved in exhibitions and the design of the system of state and republican prizes for artistic achievements. Ljiljana Kolenik concludes here that the standard procedure of the normati-zation of institutional infrastructure also included a reform of art education, in the sense of a return to traditional ways of teaching, the introduction of master workshops, and the creation of a central

    scientific institution charged with the theoretical explanation of the problems of artistic creativity. It was extremely poorly defined who was in charge of this until the early 1950s, when the function was

    taken on by the fine arts department of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts. Kolenik points out that the FPRY, unlike, for example, Poland, had by 1945 already accepted socialist realism as a cultural dominant. And then, after radically changed political circumstances occurring as a result of the opposition to the Cominform Resolution of 1948, the country entirely rejected it in the early 1950s. She sees in this relatively early departure from the Stalinist aes-thetic model reasons because of which the domestic historiography of modern art was to refer extreme-ly sparely to the phenomena of socialist realism.272 Of course, the rejection of the aesthetic canon and its pertaining iconographic programme after Titos

    historical NO did not mean renunciation of the model of totalitarian organisation of the world of art painstakingly installed at all institutional levels. Here it seems important to mention Groys reflection about the interest of Stalinist culture in the differ-ent resources that could be used to shape the area of the unconscious without the mechanisms of the process becoming visible. As examples he mentions the Pavlovian conditioned reflex method, and the method with which Stanislavsky taught actors to get completely into their role, their own identity vanish-ing. He concludes here that in the process of creating the New Man, Stalinist culture did not endeavour to de-automate but actually to automate the conscious-ness, to form it according to the wishedfor mould con-trolling its surroundings, its base, is unconscious. 273

    Ljiljana Kolenik observes that in Croatia (per-haps because in the post-war years institutional structuring was a basic precondition for the gener-ation of artistic production) the implementation of the Soviet model of the organisation of the art world did not come upon any very significant resistance from artists or from the broader arts community. Renovation of existing and the creation of new in-stitutions, on which it could rely and with the help of which it could implement total control of artistic production, went on at the same time as the process of the formation of a new set of art criticism tools essential for the full realisation of this project. The party reserved the right to determine the borders of artistic freedom, and art criticism was given the task of shaping theoretical points of departure and practical instructions guaranteeing the consistent implementation of socialist realist doctrine.274 As in the Soviet case, the implementation of the doctrine of socialist realism in Croatia had nothing to do with the uneducated masses or ignorant party commissars, but was carried out by an educated elite of profes-sional art historians275, well informed about events on the international art scene of the time, artists and architects. These were almost entirely distinguished university professors or then junior university assis-tants, who would retain their prestigious chairs for

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955354

    276 Neven egvioc, Biljeke uz izlobu sovjetske arhitekture, in Vjesnik, Zagreb, Dec. 6,1947.

    277 See Carol Duncan, The Aesthetics of Power: Essays in Critical Art History, (the chapter Who Rules the Art World?), Cambridge University Press, 1993.

    278 Vera Sinobad, Biljeke uz V. izlobu ULUH-a, Izvor no. 1, Zagreb, January 1950, p. 23

    279 Ibid., p. 25280 Ibid, p. 27281 Ibid, pp. 23-24

    the next several decades. Perhaps it is in this fact, or rather, in the kind of amnesia induced by the later devotion to the ideology of high modernism, that the reason for which domestic historiography is so grudging in its references to the phenomena of so-cialist realism should be sought.

    For example, in the daily Vjesnik of December 6, 1947, an article by the architect Neven egvi was published; its title was Notes on an exhibition of Soviet architecture. Starting it with a reference to the West European and American architecture of the period, the author observes that Richard Neutra in the general decadent framework of American culture is not capable of keeping his knowledge and talent at a high level. His most recent works are distinct-ly modish, architecturally impoverished and in a great deal similar to the pathological painting that is being propagated in America today.276 egvis term pathological painting recalls, of course, the discourse of the organisers of the exhibition Entart-ete Kunst set up in 1937 in Munichs Hofgarten-Ark-aden only a day after in Troosts Hause der Deutschen Kunst the Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellung was opened; this exemplified for the German public the concept of the work of art created with the ideology of the Third Reich: a canon at a formal level similar to the canon of socialist realism. However, it is much more important here to point out that the American painting that egvi called pathological is actually that same American Abstract Expressionism that in 1947 (thanks to the touring exhibitions that behind the facade of the New York Museum of Modern Art was secretly bankrolled by the State Department277), having become a paradigm of the modern, was to catalyse the process in which the American cultural domination of Europe was established, and would then inaugurate the ideology of high modernism. In the decade after Titos break with the Cominform in 1948 and his state visit to the UK in 1953 this ideolo-gy was to be gratefully accepted and assimilated into the discourse of the dominant trend of the Croatian historiography and criticism of modern art. Indeed, a watered down version of American Abstract Ex-pressionism would, at the beginning of the 1950s, be directly imported into Croatia in the exhibition Experience of America (1953) of Edo Murti, opened immediately after the painters sabbatical in the USA on a government scholarship.

    The lexis of the critical review of Vera Sinobad at the 5th ULUH Exhibition published in the journal for literature and cultural issues Izvor in 1950 indicates not only the mechanisms of the totalitarian control of artistic production through the working of art or-ganisations and the normative discourse of the art criticism, but also and above all the modalities of the operationalization of artistic production in the pro-cesses in which a given ideology is disseminated.

    In the last several exhibitions and in this years most of our artists have shown that they have understood that their primary assignment is to talk of socialist develop-ment and of the people who create it, to take, in their own way, an active part in this development, i.e., with their works to strengthen and develop understanding of the need and the magnitude of this development, to awaken love for their country, for man and his work. This has been shown and is being shown by the very choice of topics. It is clear that the themes in themselves do not mean that the tasks have already been achieved. Primarily it is about the artist really putting into his work that certain content that is indicated by the signed topic, and whether he has correctly estimated and interpreted the given phenomenon and the given subject, i.e. expressed them with appropriate artistic means. A larger or greater gap between theme and con-tent, or theme and form, tells of the more or less correct stance of the artist towards the represented object, of his more or less correct ideational explanation.278

    In the same article the author criticises Zlatko Pri-ca in his depiction of the wounded for the lack of visual knowledge of our artists who burdened with many years of the tradition of various kinds of formalism (my italics) have almost totally ignored the realistic form. She directs a similar criticism to Oton Gliha, giving him the credit for having from the very be-ginning sincerely learned to live with contemporary themes.279 The reason for the lack of success in the

    solution of the general social artistic problem area in ohajs painting Marshal Tito Square is identified with the painters subjectivism, for the space is subjected to a completed subjective, almost surreal experience, which distances itself from the objective reality of the picture. This is an empty, spellbound city in which there is no one. The muted values and that refined drabness of colour, this is in fact the sublimation of some entirely subjective feeling of loneliness.280 Nor is Murtis painting Dubrovnik Ar-chitecture spared the rod in this text for the artist has with some unmotivated gaudiness of colour broken up the authentic experience of this sunny noon.

    The author devotes particular attention to the problem of the large format of the painting, which, ac-cording to the imperative of the monumental compo-sition prescribed by the canon of socialist realism, was one of the most important tasks on which artists were meant to show their own orthodoxy, which came out in narrowing the gap between form and content, the manner of visual expression, the character of the use of artistic means and the subject represented. For

    the character of phenomena and events that today are in the foreground in most cases requires a greater for-mat, a broader elaboration and a much greater clarity of image, so as to achieve in as convincing a manner as may be a correct reflection.281 In the context of on

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 355

    282 Ibid, p. 24.283 Groys, op. cit. pp. 51-52.

    the one hand the authors elaboration of the impor-tance of the big format and on the other the current practice of the development of the personality cult of Josip Broz Tito, the complaints about Tartaglias portrait of the Marshal, which Vera Sinobad does not at all deny artistic qualities, are indicative:

    In this respect, the attempt of Marino Tartaglia is significant, for our general artistic endeavours, and for the development of the artist himself. This is to do with a portrait of Marshal Tito. This work shows incontestable artistic qualities and the sound craft skills of this artist. The forms are clear and condensed, virtuoso modelled in colour, the outstanding tonal and colourist harmonisation of which links the figure itself with the given background. According to the way the figure of Marshal Tito is given, it is clearly about a man of immense importance, concretely here about the political leader of a country; this is shown by the seriousness of stance and bearing, and it shows a cer-tain determination, a powerful forehead and expres-sion of the eyes, but has in this sense failed in the ex-pression of the lower part of the face. This is the thing: if the task of the portrait is to condense within itself the type and the individual, and the task of a portrait of a historical personality is to link this personality with a given historical situation, then the task of the artist is in the figure of Marshal Tito to show not only the political leader but more definitely the political leader of socialist Yugoslavia; to put into this figure such substance as to talk of a man who has initiated and created an epoch making work, concretely, our peoples revolution; who through this revolution has most profoundly lived with the moving and heroic struggle of our peoples for their liberation, to do this today in the battle for the Five Year Plan. From this point of view what was necessary was to emphasise the great determination and pugnacity, the pene-tration and power, the factors of profound internal concentration and superior conscientiousness. And, a further essential feature, to put in that warm hu-manity of Comrade Tito, which was already, during the war, being sung of in the verses of the people. This presumes and requires in itself a complete and deep artistic expression. In that Tartaglias portrait did not visually shape precisely these essential properties, it did not achieve the task that it had set itself.282

    The performative of the critical writing of Vera Sino-bad, or her listing of what the artist should have, but had not, done in order to fulfil its self-imposed task is manifested as an ekphrasis the verbal depiction of a visual depiction, a linguistic figure that literal-ly produces an image, and not just any image, but a completely defined image. The author of it is Fyodor Shurpin, and it was painted in large format in 1949, and entitled The Dawn of Our Motherland, showing

    Josef Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili Stalin located right in the foreground of a painting in which, behind his back, in the distance, factory chimneys, transmission lines and tractors on ploughed fields can be seen. Sta-lins determined, aware and conscientious, profound-ly concentrated, powerful, penetrating but above all warmly human gaze is fixed in the distance. The light of the rising sun illuminates the left side of his face, the brass buttons on his white suit and the lapel of the great coat casually draped over his right forearm.

    The statement of Vera Sinobad about the task of the portrait (of the political leader of socialist Yugo-slavia) being to condense in itself the type and the individual takes me to Groys statement according to which socialist realist mimesis does not focus on the phenomenon, but on the hidden essence of things, which principle would thus be closer to me-dieval realism and its polemic with nominalism than to nineteenth century realism. For socialist realism is oriented to what has not indeed been achieved, but will yet be created, and in this sense is an heir of the avant-garde, for which aesthetics and politics are identical. Groys interprets the concept of the typical proper to socialist realist doctrine by Stalins under-standing of the dialectical method according to which only that which is being created and developing can-not be surmounted. And what is in socialism coming dialectically into being and developing is that which coincides with current Party policy. In such an under-standing of the dialectical method Groys understands the link between the concepts of the typical and par-ty-mindedness. Portraying the typical would relate to the visual realisation of the nascent goals of the Party and the capacity intuitively to understand the new tendencies of the Party leaders, to be precise, to the capacity to anticipate Stalins will, since he is the real creator of reality. Groys explains the fact that many writers, artists and cineastes had access to privileged Party circles and were encouraged to take a direct part in Stalins power apparatus by their thus having the chance to take a look into the typical that they were supposed to express in their works. As Party bureau-crat, as creator of reality, he says, the Soviet artist was much more than an artist in a studio in front of his canvas. For what was the subject of artistic mimesis was not the reality visible from the outside, but the internal reality of the internal life of the artist who had the capacity to identify, to fuse, with the will of the Party and of Stalin, this fusion generating the image, the model of reality that this will wished to shape. This is the reason, concludes Groys, why the issue of the typical is a political issue.283

    Marino Tartaglia, author of the unsuccessful por-trait of Josip Broz Tito, then a full professor at the Za-greb Academy of Fine Arts , became in 1948 a political issue, or rather, a political problem. This is shown by a letter of the secretary of the Union of Fine Artists

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955356

    284 The document bears the stamp of the Union of Fine Artists of Yugoslavia, file no. 329, date December 29, 1948 (it is kept in the Fine Arts Archives of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts).

    285 Letter of the Association of Fine Artists of Croatia, file no. 923-48 of January 3, sent to the Union of Fine Artists of Yugoslavia (in the Croatian Academys Fine Arts Archives).

    286 For example, the Croatian State Archives hold a letter of the Ministry of Education sent to the Printing Section at the Presidency of the Government, no. 2447, June 14, 1945, as follows: Please inform the printing works that without the permission of the Visual Propaganda Section (OLIKPROP, Murti, Agbaba) they do not accept posters for printing. This measure is to be carried out because otherwise in an irresponsible way the quality of propaganda posters will be weakened, at the expense of OLIKPROP and to the general detriment. (HR-HDA-291, MPRO, box 57, fasc. 13.5)

    287 Ljiljana Kolenik quotes the text Osnivanje majstorskih radionica published in Republika 7/III, Zagreb, July 1947, p. 746

    288 Kolenik, op.cit. p. 202289 Ibid., pp. 202-203

    of Yugoslavia Branko otra, sent from Belgrade, on December 29, 1948, to the Association of Fine Artists of Croatia (ULUH).

    Comrade otra Secretary of the Union was present on December 16 in the office of ULUH when Comrade Ma-rino Tartaglia informed by telephone the Secretary of ULUH Bae that he, i.e. Tartaglia, had become a Master. This news was sensational the more so that it had been immediately preceded by discussion of a review of the teaching staff in the Academy, that same day, in which Comrade otra had openly told Comrade Tartaglia that he thought he had a negative influence on the youth that he taught. On the same day about 6 before the start of the plenum, Comrade Tartaglia received congratulations, explaining that he had not yet re-ceived a written ruling but that he had been informed of it from such a place that it could be considered a certain deal. The Union of Fine Artists has indispen-sably to know who informed Comrade Tartaglia of his appointment. We request the administration of ULUH to call in Comrade Tartaglia and appealing to his conscience and honour, to ask him for a statement concerning this issue.. We ask the administration of ULUH to take this question seriously and urgently and to reply, if possible, at once.284

    Naturally, Tartaglia did not become a master in that year of 1948. The administrative committee of ULUH reacted promptly to otras demand and carried out an enquiry on New Years Day 1949 and ascertained the following:

    When we questioned Comrade Tartaglia it turned out that the discussion about the review of the teaching staff in the educational section of the Academy of Fine Arts in Zagreb that was attended by Comrade Branko otra had a depressing effect on Comrade Tartaglia. Wishing to relieve his feelings, Comrade Tartaglia made a joke, and telephoned Comrade Bae, ULUH secretary, saying that otra had brought him promotion to master from Belgrade. He then immediately explained his joke and explained what had happened to him at the session of the educational section. After this telephone conver-sation Comrade Bace informed Comrade otra that Comrade Tartaglia was agonizing and cracking jokes about his mastership We tested out the incident very seriously because of the serious situation the Association is in because of some undisciplined outbursts that are taking more and more the shape of factionalism and sectarianism and having a negative effect.285

    Like the Soviet, many Yugoslav artists too in the post-war period had a privileged access to party circles, and were encouraged to take a direct part in the generation of Titos power apparatus. It was not just a matter of the managing jobs in the notorious Agitprop286 but

    above all of the flattering and remunerative status of master. Ljiljana Kolenik states that the State Mas-ter Workshops were founded in 1947 after the Soviet model, and according to the idea of Antun Augustini (who had already done a portrait of Tito in bronze in 1943), were established as independent educational establishments that enabled graduate students of the Academy, of either the fine or the applied arts, a nar-rower specialisation, i.e. a post-graduate course lasting for four years. The workshops had a special budget of earnings and expenditure that went into the budget of the Culture and Art Committee of the Government of the FPRY. They were directly managed by one paint-er, sculptor or architect, and were answerable to the same Culture and Art Committee.287 In June 1947 the status of Master was awarded to four artists from Cro-atia: to Antun Augustini, Krsto Hegedui, Frano Krini and Vanja Radau. In 1951 it was awarded to Drago Ibler, the architect. Between 1947 and 1950, or up to the opening of the newly built workshops of Augustini, Hegedui and, a bit later, of Radau, the master workshops were located in the building of the Academy of Fine Arts , and their role was to transmit socialist realist formal patterns and exem-plary iconographic approaches.288 Kolenik says that the production of the master workshops was meant equally for the training of the taste of the popular masses and for meeting major state commissions, and the monopoly on these big commissions and the special working commissions gave the young assis-tants in the master workshops a kick start in their careers, making it easier to get solo shows and better chances for long-term employment. Unlike most of the other institutions and organisational modes taken over from the USSR that were after 1950 abolished as unproductive or were simply abandoned, the master workshops remained untouched, and some of them, like that of Hegedui, became stronger educational institutions than the Academy of Fine Arts . Ljilja-na Kolenik refers to one other important fact: the monetary sums that the individual workshops had were considerably greater than the amounts for the financing of the annual activities in culture and the arts of the city of Zagreb.289

    In addition to the master workshops, the leading instrument of totalitarian control was the Fine Arts Department of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts (JAZU), without the consent of which up to 1953 absolutely nothing could take place on the art scene. What is more the Academy openly tried to recast the history of Croatian art in the 20th century. In the context of the permanent conflict between Krsto Hegedui (secretary of the JAZU Fine Arts De-partment) and Grgo Gamulin (full professor at the art history chair in the Faculty of Philosophy as well as head of the culture department of the Ministry of Education of the Peoples Republic of Croatia), that is,

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 357

    290 ibid., p. 207-208291 For the publication of an

    article, by decree of JAZU, Putar was transferred to the post of controller of programmes of Radio Zagreb. Soon after, he was appointed assistant at the Art History Chair in the Faculty of Philosophy; but, here too he was sacked by order of the dean in July 1961. The alleged reason was his taking too long over his dissertation (after the biography of Putar given in the book Radoslav Putar: Likovne kritike, studije, zapisi 1950-1960, ed. Ljiljana Kolenik, Art History Institute and HS AICA, Zagreb, 1998, p. 397).

    292 Radoslav Putar, Misli uz ne-ko liko slika i skulptura na VI. izlobi ULUH-a. Published in Izvor no. 3 of 1951 and quoted after the book Radoslav Putar: Likovne kritike, studije, zapisi 1950-1960, ed. Ljiljana Kole-nik, Art History Institute and HS AICA, Zagreb, 1998, p. 61.

    293 The text Izloba grupe EXAT 51 is quoted from the book of Radoslav Putar: Likovne kritike, studije i zapisi 1950-1960, pp. 97-101

    their ruthless struggle for power, the author consid-ers the insistence of members of the Academys Fine Arts Department that scholarly work in the domain of modern art should be done outside the history of art chair in the Faculty of Philosophy. In this process of the establishment of the total control the institu-tional power of JAZU was used for the appropriation of all the research resources of the art history discipline. The Academy took over the administration of muse-um collections, archives, specialised libraries, the Res-toration Institute and photographic laboratories. In order to ensure the legitimacy of this usurpation, the Fine Arts Department of the Academy founded the Fine Arts Institute in the Modern Gallery in Zagreb in 1950, installing Ljubo Babi as its director. Without his approval, no scholarly study or critical essay could possibly be published. The consequences of Babis absolutism in the implementation of the Academy programme were manifested in the sacking of young art historians who ventured to put forward their own independent assessments.290 Among them was the then trainee assistant Radoslav Putar, fired in January

    1951.291 Putars writing, which, unlike the dis-course of the colleagues of his own generation, or old-er, was devoid of any tincture of the ideology of prac-tical politics or of patriotic tear-jerking, managed to look genuinely critically at the condition of Croatian art production in the early 1950s and, looking with a friendly eye at the various diverse and heterogeneous artistic tendencies that started to obtain legitimacy at the time, to detect the causes of the barrenness of this production. For example, in a review of the 6th ULUH exhibition held at the end of 1950 in the Art Pavilion in Zagreb, he wrote:

    The narrow programme of socialist realism and the massed sediments of backward looking tendencies in the sense of Impressionism have proved an insufficient framework for the experience and expression of the modern man/painter, whose complex intellectual in-terests seek new grounds and new resources Although (alas) we cannot say that our milieu has in recent times provided any painters or sculptors any marked poet of power and energy, or individual expansive power of expression, several quite artists with subtle poetry of colour and form have been exploring new areas of contemporary painting. Soon probably will vanish the final prejudices about the necessary back-wardness of our cultural and artistic elements and at least a relative homogeneity will be seen in most of the branches and genuine advanced endeavours, without too much concern for national and ethnic boundaries, showing in this way the internationalism of every concrete truth.292

    During the first half of the 1950s, without any apolo-getic leavenings, on the basis of his own sophisticated

    observations and being in well-informed control of the relevant theoretical apparatus, Putar endeav-oured critically to evaluate novelties in the domes-tic artistic menu and position them with relation to their formal point of origin in European modern art. He read the phenomena of non-figurative art, like Murtis painting or Abstraction founded on the heritage of Constructivism and neo-Plasticism, of the kind practised by the members of EXAT 51 with particular attention, and with analytical clarity ar-ticulated his own criticisms. Thus, for example, in a review of the exhibition of EXAT 51 mounted in spring 1953 in the Architects Association, Putar brought into theoretical and critical discourse the concept of social medium. He pointed out that the EXAT mem-bers wanted to connect their endeavours up with that line of European painting that has for forty years shown a constant an uncommonly resilient growth and also that their aspirations have no local traditions. Not hesitating to remark that Piceljs rationalism sometimes falls into dreary declamation, he con-cludes that those who in the work of art seek only the emotional experience of the painting the EXAT people will seem with their good and weak sides a visual poetry of great possibilities. And those who will seek the capacity of the method of EXAT will find that it does not cover just the means of immediate poetic expression, but also a broad and reliable basis for the solution of formal problems that cross the borders of the narrow concepts of painting.293 The problem of form that crossed the borders of narrow concepts of painting really turned out to be a problem in that same year, 1953, because of the open conflict of Edo Murti with EXAT concerning the evaluation of his wall decorations in the interior of the Zagreb night-club the Ritz Bar, the conversion of which had been planned by the EXAT architect, Vjenceslav Richter. Putar began his account of this case published on November 15, 1953, in Narodni list with the words:

    The front is being cleared.

    The front is being cleared. Or rather: the area on which fronts are formed is becoming easier to view, and soon their very lines will be more clearly contoured and more energetically generated. Their shift has long since been under way, but that was a sluggish movement, and in many unclear positions there were just guerrilla ex-changes of rifle fire and individual shoot-outs. It seems that the orders of battle of modern art will greatly ad-vance; the first definitely taken hill tops will be seen, and the cleaning up campaigns will be able to be organ-ised more rationally and effectively. It can be assumed that it will be necessary for the captured positions to be hardened, the remaining bunkers liquidated, the camouflaged remains in the rear echelon revealed. In the first major battles, which are already starting, the matter of sculpture is in play. Perhaps not many would

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955358

    294 Radoslav Putar, Kako nastupa moderna umjetnost?: uz neke pojave zidnog slikarstva i surogata apstraktnog, quoted after Putar, Likovne kritike, p. 123-126

    295 Ibid.296 Radoslav Putar, Kroz prizmu

    VIII. izlobe ULUH-a, quoted after the text printed in Putar, Likovne kritike, pp. 127 130

    297 Qujoted after Ljiljana Kolenik, Izmeu Istoka i Zapada, pp. 234 235

    have expected this, since the position of the sculptor has always been particularly difficult; there are relatively few of them, and the market has been dominated by the heavy producers who have been producing their work in workshops outside public control and yet pre-cisely in those cases in which the aesthetic interests of the public were most immediately concerned. Thus a whole forest of monuments in which there is nothing genuinely monumental has been created, without any real connection with the intended theme of their signif-icance, and often without any connection with artis-tic qualities. Traditionalism gloated. Now things have really heated up and started to be settled in a good way: with justice it is demanded that competitions and selec-tions of proposed work be made public, and, above all, equality for all those taking part in the competitions But there is still one hotspot of battle for the conquest of really contemporary contents, for the finding of new formal resources and the discovery of fresh reserves of artistic sensibility. This is the domain of the mural. That part of modern architecture that was already vir-tually possible has not been produced, and there is still not a lot of space where mural painting might speak out loudly and abundantly. Improvisations are sought and found; in converted interiors, the first endeavours are springing up. Artists and those who feel and need art as an essential material for spiritual consumption might have been glad at the first appearances of mod-ern wall painting. But they were in too much of a hur-ry. The specific features of our situation in art showed some more of its unhealthy facets.294

    From Putars article, important above all because for the first time it introduced the term of the mar-ket into discourse about art, that is, it considers the area of art in the context of the economy, it becomes clear that after his return from America Murti had a monopoly on the execution of murals in public mu-nicipal spaces in Zagreb (those in the Ritz Bar were preceded by a commission for the Theatre Cafe and the Main Railway Station restaurant) and in facto-ries. In Murtis recent wall decorations Putar found

    the same moments of weakness that his individual exhibition had shown, observing that in the wall de-cor of the Ritz Bar, along the whole surface, ran a col-lection of the most diverse kinds of speech of colour and form. In this, Putar managed to find no coherent speech, and concluded that Murti obviously want-ed to speak out in the language of Abstract painting, but Abstract painting already has whole systems of completely determined means of expression, and even certain stylistic postulates that put into the hand of the non-figurative painter a clear syntax of expression.295 In another text, also written in 1953, Putar shows himself a critic, historian and theorist who does not see the problem of the (lack of) moder-nity of domestic artistic production in the terms of

    the binary opposition of figuration and abstraction, identifying it, rather, in something very different:

    In our visual art culture stylistic belatedness has long since been traditional, and in most cases is caused by misapprehensions of special and general meanings. Equally traditional is the a priori resistance to every kind of modernism, and the proviso about the stylistic position of a work or individual in criticism is com-pletely detested. It is entirely understandable that rash forays into modernism, and experiments without a reliable orientation and desire and without a certain sense, cannot mean any kind of artistic potential. In-deed, the immature imitation of ready-made results of really contemporary great artists regularly gives birth to pallid surrogates, as we have recently had the opportunity to observe. There are very small chances for some artist who moves about the median of his milieu elementally and completely intuitively, in a single energetic leap, to suddenly mature stylistically, and, without any gradual ascent, to create something really modern. This is, after all, a matter of genius. But the obstinate traditionalism that hides behind certain classic formulae the proponents of which believe that by an economic exhaustion of the ready-made forms of the past, they will deepen those forms and adapt them to fresh subjects, almost always flounder in some stuporous shuffling on the spot. The forms will soon be evacuated, the psychology of work lose its dynamism, production degenerate into some meaningless repeti-tion and ultimately be turned into a visual lie.296

    Perhaps the very term visual lie was the trigger that launched an avalanche of demands for the ban on Ra-doslav Putar working publically, which also applied to a similar critic endowed with a gift for non-conform-ity, theoretician and artist Dimitrije (Mia) Baievi. In 1955 the declaration of the Association of Fine Art-ists of Croatia (ULUH) was published; it was entitled

    About a part of our art criticism:

    ...some of our art critics are not up to the job, on the con-trary, they have a negative and destructive effect. The artistic workers of Croatia think that there should be no place in our milieu for this kind of criticism that some of our critics have been producing for years. These critics constantly favour the same individuals, while all other artistic workers are either ignored or else subjected to mockery. Their criticism is confused, fuzzy, contradic-tory and at the same time very arrogant, and as such is once and for all compromised The visual workers of Croatia deny these critics the necessary competence and the necessary objectivity to get involved in these matters and are determined to undertake the necessary steps and suppress all pretentious and monopolistic ambitions and operations of these critics with respect to the visual life of our country.297

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 359

    298 For a detailed analysis of the demand that Putar and Baievi should be banned from public work in the context of the total bureaucratic control of artistic production, see in Kolenik, Izmeu Istoka i Zapada, the chapter Posljedice birokratizacije svijeta umjetnosti [Consequences of the bureaucratisation of the art world], pp. 219-249

    299 Miroslav Krlea, Speech at the Writers Conference, Ljubljana 5.10.1952, published in Republika, no. 10-11, 1952. Quoted from the text published in Miroslav Krlea, Eseji i zapisi: Lektira za srednje kole (ed. Enes engi), Svjetlost, Sarajevo kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1977, pp. 49-60

    300 See in Tvrtko Jakovina, Ameriki komunistiki saveznik: Hrvati, Titova Jugoslavija i SAD 1945-1955, Profil International, Zagreb, 2003

    301 Krlea, op. cit. pp. 53-54.

    Ljiljana Kolenik considers this public call for the lynching of the two critics in the context of the first serious crisis of the actual institutional model of the organisation of cultural production that is in tight connection with the bureaucratisation of society as a whole initiated by the article of Rudi Supek entitled Why is there no battle of thought in this country? pub-lished in December 1953. Kolenik makes it clear that ULUH worked as a mechanism of economic coercion that disciplined the wider membership and turned it into a precise voting machine. Not to be a member of a professional association, she writes, meant for the majority rarely or never exhibiting, not being featured in the media, not being able to take part in organised forms of purchase, finding it difficult to ob-tain painting and sculptural materials.298 And in this kind of social, cultural and economic context, Putars introduction of the concept of market into the dis-course of art history or criticism seems so exception-ally important. I would recall here once again Groyss consideration of the technology by which norms were imposed on Soviet art production, the simul-taneity of the establishment of the dogma of social-ist realism and Stalins termination of the NEP, that is, of the private market for artworks. The Yugoslav break with the USSR of 1948 certainly did not mean a total abandonment of the Stalinist model of total control of cultural production. Although during the first half of the 1950s the socialist realist iconographic and aesthetic canon was phased out, the economic model of cultural production remained unchanged. The institutional framework that, generating a defi-nition of art gives legitimacy to certain phenomena still wanted the essential element that would have prevented totalitarian control and fostered a genu-ine exchange and battle of thought. At issue is the market-oriented gallery system with its pertaining critical and theoretical apparatus, such as that which existed (and continues to exist) in the West, without which the state still remained the only real client and purchaser. The criteria according to which financially rewarding commissions were obtained were still shot through with partyness. However, the new Yugo-slav partyness required, after the break with Stalin and the subsequent establishment of friendly re-lations with the West, a new aesthetic garb.

    A fierce and explicit public attack on the socialist realism doctrine of Stalin and Zhdanov arrived on Oc-tober 5, 1952, from the mouth of that unimpeachable leftist authority Miroslav Krlea, who was shown ex-ceptional respect by Tito himself. In a virtuoso series of demonstrations by which, considering it in the con-text of the phrase engineers of human souls, calling the doctrine of socialist realism (and not only the Soviet version, but the kind that was being pushed in France by Aragon at the time) aesthetic Caligu-la-ism, Krlea convincingly proved that this doctrine

    was anti-Leninist, and that Leninism is as the logical application of Marxs theses, a one hundred percent western European doctrine that our western Europe-an nation has as such taken on programmatically and has on the basis of the socialist revolution realised in the form of the socialist constitution.299 Discredit-ing Soviet socialist-realist partyness, in this speech Krlea provided a rhetorical bridge through which, via the figure of common cultural affiliation to the West, the currently metamorphosing Titoist Yugoslav partyness was brought closer to its new capitalist300, anti-Soviet allies. But at the same time, the recom-mendation of a modernist art for arts sake served him as a means for an attack on capitalism, and further, on western and Soviet imperialism:

    That the notion of art for arts sake is idealess, this idea was rejected by apologetes of reactionary bourgeois art because, for the ivory tower artists in their still lifes did not cultivate the cult of the church mystery or the state-creating pathos during the conquest of colonial countries. This paradoxical comedy in ar-tibus with the endless quantity of aesthetic misun-derstandings lasts until this day according to the law of inertia on the socialist platform too The idealess decadent conception of art for arts sake got stuck on the margins of political reality in the second half of the nineteenth century in lyrical self-isolation, and accordingly remained extraterritorial in relation to religious and statist principles of bourgeois art. The middle class did not get much from this bohemian, art-for-arts-sake idealess art, apart from merchandising these paintings posthumously (after the tragic death of a painter, very profitably). Art-for-arts-sake art neutralised the class pathos of the bare knife and re-duced all painterly motifs to the Stimmung of idealess pacifism, which was not in any case in the interests of the war-propagandising-mottos of the bourgeois class. Pointless, then, for the bourgeoisie as propaganda, only decorative as component part of the furnishing of interiors, this art never became a mass art, and if in its motifs there is realist poetry, and in terms of its great names it really is realistic and poetic, it is not in any way at all unreal.301

    Krlea did not stop at a defence of art for arts sake, but called Stalins policy an anti-Marxist pepper-pot:

    But when today one single legislator is presented as the supreme modeller who models not just nations and world revolutions but the whole of Humanity, who determines the laws of linguistics, aesthetics and med-icine, then this linguistic and aesthetic, this medical exorcist pepper-pot is clearly anti-Marxist. If such a problem of the divination of a single man becomes the task of a whole of one socially tendentious painting and poetry, then such an art does not correspond to

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955360

    302 Ibid., p. 58303 Ibid., p. 59304 See Hal Foster, Compulsive

    Beauty, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England, 1995 and Rosalind E. Krauss, The Optical Unconscious (Chapter 6), MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England, 1993.

    305 American-Type Painting is the title of an article published in 1955 in which Greenberg expressly calls American Abstract Expressionism American-Type painting. It was written after the Venice Biennale in 1954, and ends with the words: The general impression is that there is a big chance that an art will come out of this land with the high quality of a magnificent wine. Literature yes, we know that we have achieved great things here; the English and French have told us so. Now they will start saying the same thing about our painting. Quoted [here, back-translation] from the text published in Clement Greenberg, Art and Culture, Thames and Hudson, London, 1973, p. 229

    306 Edvard Kardelj quoted from Ljiljana Kolenik, Izmeu Istoka i Zapada, p. 91; n. 118

    307 Who Rules the Art World?, in Carol Duncan, The Aesthetics of Power: Essays in Critical Art History, Cambridge University Press, 1993, pp. 169 188

    308 Eve Cockcroft Abstract Expressionism, Weapon of the Cold War, ArtForum, no. 10, 1974, pp. 39-41

    socialist demands and such an aesthetic is not and log-ically cannot be socialist. A rotten taste in art always has the smell of a cadaver to it. A rotten taste is always a reliable proof that under the stairs of such putrid civilisations someones corpse is rotting. The corpse of some principles and life conditions, the corpse of decay-ing views of the world and unhealthy interpersonal relations, the corpse in this case of socialist logic.302

    For all the passionate onslaught on the procedures of the instrumentalisation of art for propaganda pur-poses (capitalist and communist) and the known per-sonal animosity to Abstract Art that was at that time slowly but surely gaining ground, Krlea expressly advocated freedom of artistic creativity, or simul-taneity of styles, and set Yugoslav socialist art its propagandist assignment:

    Our socialist literature must defend the Yugoslav so-cialist status quo, for it will thus defend our socialist and accordingly, logically, our national and cultur-al survival. Our socialist literature must, as artistic propaganda to foreign countries (which have no idea about our literature or our art), by a series of our works prove that we have always, ever since we have existed, fought for the freedom of artistic creation, for the simultaneity of styles, for the principle of the free expression of opinion, according to our independent moral and political conviction.303

    At the time when Krlea gave this highly influential speech, the critical potential of modern art was dis-solving in the nascent ideology of high modernism generated by the activity of American art criticism that, systematically wiping out any traces of the influence of European modern art, particularly of Surrealism304 on in Greenbergs words, Ameri-can-Type Painting305 Abstract Art, reading it in strictly formalist terms, furnished with something like the Stimmung of idealess pacificism. This

    Stimmung corresponded to the new course of Yu-goslav partyness that dialectically materialised in the speech of the main Party ideologist Edvard Kardelj at the 3rd Congress of the League of Communists of Serbia held in 1954:

    It is not up to us Communists to come out in favour of artistic trends. That is a matter for cultural creation. It will master the crisis and find a corresponding artistic form this conviction, we, as communists, have and must have, and so we have to fight. But this does not prescribe either the content or the theme or the form of cultural creation. Even if we wanted, we would achieve nothing by it. In his time, Stalin already tried it, with his socialist realism, which in fact turned out to be just a realistic decadence. And that was proved in this country too.306

    The point and effects of Kardeljs nominal rejection of party prescription of the content, theme and form of cultural creation and also of Krleas imperative vision of socialist literature as artistic propaganda to foreign countries can be understood bearing in mind the conclusion that thirty years later American art historian Carol Duncan penned in one of the key texts of the new, critical history of art entitled Who rules the art world:

    Modernist art has the status of the official art of liber-al western countries, and also of those countries that want to present themselves to others as such.307

    Titos communist Yugoslavia, after the break with Stalins USSR, undoubtedly wanted to show itself to its new capitalist allies as precisely such, and so dur-ing the second half of the 1950s, in the area of art it replaced the socialist realist doctrine with the ideol-ogy of high modernism. Carol Duncan pays particular attention to the use value of high art. Discussing what constitutes the quality of modern high art and what its use is, she asks the key question: Whose needs and benefits does this art address? She concludes here that the main use assigned to modern art is ideological. This is best seen in the most important space of mod-ern high art in the museum. The works that are there are ascribed the highest value and it is on them that most critical work is practised. Each work is there care-fully isolated and attentively lit because it represents a moment of artistic freedom, freedom proved by the artists ability to be innovative and unique. Innova-tion and uniqueness are ideologically useful since they show the artists individual freedom qua artist, and that freedom starts to mean human liberty in general. Celebrating artistic freedom, the institutions of the art world prove that one lives in a society in which freedom is cultivated and shielded, since in a society every freedom implies individual freedom. Modernist works, celebrated as instances of freedom, function as icons of individualism, objects that tacitly transform the abstraction of liberal ideology into visible and con-crete experience. The state, observes Carol Duncan, has understood very well the meaning of modern art. She backs this up with data from research carried out in the 1970s by the artist Eva Cockcroft to document the way in which the State Department at the begin-ning of the period of the Cold War exploited American modern art, particularly Abstract Expressionism, us-ing the Museum of Modern Art as a stalking horse for the secret funding of overseas exhibitions of Abstract Expressionism to convince European intellectuals that in America freedom was cultivated and respect-ed.308 Incidentally, it is worth mentioning here that from the end of the 1940s to the end of the 1950s in democratic America the McCarthy witch hunts took place, the persecution of those who were denounced

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 361

    309 See Hal Foster, Rosalind Krauss, Yves-Alain Bois, Benjamin H.D. Buchloh, Art Since 1900: Modernism, Antimodernism, Postmodernism, Thames & Hudson, London, 2004, p. 328

    310 Krlea, op.cit. p. 60311 W.J.T. Mitchell, What do

    Pictures Want?: The Lives and Loves of Images, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 2005.

    312 Benjamin, op. cit., p. 126

    as fellow-travellers. Thus for example, on November 25, 1947, the Hollywood blacklist was published on which there were numerous distinguished actors, writers and directors, some of them even being ar-rested. Also bearing the brunt of the attacks of some conservative senators was Abstract Art, also labelled a commie fabrication. After that, in 1953, on the basis of an earlier decision concerning a planned penetration of the European art scene, the International Council of MoMA was founded. In the opinion of Rosalind Krauss, the effect of the working of this Council was manifested in the promotion of the imperial cultural modernism that accompanied the Marshall Plan.309

    Contextualising the statement of Carol Duncan, according to whom modernist art has the status of the official art of liberal Western countries and of those countries that wish to present themselves to others as such by Krleas remark about a rotten taste in part that always has its own certain cadaver odour, because such a taste always is a reliable proof that under the stairs of such rotten civilisations someones corpse is decaying, I would conclude that the turna-round from the aesthetics of socialist realism (in the sense of improving taste) to the aesthetics of high modernism at the beginning of the 1950s in Croatian, or Yugoslav, art was allowed, among other things, to cover up the odour of the corpse. The certain ca-daver odour, wrapped in profound silence, including Krleas, spread out from Goli otok where, on July 9, 1949, the first Cominform delinquents arrived for

    re-education. The Cominform purge, of those who in June 1948 did not at once and unconditionally ac-cept the line of the new partyness, went in parallel with the tightening of the cult of Marshal Josip Broz Tito. In the process of the dissemination of this cult, which after all coincided with the idea of partyness, classical art media like painting and sculpting were insufficient. Accordingly in a consideration of the in-tertwined concepts of culture, democracy and free-dom, Krleas phrase of the socialist cultural medium is extremely important and telling.

    The moment when in this country artists appear who with their talent, knowledge and taste are able to sub-jectively reflect the objective motifs of our leftish reali-ty, then our own Art will be born. If in this country a socialist cultural medium (my italics) is developed, aware of its own rich past and aware of its cultural mission in todays European space and time, our Art will ineluctably take the stage.310

    This socialist cultural medium will necessarily have to be a mass medium. W. J. T. Mitchell, one of the found-ers of the relatively new academic discipline of visual studies, claims that a medium is not just the material support in which some statement is articulated, an apparatus, or a code that mediates among individuals,

    but a complex social institution that contains in itself individuals, and is constituted by the history of prac-tices, rituals, customs, skills and techniques, as well as a series of material objects and spaces.311 Thus public spaces in which socialist contents were mass-con-sumed accordingly became an integral part of the so-cialist cultural medium. However, socialist realistic contents of the Soviet type that were present in the Croatian public space since the communist assumption of power in 1945 certainly did not wither away after the rejection of the doctrine of socialist realism and the nominal allowance of freedom of artistic creation. Socialist realism was manifested above all in socialist rituals practised in public spaces with live participa-tion of the socialist working people and socialist youth and socialist children [pioniri] and, further, in the same contents disseminated via the mass media: in print media illustrated with the photographic im-age and in the film. Unlike classical artistic media, like painting or sculpture, the consumption of which was limited to a narrow circle of the public visitors of mu-seums and galleries, the reception of which occurred through individual contemplation, the consumption of the contents of films (in the pre-television era) hap-pened in the mass. In the blacked-out cinema.

    In his famed The Work of Art in the Age of Technical Reproduction published in 1936, referring to Marxs analysis of the conditions of capitalist production, Walter Benjamin concluded that the transformation of the superstructure took place far more slowly than that of the substructure, had taken more than half a century to manifest in all areas of culture the change in the conditions of production (my italics). Undertak-ing the task of formulating theses about the devel-opment tendencies of art in the then current condi-tions of production, Benjamin willingly brushed aside a number of outmoded concepts (such as creativity or genius, eternal value or mystery) con-sidering that their uncontrolled application would lead to the processing of data in the Fascist sense. He explicitly states that the concepts, which he brought into art theory for the first time, are different from the familiar terms because they are completely use-less for the purposes of Fascism, but are on the other hand useful for the formation of the revolutionary demands in the politics of art.312 Writing of the pro-cess of the disappearance of the aura of the work of art though its capacity to be reproduced he writes in conclusion of the desire of contemporary masses to bring things closer spatially and humanly, which is just as ardent as their bent toward overcoming the uniqueness of every reality by accepting its re-production. Thus Benjamin states that in the field of perception is manifested what in the theoretical sphere is noticeable in the increasing importance of statistics. The adjustment of reality to the masses and of the masses to reality is a process of unlimited scope,

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955362

    313 Ibid., pp. 131-132314 Ibid., p. 132315 Letter in the State Archives in

    Zagreb (HR-HDA-291, MPRO, box 57, fasc. 13.5)

    316 Since 1993 the albums have been in the Croatian State Archives in Zagreb, HRF-HDA-1422

    as much for thinking as for perception.313 Benjamin considers the problem of art for arts sake essential differently:

    With the advent of the first truly revolutionary means of reproduction, photography, simultaneously with the rise of socialism, art sensed the approaching crisis which has become evident a century later. At the time, art reacted with the doctrine of lart pour lart, that is, with a theology of art. This gave rise to what might be called a negative theology in the form of the idea of

    pure art, which not only denied any social function of art but also any categorizing by subject matter. An analysis of art in the age of mechanical reproduction must do justice to these relationships, for they lead us to an all-important insight: for the first time in world history, mechanical reproduction emancipates the work of art from its parasitical dependence on ritual. To an ever greater degree the work of art reproduced becomes the work of art designed for reproducibility. From a photographic negative, for example, one can make any number of prints; to ask for the authentic print makes no sense. But the instant the criterion of authenticity ceases to be applicable to artistic produc-tion, the total function of art is reversed. Instead of being based on ritual, it begins to be based on another practice politics (my italics).314

    Instead of the artwork that is parasitic on ritual, the socialist ritual itself became the work of art. Perfor-mance: the enactment of partyness. A number of well-regarded Croatian artists in the post-war years took part in the set design of such enactments. On April 18, 1945, the Ministry of Education sent the Office for Personal Affairs a list of employees of the department of culture and art for whom it sought assistance:

    The list of artists who were on maintenance in our sup-ply department and who are to be found here: uro Til-jak, Oton Postrunik, Zlatko Prica, Edo Murti, Petar imaga, Ljudevit esti, Branko Kovaevi, Vjekoslav Ruklja, Maurovi Andrija, Agbaba Zvonko, Oskar Herman, Stela Skopal, Nikica Reizer, Zvonko Glad, St-jepan Rajkovi, Miroslav Lunzer, Stanka Vrinjanin, Danica Pollak, Stevo Brkljai, [added by hand] Stein-er Odette, Bilu Ida, Bilu Ljiljana, [typed] Zdravka Hgel, Lovorka Dobrila, Pavao Novosel, Jelka Borovi, Nada krinjar Agbaba, Flora Tolentino, Marija Ratk-ovi, Slavko Pavleti.

    There is a group of 15 fine artists at work in the cultural and art department, and a group of 20 solo singers with their teacher and two musicians. The aim is to enable the fine artists to be employed in the occasional making of posters, arranging decorations, works at various competitions and so on, and at the same time to create works of art and to develop in their

    profession In connection with this, we propose that they be awarded a monthly prize. Since there are dif-ferences among them in qualifications, in the degree of employment and in the artistic qualities, we thinking that classification should be carried out among them according to categories that according to the amount of the sum sent for a prize, will correspond to the cat-egories established for the civil service. We further rec-ommend that for solo singers and student painters a certain sum be set as a government scholarship.315

    On photographs that are in the albums of the Agency for Photographic Documentation of AGEFOTO316 shot in the period between 1945 and 1947 many occasion-al scenographic interventions in the main square of Zagreb are to be seen. Particularly interesting are the interventions in which the monument, the equestri-an portrait of Ban Josip Jelai, the work of sculptor Anton Dominik Fernkorn unveiled in 1866 is hidden from the eyes of the public. On photographs taken before July 1945, a grand platform is seen, placed right alongside the monument, to the west of it, and on it over an inscription saying Long Live Marshal Josip Broz Tito Organiser and Political Leader of the Yugo-slav Army was a vast photographic portrait of the Marshal and at his sides, in slightly smaller formats, portraits of Vladimir Nazor and Vladimir Bakari. Above Titos portrait a five pointed star was raised. Soon however, nonce wooden structures started to sprout over the monument of Jelai. One of them, like an electricity pylon with a five pointed star at the top, out-topped buildings located on the north-ern side of the square. On the northern side from the bottom of the structure rose a gigantic cogwheel in the centre of which was a picture of Tito. Photographs from the AGEFOTO albums show processions of di-verse groups of citizens in front of this construction, and from the inscriptions on the banners that they are carrying, as well as from the auxiliary platforms it can be concluded that in these ritual May Day gath-erings the successes in the electrification of the coun-try were being lauded. In the period from 1945 to July 27, 1947, when from under one such wooden structure Fernkorns monument mysteriously van-ished, various wooden envelopes were used as sup-ports for occasional, relief-appliqud socialist realistic iconographic motifs. The AGEFOTO shots document the whole process, that is, all the phases of making the set designs for the mass gathering on Trg bana Jelaia (the future Square of the Republic) staged on the occasion of the 1st Congress of the Anti-Fascist Womens Front (AF) in July 1945. The monument to Ban Jelai was covered over with a gigantic wooden frame on the northern surface of which a quotation from Tito was written: I am proud at being at the head of an army in which there is a huge number of women. I can say that the women in this struggle, for

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 363

    317 Faist mentions the making of the arch of triumph in an interview with Vesna Kusin published in Vjesnik of November 8, 2003, p. 18.

    318 Vesna Kusin in Iitavanje diktata vremena, Vjesnik, October 25, 2003, p. 16

    319 Siegfried Kracauer, Tahe Mass Ornament in The Mass Ornament: Weimar Essays, Harvard University Press, Cambridge Massachusetts London, England, 1995, pp. 75-78

    320 Ibid. p. 79321 Ibid. p. 83

    their heroism, their fortitude, were and still are in the front ranks. The western surface was a support for a ten-metre-high relief representation of a women reaper with a sickle, and the eastern for a Partisan woman in folk costume with rifle (in form more like a bludgeon) in her hand. The set design for the parade to mark the first AF Congress did not fail to visualise the idea of fraternity and unity for on the western side of the square, over the tramline, an arch of tri-umph was erected. It was formed by a composition of geometrically abstracted figures of two women of vast dimensions, one in Croatian and the other in Serbian folk dress, their outstretched hands meeting as they held five pointed star. The clothing of one of them was written with the lines Comrade Tito, to thee we say, From thy path we shall not stray. The arch was designed by Zvonimir Faist317 who started his design career during the Independent State of Cro-atia in the exhibition-graphic section of the Propa-ganda Office. After WWII he worked in OLIKPROP, the department for visual propaganda of the State Agency for Propaganda, or in the Advertising Institute of Cro-atia (OZEHA) which took over OLIKPROP in 1947.318

    Among the socialist rituals, an essential part con-sisted of the rallies that were held for various occa-sions; the most spectacular was that practised at the closing ceremony of the handing of the relay baton to Marshal Tito on Youth Day, May 25, when his birthday was celebrated. The function of the rally in socialist Yugoslavia, as in all the totalitarian regimes, consist-ed of the symbolic expression of healthy (socialist) spirit in a healthy body. The phenomenon of the rally cannot be considered outside the context of the con-cept of physical culture. The phrase physical culture, in its German version of Krperkultur or body culture, appeared in public discourse at the beginning of the 20th century and is connected with the collective prac-tising of certain physical activities such as rhythmical gymnastics and certain kinds of dance, the aim being to maintain bodily and mental health. The modern cult of the health body had one of its earliest apologet-ic orchestrations in the German culture film Wege zu Kraft und Schnheit (Ways to strength and beauty) made in 1925 by Nicholas Kaufmann and Wilhelm Prager.

    In 1927, Siegfried Kracauer, culture critic and film theorist, published the essay Das Ornament der Masse in which he correlated the domain of physical cul-ture with the mass media: with illustrated newspa-pers, photography and film. His observations about the transformation of the live body into ornament, a transformation that he contextualised by the capital-ist economy and the mass culture inherent to it, are applicable to the analysis of visual culture, the ritual praxes of physical performance in the iconography of communist totalitarian systems. Kracauer starts his reflections on the transformation of the live body into a fragment of an ornamental structure with a critical

    view of stage shows, that is, the choreographed ap-pearance of the dance ensemble that became known at the end of the 19th century under the name of the Tiller Girls. Images of their performances went around the world in illustrated papers and film journals, and hence in the first decades of the twentieth century the practice of similar mass performances in which bodies merged into one ornament became planetarily popular and began to be practised not only on varie-ty stages but also in stadiums. It is enough to take a cursory glance at the screen, writes Kracauer, to see how an ornament has been made out of a thousand bodies. Only as part of a mass, and not as individuals who believe that they are being formed out of their own interiority, can people become part of a figure. The structure of the ornament of the mass mirrors the whole of the contemporary situation. Since the principle of capitalist production does not arise from nature, concludes Kracauer, it has to destroy natural organisms that it has to consider only a means or else something that offers resistance. The community and personality vanish when calculability becomes de-sirable; the individual can, without a bit of friction, serve the machine only as a tiny little bit of the mass. A system that forgets the diversities of forms leads in itself to the blurring of ethnic characteristics and to the production of working class masses that can be employed in the same way in any part of the world. The mass ornament is an aesthetic reflex of the ra-tionality to which the prevailing economic system aspires.319 He further implicitly refers to the relation between what is called high art and mass culture:

    Educated people who are never entirely absent have taken offense at the emergence of the Tiller Girls and the stadium images. They judge anything that enter-tains the crowd to be a distraction of that crowd. But despite what they think, the aesthetic pleasure gained from ornamental mass movement is legitimate. Such movements are in fact among the rare creations of the age that bestow form upon a given material. The mass-es organised in these movements come from office and factories; the formal principle according to which they are moulded determines them in reality as well. When significant components of reality become invisible in our world, art must make do with what is left, for an aesthetic presentation is all the more real the less it dispenses with the reality outside the aesthetic sphere. No matter how low one gauges the value of the mass ornament, its degree of reality is still higher than that of artistic productions that cultivate outdated noble sentiments in obsolete forms320

    At the end, Kracauer concludes that, looked at from the perspective of reason, mass ornament is revealed as a mythological cult masked in the garb of abstraction.321 In the context of his comparison of the performative

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955364

    322 I thank Mr. Zvonimir Barievi, head of the central photographic laboratory of the Croatian State Archives for information about AGEFOTO.

    323 Jacques Derrida, Archive Fever: A Freudian Impression, in Diacritics, Vol.25, No.2 , 1995., pp. 9-63

    of mass ornament and the aesthetic products of high culture it would be worth discussing the issue of the dissemination of socialist realism in Croatian public space in the second half of the 1940s and during the 1950s. From this point of view the either champion-ing or discrediting of the socialist realist aesthetic in the area of art that occurred in academic polemics in the period after rejection of the Cominform Resolu-tion turn out to be irrelevant as compared with the effect of socialist rituals practised by the participa-tion of the masses in public spaces that (unlike the consecrated spaces of museums and galleries where only the select, educated public for high art entered) were and still are the everyday environment of the whole population. In these spaces for the masses the real biopolitical mission of the visual culture of social realism was realised, doctrine within which through the procedures of objectification new social subjects were materialised. If attention is devoted to the work of AGEFOTO in the post-war period, then Kracauers mention of the disappearance of person-ality in the ideology of calculability or the statement that mass ornament is the aesthetic reflex of reality to which the prevailing economic system aspires, also proves to be trustworthy.

    The Agency for Photographic Documentation was a juridical entity funded with government money. The activities of the state photographic agency can be tracked from 1939, when the government of Banovina Croatia procured photographic equipment. When the Independent State of Croatia was pro-claimed, a photographic propaganda section was set up, headed by Mladen Grevi, and after World War II, the Croatian Photo Division was at work, which soon changed its name to AGEFOTO.322 The agencys professional cameramen systematically and accord-ing to plan recorded all aspects of life in the newly formed state, from labour campaigns and activities of the National Front, production in factory plant, political conferences and various celebrations, reg-ular medical check-ups of school children, activities related to the care of war orphans, the employment of the blind, the production of prosthetics for the dis-abled, physical culture activities in schools and firms, courses for qualified workers, agricultural works, fishing, the raising of memorials and the registra-tion of events in the studios of distinguished artists. They wrote comments about their shots in special notebooks, and these commentaries were typed up and pasted by the photographs that were neatly and systematically, by subjects, classified into albums. An undisguised ideological charge was typical of the commentaries. For example, along with a series of photographs that show the entry of the Yugoslav Army into the main Zagreb square is the following comment: View onto part of Jelai Square where a vast mass of patriots can be seen, having thus ar-

    rived to express their gratitude to the Yugoslav Army for their liberation from bloodthirsty Ustashadom and Boche Occupation. Jacques Derrida observes that the archive occurs at the site of the original and structural break of memory, that there is no politi-cal power without control of the archives, if not of memory too. The question of archives, he writes, is not a matter of the past, but of the future.323

    I would return to Kracauers statement about cal-culability, about mass ornament as aesthetic reflex of the rationality to which the prevailing economic system aspires. Many of the photos from the AGEFOTO albums show notice boards with chalk drawn tables on which there is a numerical display of statistically processed data about the results of the voluntary la-bour campaigns and the degrees of transposition of the work norms. The rendering of partyness is here immediately connected with the process of the de-velopment and industrialisation of a country that was devastated in the war and anyway backward in which more than twenty percent of the population were totally illiterate. In brief, about the processes of modernisation. However, the aesthetic pattern of mass ornament is also seen in conditions of forced labour. A photograph by an unknown author, like an aerial photograph, records a scene from the penal camp on the island Goli otok: a gigantic five point-ed start painted on the ground girt with a live ring composed of hundreds of convicts circling around it.

    The programme of photographic documentation and hence of the supervision of all aspects of the life of the community that was practised in the 1940s and 1950s by AGEFOTO was not a communist inven-tion. A similar project had been launched ten years earlier as part of the Roosevelt programme to revive the national economy after the Great Depression. The Federal Arts Project (FAP) employed numerous artists to make murals in public institutions such as schools and hospitals and produce posters that pro-moted the New Deal. Among these artists were some of the key names of Abstract Expressionism, indeed, the very icon of American-Type Painting, Jackson Pollock. A good deal of what is known by the umbrel-la term American photography of the thirties was actually created in the framework of this project. It is enough to recall the anthology photos of Dorothea Lange or Walker Evans. The government agency the Information Division of the Farm Security Admin-istration, as well as launching the project for the photographic recording of the lives of people in the poorest parts of America and for documenting the construction of transportation infrastructure, fac-tory buildings and the like, also produced a number of propaganda films like Pare Lorentzs The Plow that Broke the Plains (1936) and The River (1937).

    In 1946 a state firm for the production and dis-tribution of films in Croatia was founded, Jadran

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 365

    324 Siegfried Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler: A Psychological History of the German Film, Princeton University Press, 2004, p. 142

    film. In 1948 Jadran film started its propaganda pro-ject Film Review in which the jobs of script writing, shooting, editing and directing were carried out by experienced professionals who had produced film journals for the state-owned Hrvatski slikopis during the ISC, including Oktavijan Mileti, Milan Kati and Branko Marjanovi. The contents of the film reviews overlapped in their subjects with the contents of the photographs of AGEFOTO. Within the Film Review [Filmski pregled] project, for example, the film Liber-ation of Zagreb was produced, takes of the last battles being edited in together with the parades of partisan units on the main square of the city, and scenes of the camp for prisoners of war located in Zagrebs Kanal neighbourhood, the site of todays main bus station. Branko Belan directed films for Pregled: Electrification, Fishermen of the Adriatic, Tuna Catchers, Moorland and Ears of Grain, and the film Istrian Ways, in which the cameraman was Oktavijan Mileti. Also important to mention here is the 1948 film entitled Important Days of the Yugoslav Academy, directed by Kreo Golik and filmed by Nikola Tanhofer, which shows a formal session of JAZU attended also by Josip Broz Tito. The same Review (1/1948) included Tanhofers film St Sa-vas Oration in Zagreb, which rhetorically places the medieval saint in the context of the Peoples Libera-tion War. However, the link between the aesthetics of high art, the folk masses, socialist realism and the inextricable interweaving of the concepts of produc-tion, or industrialisation, with those of modernisa-tion of and modernity, becomes completely clear in the film of Milan Kati, Monument of Gratitude to the Red Army, also produced for Jadran films Film Review of 1948. The narrative structure of the film links the works of artists (including Grgo Antunac and even Master Frano Krini) in the studios and workshops of Master Antun Augustini with the jobs of the working classes that were extracting from the Bra quarry and transporting to ships the vast blocks of stone from which the monumental figures of the monument would be carved. An atmosphere of pro-ductive, almost industrial work and shock-worker tactics is conjured up in scenes from the art foundry which in detail described every phase in the making of bronze sculptures. The atmosphere of the building site, or rather, socialist development, are undoubted-ly denoted in takes of raising the base for the figure of Victory that, holding a sword in its right and in its left a sickle irresistibly recalls the emblematic socialist realist, twenty-five-metre high sculptural composition Working Man and Kolkhoz Woman by the sculptor Vera Muchina made of stainless steel and placed on the flat roof of the Soviet pavilion at the Paris World Expo of 1937.

    From the way in which Katis film was shot and edited it is clear that the producers of Film Review were well acquainted with the practice of the Sovi-

    et experimental and documentary propaganda film, particularly with the Cine Eye series of Dziga Vertov, above all with his apologia for the Soviet five-year-plan entitled Enthusiasm: Symphony of the Donbass of 1931. Apart from the process of the production of monuments where in the discursive space of the film artistic work becomes an equivalent to the pro-ductive factory work, Monument of Gratitude to the Red Army shows the unveiling of the monument on November 9, 1947, in Batina Skela that, significantly, was not attended by Marshal of the Yugoslav Army, Josip Broz Tito. When the Resolution of the Comin-form was rejected in June 1948, Augustinis mon-ument was not dismantled, and it is one of the rare monuments to events from the anti-fascist battle and its protagonists that during the nineties avoided destruction and devastation.

    Film journals produced by Jadran film should be considered in the context of the kulturfilm gen-re, which was invented by the German UFA studios, which particularly flourished during the 1920s. The Kulturfilm was a particular kind of short or medium length film of an educational, documentary and prop-aganda nature. According to the UFA catalogue of the time, it had the follow subjects: work of the heart, bundles of nerves, snakes, Infusoria, deer, oriental cult rites, fire worshippers and Tibetan monasteries, living Buddhas, giant bridges, mighty ships, railways, machines, Japanese women with fans drinking tea illuminated with Chinese lanterns, and so on.324 The film mentioned earlier, Wege zu Kraft und Schnheit was the first long culture film; it was financed with money from the German government and screened around schools. Thanks to their invocation of science and their excellent photography, the kulturfilm soon became a sought after product on the international market. In 1930s, under the mask of popular science, these films disseminated the biological ideology of national socialism, and from the 1940s their overt propaganda contents in the form of weekly reviews became an obligatory part of the cinema repertoire. In August 1940, the Deutsche Kulturfilm-Zentral was formed, directly governed by Joseph Goebbels, min-ister of education and propaganda. It is surely unnec-essary to observe that Film Review, via the mediation of the former pros of Hrvatski slikopis (conceived ac-cording to the German model), from which it took its equipment, also inherited the Goebbels technology for indoctrinating the masses. What is important to mention is that the German film firm UFA was created just before the end of WWI, in 1917, by a decree of the all-powerful General Luddendorf, who ordered all small film companies to unite so that their creative and productive energies should be channelled to the national interests. In November 1917, the Supreme Command of the Germany army, in collaboration with the most powerful financers, industrialists and

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955366

    325 Kracauer, op. cit. pp. 35-39.326 Information from the

    documentary film of Mira Turajlic, Cinema Komunisto, 2010

    327 Slavoj iek, The Sublime Object of Ideology, Verso, 2008, pp. 15-16.

    328 Ibid., p. 184329 Ibid., p. 226.

    ship owners created Universal Film A. G. UFA. The official mission of UFA was to provide public relations for Germany in line with government directives. This requirement did not relate only to directly war prop-aganda but to the whole of film production, particu-larly anything of an educational character.325

    I mention this because two Yugoslav production companies, Zagrebs Jadran film and Avala film of Bel-grade, which during the 1960s and 1970s were among the biggest film studios in Europe, were founded as state firms. Indeed, Belgrades Avala film was founded in 1947 as part of the programme of the first Yugoslav five-year plan326, and the very fact shows that in Titos modernising Yugoslavia film production was just as important as industrial production. Like the assem-bly of industrial products on the conveyor belt, the editing of moving pictures on the editing desk had the capacity to produce reality. Tito knew that well too. A recent documentary film Cinema Komunisto, written and directed by Mira Turajli, shows Tito as an impassioned filmophile and interview with his personal projectionist, Leka Konstantinovi, who during thirty two years of work put on 8000 private screenings for him. Although during Titos lifetime some Croatian or Yugoslav films shot in the late 40s or early 50s were banned, a prison term was handed down to just one director, only in 1973, for a film shot two years previously, as a dissertation work at the Belgrade Art Academy. This refers to Lazar Stojanovi and his Plastic Jesus, in which the editing of archival documentary film material crated a direct analogy between Titos communist and Hitlers Nazi rhetoric.

    For the performatives of what is colloquially called social realism to be understood, one needs to pay attention to the intersection of the concepts of realism, reality and ideology. Slavoj iek claims that ideology is not simply false consciousness, an illusionary representation of reality, rather it is this reality that is to be understood as ideological.

    Ideological is a social reality, he writes, the very ex-istence of which implies the non-knowledge of the participants of its essence, i.e. the social effectivity whose very reproduction implies that the partici-pants do not know what they are doing. The ide-ological is not false consciousness of the (social) being, but that very being to the extent to which it is supported by false consciousness.327

    Starting from Lacans concept of the phantasm and the Real, Zizek focuses the following question: what does it mean when we say that the ideological phantasm structures reality itself? He indicates the while the paradox of Lacans Real, i.e. the fact that this is an entity that although it does not exist (in the sense of the really existent, that which occupies a place in reality does have a number of characteristics and hence results in certain structural consequences, and in the symbolic reality of the subject can product

    a series of effects. Because, according to Lacan, a real object (of desire) would thus be a pure void; a cause that in itself does not exist and that is present only as a string of effects, but always in a distorted and displaced manner. If the Real is the impossible, con-cludes iek, then this impossibility is what should be grasped through its effects.328 As well as in other ways, he exemplifies this statement with a compar-ison of Stalinist real and Yugoslav self-managing so-cialism. As follows:

    not until the emergence of Yugoslav self-manage-ment did Stalinism effectively reach the level of de-ception in its strictly human dimension. In Stalinism the deception is still basically a simple one: the pow-er (Part-and-State bureaucracy) feigns to rule in the name of the people while everyone knows that it rules in its own interest in the interest of reproducing its own power; in Yugoslav self-management, however, the same party-and-State bureaucracy reins, but it reigns in the name of an ideology whose basic thesis is that the greatest obstacle to the full development of self-managed consists of the alienated Party-and-State bureaucracy. The elementary semantic axis that legitimates Party rule is the opposition between self-managing socialism and bureaucratic State-and-Party socialism in other words, the Party-and-State legitimizes its rule by an ideology that designates itself as the principal enemy. (...) We can see now why the thesis by which, in contrast to habitual real social-ism. Yugoslav self-management represents socialism with a human face is not a mere propaganda ploy but is to be taken quite literally: in Yugoslavia people are, of course, deceived, just as in all real socialism, but they are at least deceived on a specifically human level. (...) There is a well known Yugoslav political joke expressing the quintessence of this: In Stalinism the representative of the people drive Mercedes, while in Yugoslavia the people themselves drive Mercedes by proxy, through their representatives. That is to say, Yugoslav self-management is the point at which the subject must recognise in the figure embodying the al-ienated substantial power (the bureaucrat driving the Mercedes), not only a force opposed to him but himself in his otherness, and thus reconcile himself with it.329

    When we are thinking about banned Croatian films shot in the period right after the rejection of the Cominform Resolution, it seems indicative that it was almost always to do with comedies that mocked the Soviet model of partyness. The film Ciguli Miguli was made in 1952 by Branko Marjanovi (director) and the camera operator Nikola Tanhofer after a screen-play by Joo Horvat. Ivan Ivanovi, party official for culture, arrives in a little town that reveres its fore-bear the musician Ciguli Miguli whose monument is placed in the main square. There are five musical

  • REFLECTIONS OF TIME 1945 1955 367

    clubs in the city: the Red Blackbird of the craftsmen; the Milopoj of the pensioners; the Croatian Dawn of the craftsmen and working men; the firemens Trum-pet and the petty officialdoms Socialist Dawn. Ivan Ivanovi in his intention to carry out a reorganisa-tion or rationalisation of the cultural life of the town by extirpating the bourgeois customs and habits of its inhabitants accordingly dissolves all these clubs. Since the main obstacle to the reorganisation is the cult of Ciguli Miguli, he orders the monument to be covered with wooden cladding from the eyes of the adorers. Perhaps it was this unconcealed allusion to the removal of the monument to Ban Jelai, with a caricatured depiction of the (then) current extremely bureaucratic rendering of partyness that was the rea-son for its being banned for many years. It obtained a license to be screened only in 1977.

    Short films made in the early 1950s after satiri-cal one-act plays that, jeering at Soviet imperial-ism were performed in Kerempuhs Merry Theatre of Fadil Hadi never got a license for screening. One of them is the Secret of the IB [Cominform] Castle, by Milan Kati, shot in 1951. This is a comedy with ele-

    ments of the fairy tale and surrealism in which the Resolution is personified. She is born from an occult laboratory experiment in a castle whence she is sent on its destructive dancing expedition. The role of the Resolution was danced by the famed ballerina of the time, Silvija Hercigonja. Another never shown film shot at the same time was until just a few weeks ago considered lost. This is the six-minute film of Oktavi-jan Mileti Professor Budalasov [Prof. Nitwit] shot in a single take. Daniel Rafaeli discovered it inserted into a film that was directed by Bogdan Marai and produced by Jadran film under the title Humorous film

    From Kerempuhs diary. Undoubtedly, both of these films were of an anti-Soviet propaganda nature and as such were toeing the line of Titos resistance to Stalin. But the question remains as to why they nev-er received a screening licence. Why did humour, as in the case of Ciguli Miguli, at once become subject to censorship? Perhaps for the same reason why the key to the mysterious sequence of murders in Ecos The Name of the Rose is in an unknown content of a lost Comedy of Aristotle, which perhaps aestheticized what is farcical, unheroic and sceptical.

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