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J AMES COOK UN I VERS I TY OF NORTH QUEENSLAND ISSUES AFFECTING RURAL COMMUNITIES Edited by D. McSWAN and M. McSHANE R. S.M.

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JAMES COOK UNIVERSITY OF NORTH QUEENSLAND

ISSUES AFFECTING

RURAL COMMUNITIES

Edited by D. McSWAN and M. McSHANE R.S.M.

Adapt.bUity: Worl! fll Progrrn (UNU). i't:2 (December), I L

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Chanerjtt. P. (1990) Tht Tnmsforabillty oj SocIal Ta:hnd<lp': Exploration.! in Tht Knowl,d~ Se",CMn of eM Helping Profwkm5 and Their TraMJer. LewiSlon, N.Y. Edwin Mellen.

Coombs, P.lI. (Ed.) (1980) MaNng 1M BasIc Needs of IfIt IWruI Poor: Tnt: Inlcgraud ComlrllUlfly.BosedApprtlClCh. New York: hrpmon P~.

O.hl, R. (198.5) A Pre/au UI EcOrlOl'!'lIc Democracy, Berkeley; Universit:yof uUfomia Pre5.i.

Dahl, R. (1989) Democracy and II's erilin New Haven: Yale University P~.

Daley, J .M .. and Wong. P. (1994) ·Community Development with Emerging Echnic Communities." jOlirnai oj Commllnuy Practice. 1: I (Spring). 9-24.

Deavers, J<. (1989) "The Reversal of the Rund Renaisslnce: A Ream Historical Ptrspective." En/rcprOltUrial Ealftomy Rcvi£w. 8:2 (Scpi...()a..). 3-,.

o.rvill. G., and Smale. G. (Eds,) (1990) Piallm ci Practv:c Val 2 - Partnt"n In Empo?WCrmtnt: Nctworils oj Inl'lUYlllfon III Social Work London: National lns1ill.ne for Social Work.

Ellis, J. (1989) 8realilng New GTOIInd: CommulIlly /Jc;dopmQll with Aslall CommwllUics. London: Bedford Squart. Press.

Fltulmmons, S.J ,. and Freedman . A.J . (1981) Rwral Commwn!ty ~Iopmcm: A Program, PoIJcy, IIlId Rtstarch MOOd. Cambridge, Mass.: ABT Books.

Gilben, N .. Specht. Ii., and TerreU, P. (1993) DlmctSIons of Soda! Wdfore PolIcy. 3rd Ed. Englewood Cliffs. NJ.: Prt:ntla:-Hall.

Ginsberg. LH. (Ed.) (1976) SodoI WorlI in Rliral CommWIlItIcs; A BooIr of Rtadlngs. New York: Council on Socb.I Work Edocuion.

Griffin. K. (I990) "New Or;velopmem Stnueglcs for the '9Os: Build l.ocill Human Resources" War. in Pnlgreu (UNtJ) 10:1. II.

I-bdky. R. (1990) "CarinI for p.,opl~; Community Care In the ~xt ~ and Beyond: Oulline for. Seminar, Lanca$ter Unlv~rsity . U.K. (unpublished),

Hadley. R .• and McGrath. M. (Eds) (1980) GoIng Local: Ncighborhood 50daI krvfct5. London: Ilf;dford SqWlrt: Press.

Hadley. R.. and McGrath. M. (1984) WItt!! SocIal Servlw Art Local: Tht: Nonnanlofl &ptr1cl'!ce. London: Allen . nd Unwin.

Hadley. R., and Young, K. (1990) Crt<Ulng II Rt,ponsiu Public Servia. London: HarvcsterlWheatshcar.

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THE COMMUNITY: roUCY. PRACTICE AND PEDAGOGY 27.5

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Martinez.-Brawley, E.E. (1987) "Rura l Social W9rk: In EIICJdopcdill of SocIal WorIr, IBth Ed .• A. Minahan. Ed. Silver Spring. Md.: National Association of Socb.I Workers. '21-531.

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Rural Patch in Cumbria. England: Soda! Servia RcvJcw 66:1 ~rch), 32-'19.

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Pandey, S .• and Yadama. G.N. (1992) "Community Development Progrllms In Nepal: A Test of Qiffusion of InnovatiOll Thwty" SocIal ScrvJct RevIew 66:4 (Dttembcr) • .582-.587,

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RURAL SOCIAL PLANNING AND WELFARE SERVICES

Brian Che«s and

Our purpose is 10 raise issues for workshop discussion. In doing so we will attempt to map the conceptual terrain of rural social planning and welfare services within the broader frameworks of 'social care', 'rural change', 'soclal justice' and 'community' , While we cannot be entirely neUiTal. using broad frameworks which pemtit international diver.;ity may help LO minimise our biases.

National differences are central in a con ference such as this. Nations differ greatly in relation to factors such as their place in the international contexl; availability of resourcts; economic and politic"l structures; dernogr.tphk composition; sod",,! ami cultural processes; level of Infrastructure development such as transpon and communications; geography; climate; and preferred service models. The nature and extent of 'social planning' and 'welfare services' in any country will depend upon factors such as these ,

By 'social wn' we mean the amutgemems within a society which have the primary function of directly providing for the material, physical, social. emotional. intel1ectual and informalional well­being and development of its member.; (see. also, Seebohm. 1968; Barel.y. 1982; Bulmer. 1987; Cheers, 1992b, pp,'68-583, 1993). 'Provisions' include items such as money, food, housing, heabh care, education. social suppOrt. information, and positive

Ginn! Hall - AUStralia

arrirmation of one's personal wonh and social value. 'Structures' include formal gover nment and non-government suvice organisations such as hospitals, schools and welfare agencies which exist primarily to prOVide care or 10 develop social policies and social plans. They also include 'informal' orgallisatIons such as social clubs which have other primary aims but which provide care because they are involvro in people's lives, and 'natural' suppons such as friends, relatives and neighbours (Hanton. 1980). The Clttent and shape of social care in any nation Is dependent upon an array of local, national and international factors.

Social care In roral areas has been under siege from a number of forces since the early 19705. Rapid social, economic and political changes have lefl their mark and there has been a continuing succession of major global Issues, For example, the changing balance of international trade relations has Impacted heavily upon primary industries in small and vulnerable economies such as Australia. In 1992-93 the average Australian broadacre farmer Involved in wheat/sheeplbeef production had ;J. net farm income of minus $(AI15)lI,300 (Lawrence and Share, 1993, p,4) , Lawrence (1991) further estimates that during most of the 1980s between 20% and 50% of fanners were receiving negative incomes. The

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·'n AlIStralla, atmlng jobs Jor the unemployed is wuloulm:d1y a major social issue of our limes. However, "dulling social dtvdopmclIl to job crwtion further commodifies ~opk and ignortS /he nads of nuuginali.scd groups such as /host with disqbilitits. the aged, disempowcred and abused women and childre". and Indigmous and other ('(opk living in areas which lack signifu:ant growth pcttnlial. · (Chars, 1994, p.2)

The third conceptual framewo rk is 'social justice', which reminds us that the ul timate aim of social planning is improved well-being of people.

°(i)rue devdopmtnt is concerned with raising Itvels of life sustrnance, human dignity and f rwlom . ... OcYClopmcnI can be proptrly llSStSSt:d only in Itrrm oj the total human nuds, valtu:s and standards of the good life and the good sodtty percdvtd by the very socitties u lldtr~?'~i change. Thus, although development implits economic, poIi . and cultural transformation, these arc nOf ends ill thtmstlvts but indispensablt mtans for tnriching the quality of human lift.» (LLa and Wolfe, 1993, p.6)

Social justice has two components - ensu ring the rights of citizenship and reducing relative material and social disadvantage as far as can be tolerated socially, culturnlly and economically In a given society at a panlcuLar ti~ In its history. Rights of citizenship include physical well-being; shelter; emotional security and a~ to emotional support; .social belonglngness; receipt of an adequate social or market wage; access 10 affordable health, education and welfare provisions; access to Information; political participation and representation; legal, .social and territorial justice; and Ihe right of appeal regardless of cu lture, ethnicity, religion, personal characteristics and regardless of where people live (Hail, 1993). To quote Riches (1994, p .9), ·sodal cit:itenship "je,1S tht icUa that a pusan's worth is only 10 be measured by etonomi' produtlivity·. Re lative disadvantage rders to an individual's or group's deprivation of goods, services and rights relative to o ther individuals and groups In that SOCiety.

Despite its conceptual difficulties (Green, 1991), social justice is an impommt concept becau5e weial planning and welfare services focus especially on people who a re most margi nalised , disadvantaged and disempowered; because rural areas generally are deprived relative to u rban areas wi thin nations (Cheers, 1990); and because, o n the whole, more rurnl nations are deprived compared wilh less rural nations (Smith, 198").

The key to rural socia I planning and welfare services lies In framing them within all those .social and cultural processes which occur because people live in a shared locality which has a social history (Martinez-Brawley, 1990). Rural people have a sense o f 'community'; they share a common local his to ry; t hey are committed to the well-being of their community as a whole; and they have an Immediate concrete experience of the .social, cullural and historical reality of their community. What this means is that social planning and welfare services developed outside of this context are experienced as 'foreign'. Because they are foreign, they aTe viewed cautiously and as not being entirely relevant to the lives of most people. They are of len under-utilised or even actively sabotaged.

Observations such as these have led authors and residents alike to suggest that rural social planning and welfare services should be products of a community rather than external intrusions into It (Collier, 198"; Martinez-Brawley, 1990; Schindeler, 1993; Office of Northern Development, 199" ) . This is the antithesis of the traditional 'service provision' approach which so heavily dominates western societies such as Australia. This model is turned on its head. Now social planning and welfare services are locally driven rather than imposed by distant centralised administrations. They aTe more likely to be SOCially and culturally syntonic. Because people experience local condillons holistically, their planning and action tend to be more integrated in con tras t to the highly standardised and compartmen tali~ed approach of centralised p lanning. As one senior public administra tor in Queensland comme n ted recen tly, her Depanment's 'service provision' approach to social planning and human services has left it ill prepared to respond to the Austrnlian Governmen(s sudden switch to a regional development approach which seeks regionally driven and regionally owned responses to human need.

THE COMMUNITY; POLICY, PRACTICE AND PEDAGOGY 277

Effective rural socia! planning is a product of human interaction. It is based on accurate in{oonation, rational thought, and negotiation between panies with equal power. it has a number of components (Cheers, 1994):

• Assessing and anticipating current and p rojected needs of residents with respect to material, physical, social, emotional, intellectual and infoonatlonal well-being and development;

• Assess ing cu rrent and p rojected provision for rights of citizenship;

Devising policies, plans, organisations, services, facilities and social processes to provide for these rights;

Attracting resources to establish these; and

Actually establishing them.

This involves:

Participation and negotiation by relevant sectors with equal power including the state, governmen t and non-government service organisations, and local groups, individuals and d isempowered populations;

Within a changing poli tical, social, cuhural, ttonomic and environmental comext.

Community development is the interactive component ·of social planning. It includes all the inleractiOtW processes th rough which people devise, imple~nt and revise plans.

Our d iscussion of rural social planning will draw on our own experiences which will be socially, cu lturally and, perhaps, politically biased. But having given the apology, a review of the Internationa l literat ure reveals fundame n ta l agreement on principles, with differences being more a mauer of emphasis rnther than about the principles themselves.

The literature suggests t hat rural social planning should be a collective responsibility shared by aU sectors of society - the state, government and non-government human service orgamsauons, industry, community groups and o rganisations, and p rivate citizens (Oteers, 19M; Watkins and Watkins, 198" ). It is not the sole responsibility of governmen ts to d ecide what is good for everyone. Nor should it be left entirely to each citizen to fend for themselves and provide for their neighbou rs. However, it would be naive to believe that all sectors wiU have access to all information which Is necessary for sound decision making or will always agree. Consequently, the concept of collective responsibility may best be operat ionalised in terms of Inter-sector negotiation. (Coombs, 1993).

If plans are to be effective local people must 'own' them. For, otherwise, they will not be implemented and may even be actively sabotaged, and services and resoun:es will remain under-utilised (Cheers, 1985). This is so important in rurnl areas where locality based Ident ification and social solidarity are usually much stronger than in u rban areas (Maninez-Brawiey with Buck, 1990).

Ru ral social pla nni ng should be rationa l , systematic and empirically based. It should be based on demographiC information; profiles of services and polities; and information about current and projected social needs obtained from surveys with a number of different sectors. Other information should be sought relating to regional history, settlement patterns, transportation systems, aisting communication technology, economic base and projected economic developments, politics, social structure, geography and clirnate. Polities, plans and services should be rationally developed from this foundation.

Social planning should also be syntonic with the realities of the region, including local demography, social structures, cultures, physical environment, geography and climate, as well as residents' lifestyles, resources, knowledge and skills. For example, in a recent study (Oteers, 1992b) I found that It is o f no use in remote towns in Far North Queensland to train one or twO 'key' local people to provide counselling to a cross-section of thei r neighbours when residents will talk about intimate problems only with their closest friends and relatives. Planning should also respond to economic realities. For instance, where opening a mine is about to Increase

278 I11Urnational CortJ~r~l1a 011 Issue5 Affectil1g Rural Commul1i1its - Townsvill~ - 10-15 July 1994

th~ local population, planning should provide for inct~as~d staffing of schools, hospitals and oth~r .services. Social planning should also tak~ account of existing s~rvic~ s truc tures. For exampl~, ther~ is no point in providing a specialist th~rapeutlc .servtc~ when essential resources such as housing ar~ inadequal~.

For a number of reasons rural social planning should integrate with ~conomic planning (Ch~~rs, 1994; Johnson, 1994). Both contr ibute to the total w~l1-being of people. Economic development can have potentially negative social impacts which can be anticipated with .services and resources. It can also have positive impacts by providing resources for social deveiopmenL Moreover, good social planning will suppOrt ~conomlc d~velopment by engaging community support while poor social planning can seriously retard tconomic development and increase COSts. And as I r~cently poimed out (Che~rs, 1994, pp.8-9), commonly espoused principles of effective economic and social planning are virtually identical.

Rural social planning has to be cost ~ffici~nt and innovative (Cheers, 19923). Given the high per capita costs involved in providing rural compared with urban s~rvices, especially in more remote areas, services hav~ to be htghly cost efficient to be funded . Innovation is. important because standard urban service models whue, for instance, clients go to a central office, are ohen inappropriate to rural needs. New .service models are required which respond to local realities and which are cost efficient compared with urban models.

In twO .senses rural social planning should have a consolidated revenue base. First, integrated serv ice structures requir~ consolidated funds for otherwise each .service will be protective of its revenu~ base and develop in isolation from or in competition with others. Second, if social and ~conomic development plans operate from a Single fund then regions are more likely to be dear about priOrities and to consid~r the relationships between social and economic development.

Finally, because ru ra l populat ions t h~ world over are disadvantaged relative to urban (SmIth, 198-4) it is incumbent upon all who.seek to .serve them to raise their consciousness about their disadvantaged position, empower th~m to a.ssen their rights, and advocate for them wh~n appropr\al~ (Maninez-Brawley, 1982, 1986, 1989; Cheers, 1991; 1992a). This responsibility falls to all who are involved in planning and providing .services.

Welfare .services contribute to the material, social and emotional well-being of people and are made availabl~ by organisations established to do so. They are only one component of total social care processes as these were defined earlier. Martinez-Brawley (1982, 1986) has encapsulated the essence of rural welfare prinCiples in her 'tenets' of 'indigenisatlon', 'conscientisation' and 'poli ticisatlon'. By 'indigenisation' she means that welfare services should be provided within the framework of local needs, values, cultures and lifestyles, controlled locally, and be unique to local circumstances rather than standardised. Whett th~ service fits Imo th~ community is crucial. Generalist rather than specialist .services ar~ call~d for which do not recognise boundaries between fields of .service such as child welfare and disability services or betw~en methods such as casework and community development. The proc~ss of 'consdenlisation' develops:

-a conscious awareness of opprmion among ruralitn, but also a pride and acceptance oj the rural il1heritance and the rural conditio11 ..... leading to the revitaiiSation oj a cullure ..... (il is) a posilivt, identily-en}Ul1lci1!g force as wdl as a critiatl and action orkl1ud drivt- tMartinn-Brawlty, 1982, p.72).

'Conscientisation' involves forming coalitions within and between communities and regions to .seek a better deal. Decades of neglttt by national and State...&ov~rnm~nts as well as urbo-centric social and economic poliCieS, prolong~d recessions, poor commodity prices, ever-increasing production costs, and years of drought hav~ resulted in many Australian rural communities such as Tumby Bay in South Australia (Tumby Bay District Community Support and Action Group, 1993) and Julia Creek In North-west Queensland spontaneously'conscientising'.

Finally, through the tenet of 'poli ticlsation' Martinez-Brawl~y argues that rutal we.Uare service.s and , for that mauer, social

planning are pan of wider political processes. There can be no middle ground - eith~r the rurnl professional is on th~ sid~ of the disempowered and marglnalised or they have been coopted by the forces that keep disadvantaged groups powerless. Thdr function demands that they choose the former (Cheers, 1991) .

The consensus appears to be that mor~ int~grnted and coordinated rural welfare services are more effective than categorical .services and are more likely to avoid service duplications and gaps (Martina-Brawley and Delevan, 1991). Integration can take many forms ranging from loos~ In formal arrang~ments betwe~n organisations to genUinely generic workers or generic teams (Martinez-Brawley and Delevan, 1991). To achieve this we need some degree of funding inlegrntion. In Australia, which is typified by highly specialised human .services, we have been experimenting with variants of cross-programme· funding (Office of Northern Development, 1994, pp.95-98). Essentially, this Involves creating a Single fund by relocating mon~y from a number of specialised funding programmes and pooling them for rural services.

Access is another key issue for rural welfare (Cheers, 1992a), and service designs must be devised which increase access for potential clients. Models such as mobi1~ generic teams, visiting sIXciaiists and tele- and video-conferenclng have all been tried with varying degrees of success.

Staff selection is crucial to ~nsu r~ low turnover and local credibility. Staff must be carefully .selected, thoroughly trained, and comprehensively supporttd so that they stay and provide a quality continuing service. (Zapf, 1989; Lonne, 1990)

Finally, th~r~ should be substantial local control over .services because residents understand local conditions and acceptable service designs, and because this increases their motivation to contribute (see, for exampl~, Martinez-Brawley, 1982; Watkins and Watkins, 1984; Ch~ers, 1992a; Office of Northern Development, 1994). local ownership or, at the very least, local participation can take a number of forms. Genuine local ownership occurs where services are prOvided by locally based organisations controlled by local people. Written .service agre~ments between large non-local organisations responsiblt for services and smaller local community based organisations aClually providing them are another way for local people to maintain substantial controL These afe st ronger wh~r~ th~y are produced by negotiation betwe~n equal partners. Weaker ways of involving local people include representation on manag~m~nt committees, local referenc~ groups or , weaker still (but all too common in Austl'3lia), seeking the advice and 'consultation' of local groups and individuals.

A number of rural welfar~ service models have been identified (Smith, 1989; Cheers, 1992b, pp.-42--46). The fundamentat distinction is between commu nity based models where .services link with spontaneous caring efforts of people and provision based models whett th~ service Is provided direcLiy.

Of course, people spontaneously help each other in lots of ways without formal service organisations ever knOwing about it or getting involved. Community based models of .service provision involve agencies deliberately relating with these naturnl support processes in some way. This can happen, for example, wher~ an organisation brings people in need into contact with helpful neighbours or where peopl~ in key positions, suc h as a postmistress, are trained to provide informal counselling in th~ course o f their daily work (Froland, Pancoast, Chapman and Kimboko, 1981; Cheers, 198n. Othu community based models involve service organisations prOViding resources to facilitate spontaneous helping interaction between people (Cheers, 1992b, pp.S76-577. 1993). This occurs, for exampl~, wh~r~ an organisation helps residenlS to trnvel to supports, wh~re l~ngthy telephone calls are subsidised by government, where an agency initiates and resources mutual aid groups ..

Provision based models, on the other hand, can be classi fied as eIther ' po int-specific' or 'n~twork' services (Holmes, 1981). Whereas users go to point-specific services, network services go to users.

Point-specific services provide either a single specialised .service or a range of services. Users can access these through physical

attendanc~ or through somt: other m~ans such as a tel~phoM , two­way radio, tel~vision , vid~o tapes or audio tapes. Access can be facilitat~d by public subsldisation through low cost tnmsporlation, taX deductions or direct payments. Multi·service centres provide an array of services in a mor~ or less integrated fashion. These are suit~d to towns with populations b~tween 8,000 and 20,000 Qohnson, 1980, ppA9-50) and also have the pot~ntiallo fill a vilal role in planning, developing and coordinating services on a regional basis (Smith, 198i).

N~twork s~rvices can operate according to satellit~ or mobile models, either of which can provide a specialised or multifunction servke. In the specialised satellite service the regional office of an organisation establishes and supports a remote office. It is also possible to provide a multiservic~ facility through a salellit~ model, although this is rarely mentioned in th~ Iilerature apart from refer~nces 10 multi-skilled agents (Ch~ers, 1992c). Mobile network services can also be specialised or multifunction. The former involves one or more specialists regularly 'doing the rounds' of settle~nts In a given region or visiting them when requirtd. Poole and Daley (1985, p.338) not~d that th~ success of specialised mobile n~lwork services depends on how closely "their service! are attached to a local agency or SDme()r!e who can officially TeprCStllt the team during its long periods oj absence jrom the community·. This, they suggested, "helps reduce the problem of long.tmn abstnu as well as {ff~law-up and service wnlinuity·.

The mobile multiservice centre usually operates on a circuit basis. With the addition of a slaffed home base and two-way radio, the service can respond to specific requests for assistance as they arise. Moseley and Packman (undated, pp.207-9) noted that mobile services have the advantage of being able to service small pockets o f demand . They ar~ also inherently nexible with respect to location, time, type of services delivered and the clientele they serve. However, they are costly and slow to respond to lrrunediate need. They also accrue large amounts of 'deadtime' while, for instance, personnel are driving long distances.

As w~ said at the outset, our aim has been to raise issues for workshop discussion. To fa cilitate cross· national analySiS and comparison we have viewed social planning and welfare services from the broad frameworks of 'social care', 'rural change', 'social JUStiCe' and 'community'. We have suggested that they are only pan of the total social cart processes within society, and that they should pursue social justice ideals, respond to on-going rural change and be products of, rather than Intrusions into rural communities.

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RURAL RESTRUCTURING: SOCIO LOGICAL MEANING, SOCIAL IMPACTS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS

Geoffrey lawreJi ce and Uooa Hungen ord - AUSl.raJia

ABSTRACT

Major t(:oroomic as wt;1l as $OCio-politlcal changrs art taking place In the rural ~gions of the adVinced societies. Global forces have begun to undermine traditional means available (0 rural·based produttrs profitably to grow and market agricultural commodities, in~mational finance is inRueocing investment decisions In primary, secondary and tertiary industries In run.1 rtgions, 'grttn consumerism'ls helping to diaa~ the. move (0

a less chemicalty-depenlknt agriculturt and the environmental lobby is becoming incn:asingly invol.-ed in deteonining land and water lI!it. in run.l n:&ions. Older, productionist stra~gits fo r fanning which mcou~d the. application of new agrotcchnologirs as the key to enhanced OUtput and proAt Irt, in many areas of the world, Ixlng clullenged by new approaches based on the flexible production and niche marketing of value added, rather than bulk. commodities.

Through the growth of tourism, lelsurt and m;:n:ation, rural regions are becoming placts of consumption as much as plac:es of production. This, In conjunaion with the Impact of new tt(:hnologies in the an:as of tlllnspon. communications and the food industry, Is changing the meaning of 'rund' and helping to al~r the forms and extent of government intervention In rural n:gions.

The 'rural rtStrocturing thesis' - as presented In this paper - is an attempt to grasp and explain the changes which an: occurring in the rural n:giollS of the advanctd societies. After an assessment of the pn:vious attempts to thwriSe agrarian - and wider roral- Change, the paper examines the work of more rectnt writers who §uk to explain restructuring in tenns of the Fordistlpost Fordist dichotomy and via regUlation theory. [n raising questions about the foon and extent of rural restructuring. the paper also provides an assessment of the likely Impacts of changes which an: occurring in regional AlSralia.

RURA.l SOCiAl C HANGE: THE EARLY DEBATES

It is tempting 10 review the work of theorislS such as Spencer, Durkheim, Tonnies and Weber as those who comribmed most to an understanding of the processes of change from an older rural , to an emerging indusuial, society. Yet, it was really only the latter two who proVided a macro-sociological explanation for changes which were occurring in rural society - and neither was able convincingly to link the changes in TUral society 10 Ihe changes occurring in agriculture.

It is therefore useful to turn 10 the work of Marx and other theorists who conceived of

social transition in terms of structural changes to the economic base of nations entering the realm of capitalism. For Marx, class struggle was the key,~o understanding social movement and, based on an historical materialist approach in which he periodised so­called modes of production, he posited the existence of two major dasses fo r each mode. The twO p redominant classes in the capitalist mode were the bourgeoiSie and proletariat. Marx identiOed several other groups whose relationship with capitalism was tenuous. One group was the peasantry and the other the petty bourgeoisie - both vestiges, he believed, of an earlier time. The peasantry w;Js a lumptn elass which was neither progressive nor

capable of mobilising political suppon to ensure ilS continued survival. It was for Marx (1968) a class fraction which was 'non existent hislOrically speaking' - a remnant of a feudal past and Incapable of full incorporation into the dominant capitalist mode.

While able to articulate with ca pitalism through the sale of commodities in the marketplace and through the purchase 01 manufactured goods for use in the production process, the petty bourgeoisie was Similarly vulnerable, It had limited capital and limited labour and would find it increasingly difficult \0 compete with firms within the capitalist mode. The extraction of surplus value within the latter mode ensured that profit levels would, despite the 6rpeCted fluctuations within an essentially unplanned system, always be higher than in among the petty bourgeoisie. In terms of agriculture, there was a place for a commercially.based agriculture in which fanners (or owrrers of landed property) could extract surplus via ground rent. But, as with the peasantry, the conditions of the capha list marketplace would enSure that agriculture, like manufac turing, would move from a cottage industry style of production to factory-like production.

These was not, as some have suggested, the pronouneemenlS of a technological detenninist. Marx in faet argued in the third volume of Capital that in si tuations where so called circulalion capit2l was predominant there was the possibility that the capitalist mode