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Inclusive local tourismdevelopment in South Africa:Evidence from Dullstroom

Gareth ButlerFlinders University, Australia and University of Johannesburg, South Africa

Christian M RogersonSchool of Tourism and Hospitality, University of Johannesburg, South Africa

Abstract

Growing international debates surround the notion of inclusive tourism development. The object-

ive in this paper is to examine the issues around inclusive tourism development in South Africa

through a locality study. The analysis focuses on the small town of Dullstroom which has experi-

enced considerable tourism growth over the past decades as a consequence of its rich tourism

products of fly-fishing, agritourism and second homes tourism. Findings are reported from quali-

tative interviews with black (African) employees of tourism establishments in Dullstroom. The

results reveal tourism development in Dullstroom provides a range of positive economic and

social benefits for local residents and that this small town exhibits evidence of an inclusive tra-

jectory of tourism development.

Keywords

inclusive development, tourism, local government, local economic development, South Africa

Introduction

The ‘inclusiveness’ of tourism developmentprocesses increasingly is an issue that iscoming under close academic scrutiny.Debates about ‘inclusion’ and ‘inclusive eco-nomic growth’ clearly align with vibrantdebates taking place for the past 15 yearsaround the role of tourism in poverty reduc-tion and about pro-poor tourism approachesto promoting local development in the global

South (see Ashley et al., 2001; Bolwell andWeinz, 2008; Hall, 2007; Rogerson, 2006,2014a; Scheyvens, 2011; Truong, 2014).Examining tourism and inclusive growth insmall island developing states Hampton andJeyacheya (2013) argue that inclusive growth‘‘is predicated upon broad-based growth

Corresponding author:

Christian M Rogerson, School of Tourism & Hospitality,

South Africa, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg,

South Africa.

Email: [email protected]

Local Economy

2016, Vol. 31(1–2) 264–281

! The Author(s) 2016

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DOI: 10.1177/0269094215623732

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across all sectors of an economy, is inclusiveof low and middle-income groups, andhas a distributional aspect aimed to reduceincome inequality’’. Tourism as a vehiclefor inclusive development is also investigatedin Colca Valley, Peru in recent worksby Bidwell (2011) and Rendon and Bidwell(2014).

Impetus is given to debates about inclusionby discussions and controversies surroundingthe potential for tourism to contribute to theUnited Nations Millennium DevelopmentGoals (MDGs) and latterly to the UnitedNations Sustainable Development Goalswhich were ratified in September 2015(Saarinen and Rogerson, 2014; Saarinenet al., 2013). Inclusion is embedded as oneof the core principles of the UN SustainableDevelopment Goals. Arguably, it is stressedthat tourism development can be inclusiveand assist towards poverty reduction only ifa broad array of stakeholders contribute tothe creation of opportunities as well as sharethe potential benefits from tourism. Recently,Scheyvens and Biddulph (2015) proposed theterm ‘inclusive tourism’ ‘‘can be understoodas the involvement of marginalised or lesspowerful groups in the production of tourismand the sharing of the benefits of tourism’’.

For interrogating notions of inclusive tour-ism development an instructive case studyis South Africa for a number of reasons.The country’s tourism industry remainsstill an under-acknowledged sector for itscontributions to national development goals(Hanekom, 2015a). In addition, SouthAfrica’s tourism industry still carries theapartheid legacy of white domination ofownership of tourism products and of thelimited involvement of Black communitiesin both tourism production as well asthe consumption of tourism products(Rogerson and Visser, 2004). Since 1994national government has been engaged ina number of policy initiatives designedto restructure the tourism economy andto expand the involvement of Black

communities as product owners and benefi-ciaries of tourism expansion. Issues of trans-formation, Black Economic Empowerment,and encouraging ‘shared growth in tourism’have been high on national government’spolicy agenda (Department of Tourism,2011). In addition to public sector initiatives,South Africa has been a leading innovator inaspects of the application of approaches ofpro-poor tourism to private sector develop-ment (Rogerson, 2006). Finally, in respect ofexamining inclusive tourism South Africa isof compelling interest also because the tour-ism sector ‘‘is one of the main drivers of localeconomic development’’ (George, 2015: 4).In particular, in the country’s remote andperipheral spaces local governments com-monly prioritise tourism as a lever for stimu-lating local development (Nel and Rogerson,2016; Rogerson, 2013, 2014b, 2015a).

In several recent pronouncements madeby South Africa’s Minister of Tourismduring 2015 considerable attention is givento issues of inclusion in the tourism sectorand national government’s understandingof this concept. During March 2015 theMinister averred that ‘‘tourism is not onlyabout the activity of tourism’’ rather ‘‘it isabout inclusive economic growth and thebetter life that it creates for those most inneed’’ (Hanekom, 2015b: 1). Furthermore,when addressing a major conference oftourism stakeholders in August 2015, theMinister proclaimed that amongst threekey objectives of the country’s tourismpolicy in future were inter alia, to stabilizethe sector and ensure a turnaround with astrong growth trajectory, to create jobs andconditions for increased investment, and‘‘very importantly we want to make theentire sector more inclusive and representa-tive by bringing people who have been mar-ginalized into the mainstream tourismeconomy’’ (Hanekom, 2015c: 2). In anotherstatement the two core ‘‘strategic impera-tives’’ for South African tourism were iden-tified as greater sustainability and greater

Butler and Rogerson 265



inclusivity (Hanekom, 2015d: 1). Speakingto local government tourism representativesthe Minister reflected at length on how todefine success in tourism and argued thatthe extent to which it was a ‘force forgood’ in South Africa required additionalways of measuring the impact of tourismbeyond simply that of the numbers of tour-ist arrivals. Instead, it was stressed that ‘‘Wewill need to measure how inclusive thisgrowth is, and how many more margina-lised people and communities we are bring-ing into the mainstream’’ (Hanekom,2015d: 1). In this respect an important rolewas identified for local governments –along-side other tiers of government in SouthAfrica – in meeting the challenges of achiev-ing inclusive growth through infrastructuralimprovements, support for SMMEs andenhancement of local skills (Hanekom,2015d: 2).

Taken together, the above statementsconfirm that inclusive tourism growth inSouth Africa demands that greater benefitsflow to local (black) communities that for-merly have remained largely outside of themainstream of the country’s tourism econ-omy. In addition, for achieving inclusivelocal growth from tourism there is anexpectation that local governments will beactive agents of change as part of widerresponsibilities for local economic develop-ment (LED) which are mandated bynational government (Makgamatha, 2015;Rogerson, 2013; SALGA, 2013). The taskin this paper is to examine through a localstudy the issues around inclusive tourismdevelopment in South Africa. More specif-ically, the analysis focuses on the smalltown of Dullstroom which has experiencedconsiderable tourism growth over the pastdecades as a consequence of its rich assetsfor fly-fishing, agritourism as well as secondhomes tourism (Hoogendoorn, 2014;Hoogendoorn and Visser, 2010; Rogerson,2002a; Rogerson and Rogerson, 2014).The examination of inclusive tourism in

Dullstroom is situated against the back-ground of an overview of internationalscholarship and debates concerning tourismand local development. The analysis ofDullstroom draws from an analysis of tour-ism data extracted from the Global Insightlocal tourism base and importantly from aset of semi-structured interviews conductedduring 2012 with 46 local community mem-bers employed in eight different tourismaccommodation establishments. Full detailsof interviews and methodology are providedin Butler (2013).

Tourism and local economicdevelopment: Internationaldebates

The study of tourism and its relationshipswith local economic development is begin-ning to generate a range of literature froma number of different perspectives and acrossa spectrum of different destinations fromurban to remote rural areas. O’Sullivan andJackson (2002) interpret local tourism devel-opment in relation to three distinct (andwell-known) approaches to LED, namelythe conventional approach stressing invest-ment promotion and growth, the communityeconomic development approach which tar-gets promoting the ‘well-being’ of commu-nities, and sustainable local economicdevelopment which includes notions of car-rying capacity, balance and longer-termdevelopment. Kennell (2011) examines tour-ism policy development in the UnitedKingdom in terms of theories of local eco-nomic development. Distinctions are drawnbetween three modes of LED, namely ortho-dox LED with a stress on economic growthas outcome, community LED which isviewed as influential when tourism is partof attempts at urban and rural regeneration,and progressive LED in which organs ofthe state, private sector and the ‘thirdsector’ cooperate for the objectives of sus-tainable growth. An important aspect of

266 Local Economy 31(1–2)



the progressive mode, according to Kennell(2011: 193), is support for local entrepre-neurship. In Australia Ruhanen (2013)emphasizes the heightened responsibilitiesof local governments in tourism destinationplanning and management and how increas-ingly they are engaged as agents for facilitat-ing or inhibiting sustainable tourism. FromScandinavia a significant component ofresearch on tourism and local economicdevelopment is through the lens of innov-ation (Brouder, 2013; Hall and Williams,2008; Williams, 2014). The local state isacknowledged to have a vital role ‘‘via itspublic policy settings especially in relationto regional and industry innovation systems’’(Hall and Zapata Campos, 2014: 6). Usingthe experience of Italy Pedrana (2013) stres-ses the ‘fundamental’ interactions betweenterritory and tourism and highlights thatfrom a LED perspective institutions haveto be aware of the need for well-organisedsustainable programmes of interventions.

As a focus for local development tourismhas been promoted often in ‘‘unlikely areas’’or localities with limited potential for attract-ing visitors especially in several urban centresof the United Kingdom (Stobart and Ball,1998). Shaw and Williams (2004: 262) pointto the ‘‘extensive use of heritage attractionsto reclaim and regenerate redundant indus-trial spaces’’ and argue that local authoritieswere especially attracted to such local devel-opment strategies ‘‘given the relatively highleverage from tourism investment’’. Stobartand Ball (1998: 236) assessed the Britishurban experience of the 1990s and concluded‘‘the drive for tourism precipitates new teampartnerships, spin offs into other realms ofthe local economy, and boosts the localpolicy machine in various ways that enhancethe status and the strength of the local econ-omy’’. Overall, within developed economiesJones and Munday (2001: 2) observe thattourism and leisure emerge ‘‘as a potentialdriver of regeneration in economically disad-vantaged localities’’. The significance of

tourism for local development is highlightedwith the restructuring of rural productionsystems to include the production of newspaces for leisure particularly in margina-lized, peripheral regions of the globalNorth (Hall et al., 2011; Saarinen, 2007).

Adjustment and restructuring associatedwith globalization often includes attempts bylocalities to widen their economic base to addtourism as agricultural employment declines(Hall et al., 2011: 29). Brouder (2012a: 334)considers that across much of Europe tourismis ‘synonymous’ with local development pro-grammes in rural and peripheral areas. Oftentourism supply is primarily by small firms andexhibits high seasonal variations in employ-ment (Brouder, 2013: 11) Tourism is viewedas a way by which marginal localities canovercome their continuing stagnation ordecline and be reinvented as ‘post-productive’places (Brouder, 2012b; Saarinen, 2003, 2007).This said, tourism promotion is sometimes alast resort for many communities in rural andperipheral areas which have few resources toexploit other than capitalising on their dis-tance from core areas ‘‘by selling the onlything that they may have of appeal topeople in the core – the idea of ‘wilderness’’’(Brouder, 2013: 15). Muller and Jansson(2007) and Saarinen (2007, 2014) show thatin many rural places tourism has been selectedor emerged through externally driven pro-cesses as a major replacement activity to bepromoted and developed through using theasset of pristine environments.

Across the peripheral regions of devel-oped countries tourism promotion con-tinues to be widespread albeit ‘‘with amore considered approach than previously’’(Brouder, 2012a: 333). Nevertheless, whilsttourism has undoubted potential some ana-lysts caution against the ‘monocrop’ oftourism in poor or remote localities(Brouder, 2012b). An increasing trend is toendorse tourism as a ‘‘desirable diversifier’’for local and regional economies, not leastbecause one positive externality of tourism




growth is its role in increasing the supply oflocal services as well as the less obvioussocial contribution of tourism to expandinglocal leisure spaces (Brouder, 2012b; Hallet al., 2011; Saarinen, 2014). Attention iscentred now upon tourism as one elementfor local and regional revival and its inter-section with other (non-tourism) sectoraldevelopment initiatives (Saarinen, 2003,2007). The potential for peripheral localitiesto realise and maximise opportunities fromtourism is constrained in practice by the factthat much critical decision making for tour-ism development is exogenous and beyondthe control of communities which rely onexternal policy decisions made by govern-ments or private investors as well as urbanconsumer preferences (Brouder, 2013).Arguably, as observed by Brouder (2012b:335), what local communities can controlare ‘‘the endogenous aspects of the tourismsystem’’ which places a premium uponbuilding local social capital in marginalareas. Accordingly, in marginal localitiesengaged in tourism promotion an impera-tive exists for them to be both outward-looking in respect of sourcing custom andinvestment and inward-looking in terms ofactivating local social capital and makingthe locality attractive for tourists(Brouder, 2013).

The importance of investigating tourismand local economic development is not con-fined to advanced economies. Not surpris-ingly, in the context of international debatesaround the MDGs an important stream ofscholarship emerged around tourism andlocal development in the global Southwhere importance is attached to tourism’spro-poor credentials and potential impactsfor local poverty reduction (Goodwin, 2008;Rogerson, 2006; Scheyvens, 2011). Criticalobservers point out that pro-poor tourismapproaches can be both empowering andexploitative (King and Dinkoksung, 2014).The significance of enhancing local sourcingand of the need to build local supply chains

is a recurrent theme in many writings thataddress tourism and local development froma pro-poor tourism perspective (Ashley, 2006;International Tourism Partnership, 2004).The catalytic role of tourism in creating part-nerships between local stakeholders is anotherissue that is foregrounded (Ashley, 2006:Kimbu, 2012). In different parts of theglobal South the critical nature of improvedunderstanding of the roles of local actors,especially of local governments, in promotingtourism-led local development is highlighted(Rogerson, 2005; Silver 2002). In commonwith other economic sectors the expansionof tourism depends, however, not only onlocal assets in the natural and cultural envir-onment but crucially also upon ‘‘the supplyand provision of the necessary service infra-structure’’ (Kimbu, 2012: 7). Amongst thebest-documented in the global South are thelocality experiences around tourism-led localdevelopment and the making of post-produc-tivist landscapes in South Africa (Binns andNel, 2002; Donaldson and Marais, 2012;Gardyne et al., 2005; Gibb and Nel, 2007;Irvine et al., 2015; Lourens, 2007; Nel andRogerson, 2005; Ntonzina and Binza, 2011;Ramukumba, 2012; Ramukumba et al., 2012;Rogerson, 2002b, 2007, 2013, 2014c; van derMerwe, 2014).

Arguably, the most distinctive feature ofdebates around tourism and local develop-ment impacts in the global South relates totourism’s potential to be a lead sector for pro-poor development (Hall and Zapata Campos,2014; Mitchell and Ashley, 2010; Rogerson,2012a). Several international developmentorganisations led by the United NationsWorld Tourism Organisation (UNWTO)advocate the role of tourism in poverty reduc-tion and towards attaining UN MDGs(Saarinen et al., 2013). The World Bank high-lights the transformative role that tourismpotentially can play in local economies andsocieties of sub-Saharan Africa (Christieet al., 2013). In particular, it identifies tourismcan empower women, young people and




marginalized populations and is an attractivevehicle for poverty alleviation. Across recentinternational policy and academic discoursepowerful themes are thus of analysing pro-poor tourism and the tourism-poverty reduc-tion nexus (Ashley, 2006; Ashley et al., 2001;Mitchell and Ashley, 2010; Rogerson, 2014a;Scheyvens, 2011). In the global SouthMitchell (2010: 3) argues that there is‘‘mounting empirical evidence (which) showsthat tourism can transfer significant benefitsto local economies and communities aroundtourist destinations’’. Spenceley and Meyer(2012: 299) stress that:

Rich cultural and natural assets exist insome of the poorest regions of the world,

and they offer great potential for travel itin-eraries. Tourism can provide one possiblemechanism to re-distribute from the rich to

the poor. As tourists travel to impoverishedregions of the world for a variety of rea-sons, they spend money on travel, accom-modation, excursions, food, drinks and

shopping. In many tourism destinations,the poor have the potential to capturesome of this spending through employment

and, probably, most importantly throughproviding goods and/or services that thetourism sector and tourists need.

From the perspective of pro-poor tour-ism, the consumption of tourists can be har-nessed to serve the poor by ‘unlockingopportunities’ for them ‘‘at all levels andscales of operation’’ in tourism (Ashleyet al., 2001: 3). Mitchell and Ashley (2010)identify three critical pathways by which thebenefits of tourism can be transferred to thepoor: direct effects; secondary effects; and,dynamic effects. Essentially, the directeffects involve labour and non-labourincome in which the former refers to indi-vidual earnings whilst the latter relates tocommunity income. In addition, the directeffects include non-financial elements suchas improved infrastructures benefittingother livelihoods at the local scale. The sec-ondary effects of tourism for the poor are

based on indirect earnings from non-tourismsectors but which are linked to tourist activ-ities. Local agricultural products sold to tour-ism businesses represent one example of sucheffects (Lacher and Nepal, 2010; Rogerson,2012b). Further, the so-called inducedimpacts, such as tourism workers’ consump-tion based on their earnings in local econo-mies can represent secondary effects to thepoor (depending on the target of incomespending). Finally, the dynamic effects areimportant pathways to poverty reductionbased on long-term (positive) changes in thesocio-economic, cultural and physical envir-onment created by tourism development; themost significant is perhaps the improvementswhich can occur in the business environmentaffecting private sector investment (Mitchelland Ashley, 2010).

The imperative of promoting and maxi-mising the benefits of tourism for local com-munities is a vital policy and research issue(Ashley et al., 2001; Goodwin, 2008;Goodwin and Bah, 2013). This said, thepoor confront multiple barriers to expandingtheir participation in the economies of grow-ing tourism destinations, most importantlylack of capital, education and businessskills (Mitchell and Ashley, 2010). The eco-nomic impact of tourism on local areas isconstrained by the frequent occurrence ofhigh levels of external leakage in respect ofthe ‘‘the failure of tourist spending to remainin the destination economy’’ (Sandbrook,2010: 125). Actual levels of leakage are asso-ciated with the presence/absence of local cap-acity to furnish necessary skills, food andother supplies which are demanded by tour-ism enterprises (Scheyvens, 2011). Often theinability to link local economic activities totourism is a consequence of the fact that des-tinations are usually ‘‘unable to supply thetourism industry with the goods it needs tosustain itself at a competitive price’’ (Lacherand Nepal, 2010: 82). Certain developmentpractitioners, however, assert that much canbe done to boost linkages which can become




a potential productive focus for policy-makers (Mitchell and Ashley, 2010). Theestablishment and consolidation of local eco-nomic linkages is viewed necessary for max-imising tourism’s potential for achievingbroadly based patterns of economic andsocial development or inclusive growth(Scheyvens, 2011). Enhanced prospects forlocal economic development are the potentialoutcome of successful linkage development(Rogerson and Rogerson, 2010).

Dullstroom – An emerging ruraltourism destination

The South African case study of Dullstroomis situated in Mpumalanga province and since

2000 it has been administered as part of theEmakhazeni Local Municipality. This smalltown of 5000 inhabitants is approximatelytwo and a half hours drive from the country’seconomic heartland, Gauteng province, andits major city of Johannesburg (Figure 1). Inexamining Dullstroom through the lens ofinclusive tourism this section sketches the his-torical emergence of Dullstroom as a tourismdestination. Using local level data it providesalso a picture of the key dimensions of thelocal tourism economy over the period2001–2012. The following section addressesdebates around inclusive tourism develop-ment in this locality.

For tourism development the Dullstroomarea offers some of the finest and most scenic

Figure 1. The location of Dullstroom.




trout fishing venues in South Africa withnumerous rivers in the area dammed at inter-vals to provide year round fishing opportu-nities. Beyond flyfishing the town’s tourismassets also include the natural beauty, floraand fauna of South Africa’s ‘Highlands’,opportunities for birdwatching and a rangeof farm-based agritourism activities(Hoogendoorn, 2014; Rogerson, 2002a;Rogerson and Rogerson, 2014). This clusterof tourism products within the area and itssurrounds adds value to the core tourismasset of trout flyfishing. In addition, as atourism destination Dullstroom benefitsfrom geography as the town is a convenientstop-over point for local and internationaltourists heading to the country’s iconic bigfive game reserves, most importantly KrugerNational Park which is approximately twohours drive from the town (de Beer et al.,2014).

The historical development of tourism inDullstroom has been examined elsewhereand only the salient points are highlightedhere (Rogerson, 2002a). Until the mid-1960s the tourism potential of Dullstroomwas undeveloped. During the 1960s troutfishing began to gain in popularity andwas given impetus by the municipality con-structing and stocking the municipal damwith a total of 17,000 fingerlings of bothrainbow and brown trout. The local econ-omy of trout fishing was further augmentedby private sector initiatives establishingtrout farms. With improved road access tocities such as Johannesburg and Pretoria thetourism resources of this area opened up inresponse to the recreational demands ofdomestic tourism (Rogerson, 2015b).Dullstroom became part of ‘the pleasureperiphery’ of South Africa’s economicheartland. Small scale local entrepreneursled the movement to elevate the popularityof Dullstroom as a tourism destination.Indeed, it was only in the mid-1980s thatthe first significant new external privateinvestment occurred into the area with the

building of an upmarket lodge whichopened in 1988. The profile of the area asa weekend retreat from South Africa’smajor urban centres was boosted in thatyear by the country’s major newspaperchoosing the clock behind the wall of thelocal inn as the hiding place for R1 millionin its ‘Finders Keepers’ competition. Thislandmark event put Dullstroom onto thetourism map of South Africa and generatedadded flows of new private sector investorsand second home owners into the town. Byfar the most important new investment wasthe construction of a second luxury tourismlodge, Walkersons, which opened in 1993.

With 1994 democratic transition, anotherstream of private investments took placein new tourism-linked businesses inDullstroom, mainly bars, restaurants andshops and conference centres. Furtherexpansion occurred in the popularity ofDullstroom as a second homes tourism des-tination (Hoogendoorn and Visser, 2010)and for timeshare properties (Pandy andRogerson, 2014). Another boost for theDullstroom tourism economy derivedfrom the establishment and planning of atourism route, the Highlands Meander, aspart of the Maputo Development CorridorSpatial Development Initiative (Crushand Rogerson, 2001; Rogerson, 2002a).Although this route tourism initiativeachieved some success in the early 2000s inexpanding the flow of tourists to Dullstroom,it was open to criticism for its lack of pro-poor focus and the limited involvement andlinkages of successful businesses with localblack communities. It was demonstratedthat the benefits of local tourism expansionfrom the Highlands Meander route tourisminitiative were only marginally inclusive asprime beneficiaries were the groups ofestablished white South African entrepre-neurs, an outcome that perpetuated the mar-ginalization of local (black) communitiesfrom the tourism economy (Rogerson,2002a).




A recent analysis of the differential per-formance of municipalities impacted by theMaputo Development Corridor revealed thatEmakhazeni continues to show a relativelypoor record and is underperforming asindexed by a basket of socio-economic indica-tors (Khoza and Willemse, 2013). With localrates of unemployment estimated as 30 per-cent the importance of tourism for labourabsorption and for improving living standardsof the local Black community is highlightedby local government (Emakhazeni LocalMunicipality, 2011). In the most recentIntegrated Development Plan issued byEmakhazeni Local Municipality tourism isrecognised as one of the area’s major eco-nomic development thrusts (EmakhazeniLocal Municipality, 2011). Nevertheless, interms of maximising the significant localdevelopment potential of tourism it is

observed ‘‘there are certain constraints thatneeds (sic) to be addressed in order to ensurean enabling environment is created to fostertourism development’’ (Emakhazeni LocalMunicipality, 2011: 184). Arguably, the mostimportant identified constraints relate tostandard of tourism product and services,signage and infrastructural issues.

The performance of the Dullstroom tour-ism economy can be gauged from the avail-able Global Insight data for the EmakhazeniLocal Municipality within which the smalltown of Dullstroom is the overwhelmingcore for tourism activities. Figure 2 providestrend data on trips and bednights by origin,trips by purpose and tourism spend as a con-tributor to local GDP. Several points can beobserved. First, between 2001 and 2012 thenumber of total tourism trips has more thandoubled with a peak in 2010 the year of

Figure 2. Emakhazeni local municipality: tourism trends 2001–2012 (Source: based on unpublished

Global Insight data).




South Africa’s hosting of the FIFA SoccerWorld Cup. Since 2010 there has been adecline in both domestic and internationalvisitors which parallels national trends of adownturn in South Africa’s tourism econ-omy. Second, in terms of origin of visitorsthere is a consistent pattern of domestic tour-ists representing 62 percent of trips withinternational visitors around 38 percent.The largest share of international visitors isof high spending long haul arrivals ratherthan regional tourists from sub-SaharanAfrica. Three, in terms of bednights (paidand unpaid) the trend has been for domesticshare to expand and reaching more thantwo-thirds by 2012. Four, in terms of pur-pose of travel, the importance of leisuretravel is clearly apparent as it representsalmost half of tourism trips. This high pro-portion of leisure travel is unusual as forSouth Africa as a whole the category ofVFR (visiting friends and relatives) travelrepresents nearly two-thirds of all purposeof trips (Rogerson, 2015c, 2015d). Finally,in relation to local GDP, the contributionof tourism is around 15 percent, muchhigher than the national estimated share con-tributed by tourism, which ranks theEmakhazeni Local Municipality as one ofSouth Africa’s most tourism-dependentlocal economies (Rogerson, 2013)

A case of inclusive tourismdevelopment?

This section summarises the findings fromthe qualitative interviews with 46 (Black)employees of tourism establishments inDullstroom. The results reveal that tourismdevelopment in Dullstroom provides arange of positive economic and social bene-fits particularly for residents living inSakhelwe, the (black) township locatedapproximately 2 km away from the towncentre (Butler, 2013). Economically, manyrespondents had gained long-term positionsthat offered reliable salaries and provided

notable improvements in living standards.Interviewees reported that tourism employ-ment enabled them to purchase vehicles,furniture and even small properties – out-comes that they believed to be highly unli-kely elsewhere. However, the social benefitsinitiated by tourism development werewider in scope and perhaps, of greater sig-nificance to the inhabitants of Sakhelwe.Based on the emphasis placed on thesethemes by interviewees in the study, thesebenefits included capacity building,empowerment (including the specificempowerment of Black women) and feel-ings of security regarding the long-termfutures of their families. Arguably, thesethree sets of benefits can be viewed as con-tributing towards a trajectory of inclusivetourism development in the town.

Job creation fostered by tourism devel-opment in Dullstroom was not simply acase of a greater quantity of jobs that paidreasonably well (in comparison to otherlocal low-skilled jobs) but an increasedaccess to a higher quality jobs too (Butler,2013). Here, by ‘higher quality’ positions,we identified jobs that not only offered eco-nomic stability but opportunities to developeither within or outside of the tourismsector in the long-term. Due to their lengthytime of employment with just one employer,many had been rewarded with promotions,increased responsibilities and even access toformal qualifications. These positions pro-moted a sense of control amongst localcommunity members as they believed thatthey could, to some extent, now help shapethe futures of their families and their ownpersonal ambitions. Interviewees alsoargued that tourism employment meantthat they were less vulnerable to retrench-ment – a fear they had often experienced inother employment sectors. Moreover, sev-eral community members no longer identi-fied their positions simply as jobs butcareers instead, that were reified by personaldevelopment trajectories from unskilled and




poorly educated workers to semi- or fullyskilled employees that occasionally includedformal education qualifications.

Interviews conducted with employeesdemonstrated that capacity building wasone of the key benefits instigated by tourismdevelopment in Dullstroom (Butler, 2013).Indeed, a number of narratives relating toevidence of capacity building amongst localcommunity residents emerged. These narra-tives included the informal development ofnew skills that were either tourism-specific(customer management and communica-tion, food preparation, and serving) ormore broader in nature that were relevantto a number of employment sectors (com-puter literacy skills, supervisory capabilities,health and safety awareness). Leadershipskills and even staff recruitment responsibil-ities were also reported by some as they hadprogressed to levels of greater power andcontrol.

In most scenarios it was observed thatlocals had started in positions without anyformal training, clearly defined skillsets, ormatric-level (high school grade 12) qualifi-cations. As a consequence, many respond-ents believed themselves to be highlyvulnerable in terms of employability beforegaining jobs in the tourism industry.Although the majority of intervieweeswere born and raised in Sakhelwe, a smallminority revealed that they had arrivedfrom nearby towns or villages and soughtemployment in Dullstroom. This was pri-marly because they perceived it to be a loca-tion that could provide jobs that were bothsustainable and economically rewarding.Several respondents suggested that theyhad been previously employed in anumber of short-term positions in other sec-tors, such as security guards or factoryworkers. However, these jobs were oftenpoorly paid and susceptible to being with-drawn at short notice. Based upon theseexperiences, most argued that tourismemployment provided local residents with

a spectrum of economic and social benefits;and although many acknowledged that theirpositions rarely included high salaries orfringe benefits in the beginning, the stabilityprovided was significant.

It was disclosed that most employees’competencies and skills were acquiredthrough informal, in-house, trainingschemes offered by employers. Indeed, sev-eral interviewees working for smaller tour-ism businesses in Dullstroom, reported thattheir employers had put them throughintensive in-house training schemes thatenhanced their capabilities considerably(Butler, 2013). Whilst they often suggestedthat although these initial periods wereoften difficult and stressful due to theirlack of prior experience, they were invalu-able experiences that now enabled them toperform effectively in the tourism sector.One female respondent reported that theowner of a local restaurant had invested agreat deal of her time teaching her foodpreparation skills, food hygiene practicesand how to meticulously follow complicatedrecipes. Although this interviewee acknowl-edged that she still had no ‘official’ certifi-cates, these experiences of informal traininghad provided her with skills that wouldensure that she could find work elsewhereshould the need arise. Similar views wereechoed by other employees and not onlyreiterated the value of informal skills devel-opment but dispelled the myth, to someextent, that tourism sector positions in adeveloping world context are inherentlylow-skilled, low-paid and seasonal innature (Butler, 2013).

Although the majority of respondentsrevealed that most training or skills devel-opment had been fostered informallyformal qualifications were additionallyacquired on occasion by some. Formalqualifications included the completion ofmatric-level subjects amongst those thatleft school early, and university diplomas,guiding certificates, first aid certificates and




computer literacy courses by those that hadcompleted school with some qualifications.Moreover, all of those that had encounteredformal training pointed out that full financialassistance had been provided by theiremployer. Whilst most courses were short-term in nature and relatively low in cost,two respondents had been provided withthe funds to pursue tertiary qualificationsat universities in Johannesburg. In addition,three interviewees suggested that they hadbeen identified to undertake tertiary qualifi-cations in the near future by their employers.Once again, they reported that they wouldreceive the funding to acquire formal quali-fications that included diplomas in account-ing, IT, and a national certificate in watercare (water treatment). Nonetheless, thepotential for capacity building was identifiedas a central theme in many conversations.Indeed, many local employees relayed storiesof both tangible and intangible skill develop-ment that had been initiated throughemployment in tourism.

Tourism employment additionally pro-vided a distinctive range of benefits thatincluded new linguistic capabilities andeven literacy skills (Butler, 2013). Over thecourse of a number of years, a handful ofinterviewees reported that they had learnedto read and write at a more competent levelin both English and Afrikaans. Theseimprovements, they argued, also increasedtheir potential to find work elsewhereshould they face unemployment in thefuture. Thus, capacity building opportunitiesfostered by tourism employment were widein scope and highly valued by communitymembers who had benefited from them.Indeed, many respondents frequently spokeof their good fortune to be employed in pos-itions that not only provided long-term,stable incomes but important skills thatthey believed few other employment sectorscould provide. Overall, the local importanceof employment in Dullstroom’s tourismsector is certainly demonstrated via the

positive experiences of many local commu-nity members interviewed in this study. Therespondents revealed that these positionshad the potential to offer genuine capacitybuilding opportunities and that economicgains were not necessarily the most import-ant benefit. Moreover, some identified – forthe first time in their lives – they were nowembarking on careers as opposed to a suc-cession of limited, short-term employmentopportunities. Indeed, this realisation per-haps fostered an even greater social impact;that of local community empowermentthrough tourism development.

Overall this study provides a number ofimportant perspectives on empowermentfrom marginalised or disadvantaged groups,particularly of black women within the com-munity. Black females from Sakhelwe madeup the bulk of employees in Dullstroom’stourism sector and it was evident that manyof these women had been empowered in anumber of ways. Empowerment, of course,may be realised through the notion of cap-acity building and this study has alreadyhighlighted a series of outcomes relating tothe acquisition of new skills and qualifica-tions. However, empowerment may beachieved in other ways too. Indeed,empowerment is a multi-dimensional conceptthat may include economic, social, politicaland psychological factors (Nyapaune andPoudel, 2011; Scheyvens, 1999, 2011).

The findings suggest that empowermentwas evident in several distinctive ways inthe Dullstroom local community. Localrespondents argued that their stable incomesprovided them opportunities to purchasetheir own homes or land plots in Sakhelwe,as well as cars and various other materialpossessions. This economic empowermentalso enabled them to provide access fortheir children to local schools as they couldnow afford to pay school fees, supply uni-forms and provide the costs of transport ifthey were enrolled in schools outside ofSakhelwe. Many respondents suggested




that they had ‘peace of mind’ that they couldprovide for their families (including extendedfamilies on occasion) and ‘live without debt’.The theme of employment enabling employ-ees’ children to access education was prom-inent and cited by many as one, if not the,most significant outcome of attaining astable position in Dullstroom’s tourismsector. From the perspective of socialempowerment, community membersdescribed the increasing value other localshad placed on tourism development andthe positive impacts it had fostered. Someargued that crime was relatively low in thearea due to a heightened sense of awarenessthat rises could deter potential tourismgrowth. As a consequence, several respond-ents believed that the community hadbecome more cohesive – and safer – as aresult. Indeed, one of the strongest concernsamongst locals from Sakhelwe was that ‘out-siders’ (those moving into the communityfrom other areas) may not share a similarethos. Although this concern revealed thatlocal community members genuinely caredabout the welfare of the town and its repu-tation as a safe setting for tourism develop-ment, it additionally revealed the feelings ofresistance that non-locals reported they hadexperienced when attempting to gain accessto the tourism sector in Dullstroom.

An additional example of socialempowerment concerned the developmentof positive relationships between black andwhite community members. Due to thelengthy immersion of many employees in asingle workplace, strong bonds of friend-ship had been forged between employersand employees, particularly in businessesthat staffed few in number. Through thetrust and support provided to them throughtheir employers, barriers of mistrust andsuspicion had been deconstructed overtime. Some interviewees reported that, onoccasion, they invited white communitymembers to their homes in the township –a scenario they believed to be still rare in the

post-apartheid South African context. Trustwas also formed via the distribution of deci-sion-making powers to employees thatincluded supervisory roles and the freedomto appoint new members of staff without theinput of supervisors or managers. This hadproved to be an invaluable process formany, as it meant that they could provideemployment entrance opportunities for hus-bands, siblings, friends and even children.They argued that this process fostered twoparticular advantages. First, employeescould pass on the numerous benefits ofempowerment to other family members orfriends, effectively creating a positiveknock-on effect throughout the community.Second, by recruiting family members inparticular, employees reified their commit-ment to local businesses and believed thatthis encouraged further hope of promotionor development in the long-term.

As previously noted, several employeeswere sponsored to undertake qualificationsor gain new skills that were financially sup-ported by their respective employers too, andthis also helped create closer relationships.These opportunities confirmed their beliefthat white business owners were not just con-cerned with personal profit but the develop-ment of their lives also. These processes ledto strong evidence of psychologicalempowerment. Tourism positions providedmany respondents with a great deal of self-esteem, as they could provide for familiesand had gained positions that held a degreeof respect (particularly amongst those thathad been given supervisory roles). Fromthe perspective of black females in particular,psychological empowerment through tour-ism employment revealed a profound arrayof positive impacts on their lives. A numberof female workers interviewed in this studyreported that they had no formal educationor training. Moreover, many were found tobe single mothers or in relationships in whichthe majority of their families were unem-ployed. Tourism employment provided




many women from Sakhelwe with a highdegree of control over their personal livesand the lives of their families. Overall, itwas disclosed that employment in the tour-ism sector provided opportunities forempowerment in myriad ways and wasfound to provide not only positions thatwere secure and financially rewarding butgateways to attaining greater control overtheir lives and the pursuit of ambitions thatwere perhaps impossible, if it were not fortheir current jobs in Dullstroom.

Conclusion

This article seeks to contribute to the emer-ging international tourism scholarship anddebates about inclusive tourism. Arguablyinclusivity is an essential ingredient for thelong-term sustainability of tourism destin-ations particularly in the environment ofthe global South. Although the term ‘inclu-sive tourism development’ remains contestedamongst its essential elements must be thegreater participation of marginalised com-munities in tourism production and sharingthe benefits of tourism expansion. In achiev-ing the goals of inclusivity there are import-ant roles for national and local levels ofgovernment as well as the private sector.

With its high levels of unemployment inSouth Africa any sources of new employ-ment opportunities are to be welcomedespecially in the country’s non-metropolitanand rural areas. Dullstroom is a small townwhich has been shown as economicallydependent upon tourism. This study revealsthat whilst many jobs in tourism are low-skilled and low-paying the observationsfrom employees reveal that the significantmajority of these jobs were permanentfull-time positions that in several scenarioshad been held for more than a decade.Moreover, this research highlights thegrowth potential that several local residentswere afforded in their places of workthrough tourism employment. Although

many employees had started at low levels,some had progressed to become supervisorsor now were in possession of skills sets thatmeant that they could undertake moredemanding positions. As a result, anumber of these employees earned salariesthat provided long-term stability and a dis-tinctive rise in quality of life. From a differ-ent perspective, it was argued that theregular incomes fostered through employ-ment in tourism afforded a financial plat-form for the pursuit of qualifications orambitions that were completely unrelatedto the tourism sector.

The research revealed evidence of tour-ism as a vehicle for economic and socialempowerment of marginalised communitiesin Dullstroom, in particular of blackwomen. The majority of tourism employeesin Dullstroom are black females who hadoften started with either basic qualificationsor none at all. However, these women hadbeen empowered through the distribution ofnew skills and qualifications that enabledthem to feel empowered economically,socially and psychologically. Most arguedthat they had now become self-sufficientand no longer relied upon family hand-outs or money supplied to them by theirhusbands. Moreover, these livelihoodsincluded the strengthening of communityties and empowered them with the skillsand confidence levels to develop and growbeyond traditional male spheres of influ-ence. Others argued that tourism employ-ment was a stepping stone towards newventures including the hope of owningtheir own businesses. Here, skills and quali-fications that had been acquired throughtourism equipped them with the competen-cies and business acumen to eventuallyoperate their own enterprises. Thus, it canbe concluded that in the case of Dullstrooman inclusive trajectory of tourism develop-ment has benefited and improved the livesof a significant share of local communitymembers.




Acknowledgements

Wendy Job is thanked for preparing the two fig-

ures. Journal referees provided valuable inputs

as did Teddy and Skye Norfolk.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of

interest with respect to the research, authorship,

and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following

financial support for the research, authorship,

and/or publication of this article: University of

Johannesburg is acknowledged for funding

support.

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