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Hunting and the Royal Image ofHenry VIIIJames WilliamsPublished online: 05 Aug 2006.

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Hunting and the Royal Image of

Henry VIIIJames Williams

The hunting activities of early modern monarchs have attracted surprisingly

little attention from historians. Those of Henry VIII, possibly the most

famous of English hunting monarchs, have attracted little more than passing

comment. An examination of the existing evidence, however, shows that

Henry VIII was indeed an enthusiastic huntsman, but that this interest needs

to be placed within a context of the life of the early Tudor elite but also of

early sixteenth century monarchy. Henry’s interest in hunting emerged not

only because of personal choice, but because it was expected of him as

gentleman and as king but also because it was essential in the projection of

his image as a renaissance prince.

In February 1522, the English ambassador to the French court, Sir

Thomas Cheyne, noted in a letter to his master, Henry VIII, that ‘Syr yor

Grace dothe as the Kyng yor brother doeth ffor whan he hathe ben a

huntyng and hathe had good sport he woll talke therof iii or iiii dayes

aftyr’. [1] Cheyne was alluding in this rather daring note to Henry’s well-

known devotion to the chase. Henry’s particular enthusiasm for hunting

is certainly well documented and is reflected in many other ambassadorial

letters, in several songs and in the inventory of his possessions that was

recorded at his death in 1547. Above all, the extraordinary programme of

imparkment and forest creation that he undertook during the 1530s and

1540s was the biggest in the history of the English monarchy since the

reign of Henry II.

James Williams, University of Central England. Correspondence to: james.williams@uce.ac.uk

Sport in History

Vol. 25, No. 1, April 2005, pp. 41�/59

ISSN 1746-0263 print; ISSN 1746-0271 online/05/010041-19 # 2005 The British Society of Sports History

DOI: 10.1080/17460260500073082

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Henry VIII himself presented hunting and its counterpart, hawking, as

simple leisure activities, or as he was to refer to them in one of his most

famous songs, ‘pastime with good company’ and historians have largely

seemed content to accept this view. [2] The hunting exploits of other early

modern European rulers have, in contrast, been debated in depth and

historians have commented particularly upon the importance of the sport

in the image-making process of the renaissance prince. Most notably,

Jeremy Kruse, who has focused on the role of hunting at the court of Leo

X, examines the role of hunting as an element in the reflection of his

‘magnificence’. Kruse demonstrates how closely Leo followed the advice of

contemporary writers such as Giuniano Maio and Paolo Cortese to go

hunting because it was a useful method of demonstrating princely

prowess and impressing both subjects and foreign visitors. [3] Jeremy

Robbins has demonstrated the value that was placed on hunting by

Spanish monarchs later on in the early modern period: Philip IV of Spain

was presented in poetry about his hunting expeditions as a muscular king.

[4] Henry VIII was, as several recent historians have recognized, at least

attempting to be a ‘renaissance ruler’ in many aspects of his reign. It is

therefore necessary here to discuss how far Henry’s hunting exploits were

used in a similar manner by Henry and his image-makers, especially

within a context where, as Christopher Lloyd and Simon Thurley have

argued, ‘Few English monarchs have been so concerned as Henry VIII

about their image’. [5]

The symbolic value of hunting for Henry lay in its close links with a

concoction of chivalric and legendary history that was used to promote

the early Tudor monarchy. It is arguable that Henry’s reign merely saw the

continuation of trends that had been developing since at least the

fourteenth century. Hunting had been the sport of the chivalric hero since

the twelfth century. Nevertheless, the early sixteenth century saw the

publication of an unusually large number of chivalric tales under official

sponsorship. In two of the most popular groups of tales, those of Bevis

and Ascupart and those of King Arthur and his knights, hunting featured

prominently as a knightly or even kingly activity. Even if, as Professor

Anglo argues, the tales of Arthur had rather lost their currency by the

early sixteenth century, Henry certainly knew of the hunting heroes, Bevis

and Ascupart. He not only passed under their images on the gates of

Southampton on several occasions, but also possessed ‘two peces of arras

of Sir Bevis’. [6]

Henry was more directly linked with hunting through his association

early in his reign with the god Apollo. It should be recalled, notes Matt

Cartmill, that Apollo, with his sister Artemis, ‘had nominal joint

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jurisdiction over the hunt’. [7] Although the Greeks may have largely

forgotten this jurisdiction, it was known to Xenophon, who refers to it in

Cynegeticus (1 and 6): the humanist and courtier, Sir Thomas Elyot, in his

most famous book, The Book of the Governor, made frequent reference to

this work in his discussion of the court of Henry VIII. [8] Hunting was

also associated with the Tudor dynasty specifically through the revival, in

the 1490s, of the mythology of the legendary founder of Britain, Brutus,

who was known as the founder of hunting in the islands. Indeed, Brutus’

patroness was the hunting goddess Diana, who, according to a version of

the story told in 1496, told him to set out in search of, conquer and settle

in the Isles of Albion. [9] The mythology was revived under Henry VII as

part of an attempt to provide his own monarchy with greater legitimacy

but it appears to have gained a new currency under his son. According to

one note, Henry VIII held a rightful and seemingly almost sacred place at

the end of a long list of kings ‘that has reigned in thys londe of breten

from Bryte to Kyng herry the viii.’ [10] This was written early in the reign

and accompanies a manuscript that promotes hunting as a worthy

pastime for the court. It is far too early to be a part of the ‘empire’

debate of the early 1530s and supports Steven Gunn’s theory that the

vocabulary was one that was well used by both Henrys. [11] However, the

note is significant in that it places the young Henry VIII in the company

with the legendary father not only of the British people but of British

hunting. [12]

The parallel hunting hero who was routinely the subject of courtly

entertainment during the reign of Henry VIII was Robin Hood. When the

court indulged in court entertainments based on Robin Hood and his

outlaws, as they often did, hunting appears to have played a big part, and

a range of messages were being sent to observers concerning the nature of

Henry VIII as king. [13] Most important of these messages, however,

relates to fertility. The traditional ‘Robin Hood game’, as David Wiles

demonstrates, was a substitute for the May game in several communities

and is clearly associated with the renewal of nature after winter: in this

respect, Robin can be seen as a personification of fertility. [14] Henry

appears to have been well aware of this connection, because he often

played Robin and dressed in green on these occasions. Indeed, during the

May games on Shooters Hill in 1515, Henry famously showed his bare

thigh to the French ambassador and boasted that it was bigger than that of

the young French king, Francis. [15] Contemporary rulers were aware of

their need to be presented as symbols of fertility and more significantly,

perhaps, fecundity. [16]

Sport in History 43

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The imagery of hunting and hawking was consequently dominated by a

form of Arcadian escapism during the early sixteenth century. In

particular, hunting and hawking were often associated in letters and

poetry with freedom from the cares and anxieties of contemporary

political life, and Henry VIII certainly took his place within this context.

Henry claimed that he went hunting and hawking because it was a chance

to get away, with a few friends, from the cares of politics. One of his better

known songs reflects this concern:

Pastime with good companyI love and shall until I dieGrudge to lust, but none denySo God be pleased, thus live will IFor my pastance,Hunt, sing and dance,My heart is set,All goodly sportFor my comfort:Who shall me let? [17]

The message was simple: here was an essentially good-natured king who

enjoyed simple, but moral, pastimes that were far removed from the cares

of business. For other members for the royal family, too, hunting

provided a welcome release from the stresses of politics. During the first

divorce crisis in July 1531, for example, the Imperial ambassador, Eustace

Chapuys informed the Emperor Charles V that the Queen, Katherine of

Aragon, and Princess Mary were taking solace by hunting and visiting the

houses about Windsor, waiting for news from home. [18]

The connection with relaxation and withdrawal from normal business

was made by several other contemporary commentators. Hunting was

viewed very much as an integral part of the royal holiday season. Indeed,

the long-serving French ambassador to Henry’s court, Marillac, clearly

viewed the royal progress, the court’s summer extended summer itinerary,

as nothing more than an extended hunting trip. [19] In a letter of 20 May

1539, he wrote to Montmorency that after Whitsuntide, Henry was to go

to his parks for the pleasure of the chase, which, he claimed, people

referred to as his progress. [20] Practically, hunting and hawking while on

progress provided some release and refreshment for the king and his

courtiers after the tedium and heat of the day’s journey or after a day’s

more serious business of entrees and meeting local officials. [21] For

example, after their entrance into Gloucester on the morning of 2 July

1535, Henry and Anne Boleyn went to Painswick, the house of the king’s

half-uncle, Arthur Plantagenet, Lord Lisle, and hunted there. [22] It was a

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chance for the royal couple to find some release after the strains of the

day’s politics in an informal and friendly setting. The role that hunting

played in the contemporary court was given classical justification by

Thomas Elyot, who reminded his courtly readers that a number of Roman

leaders, such as ‘Pompey and Sertorius, and divers other noble Romans’,

went hunting during the ‘vacation season from wars’. [23]

Field sports were, however, viewed as more fundamentally a part of the

ruler’s life than simply a holiday activity and Henry was clearly aware of

this. Hunting for sport as a distinctively gentlemanly activity had become

well established by the early sixteenth century. [24] Baldassare Castiglione

noted that hunting was ‘the true pastime of great lords . . . a suitable

pursuit for a courtier’. [25] His view was available in England through the

medium of scholars such as Elyot. In literature and pictorial imagery, field

sports had been associated with the life of the ruling elite for centuries. By

the late fifteenth century, an ability to hunt and hawk, or at least be aware

of the etiquette of the sports, was deemed essential by several concerned

contemporaries to preserving the character of the gentleman, thought by

many to have declined during the previous centuries. [26] One gentleman

claimed, in a perhaps apocryphal story told by the humanist Richard Pace

in 1517, that he would rather see his son dead than allow him to pursue a

more intellectual career, for, he said, it was the gentleman’s calling to

‘hunt, to hawk and to blow the horn’. [27] This reflects the view of Ramon

Llull, whose thirteenth-century work, Libro del ordre de cavalleria , was

known to an early Tudor audience through the translation of William

Caxton: hunting was one of those activities that were in fact essential ‘for

to mayntene thordre of knighthode.’ [28]

The value of hunting to the early Tudor elite lay, for some

commentators, in its practical applications. For Llull, the benefits to be

gained from hunting were primarily martial: ‘Knightes ougt to . . . hunte

at hertes, at bores and other wyld bestes, for in doynge these thynges the

knyghtes exercyse them to armes’. [29] Hunting was valued as training in

horsemanship and weaponry. Horses were used in some types of hunting,

and in all, a wide array of weapons were used to bring down prey. These

were specialized, but not enough to make them irrelevant to the

battlefield. Boar swords and spears, for example, were more usually

used in pursuing wild boar, but it was not unknown for them to be used

in skirmishes between soldiers. In late September 1544, for example,

following Henry’s Boulogne campaign, it was reported that, for no

apparent reason, an ‘Allemayne’ ally had stabbed an Irish soldier in the

chest with a boar-hunting spear. [30] Other weapons were used.

Crossbows were usually used in shooting, although the longbow was

Sport in History 45

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used from time to time. Swords brought stags down in traditional stag

hunts. In many of the unlawful hunting expeditions that took place

during the period, a full array of armour and weaponry was often used.

John Wolsley of Staffordshire, for example, was accused of unlawfully

hunting in Wolsley Woods in Cannock Chase during the late 1540s, with

‘force of armes, swerds, bokkelers, staves, bowes and arrows’. [31] The ‘vi

brace of grehonds or moe’ that he hunted with seem almost to have been

added by the complainant as an afterthought. This essentially medieval

attitude to hunting was supported by Thomas Elyot and other English

humanists, when he noted that ‘in hunting be an imitation of battle’. [32]

His view was entirely typical of the new renaissance approach to sports,

represented in the works of Machiavelli and Castiglione.

New approaches were attached to these more traditional attitudes.

Elyot, among others, included hunting and hawking as essential adjuncts

to the education of young gentlemen, but only ‘if they be used with

opportunity and in measure’. [33] Fathers looked proudly on children

who took part in extracurricular activities in the hunting field. As a child,

Thomas Cranmer was permitted by his father to ‘hunt and hawk, and to

ride rough horse; so that when he was bishop, he feared not to ride the

roughest horses that came into his stables, which he would do very

comely’, even though his father ‘were minded to have his son educated in

learning’. [34] Thomas Cromwell, Henry’s chief minister, was kept

informed of his son Gregory’s enthusiasm and progress in hunting, as

well as his school progress. Gregory wrote to his father in October 1531

that he and his cousins were diligently at their books, and had had a good

time hunting by the efforts of the earl of Oxford. [35] In April 1535,

Cromwell was informed by Gregory’s tutor, Henry Dowes, that the boy

and his friends were in good health and learning, and noted that if they

carried on in this way, ‘wheras the laste somer was spente in the servyce of

the wylde goddes Diana, This shall (I truste) be consecrated to Apollo and

the muses to theire no small profecte [profit] and your good contentation

and pleasure’. [36] Henry VIII himself was kept informed of the hunting

expeditions undertaken by his children. In late July, 1525, for example, it

was reported to the king that the young Duke of Richmond had shot a

deer by himself in Clyff Park while en route to the royal house at

Colyweston, although the child was ill and had had to travel in a litter for

three or four miles. [37] As this was a six-year-old child, Henry was clearly

expected to be impressed.

Hunting and hawking provided Henry and his fellow rulers with a

means of demonstrating their prowess, their athleticism and agility, an

issue that particularly concerned rulers during the early sixteenth century.

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In The Book named the Governor, Elyot described an incident in which

Alexander the Great single-handedly killed a lion in the presence of the

marvelling Lacedaemonian ambassador. [38] Contemporary ambassadors

to Henry’s court would invariably report back to their masters the

marvellous hunting exploits of their host that they had seen. Sebastian

Giustiniani, the Venetian ambassador to England in the first few years of

the reign, gave us a glowing account of Henry VIII and hunting well was

one of the key components of a well rounded prince:

He is very accomplished; a good musician; composes well; is a mostcapital horseman; a fine jouster; speaks good French, Latin andSpanish; is very religious; hears three masses daily when he hunts andsometimes five on other days. . . . He is very fond indeed of hunting,and never takes this diversion without tiring eight or ten horses . . . heis extremely fond of tennis. [39]

When Henry went north on progress in the summer of 1541, the French

ambassador, Marillac, dutifully described the hunting expeditions that

had occurred along the way. He was rather shocked by the slaughter that

had occurred at the royal chase of Hatfield, near Doncaster: Henry and his

followers spent two days killing upwards of 400 deer and countless

numbers of water foul and fish. [40]

Henry’s attempts to demonstrate his hunting prowess could go

seriously wrong, however. On one occasion, while out hawking near

Hitchin in 1525, Henry attempted to pole-vault across a stream. [41] The

pole snapped, plunging the king head first into deep mud. He was only

saved from a muddy death by the quick actions of his footman, Edward

Mody. Such royal hunting exploits were, arguably, an attempt by Henry

(and some other rulers, such as Mary of Hungary, Regent of the

Netherlands, who was reported on one occasion to have gone hunting

before she had fully recovered from a particularly bad illness) to

demonstrate his prowess in an arena other than in warfare, which was

becoming increasingly less of an option for him. [42] Although Elyot

merely repeated an old justification for hunting when he noted that ‘in

hunting may be an imitation of battle’, hunting was normally the closest

that Henry VIII got to real battle.

As in the art of war, the art of venery required grace and agility, correct

and elegant techniques, if it was going to impress anyone. The most

correct method of hunting deer was the so-called par force style, an old

method that had been described by the writers of hunting manuals since

the fourteenth century. [43] It is the method that is most familiar to us:

the pursuit of a single deer by huntsmen on horseback with running

Sport in History 47

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hounds, the quarry being brought down by the dogs and killed with a

sword. This was hunting as it was portrayed in the chivalric romance, and

it was viewed across Europe as the noblest form of hunting. It was a form

of hunting that, as we might then expect, English courtiers knew and

talked about. The poet-earl of Surrey, for example, famously refers to

hunting a stag ‘a force’ in his poem ‘Windsor Castle’. [44] Whether he

described reality or merely an imagined event is of course uncertain, but

the reference to par force hunting seems plausible: contemporary

diplomatic letters occasionally refer to French hunting ‘a force’, pre-

sumably in the knowledge that their readers would understand. Sir

Thomas Cheyne, one of the most diligent of international hunting

commentators, noted in May 1522 that Francis I ‘hathe kylled IIII or V

great harts a force syns Ester’, and in May 1526, that Francis had killed ‘an

hart a force’ near Cognac. Henry VIII clearly used this style of hunting at

least at times. Another one-time ambassador to Francis, William

FitzWilliam, compared French and English hunting styles. In a letter of

1520 he noted: ‘When I sawe aswell there manner of harboring as also of

huntyng the harte with force . . . and principally in harboring Never-

thelesse I assure yor grace they know their dere right well aswelby his uren

ffeding and fewmysshing as also by suche other tokens as a woodman

shulde have.’ [45] The terms used here are all familiar from descriptions in

hunting manuals that were produced across Europe from the thirteenth

century and relate to the three key parts of the hunt. [46] First, the stag is

tracked by its urine (uren), how it has fed (ffeding) and by its droppings

(‘fewmisshing’). Second, the stag is harbuored or found and then, finally,

the hunting begins. Henry was clearly recognized as a fine huntsman.

Surprised at FitzWilliam’s clear skill in hunting, his French hosts asked

him who was his master: FitzWilliam was able to say proudly that ‘I

shewid theym was your grace’. [47] The methods of the par force hunt

were known, and presumably performed in both countries, but if Henry

hunted par force, then it was because it was a princely fashion of doing so.

It was an inefficient method of hunting for ordinary gentlemen hunters to

use, as it required a huge staff and large numbers of dogs in order to take

just one stag and was presumably too expensive for any but kings to

afford.

The employment of large hunting and hawking establishments, which

could be taken with a court whenever it travelled, were universally viewed

as a means to impress, a valuable asset to the princely image, and the

point was not lost on Henry VIII. [48] Throughout his reign, Henry

carefully maintained and expanded the royal hunting and hawking

establishments that his father had restored after decades of decline. [49]

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Henry’s establishment was large and consisted of several departments with

around seventy officers, including its political leadership of masters and

sergeants (see Figure 1). Hunting was catered for by a number of

departments of hounds and two auxiliary departments. The king’s hounds

were divided among the official packs, and were used for different types of

hunt. The buckhounds were used primarily in the pursuit of deer, the

harriers for hares and the otter hounds for otter. In addition, there were a

number of auxiliary supporting departments. The Leash was responsible

for the care and exercise of the King’s greyhounds. There was also a

department known as the ‘Decoy Swans’, presumably used in taking

swans. [50] The department known as the ‘Toyles’ was concerned with the

upkeep and use of the royal hunting nets. Toyles, or long contraptions

made of wood with strips of canvas attached, could be used either to take

live deer for transport, or in hunting expeditions. [51]

Royal hawking was the responsibility of the Hawks, or mews, of which

there was one department, which consisted of a master, sergeant and a

number of professional falconers. The number of professional falconers

increased twofold during Henry’s reign, perhaps as a reflection of the

king’s increasing interest during his old age. [52] How many hawks were

kept in the mews is unclear, although reports suggest that Henry

Department Master Sergeant Yeoman Groom Page Keeper others

Hart hounds 1 1 10Buckhounds 1 2 2 4 4Privybuckhounds

1

Otter hounds 1 1Harriers 1 6Leash 1 1 4Toyles 1 1 2Hawks 1 1 2 5–20

falconersPartridge andpheasant takersand keepers

3 1 taker

Decoy Swans 1Crossbows 1 2 2

Figure 1 THE ROYAL HUNTING ESTABLISHMENT, 1509�/52

Sources: J. Brewer et al., eds., Letters and Papers, domestic and foreign, of

Henry VIII ; W.C. Richardson, ed., The report of the royal commission of 1552

(Morgantown, 1952), pp. 52�/4; British Museum, Stowe MS 571; Harley MS

240; PRO, E101/420-6/1. Gaps indicate a lack of extant material.

Sport in History 49

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possessed a wide range of breeds, each with its own properties. [53]

However much Henry actually enjoyed hawking, he had been interested in

the hawking establishments of his contemporaries from the beginning of

his reign, thereby demonstrating his awareness of the importance of using

falconry as an accoutrement of his royal image. [54] In April 1515, for

example, Henry’s ambassador to the Emperor Maximilian was careful to

mention the large number of hawks and falconers that the Emperor had in

his train when he set out for Augsburg. [55] Arguably, he was keen to

follow the emperor’s lead. Fine hawks had for centuries been viewed as

necessary accessories for the knight and continued to act during the

sixteenth century as potent symbols of the ruler. [56] Henry, like his

contemporaries, was keen to have the finest falcons in his mews from all

over the world. The rulers of Poland, for example, sent falcons to Henry,

as he did to the Emperor and to the King of Spain. Indeed, until he was

killed in battle with the Russians in the summer of 1535, one of the Polish

princes, the ‘Duke of Spruice’ (Prussia), was recorded as having sent

Henry falcons annually. [57] That Henry had to be reminded that the

dead duke was the one who sent falcons suggests that the loss of such a

source of fine hawks was of as much concern to Henry as the loss of a

distant ally.

Good hawks, along with hunting dogs, crossbows and venison, were

valued very highly by members of the early Tudor elite, and provided a

rich source of gifts that were sent from one ruler to another in order to

lubricate the wheels of diplomacy. Such gifts were not only a symbol of

the sender’s good will, but were an essential expression of the ruler’s

magnificence. [58] Francis I of France frequently sent hawks and wild

boar venison to Henry, but he sent boar with perhaps a little smugness, as

he knew that Henry would have been unable to catch boar himself. In fact,

in 1521, Francis sent Henry a live boar sow, complete, rather patron-

izingly, with instructions upon how to care for her. [59] Other hunting

gifts, such as crossbows and wood- or hunting-knives, were likewise sent

as signs of good will, but also to show off the skill of the artists patronized

by the prince. From the existing examples of Henry’s hunting instruments

(even if they were not actually gifts), we can see that the artistry involved

in such objects was immense. The blades and quillons of Henry’s wood-

and by-knives (hunting swords) are covered in exquisitely etched

decorations. [60] At least one other was referred to as an appropriate

gift to present to the king: at New Year 1532, Lord Montegew gave the

King a wood-knife ‘the hefte being gilte’. [61]

The prince’s magnificence, as well as international goodwill, was further

demonstrated in the lavish entertainments that were put on for foreign

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guests, and hunting was an essential part of the programme of events.

Emperor Charles V was taken hunting by Henry when he came to

England in 1522. [62] Frederick of Bavaria, who came to London in

September 1539, was feasted and taken hunting in Windsor and the

region for over a week. [63] More mundanely, it was considered as one of

the perquisites of being a visiting ambassador. Henry on occasion allowed

foreign ambassadors to hunt in some of his favourite parks. The Imperial

ambassador, Eustace Chapuys, for example, was frequently offered the

chance to hunt in the royal parks around London, and was joined by the

King himself on occasion. [64] Henry’s ambassadors to foreign princes

were treated in the same way: one of Henry’s earliest embassies to France,

that of the Marquis of Dorset and the Duke of Suffolk in November 1514,

was treated to a spectacular boar hunt by the Dauphin in woodland just

outside Paris. They gave Henry an exciting account of how they had

pursued the boar and then killed it.

we have accompayned the said dolphyn towards parys and came thexviith day of the said moneth to Beaumond to a lodging and on themorrowe the said dolphyn had . . . with a wode [wood] by the wayeas we shulde ride two wilde boores of which it was my lord ofSuffolks fortune to encountre the fyrst and to geve hym the furst strokewith his tokke [boar sword] that he bowed at hym the wayes to hishande and slewe hym and my harffe [half] to encounter and furst tostuke the seconde with a boores spere/that he long contynuing notafter. [65]

Dorset was clearly proud of the fact that it was Suffolk who gave the

first blow with his ‘tokke’, while he himself struck the second blow

with his boar spear. It was, presumably, only good manners to let foreign

guests kill the quarry, but it was also intended to impress the English

visitors.

Behind the good will there was more than a hint of the international

rivalry in which renaissance rulers, and in particular Henry VIII, indulged.

Marillac was not in fact taken in by Henry’s show at Hatfield in 1541, as

he noted in one of his letters home: the deer, he wrote rather scornfully,

were so tame that they would come up and be stroked. He was

presumably aware of Henry’s attempt at impressing him. Conversely,

Henry wished to know what Francis was up to in the hunting field, and

rivalry once again provides a convincing explanation for the frequent and

detailed accounts of these hunting activities that are scattered throughout

the letters of Henry’s ambassadors to France throughout the earlier part of

the reign. While it was recognized that the French were good �/

traditionally the masters �/ at hunting, they were felt by these

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correspondents to be no better than the English. One English ambassador,

Sir Richard Wingfield, told Henry that Francis I ‘thowghte the ffrensch-

men wer onlye theye whyche where maisters of the chasse’. They were

wrong:

I shewyd hym that he shuld have muche a do to cause your grace topasse hym that pointe, for thoughe it so where that he used the saydemanner of chasynge and none otherwhyche was a grete reason that hemyght be more skyllfull in it Yet I assuryd hym that your highnes withdivers such others as ye have brought uppe in the same manner offhuntyng I was sure cowde not be amendyd by any nacon [nation]cristenyd [66]

Another ambassador, William FitzWilliam, noted in his letter of 1520 to

Henry that ‘it semeth to me they hunte verey well and skilfolly as I have

seen any men doo howbeit in some things I like the manner of England

aswell as I doo theris’. FitzWilliam’s somewhat arrogant note suggests that

he was actually rather pleased to find that the English methods were not

so different to the French. Henry’s attempts at one-upmanship were, it

would seem, paying off a little.

Henry’s hunting expeditions could equally be used to demonstrate

important political points to the observing political world. For example,

hunting was one of the means used by Henry to demonstrate to the ruling

elite that Anne had replaced Catherine as his effective consort. In July

1531, Chapuys noted in a letter to Charles V that ‘The Lady [Anne

Boleyn] . . . always accompanies the King at his hunting parties . . . while

the Queen herself who used formerly to follow him on such expeditions,

has been ordered to remain at Vinsor’. He went on to explain to the

Emperor that

which circumstance, as may be imagined, is exceedingly aggravating tothe Queen, not only on account of the king’s studied separation, butbecause she fancies that his object in taking the Lady with him to suchhunting parties is that he may accustom the lords and governors of thecounties and districts he traverses on such occasions to see her withhim, and that he may better win them over to his party whenParliament meets again. [67]

For Chapuys, there was no doubt of the importance of such trips in

providing the king with an opportunity to show the political nation who

was now in favour, and to familiarize it with the new situation. It was

therefore not mere coincidence that the unfortunate courtier and poet, Sir

Thomas Wyatt, demonstrated his awareness of the changed circumstances

by using hunting imagery in one of his best known poems:

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Who so list to hount: I know where is an hynde;But as for me, helas I may no more:The vayne travaill hath weried me so sore,I ame of theim that farthest cometh behinde;Yet may I by no meanes my weried mindeDrawe from the Diere: but as she fleeth aforeFaynting I folowe; I leve of therefore,Sithens [since], in a nett I seke to hold the wynde.Who list her hount I put him out of dowbte,As well as I may spend his tyme in vain:And graven with Diamondes in letters plain‘Noli me tangere, for Cesars I ame,And wylde for to hold though I seme tame’ [68]

Here, Wyatt talks of his own unrequited love for Anne Boleyn, and to

make his point uses the setting of a fictional hunt. [69] While out hunting

with the king, who was traditionally the master of ceremonies at the royal

hunt, it was only right for the courtier to let the king catch and enjoy the

prey, and so Wyatt was forced to let Henry take Anne. [70]

Henry’s hunting expeditions could also provide him with an oppor-

tunity to make his subjects aware of a new policy. In August 1535,

Chapuys made a clear link between Henry’s summer hunting expeditions

and policy-making. He noted to his master, Charles V, that Henry was

still on the borders of Wales, hunting and visiting that principalitywith a view to gaining popularity with his subjects. This he attempts inall possible ways, and it is reported that a large number of peasants inthe villages through which he passed, after hearing the preachers whofollow the court, have been so deceived as to believe that God hadinspired the King to repudiate his legitimate Queen. [71]

Presumably, Chapuys was particularly aware of the connection between

hunting and royal persuasion: Henry had, for two years already, been

attempting to buy him off with offers of the best hunting in the kingdom.

The king’s hunting expeditions could also be a vehicle for very serious

political theatre, both to foreigners and subjects alike. R.B. Manning has

made an important contribution to our understanding of the way

poaching could be used by the English ruling elite to make a political

point, but even legal hunting could be used to do the same thing, and

Henry VIII was ready to use it. [72] The royal hunting expedition at

Hatfield Chase in 1541, for example, can be explained if we place it in the

context of the Pilgrimage of Grace and its aftermath. It seems more than a

coincidence that the site chosen for what even contemporaries noted was

a terrible slaughter of deer and other animals was a royal chase in South

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Yorkshire, within the lands that had, only three years before, been out of

royal control. It is important to note here that deer were ferae naturae and

therefore subjects of the Crown. [73] Shortly after this spectacular

hunting event, Henry met the leading gentry of Lincolnshire and

Yorkshire and presented them with gifts of the venison that he and his

court had taken while hunting. [74] It is likely that Henry was keen to

demonstrate to his fellow rulers that he was still very much in control of

his more conservative subjects, and that his religious policies were still in

place. Here was a king who was demonstrating not only his prowess, but

also his ability to suppress rebellion. It was, as Muriel St. Clare Byrne has

suggested, a macabre political theatre. [75]

Less dramatic points could also be made. For more ordinary subjects,

Henry’s hunting expeditions provided a chance to be involved in royal

activities and perhaps even to meet their king. For Hall, Henry’s hunting

expeditions provided an opportunity for him to hear ‘the complaintes of

his pore comminaltie’. [76] It is not clear, of course, how far these were

genuinely ordinary people or the local elite: the result was the

decapitation of the unfortunate ministers of Henry VII, Empson and

Dudley, a fact that suggests that the ‘comminaltie’ were more well-to-do

than Hall implies. Neither is it clear how far local people actually observed

royal hunting expeditions from the park pales, or whether, as in the papal

states, managed to bring the king gifts while he and his fellows dined in

the park after a hunting expedition. [77] Traditional customs certainly

existed, such as those in Hereford, that insisted on the engagement of

local people in the royal hunt when the king wished to hunt in a region,

but there is no evidence of such customs being practised in reality during

Henry’s reign. [78] Nevertheless, other opportunities arose where local

people could be of service to Henry. On one occasion in 1530, a woman

was rewarded for returning ‘Ball’, one of the king’s favourite dogs,

presumably lost during a hunting expedition during the royal progress.

[79]

The game parks in which such events took place were another part of

what contemporaries believed made rulers impressive, or ‘magnificent’.

[80] Parks provided an opportunity for conspicuous consumption, for

extravagant exhibitions of authority and a site for building grand new

hunting lodges, and rulers across Europe were clearly keen to construct

them. [81] This was an aspect of the renaissance prince, and Henry acted

accordingly. Indeed, he initiated the biggest imparkation policy of any

English king for several hundred years, in part, at least, reversing a long

trend of decline, which had seen the neglect and decay of many royal

game parks. [82] Almost all the palaces built by Henry had at least one

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game park attached to them. Many, such as Nonsuch and Ampthill, had

two or more. [83] Indeed, his palace of Hampton Court became the

centre of a huge new chase. [84] Around London, Henry created a

number of new parks, such as Hyde and Marylebone in the early 1540s. At

York Place in 1531, he created a park (now St James’s) for his new consort,

Anne Boleyn, to the disgust of the Imperial ambassador. [85] Where royal

parks existed already, Henry was concerned to renovate and maintain.

Financial accounts from the works of Windsor Castle and other royal

palaces show in great detail what efforts and expenses were put into the

maintenance of the royal parks during Henry’s reign. The all-important

pales (stout fences) that surrounded game parks were regularly and

frequently maintained in an effort to prevent the escape of game. Not only

was the ordinary infrastructure of the park maintained, but Henry’s parks

were embellished with fine lodges, many of which were decorated and

provided with the latest facilities by the best craftsmen of the day. In at

least one of the lodges in the parks around Windsor Castle (East-

hampstead), the glazier Galion Hone was employed to put in new

windows. [86] Along with careful decoration of the interiors, these lodges

were substantial, very comfortable, and, above all, modern. [87]

Maintaining the royal game parks cost a great deal of money. In one

year, 1532�/3, the office of the works of Windsor Castle paid out £54 9s 1d

for the ordinary repairs to the parks and lodges of Windsor Forest. [88] It

would be difficult now to calculate the full amount spent by the king even

in one year, on all the royal parks in the kingdom, but it was huge and,

more significantly, continuous. During the early 1550s, it had become too

much of a drain: the government of Northumberland desperately

attempted to save money by selling off many of the palaces and hunting

reserves created and maintained by Henry VIII. [89] Nevertheless,

conspicuous consumption, though difficult to sustain, was a necessary

part of the modern court. Henry was, as Simon Thurley has suggested,

following the example set by his rival, Francis I, but he was also acting in

accordance with the fashions set in contemporary Italy. [90]

Henry VIII is justly remembered for his enthusiasm for the chase but

this was the result neither of any unusual obsession and bloodlust nor, as

Thurley has argued, of his well-documented rivalry with Francis I. Such

interest must be placed in a wider, contemporary cultural and political

context. Henry followed, either directly or indirectly, both the principles

of royal magnificencia that had been set among the humanists of

Renaissance Italy during the fifteenth century that had arrived in England

during the early sixteenth and more traditional, medieval views of

kingship and gentlemanly behaviour. As Steven Gunn argues, ‘The king’s

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person was meant to impress’: hunting well was one of the ways in which

Henry VIII did this. By going hunting, Henry acted within a context of

contemporary cultural and political thought that insisted on hunting as a

courtly sport �/ indeed, the sport of kings.

When the king went hunting, collected hawks and hunting equipment

or developed hunting parks, however, a complex of messages was

broadcast that presented Henry as more than simply a magnificent ruler.

Those messages reinforced his authority. By going hunting and hawking

regularly and properly, Henry demonstrated not only his legitimacy as

king of England, but that his rule was that of an ideal king and that he was

in control of his subjects. The imagery of hunting was potent and easily

understood by commentators and, as did his many contemporaries,

Henry was keen to use it.

Notes

[1] Public Record Office (hereafter PRO), SP1/24, fols. 23�/4

[2] This neglect has recently been partially countered. See J.J. Williams, ‘Hunting in

early modern England: an examination with special reference to the reign of

Henry VIII’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999).

[3] J Kruse, ‘Hunting, magnificence and the court of Leo X’, Journal of Renaissance

Studies (September, 1993), pp. 243�/57, p. 244.

[4] J.M.W. Robbins, ‘The Habsburgs and hunting: creating an image of Philip IV’,

Journal of Hispanic Philology, 17 (2�/3) (1991), pp. 103�/28.

[5] C. Lloyd and S.Thurley, Henry VIII: Images of a Tudor king (Oxford, 1990), p.

57

[6] S. Anglo, Images of Tudor kingship (London, 1992), p. 53; A.B. Rance, ‘The

Bevis and Ascupart panels, Bargate Museum, Southampton’, Hampshire Field

Club and archaeological proceedings , 42 (1986); British Museum (hereafter BM),

Harley MS 1419B, f. 49b.

[7] For a more detailed discussion of the symbolism of Apollo, see D.Cressy,

‘Spectacle and power: Apollo and Solomon at the court of Henry VIII’, History

Today, 32 (October, 1982), pp. 16�/22. On the connection between Apollo and

hunting, see M. Cartmill, A view to a death in the morning: hunting and nature

through history (London, 1993), p. 32.

[8] Cartmill, A view to a death , p. 32; Sir Thomas Elyot, The book named ‘The

Governor’, ed. S.T. Lehmberg (London, 1962), p. 65.

[9] F. Brie, Brute (London: EETS, 1964), pp. 6�/12; G. Turbeville, Book of hunting

(London, 1905), p. 1.

[10] BM Harley MS 69, f. 56

[11] S.Gunn, Early Tudor government, 1485�/1558 (Houndmills, 1995), p. 163.

[12] The same was true of Henry’s contemporary, Francis I of France, who gained

the popular epithet ‘pere des veneurs’: see R.J. Knecht, Francis I (Cambridge,

1982), p. 85. This was known in England from the late sixteenth century

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through Turbeville’s Book of Hunting , p. 10; Kruse, ‘Hunting, magnificence’,

p. 244.

[13] The best documented of these was described in detail by Hall. The event, on

Shooters Hill outside Greenwich in May 1515, was a well-choreographed court

entertainment which included the appearance before the king of Robin with an

invitation to see an archery performance and then to eat breakfast of venison:

E. Hall, The Triumphant Reigne of Henry VIII , ed. C.Whibley, 2 vols (London,

1904), vol. 2, p. 15.

[14] D. Wiles, The early plays of Robin Hood (Woodbridge, 1981).

[15] R. Brown, Four years at the court of Henry VIII , 2 vols (London, 1854), vol. 1,

pp. 90�/1.

[16] S. Bertelli, ‘The Courtly Universe’, in S. Bertelli, ed., The courts of the Italian

Renaissance (Florence, 1986), p. 17.

[17] Cited in E.W. Ives, Faction in Tudor England (London, 1979), p. 25.

[18] J. Brewer et al, eds., Letters and papers, foreign and domestic, of Henry VIII

(hereafter LP), V 365; LP, V 375.

[19] On Henry VIII’s progresses in the first half of the reign, see N. Samman, ‘The

Henrician court during the ascendancy of Cardinal Wolsey, 1514�/29,’ (Ph.D.

thesis, University of Wales Bangor, 1989).

[20] LP, XIV, i, 989

[21] Williams, ‘Hunting in early modern England’, p. 178.

[22] HMC, Fourth Report, 12, 8�/9, p. 444

[23] Elyot, The Governor, p. 55

[24] See J. Williams, ‘Whoso list to hunt? Hunting and the gentleman in early Tudor

England’, History Today, 53(8) (August, 2003).

[25] B. Castiglione, The book of the courtier, ed. and trans. G. Bull (Harmondsworth,

1967), p. 63.

[26] R. Hands, Hunting and hawking in the Book of St Albans (Oxford, 1975),

pp. xlv�/vi; A. Rooney, Hunting in Middle English literature (Woodbridge,

1993), p. 7.

[27] Quoted from M. Cartmill, A view to a death ; see also LP, II, ii, 3765.

[28] W. Caxton, The boke of the ordre of chivalry, ed. A.T.P. Byles (London: EETS,

1926 for 1925), p. 31.

[29] Caxton, The Boke of the Ordre of Chivalry, p. 31.

[30] LP, XVIII, ii, 296

[31] PRO, STAC 2/27/152.

[32] Elyot, The Governor, p. 165.

[33] Ibid., p. 65.

[34] J. Strype, Memorial of Thomas Cranmer, sometime Lord Archbishop of Canter-

bury (London, 1853). p. 2.

[35] State Papers of Henry VIII (hereafter SP), 1/68, f. 80 (LP, V, 479)

[36] SP1/92, f. 123 (LP, VIII, i, 618).

[37] LP, IV, i, 1540.

[38] Elyot, The Governor, p. 67.

[39] S. Giustiniani, Four years at the court of Henry VIII , 2 vols., trans. R. Brown

(London, 1854), vol. 2, p. 312.

[40] LP, XVI, 1130

[41] Hall, Henry VIII , II, p. 65.

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[42] LP, III, 1559.

[43] See Hands, Hunting and hawking , pp. xlv�/vi.

[44] D. Keene, ed., Henry Howard: selected poems (Manchester, 1985), pp. 10, 49,

89n.

[45] PRO, SP1/21, f.204.

[46] The fullest description of medieval hunting can be found in W.A. and F. Baillie-

Grohman, eds., The Master of Game (London, 1909), p. 165. This is an edition

of Edward, Duke of York’s manuscript, which is known to have circulated at the

court during Elizabeth I’s reign. It was a translation and adaptation of the work

of the fourteenth-century French writer, Gaston III ‘Phoebus’ Du Foix.

[47] PRO, SP1/21, f.204.

[48] Kruse, ‘Hunting, magnificence’, p. 243.

[49] See Williams, ‘Hunting in early modern England’, ch. 8; the royal hunting

establishment had declined over many years in part because of monarchical

instability and a lack of interest in the royal magnificence shown by Henry VI.

[50] No account appears to exist of the nature of the decoy swans, although they

may have been similar to the ‘duck decoys’ that were said to have been

introduced to Norfolk during the early seventeenth century. These were long

nets (80 to 90 yards) that were stretched over hoops over a waterway. See

M. Evans, The Battle for the Broads (Lavenham, 1992), p. 25.

[51] The toyles or hunting nets are described in detail in an Elizabethan document

(PRO, E 351/2965); See D.R. Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome

(Princeton, 1979), p. 125; and Kruse, ‘Hunting, magnificence’, p. 245.

[52] S. Thurley, ‘The sports of kings’, in D.R. Starkey, eds., Henry VIII: a European

court in England (London, 1991), pp. 165�/6.

[53] M. St Clare-Byrne, The Lisle Letters , 6 vols. (Chicago, 1981), vol. 1, p. 145, no.

120.

[54] See M. Hervey, Holbein’s ambassadors: the picture and its men (London, 1900),

pp. 80�/1.

[55] LP, II, 317

[56] Holbein painted portraits of two gentlemen, one Sir Robert Cheseman and the

other anonymous, with fine hawks on their wrists. For a discussion of the

imagery of falconry and the medieval knight, see J. Cummins, The hound and

the hawk: the art of medieval hunting (London, 1988), p. 187�/94.

[57] LP, VI, 293.

[58] For further discussion of the role of hunting gifts during the reign, see B. Harris,

‘Women and politics in early Tudor England’, Historical Journal 33 (2) (1990),

pp. 259�/81.

[59] LP, III, 1176.

[60] Thurley, ‘The sports of Kings’, p. 164

[61] BM, ADD MS 38857, f. 25; S. Thurley, ‘The sports of kings’, p. 164.

[62] Hall, Henry VIII , II, p. 221.

[63] Hall, Henry VIII , II p. 293.

[64] Calendar of State Papers Spanish (CSPS), IV, ii, 1107; V, I, 178.

[65] BM, Calig D VI, f. 188 (LP, I, 3430).

[66] PRO, SP 1/20, ff. 83�/5.

[67] CSPS, IV, ii, 765.

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[68] K. Muir and P. Thomson, eds., Collected poems of Sir Thomas Wyatt (Liverpool,

1969), p. 5, no. VII.

[69] E.W. Ives, Anne Boleyn (Oxford, 1986), p. 92.

[70] Baillie-Grohman, The Master of Game , p. 160.

[71] CSPS, V, i, 193.

[72] See R.B. Manning, Hunters and poachers: a history of unlawful hunting in

England, 1485�/1640 (Oxford, 1993).

[73] J.H. Baker, The Notebook of Sir John Port (Oxford, 1986).

[74] LP, XVI, 1089.

[75] St Clare-Byrne, The Lisle Letters , VI, p. 117.

[76] Hall, Henry VIII , I, p. 147.

[77] Kruse, ‘Hunting, magnificence’, pp. 255�/7.

[78] The householders of Hereford were supposed ‘to drive the deer to a stand in the

forest’ whenever the king hunted in the area. See Thomas Blount, Fragmenta

Antiquitatis or Ancient Tenures of Land and Jocular Customs of Manors (London,

1845), p. 501.

[79] N. Nicholas, ed., The Privy Purse expenses of Henry VIII, 1529�/32 (London,

1827), p. 50.

[80] Kruse, ‘Hunting, magnificence’, p. 245.

[81] Coffin, The Villa , pp. 125�/35.

[82] J. Porter, ‘A forest in transition: Bowland 1500�/1650’, Transactions of the

Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire , 125 (1975 for 1974), pp. 40�/60;

C.R. Young, The Royal Forests of Medieval England (Philadelphia, PA, 1979).

[83] See H.C. Colvin The History of the King’s Works, Volume 3, 1485�/1660 , pt.1

(London, 1975).

[84] T.E.C. Walker, ‘The Chase of Hampton Court’, Surrey Archaeological Collections ,

62 (1965), pp. 83�/87.

[85] CSPS, IV, ii, 720.

[86] Williams, ‘Hunting in early modern England’, pp. 153�/61; PRO, E36/264 f.51.

[87] S. Thurley, The palaces of Tudor England (London, 1993), p. 70.

[88] See generally, PRO, E36/262, 263, 264; PRO, E36/264, f. 55.

[89] BM, Harley MS 240; BM, Stowe MS 571; W.C. Richardson, ed., The report of the

royal commission of 1552 (Morgantown, 1952).

[90] Thurley, The palaces of Tudor England , p. 70; Coffin, The Villa , pp. 125�/35.

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