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The American Society for Ethnohistory

How Inca Decimal Administration WorkedAuthor(s): Catherine J. JulienSource: Ethnohistory, Vol. 35, No. 3 (Summer, 1988), pp. 257-279Published by: Duke University Press

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How Inca Decimal Administration Worked

Catherine J. Julien, Institute of Andean Studies

Abstract.Understandingncadecimaladministrationas been elusivebecauseSpanishadministratorsecordedonly partialdescriptions f Incapracticeandfailed to graspthe logic andprincipleswhichguided t. Decimaladministrationcan be reconstructedn broadoutline fromtwo nativeaccounting ecords,pre-served on knotteddevicesknown as quipos.Oncean overviewof the system sgained,thelogicandprincipleswhich nformedncapracticebecomeperceptible.

This in turnenablesan assessment f the impactof Incaauthority n the politi-cal organizationof the Andeanarea.The Incasdid not simplyreorientexistingpoliticalorganizationo meettheirown ends,butreorganizedt to be the struc-turalequivalentof localauthority lsewhere nd,in theprocess,authoreda newterritorialonfigurationn theAndes.

The Incas conquered and held a large territoryduring the century beforethe Spanish arrival in the Andes. That they organized the diverse An-dean population into decimal units for administrativepurposes was not

doubted by sixteenth-centurySpanish writers, all of whom were aware ofthe magnitude of the task of running an empire in the Andes. Yet thesewriters, our nearest witnesses to Inca administration,say almost nothingabout the operation of decimal administration. Four centuries later, andmore than a century after the beginnings of ethnohistorical inquiry, westill have no workable idea about how the Incas organized their empire(Pease I982: I74; Murra 1984: 78-82).

When Inca administration is described, our standard historical ac-counts give a list of decimal units from io to o1,000, often with inter-

mediate divisions (Table i) (Falc6n 1867 [1567]: 463-64; Polo de Onde-gardo I917 [I571]: 5I; Cobo 1964 [I653], [92]: II4; Bandera I968 [1557]:505; Santillan 1879 [1563]: 17-I8; Rowe I958: 499). The list is alwayspresented as a nested hierarchy, eaving latter-daystudents of Inca admin-

Ethnohistory35:3 (Summer1988).Copyright? by the AmericanSocietyforEthnohistory. ccc ooI4-I8o0/88/$I.5o.








CatherineJ. Julien

Table i. Decimalunitsfrom io to Io,ooo

Unit name Numberof tributaries

Huno 10,000Piscaguaranga 5,000

Guaranga 1,000Piscapachaca 500Pachaca 100Piscachunga 50

Chunga 10

istration to wonder how such an idealized and seemingly utopian systemcould have had any practicalvalue in the administrationof the large and

politically heterogeneous population shaped by the Incas into a singlebody politic (Salomon I986: 7). One richly detailed yet brief account ofInca administration provides some detail about how decimal units were

adjusted and about the practice of census taking (Castro and OrtegaMorej6n 1974 [I558]: 98). Perhaps its authors could have described the

system in more detail, but unfortunatelyfor us, they did not do so.

Inca administration was fundamentallyforeign to the Spaniardswhocame to the Andes with Pizarroand duringthe formative decades whichfollowed. These men observed and recorded native practice, but they ap-pear not to have grasped the logic and principleswhich governed it andhence did not provide a convincing picture of decimal administration intheir accounts. Native practice was framed within a foreign system of

thought, yet how are we to reconstruct either the body of practice or thebelief system at its foundations if our best informants have not phrasedsome approximation of the

totalityfor us?

Inca decimal structuringof the Andean population persisted in someareas of the Andes as late as the eighteenth century, in spite of the factthat the decimal units were far below the numerical strength implied bytheir names.1Some years ago, I reconstructed the decimal ordering of the

Lupaca province in the Lake Titicaca region (Figurei). An administrative

survey, or visita, for this province had been published and was appre-ciated by many Andean ethnohistorians for the information it containsabout local people (Murra 1968). The same document contains a body of

information about Inca administrationas well, and even though the Span-ish administrator who conducted the visita appeared not to be aware ofthe decimal structure of the Lupaca province, the testimony he gatheredincluded a native Andean knot record, or quipo, which when analyzedreveals that the Lupacaswere indeed organizedalong decimal lines (JulienI98z: I29-33). But these decimal units need not have had any practicalvalue in the ongoing administration of a province; they may have served








Qolla Province of Urc

Cuzco \

Cab.f

\V,Qolla Province of Urcosuyc

La Paz

Lupaca Province of Urcos

Pacajes Province of Ur(

0 100__________00_______mmFigurencarovincesnheakeiticacaregion

Figure I. Inca provinces in the Lake Titicaca region

wvince

lla ProLa Paz

s Provi








CatherineJ. Julien

as a census vocabulary only (Murra 1984: 8i). An appreciation of the

decimal structuringof the Andean population simply does not tell us howthe system operated.What is really at issue is not just the particularform taken by Inca

administration, but whether the Incas imposed a bureaucraticorder oftheir own design, thus reshapingthe political organization of the Andes,or simply reoriented existing political organization to meet their own

demands. The latter hypothesis has guided much recent ethnohistorical

scholarship in the Andes, largely, I believe, because it has been accepted

by default. After considerable familiaritywith the body of source material

having some bearing on the matter, no working model of Inca decimaladministration has emerged (Pease I986: 9-Io; Murra 1984: 72, 78-82;Morris 1985: 477-79).

This issue still requiresdeliberatedresolution. How we resolve it hassome important consequences, both for ethnohistorians and for anthro-

pologists and archaeologists who would project ethnohistorical findingsonto Andean peoples of both later and earlier time periods (Murra 1984:68; Morris 1985: 483). If we assume that Inca rule was just a veneerover the autonomous polities of earlier times, then when this veneer is

removed, a form of political organization resembling what preceded itshould emerge once more. Operating under this assumption, the docu-

mentary record for the decades after the European arrival could be usedto model the political economy of Andean peoples when they were freeof central rule. The model of the vertical archipelago proposed by JohnMurra, and indeed much of our ethnohistorical effort, has been built onthe idea that the Incas preserved the status quo (Murra 1984: 65-67;Morris I985: 483; Pease 1978: 64).

On the other hand, if we find that the Incas did reorganize local

political authority, we could not model Andean political economy on thedecades following the Pizarro invasion. Rather, we would need to deci-

pher the Inca order first and then question, for each specific locale, the

degree to which the Incas altered the refractorypolities they encounteredon the road to empire.

But can we reconstruct Inca administration,hampered as we are bythe rigidly hierarchical and seemingly utopian view of it found in thestandard historical accounts (Pease 1985: I42)? The bulk of the writtenmaterials created in the sixteenth and

early seventeenthcenturies consistsof administrative documents, although a few chronicles were also writ-ten about the political events witnessed by the Spaniardsin those years.Administrative documents were generated in response to official ques-tionnaires; they detailed tribute obligations or encomienda awards; theyrecorded disputes of all kinds; they argued for or against a particularad-ministrative practice; but all had a specific purpose within the context of

Spanish colonial administration.

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Inca DecimalAdministration z6i

At times, when these documents probed particularaspects of native

practice, some well-informed administrators provided us with great in-sights into the operation of a foreign order.Juan Polo de Ondegardo, oneof the best-informed administrators during the first decades of Spanishrule, wrote repeatedly that no one under the Incas was forced to con-tribute anything from their own personal estate, that subjectscontributed

only their labor (Polo de Ondegardo 1917 [1571]: 6o, 66-67, 88; 1940

[1561]: I36-37, I65). Polo was redressing a particular disjuncture between

the Spanish colonial and the Inca systems of exactions. No administra-tor provided a similarly insightful description of decimal administration,

although one able administrator, Fernando de Santillan (1879 [1563]: 47),did recommend that the decimal order be revived.

Native record-keeping practice generated a much better potentialsource of information about the operation of decimal administration.Both the assessment and distribution of an obligation owed to the Incastate can be broadly reconstructed from native records kept by particu-lar individuals who had either served in Inca decimal office or were de-scended from those who had. Such individuals were often referredto in

Spanish documentation as curacas, a term associated with a rank in the

decimal hierarchy (Julien I982: 124-25). They had access to accountingrecords kept on quipos and held by quipocamayos (accountants), whowere trained to make and interpretthem (Cieza de Le6n 1967 [I553]: 36;Diez de San Miguel I964: 74). Although generalknowledge about how torecord information was transmittedamongthese professionals, the systemrequired that a quipo be read by a person who knew what that particularquipo recorded (Ascher and Ascher 1981: I3-21, 78). They were mne-monic devices. To prevent changing interpretationsof the records, dupli-cate quipos were kept in the hands of a second party.2Quipos were some-times brought forward to be read into Spanish administrative records,and so a number of accounting records that reflect native administrative

practice have been preserved.Quipos from the Lupaca province provide information about the

distribution of an obligation under the Incas. One quipo was a record ofthe last Inca census andwas broughtforwardby nativeofficialsin responseto a question about the number of people in the province under the Incas.Several days after the question was asked, native leaders produced this

quipoand it was read

into the text of the visita. Accompanying it wasanother quipo that accounted the tribute obligation the Lupacas wereunder in 1567, some three decades after the interruption of Inca rule byPizarro and his small invasionary force. No apparent reason was givenin the text of the visita for the inclusion of this document with the Incacensus quipo (Diez de San Miguel 1964: 64-70).

A close examination of the two quipos reveals a significant corre-spondence between them. In my earlierstudy of decimal administration I








CatherineJ. Julien

Table 2. Quipo of the last Inca census of the Lupaca province

Category Aymara Uru Other Total

Chucuito/Hanansaya 1,233 500 1,733

Chucuito/Hurinsaya 1,384 347 1,731

Acora/Hanansaya 1,221 440 1,661

Acora/Hurinsaya 1,207 378 1,585Ilave 1,470 1,070 2,540

Juli/Hanansaya-Chanbilla 1,438 158 153 1,749

Juli/Hurinsaya 1,804 256 2,060

Pomata!Hanansaya1,663 110 20 1,793

Pomata/Hurinsaya 1,341 183 1,524

Yunguyo 1,039 381 1,420

Zepita/Hanansaya 1,112 186 1,298

Zepita/Hurinsaya 866 120 986

Sama 200 200

Totals 15,778 4,129 373 20,280

had observed that the seven towns of the Lupaca provincehad been differ-

entially divided into accountingunits in the quipo (Table z) (Julien 1982:

127-35). In most cases, the accounting unit was one of the moiety divi-sions of the town; for example, Hanansaya of Chucuito formed one ac-

counting unit, and Hurinsayathe other. In two cases, Ilaveand Yunguyo,the moiety divisions had been lumped together. The lumping or splitting

appears to be related to the numberof households classified as Aymara in

the Inca census. Where the moiety division included nearly one thousand

households (a guaranga in decimal terms) classified as Aymara, they wereaccounted

togetherin the

quipo(JulienI982: I3I;

1987: 62).At the time, I did not examine the relationship between the census

quipo and the quipo recorded with it that documents the 1567 tribute

obligation of the Lupaca province. When I did, it was immediately ap-parent that the 1567 tribute obligation was distributed among the same

accounting units as defined in the last Inca census.Another correspondencewas also discovered,though it was less easy

to detect. The percentage of tribute owed by each accounting unit in

1567 was the same as the percentage of households classified as Aymara

relative to the total number of Aymarahouseholds in the Inca census. Forexample, in 1567, Hurinsaya of Acora was required to send 38 minersto the mines at Potosi to extract silver to pay the silver tribute owed

by the Lupaca province (Table 3). This number was 7.6 percent of thetotal obligation of 500 miners. Hurinsayaof Acora was also required to

provide 76 of the i,ooo tribute textiles assessed by the current Spanishadministration in the province, for a 7.6 percent share of the obligation.

z6z








Inca Decimal Administration

Table 3. The 1567 tributeobligationandits relation o the last Incacensusofthe

LupacaprovinceMiners Clothing

Category (1567) % (1567) % Aymaraa %

Chucuito/Hanansaya 41 8.2 83 8.3 1,233 7.81

Chucuito/Hurinsaya 41 8.2 83 8.3 1,384 8.77

Acora/Hanansaya 39 7.8 77 7.7 1,221 7.74

Acora/Hurinsaya 38 7.6 76 7.6 1,207 7.65Ilave 46 9.2 93 9.3 1,470 9.32

Juli/Hanansaya-Chanbilla 48 9.6 92 9.2 1,438 9.11

Juli/Hurinsaya 57 11.4 114 11.4 1,804 11.43

Pomata/Hanansaya 53 10.6 106 10.6 1,663 10.54

Pomata/Hurinsaya 42 8.4 85 8.5 1,341 8.50

Yunguyo 33 6.6 66 6.6 1,039 6.59

Zepita/Hanansaya 35 7.0 71 7.1 1,112 7.05

Zepita/Hurinsaya 27 5.4 54 5.4 866 5.49

Totals 500 100.0 1,000 100.0 15,778 100.00

aFromTablez.

The number of households classified as Aymara in the last Inca censuswas I,z07, or 7.65 percent of the total of 15,778 Aymara households inthe province. When the percentage shares of the 1567 tribute owed bythe other accounting units are calculated, they closely approximate the

percentage of Aymara households relativeto the total number of Aymarahouseholds accounted in the last Inca census. The distribution of the I567tribute burden was based on the last Inca census, long out of date.

Someexceptions

can be noted. Basedon theprinciple

outlinedabove,Ilave should have provided 47 miners and not 46. Hanansayaof Juli owed

46 miners and not 45. If each had sent the number closest to its percent-age share, as calculated from the Inca census, a total of 502 and not 500miners would have been the result. A similar situation prevails in the as-signment of tribute clothing. Juli of Hanansaya should have contributed9I and not 92 pieces of clothing. Their tribute amount may have beenincreased slightly as a remedy for the imbalanceevident in the assignmentof miners. Again, if Hanansayaof Juli had contributedthe number of tex-

tiles resulting from strict adherenceto their percentage share, calculatedfrom the last Inca census, a total of 999 garments would have been theresult. The rounding just noted was necessarybecause the obligation wasfixed at an amount that did not concord with the structure of the Lupacapopulation.3

Continuing use of the Inca census to distribute an obligation in theLupaca province is a specific instance of a practice that was widespread

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CatherineJ. Julien

in the Andean area until at least the early I570s. General statements

were made by Francisco de Toledo and Fernando de Santillan that nativeleaders were still using the Inca method of distributingan obligation even

though it was grossly unfair because of changes in the population count.4In fact, one of the reasons Toledo gave for his reorganizationof the tributestructure was to correct this abuse (Romero 1924: 203).

After realizing that I had in effect documented how an obligation wasdistributed under the Incas, I began to ask what was left of the process todocument. Another important part of the equation was assessment. Whatwas distributed? The Inca system of exactions was unlike the Spanish

system in that all that was assessed from local people was their labor.Although property might be expropriated when a group was annexedto the empire, the ongoing obligation to the state theoretically requiredno commitment of household resources except labor (Murra I985b: I5).Products might be elaborated with this labor donation, but the resources

that were converted into product were held by the state (Polo de On-

degardo 1917 [I571]: 6o-6i; 1940 [I56I]: 133, I35-36, 165; Cobo 1964

[I653], [92]: 120; Falc6n 1867 [1567]: 461, 471-72; Guaman Poma de

Ayala 1936 [I6I5]: 338). Inca administration was therefore basically a

labor recruitment system (Julien 1982: izo).In my earlier study of decimal administration, I examined a docu-

ment from Huanuco in the north-centralAndean highlands. A 1549 visitahad preserved a quipo which recorded the last standing labor obligationof the Chupachos, a groupof 4,108 households, under the Incas (Table4).5Some kind of assessment procedure produced this assignment. You willnote in the table that the percentages of people assigned to a particulartype of labor service have been calculated from the ideal total of 4,000households or 4 guarangas(Table4). Only when the ideal total is used dosuch even percentages result. For purposes of assessment, then, an idealdecimal total was important.

Let us now examine the assessmentprocedure.We know from a I56zvisita of the Chupachos of Huanuco that the population was structuredinto 4 guarangas and 40 pachacas (units of Ioo) (Ortiz de Zufiga I967).To compose the service units in the labor assignment-for example, to

compose a group of 40 hunters to go on royaldeerhunts-the 40 pachacaswere each assessed one household or one percentof the total. By applyinga

percentage figure for each type of labor service to the 40 pachacas, atotal of 4,000 households could be readily assigned.Several bits of evidence can be used to argue that distributing an

assignment across all units of population was a common practice. Theuse of multiples of 40 in the Chupacho assessmentsuggests this practice.Martin Carcay,who headed the pachaca of Uchec, gave direct testimonythat such was the case under the Incas (Ortiz de Znifiga 1967: 239-40).

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Inca Decimal Administration 265

Table 4. Chupacho labor assignment

Percentage

Assignment Total of 4,000

Gold miners 120 3Silver miners 60 1.5Masons in Cuzco 400 10

Cultivators in Cuzco 400 10

Retainers (yanaconas) of Huayna Capac 150 3.75Guards for the body of Thupa Inca 150 3.75

Guards (yanaconas) for the weapons of Thupa Inca 10 0.25

Garrison in Chachapoyas 200 5Garrison in Quito 200 5Guards for the body of Huayna Capac 20 0.5Feather workers 120 3

Honey gatherers 60 1.5

Weavers of tapestry (cumpi) cloth 400 10

Dye makers 40 1Herders of Inca herds 240 6Guards for corn fields 40 1

Cultivators of aji fields 40 1Salt miners (variable) 60/50/40 1.5/1.25/1Cultivators of coca 60 1.5Hunters for royal deer hunts 40 1Sole makers 40 1Woodworkers 40 1Potters 40 1Guards for the tambo of Huanuco 68 1.7Carriers between local tambos 80 2Guards for the women of the Inka 40 1

Soldiers and carriers 500 12.5Cultivators of Inca lands 500 12.5

Totals 4,108 112.7

Of course, the distribution of the 1567 tribute obligation in the Lupacaprovince followed these lines.

Although 40 appears to have been the common denominator of many

units,a number of

assignmentswere not divisible

by 40. These assign-ments include silver workers; all of the retainers specifically designatedas retainers (yanaconas), guards associated with particular mummies,

honey gatherers, salt miners, coca cultivators, and guards for the Huanucotambo. The total number of households assigned to these types of servicewas 628, taking the middle value for the salt miner assignment. Removingthe 68 households assigned to guard service at the Huanuco tambo, the








CatherineJ. Julien

remainder, 560 households, is evenly divisible by 40. These tasks must

have been distributed among the accounting units in a different manner,such as taking silver miners from certainpachacas, coca cultivators from

others, and using the salt miner assignmentto take up the slack.While the assignment of households may have been predicated on

the ideal decimal total of 4,000, a total of 4,108 households was actuallyassigned. What of the 108 households above the ideal decimal total? The

process of assessment could be repeated to form another unit or two of

40 households, but an amount that is not divisible by a decimal unit will

always be the remainder. Looking at the assignment, one type of labor

service stands out, and that is the assessment of guards for the Huanucotambo, for a total of 68 households. This is exactly the remainder after

assessing a group of 40 households from the remaining io8; guard ser-vice for the Huanuco tambo appears to have been the assignment thataccommodated the remainder.

The process of assessment and distribution involved a few simplesteps. First, a population count was needed. Then an assessment wascarried out, resulting in a standing labor assignment covering all subjecthouseholds. The standinglabor assignmentwas no more than the numbers

of households assigned to a particular type of labor service. Given thislist, the obligation could be distributedequitably among the various unitsof population specified in the census.

Even this rudimentary knowledge of the operation of decimal ad-ministration allows us to define the parametersof a number of importantquestions. We can now ask, At what point was Cuzco involved in decision

making? What kind of information retrievalwould have been necessaryto support the system? What does the system tell us about some of the

population policiesand settlement

patternswe know characterized the

Inca state? And finally, Can we detect the logic or underlying principleswhich guided Inca administrativepractice?

The central administration was involved at two points: (i) whenthe population was structured into accounting units or when adjustmentin these units was required and (z) when assessment was carried out.The first point required the physical presence of an Inca official in the

provinces, and here we do have informationfrom our traditional sources:

The order that was maintained in countingthe Indians is that he who

was sent by the Inka, who they called runaquipo, on entering thevalley assembled all of the lords and Indiansin it by their guarangasand pachacas and chungas [units of io] and had all of the quiposbrought there in the order of the last visita,.. . and if the populationwas increasing so that another lord of a guaranga, a pachaca or a

chunga could be made, he made a report and made all of his quiposfor the Inka account all of this, so that as the population kept mul-

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IncaDecimalAdministration

tiplying, lords were made. (Castro and Ortega Morej6n 1974 [I558]:

99; author's translation)6This same official was mentioned by Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (1936

[I615]: 343, 358, 360-61), who drew picturesof three different Inca offi-cials with quipos in their hands and mentionedyet others. The runaquipo,however, was specifically charged with the population count:

The Inka ordered [him] to count, enumerate,and adjust the Indiansof this realm-with the wool of the deer, taruga-he matched theIndians with the wool-and he matched [them] with a grain called

quinua-he counted the quinua and the Indians-his ability was verygreat, and he was better than with paperand ink. (Ibid.: 361; author'stranslation)7

This Inca official may have been charged with more than keeping anaccuratepopulation count; he was said to have punished anyone who hidfrom the census (Castro and Ortega Morej6n 1974 [1558]:98).8

The other point when the centralized administration was involvedwas when a standinglabor serviceassignmentwas drafted. This step could

be effected anywhere, locally or in Cuzco, and requiredonly a knowledgeof the currentcensus.To the degree that the labor service assignment concorded with the

decimal structureof the population, distributionfollowed a standardized

procedure with little room for real decision making. Many of the Chu-

pacho assignments were divisible by 40, thereby simplifying distributionacross 40 pachacas. Some sort of decision making was necessitated by as-

signments that were not divisible by 40, but whether theirdistributionwas

specified by Cuzco or left in the lands of the curacascannot be discerned

from the organization of the Chupacho labor assignment.Households assigned to perform some types of labor service were

resettled to be nearer productive resources or storage centers, so that

assessing all of the decimal population unitsevenly to compose these laborservice units would have resulted in a distinctive settlement pattern. The

Chupacho visita of 1549 recorded a number of communities composedof households "from all over the province,"all of which were identified

by some type of labor service designation. For example, the communityof Payna was composed of ceramic producers "from all over the prov-ince," and the community of Gangor was composed of honey and feathergatherers "from all over the province" (Helmer 1957: 31, 33). Statementsmade about the composition of other Andean communities make sensewhen this practice is taken into account. People resettled in this fashionwere still accounted as part of the productive force of their province of

origin whether they were settled within or outside its boundaries.9Some households were no longeraccountedwith the productive force

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CatherineJ. Julien

of their province of origin,10and here, too, the Chupacho assessment

suggests a possible mechanism for such alienation. What happened to thehouseholds in excess of the ideal decimal total may seem to be a minor

matter, but this excess may well have formed a pool destined for some

other type of assignment or to fill a vacancy.The structure of decimal administration itself suggests that some

mechanism operated to keep the total number of households at or neara specific decimal total. The assessmentprocedurerelied on an ideal deci-mal total, but the distribution apparatushad to take the actual number of

households into account.

The distribution apparatuscould also be worked around a preexist-ing population structure. A comparison of the decimal structure of the

Chupacho unit with that of the Lupaca reveals that, while the decimal

structureof the former was a straightforward hierarchyof decimal units,the structure of the latter was worked around seven population nuclei

already in existence. Probably to create guarangaofficers, the Incas sub-divided some of these units, but their application of the decimal order

preserved a feature of a preexisting political order in the territory thatbecame the Lupaca province (Julien I982: I33-34). Each accounting unit

in the quipo census included not only a guaranga,but a number of mis-cellaneous pachacas grouped with it. The distribution,quite naturally,didnot follow decimal lines but relied on the actual numberof households inthe accounting unit.

Despite the differences between the decimal structureof the Chupa-cho unit and that of the Lupacas, the native records preserved in thesetwo widely separated Inca provinces allow us to reconstructan idealizedversion of Inca decimal administration. Such a reconstruction is possiblebecause the system was fairly standardized,in

designif not

alwaysin exe-

cution. The same types of labor service were requiredall over the empire.Two lists were recorded in the accounts of FranciscoFalc6n and Martinde Moria, one a list of labor services to be provided by coastal provincesand the other a list to be provided by highland provinces (Falc6n 1867[1567]: 466-68; Morua 1946 [c. i605]: 332-34). These lists do not agreein a number of details, but the existence of such lists and the similarity inwhat local people told Spanish administrators about what they providedto the Inca state suggest that the Incaswere interestedin creatinga similar

productive mechanism in each province.1lThese services may have been assessed using a standard set of per-centages. In the Chupacho assessment,quite a few labor serviceunits were

composed of i percent of the ideal decimal total of 4,000 households,for a total of 40 households. We have some information suggesting thatthe standard size of Inca provinces was usually a huno or a multiple ofthat amount (Santillan I879 [I563]: I7; Pizarro 1844: 364-65). To cite

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Inca DecimalAdministration 269

a specific example, the Lupaca province had a population of just over

zo,ooo subject households. The province was organized administrativelyin halves, each half including very close to io,ooo subject households.

Applying the percentages found in the Chupacho assessmentto one of thehunos of the Lupaca province, we would assign I,ooo households to tap-estry production and Ioo households to ceramic production. While wedo know that the Incas assigned households to both tapestry and ceramic

production, and that these people were settled in communities near eachother and fairly near the town of Chucuito, we do not know the relativenumbers of people so assigned (Julien 1983: 75; Diez de San Miguel 1964:

I4, 27; Murra 1978: 417). For the Qolla province of Umasuyo (Map i) onthe other side of Lake Titicaca, we do have information about the relative

proportion between these types of labor service. Near Huancane, a com-

munity of I,ooo tapestry-producinghouseholds lived in close proximityto a community of Ioo ceramic-producinghouseholds. Both communitieshad been resettled there under the Incas (Murra I978: 418). I would sug-gest that we areseeing the results of applyinga standardset of percentagesto a huno unit.

The following reconstruction of an ideal Inca province is therefore

indicated: An ideal province would have been a huno or perhaps a multi-ple of that amount, subdivided into huno subunits. Its labor service unitswould have tended to be pachacas or their multiples, up to a guarangainsize. Finally, these units would have been a reflection of the labor serviceunits in other provinces.

What was the conceivable advantage to such standardization?Firstof all, standardization was a prevalent theme of Inca material culture;where the Incas had an opportunity to impose a design of their own

choosing, we might expect a highly standardized form (Rowe1979: 239;Montell I9z9: I94-95). A practical reason for the standardization in the

size of labor service units suggests itself, however. Since the amount of

product was not fixed under the Incas, standardization in the size of pro-ducing units might yield a scale by which output could be judged. The

output of ioo ceramic producers over a given period might readily be

judged against the output of a similarunit in a neighboringprovince, sinceother variables would tend to be equal.

Competition between accountingunits is not unexpected; in fact, wehave

evidence that it was incorporated into the design of Inca adminis-tration. The concept of pairingprovinceswas said to have been institutedto put provinces in competition with each other (Santillan I879 [I563]:43). We have a specific case of how such competition may have beeninstitutionalized. When Spanish administratorswished to enquire aboutthe activities of labor service units resettled near Huancane in the Qollaprovince of Umasuyo, they called in the former overseers of these units.








CatherineJ. Julien

Both of the men they interviewed resided in the neighboring Qolla prov-

ince of Urcosuyo.12Such built-in mechanismsof control would have facili-tated Inca administration in the provinces and kept the bureaucracyto a

minimum, particularlythe number of officials from Cuzco itself.

Another motive for the standardizationof labor service requirementswas fairness. The concept of fairness, often noted by sixteenth-centurywriters, can now be understood in context (Santillan1879 [I563]: 46, 50).When the assessment adhered to the ideal decimal total of households,fairness between provinces was the result. When the distribution adheredto the actual household total, fairnesswithin a province was the result.

If the system had an ideal form, it was very certainly true that itoperated under less than ideal circumstances.Population may tend to re-main nearly the same, or it may increaseor decrease at varying rates, but

it does change, and on a daily basis when units of Io,ooo households areinvolved. Increasesor decreasesbroughtabout by changes in the birthratecould have been accommodated by the system over a period of time, be-cause those individuals were not part of the class subject to the standinglabor assignment until they had formed their own households.13The sys-tem appears to have been designed to functionoptimally underconditions

of zero or incrementalpopulation growth.But how was a major population contraction handled over the long

or short run? The Incas were involved in continuous military campaignsstaffed with provincial armies, and some sharp reverses in populationcertainly occurred, affecting the class subjectto the labor assignment. An

example was given by FranciscoVilcacutipaof the Lupaca province, whohad been an adult at the time of the campaigns of Huayna Capac, theeleventh Inka, in Ecuador. He stated that the Lupacaslost five thousandsoldiers in Ecuador

duringthose

campaigns (Diezde San

Miguel 1964:Io5-6). The Incas were known to be intolerant of such failures, and the

design of decimal administrationsuggests that they expected only success.

Reality, however, must have dictated a fairly thorough restructuringofthe population after any steep decline.

Inca decimal administration was vulnerable to sudden populationloss, and we can now suggest that this vulnerability contributed to its

collapse. The system was meant to be self-regulatory,and assessment and

adjustment were carried out from above and outside, by officials from the

central administration who appeared on occasion. There was no stand-ing bureaucracyin the provinces involved with the operation of decimaladministration except the local decimal officerschargedwith the distribu-tion of an obligation. The fact that the Lupacaswere still operating withthe last Inca census in the i56os suggests that the mechanism which ad-

justed the system was highly centralized,and so was vulnerable to abruptchanges in the central administration. Both the Inca Civil War and the

z70








IncaDecimalAdministration

Pizarro invasion could have brought about a crisis in the system. More-

over, the Inca Civil War, the Pizarro invasion, and introduced Europeandiseases would have wrought another kind of havoc on the Inca system ofexactions at precisely the same moment: sudden and serious populationloss in the sector affected by assessment.

We can now explain why the role of the central administrationwouldhave been almost imperceptibleto the Europeanswho generatedthe docu-

mentary record. Under normal circumstances,a representativeof the cen-tral administration appeared only on occasion, when a census count wastaken. If this practice had been interrupted,what did our Spanish infor-

mants have to observe?They observed the distributionapparatuswhich, staffedby provincial

elites, remained in place through this period. Quite naturally,the bargainthat was made between the Europeaninvadersand native Andean peopleswas worked out through these individuals.

Quite naturally as well, the Incas had made a similar bargain in the

years before the Spanish arrival. The Incas respected local claims to elitestatus in accordance with their own beliefs about nobility and rank and

appear to have promoted inheritance of position in keeping with their

own dynastic practice (Julien I982: 15). But even if the Incas workedeverywhere with local individualswho had claim to some type of politicaldomain at the time of the Inca conquest, the bargainsstruck between theIncas and these local lords may have greatly altered the shape of Andean

political economy.The requirements of decimal administration alone would have cre-

ated a new territorial configuration.The emphasis on huno organizationresulted in dividing largepolities, while other political entities, not as largeas a

huno,were

merged.A case of the former can be found in the Lake

Titicaca region, where the Incas appear to have divided a larger Qollapolity into provinces (Julien I983: zi6-zo). The Lupaca province itself

may have been carved out of this largerpolity, either by a local challengerto Qolla authorityon the eve of the Incaconquestor by the Incas as partofa political bargain made with this challenger.14n any event, the antiquityof claims made by Lupacalords in the i56os is suspect. Even if the rightsthey enjoyed in the I56os reflect an earlierprerogative of Lake Titicaca

region elites, those rights were authorized under a political framework

that we have yet to document ethnohistoricallyor archaeologically.Elsewhere in the Andes, the creation of provinces resulted in largerpolitical units than those operating on the eve of the Inca conquest. Cha-

chapoyas, in northeasternPeru,providesa case in point. For Chachapoyaswe have detailed information about the holders of high decimal officeunder the Incas, and we can examine Inca penetration of the local au-

thority structure in some detail.

z7I








CatherineJ. Julien

Prior to the Inca conquest, no single lord had governed all of the

Chachapoyas (Espinoza Soriano I969a: 3z1). The Incas conquered andorganized southern Chachapoyas territory some years before they wereable to campaign in northern Chachapoyas (Cabello Valboa I95I [I586]:399-400), but even in the portion they had organized as a province, no

single lord had been paramount.During the relativelybriefperiod of Inca rule, fivedifferent men were

given the highest position in the decimal hierarchy:huno officer of oneof two huno units with ascribed authorityover the other. Of the five menwho were elevated to high position by the Inca dynasty, only two had

validated claims to local prominence at the time they took office.Two, andperhaps all three, of those remaininghad ascended to prominencethroughservice to the Inca state. One had been a hereditaryretainer (yanacona),and the other, the man who occupied the position when Pizarro arrivedin Cajamarca, had been head of the group assigned to cultivate maizeto fulfill their labor-service obligation (Espinoza Soriano I969a: 294,

305-6).This man, named Guaman, was placed in office by Atahualpa, a son

of Huayna Capac whose bid for succession resultedin the Inca Civil War,

because the Chachapoyaselite had sided with his brother Huascar (ibid.:3I8). The Chachapoyas lost seven thousand troops in a battle near Ca-

jamarca, where they had joined Guascar's forces in fighting Atahualpa'sarmy (Sarmientode Gamboa I906 [I572]: II5). Atahualpahad very clearreasons for displacing the holders of provincialoffice in Chachapoyasand

may have effected a severeretribution on the province.He visited Chacha-

poyas, traveling the length of the province with Guaman, and may have

reorganized the huno structure at this time.Pizarroalso favored

Guaman,and Guamanwas instrumentalin

guid-ing the award of encomiendas in the Chachapoyas region. Encomiendaswere assigned on the basis of quipos that Guamanassembled, quipos thatwere probably the equivalent of the Inca census quipo found in the Lu-

paca province (EspinozaSoriano I969a: 299). The partitioningof the Inca

province of Chachapoyas into Spanishencomiendas was almost certainlybased on its decimal structure.

The degree of Inca involvementin shapinglocal political authority in

Chachapoyas might be extreme, but the events chronicled above suggest

that, even after the organization of a province, substantial change in itsdecimal structure might still be effected. Distance from Cuzco or lengthof time the area had been incorporated into the empire may not be as

important in determining the degree of formal change in the structureof local political authority as the relationship which developed betweenCuzco and a particularlocal population.

A study of these relationships is logically prior to the reconstruction

272








IncaDecimalAdministration 273

of the pre-Incapast by ethnohistoricalmeans. Given the difficulties of re-

constructing Inca administration, despite the nearness of Spanish admin-istrators to eyewitnesses and what would seem to be a compelling need tounderstand a fundamentally foreign order, extending our ethnohistorical

analysis to even earlier rounds of political organizationwill be an arduoustask. Our administrativesources only reflect the political organization of

the period in which they were written. We will require more power-ful ethnohistorical tools if our goal is to write an Andean history andnot simply look for broad cultural continuities (Murra I985a: Io; Pease

1978: 65).

The Incas did impose an administrativestructure of their own de-sign on the Andean area. Governed by a logic and principles that we can

only begin to detect, Inca decimal administration relied on local politicalauthority and, at the same time, transformedit into the structuralequiva-lent of provincial authority elsewhere. Far from the rigid and seeminglyutopian hierarchy described in the traditional historical sources, decimaladministration was the flexible instrument of Inca control. Native record-

keeping practice, as documented at the hands of local elites far from

Cuzco, is our best witness to Andean centralism before its usurpation by

Spanish forces.

Notes

I owe a debtof gratitudeo JohnRowe for encouragingme to writethis paper.Theproblemof decimaladministrationadoccupiedmythinking orsometime,andI was unable o be certainwhere heevidence eft off andmythinkingbeganuntilhe told me I had enoughevidence o makea case. The time had come toattempta reconstructionf decimaladministrationn broadoutlineform.My

thanksalsogo to PatriciaLyon oreditorialassistance.All Quechuaspellingshave beenhispanicized.The termInkarefersto theIncaemperor; hespelling ncarefers o thegroup.

i As lateas the eighteenth entury,he assessment f Huarochiriwas based onthe guarangaorganization mposedby the Incas,thoughno singleguarangacontained more than 300 tributaries(ANP I751: 45-I34, 98v-oo00). Icaparishrecords were also organizedby guarangaas late as the eighteenthcentury(Zambrano I970 [1732]: i).

2 An example maybe found in the Lupacaprovince.There,duplicatequiposrecording he last Incacensusof the province, o be discussedn this study,

were kept. The provincewas dividedadministrativelyn halves(hanansayaandhurinsaya).The official n chargeof each halfhad a copyof thecompleteInca census (Diez de San Miguel I964: 64, 74).

3 With two exceptions,all other amountsdistributed re the roundnumberclosestto theamountwhichresults rommultiplyinghetotal1,567obligationbythepercentagefAymara ouseholdselative o thetotalnumber fAymarahouseholds n the last Incacensus.

Juli/Hanansayaowed 45 minersand the Chinchaysuyumitimas,ac-








CatherineJ. Julien

counted with that unit in the last Inca census, owed 3, for a total of 48 (Diezde San

Miguel I964: 69).No such

separationwas noted in the distribution of

the tribute clothing obligation. When the percentageshare of the obligation tosend miners is calculated using 45 and not 48, the result is 9.o, a figurecloserto the 9.11 percentage of households classified as Aymara relative to the totalnumber of Aymara households in the Inca census (Table3).

The handling of Chucuito providesthe other exception. For the 1567 dis-

tribution, both Chucuito/Hanansaya and Chucuito/Hurinsaya appear to havebeen lumped together. The average number of Aymarahouseholds is I308.5,yielding a percentageof 8.29 of the total number of Aymarahouseholds in thelast Inca census. This percentage was apparentlyused to distribute the 1567tribute obligation (Table 3).

The Pacific coastal valley of Sama does not figure in the distribution ofmine labor service or the textile obligation, though a specific amount of silverwas required from that group in 1567 (ibid.).

Also, in the Lupaca province, tributarieswere classified as either Aymaraor Uru in the Inca census. Evidentlythe Lupacas ignored the Uru in the 1567distribution, but whether the matter was simply never in their hands or theywere pursuing a new course cannot be judged with the evidence at hand.Polo noted that the Uru group had been completely subjugatedto the Aymaracuracas, a situation which may have come about after the end of Inca rule

(Julien 1987: 6z).

4Several

Spanishadministratorswho had reason to know commented that the

Inca method of distribution was still in use. Fernandode Santillanspecificallynoted that the method of distribution involved decimal units (Santillan 1879

[1563]: 46-47; Romero 19z4: 203; Polo de Ondegardo 1940 [156i]: I44, 147-

50; 19I7 [1571]: 134-37). Franciscode Toledo tried, by ordinance, to end theuse of the Inca census in effecting distributions(LorenteI867: z15).

5 John Rowe brought to my attention that this visita was carried out in the

Spanish province of Le6n de Huanuco, a provincewhich did not include Inca

Huanuco, the present archaeological site of Huanuco Pampa. The visitas of

1549 and i56z dealt exclusively with two groups: the Chupachos and another,smaller group called the Yachas. These people were lumped together in an

Inca administrative unit, as evidenced by verbal testimony in the visita and thequipo under discussion here. For these reasons, I am referring to the quipoas the Chupacho quipo and to the group of Chupachos and Yachas recordedin it as the Chupacho unit. I am assuming here that the labor assignmentwas recorded on a quipo, as the text does not state specifically that a quipowas being read into the record. It almost certainlywas, and John Murra also

accepts this document as the readingof a quipo (Murra i98z: 240-44). Thereis no way to determine how long the Chupacho labor assignmenthad been ineffect. Referencesin the quipo to ThupaInca andHuayna Capac, the tenth andeleventh Inkas, indicate that the assessment was either made after the deathof

Huayna Capacor was an older

assignmentthat had been modified at that

time. The latter possibility is suggested by the entry for guardsfor the body of

Huayna Capac, which is clearly out of order and may have been tacked ontoan existing record.

6 The text is as follows:

La orden que se tenia en el contar de los indios es esta que el que eraenbiado de el inga que llamavan runa quipo era que en entrando en un

274









valle hazia juntar todos los sefiores e yndios del por sus guarangas y

pachacas y chungas ymandava traer alli los

quipos porsu orden de la

visita pasada haziendoles traer y asintar anquestuviesen a la muerte ydibidianlos en doze edades ... y sy via que la jente yva en abmento deque se pudiese hazer otro senor de guarangao de pachaca o chunga davaaviso y hazia todos sus quipos para el inga de todo esto de manera quecomo yva multiplicando la jente yvan haziendo senores.

Santillan (1879 [1563]: 23) describes this same official, referringto him withthe term runaypachac.

7 The text is as follows:

el ynga mando contary numirarajustarcon los yn[di]os deste rreyno con

la lana del cierbo. taruga enparexaua con una comida llamado quinuacontaua la quinua y los yn[di]os fue muy grande su avilidad mejor fuera[que] en papel y tinta.

8 The runaquipo should not be confused with the provincialgovernoror tocrico,a member of the Inca nobility who resided in the provinces and was chargedwith the care of Inca property held locally, with keeping the local elites inline, and perhaps with other tasks (Castro and Ortega Morej6n I974 [I558]:96, ioz; Cieza de Le6n I967 [1553]: 65-67; Guaman Poma de Ayala 1936[I615]: 307, 346; Santillan I879 [1563]: 17-19; Cobo 1964 [I653], [92]: II4).The runaquipo was only one of several officials who were sent by the central

administration to carry out some task in the provinces (Castro and OrtegaMorej6n I974 [I558]: 97-oo00; Guaman Poma de Ayala 1936 [I615]: 340-63).

9 Helmer 1957: 27-38; Diez de San Miguel 1964: 89; Murra 1978: 4I8-20;

Espinoza Soriano 1967: 33-39; Cieza de Le6n 1924 [I550]: 232; Julien 1983:74-77. This pattern of dispersion may also account for the mixing of deci-mal units noted by Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (1985: 402) forCajamarca.

o0 Cobo (1964 [1653], [92]: I09) notes that people resettled in newly conqueredprovinces were no longer subject to their provinces of origin. A specific casemay be found in Cajamarca.There, a guarangaof people from other highland

provinceswas

subjectto local

authorityand, presumably, abored on behalf ofCajamarca, while smaller units of people from the coast, including a pachacaof potters from Collique, were still subjectto theircoastal provinces (EspinozaSoriano 1970: I4-15).

11 Julien I98z: I35-4I. Statementslike those of the Charcasand others that theyprovided only one type of labor service suggest that the imposition of thestandard list of labor services may have been suspended in particular cases(Espinoza Soriano i969b: 24).

12 A man from Lampa had been overseer of the textile unit, and a man fromJuliaca divided clay among the ceramicproducers (Murra 1978: 420-21).

13 Of the age grades the Incasused for classifyingthe population, only households

headed by a male-female adult pair were subject to assessment (Castro andOrtega Morej6n I974 [I558]: 94; Santillan 1879 [I563]: 20-21; Rowe 1958:507).

14 Cieza de Leon 1924 [i55o]: 290; 1967 [I553]: 6-7, I38-4I; Julien 1983: 38-4I. Cieza gatheredhis information from local sources in the Qolla and Lupacaprovinces. Curiously, an Inca account of their own conquests makes no men-tion of the challenger, named Qari, suggesting that the Incas believed or came








CatherineJ. Julien

to believe that Qari was purely incidental to their defeat of the Qolla, and notas

importantas

manyother local lords

they singledout for mention in their

account (Sarmiento de Gamboa I906 [157z]: 76; Julien 1985: zi6-zo).

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Submitted 13 June 1986Accepted 25 November 1986Final revisions received 6 January 1988

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