gambling and problem gambling among indigenous peoples

Subsrance Use & Misuse, 32( 11). 1525-1538, 1997

Ethnicity and Gambling

Gambling and Problem Gambling among Indigenous Peoples

Rachel A. Volberg, Ph.D.,’I* and Max W. Abbott, Ph.D.*

Gemini Research, 310 Poplar Street, Roaring Spring, Pennsylvania 16673, USA 20ffice of the Dean, Faculty of Health Studies, Auckland Institute of Technology, Private

Bag 92006, Auckland, New Zealand

ABSTRACT

This paper compares results from studies of gambling and problem gambling among indigenous groups in New Zealand and in North Dakota. The samples for each of these studies included substantial numbers of indigenous respondents, and the methods used in these studies were similar enough to allow comparisons of Caucasian and indigenous groups from these two distinct cultures. Analysis shows that gambling involvement, gambling expenditures, and gambling-related problems are far higher among indigenous respondents than among Caucasian respondents in both New Zealand and North Da- kota. These comparisons suggest that differences between indigenous peoples and Caucasians in gambling behaviors may be due to factors distinct from culture or milieu.

Key words. Gambling; Problem gambling; Maori; Native Americans

*To whom requests for reprints should be addressed.

1525

Copyright 0 1997 by Marcel Dekker, Inc.

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1526 VOLBERG AND ABBOTT

INTRODUCTION

Gambling is an ancient form of recreation in nearly all human societies. In recent decades, as tax revenues declined and the costs of social programs increased, governments have looked increasingly to revenues from legal gambling to meet their budgetary needs (Volberg and Dickerson, 1996). In New Zealand, gambling was widespread during that country's period of European colonization in the early decades of the 19th Century. Since the mid-1980s there has been a rapid expansion of legal gambling in New Zealand. Follow- ing the introduction of new lottery games, video gaming machines, and telephone track betting, per capita expenditures on gambling doubled from 1988 to 1990 (New Zealand Department 01 Internal Affairs, 1990). The country's first casino opened in 1994 and nightly keno draws on national television com- menced recently. In addition to contributing to general taxation, increased gambling revenues in New Zealand have benefited a wide variety of community organizations, sport, and the arts (Grant, 1994).

In the United States, as in New Zealand, commercial gambling has increased rapidly in recent years. In 1976, only 13 states had lotteries and there were no casinos outside of Nevada (Commission on the Review of the National Policy Toward Gambling, 1976). Since that time, another 24 states have established lotteries, and these state-operated enterprises now offer a wide array of products. Casino gambling, on riverboats and in historic mining and manu- facturing communities, has been legalized by eight state governments. In 1988, passage of the federal Indian Gaming Regulatory Act established a framework to regulate gambling on Native American reservations (Rose, 1992). By 1995, 130 tribes in 24 states had entered into compacts to conduct casino operations. It is estimated that commercial gambling enterprises run by Native American tribes generated US$3.5 billion in 1995 (Christiansen, 1996). Gaming revenues have made possible a range of economic and social programs for Native Americans on reservations, including jobs, increased economic activity, and tax revenues (National Indian Gaming Commission, personal communication).

Despite great differences among indigenous peoples, * there are similarities in the conditions under which many of these groups live throughout the world. Poverty, unemployment, and dependence on welfare are widespread on reservation lands and among urban populations of colonized, indigenous peoples in many countries. As with other indigenous peoples, the Maori in New Zealand and Native Americans in the United States are similar in several respects. Both have been subject to a history of colonization and accompany- ing policies of economic exploitation. Today, both groups remain relatively

*The term "indigenous" refers to groups with a natural origin in a particular region or country, such as the Maori in New Zealand or Native American tribes in North America (Websrer, 1984).

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GAMBLING AND PROBLEM GAMBLING AMONG INDIGENOUS PEOPLES 1527

disadvantaged in socioeconomic terms. In the present study, Maori and Native Americans had relatively low levels of formal education and household income. Indigenous people in both countries also have higher unemployment rates and higher levels of morbidity and mortality on a wide range of indices. Particu- larly high rates of alcohol and substance misuse have been found among both groups (Andre, 1979; Durie, 1994; Leland, 1977; National Health Statistics Centre, 1993; Young, 1991).

While much has been made of the important economic benefits of gambling to Native American communities, little attention has been paid to the costs that may also be associated with this development. In the face of an international explosion of legal gambling, it seems reasonable to wonder what the effects of this expansion will be for indigenous groups in different countries. In 1991, the New Zealand Department of Internal Affairs funded a national prevalence study of gambling and problem gambling in the adult population (Abbott and Volberg, 1996). In 1992, the North Dakota Department of Human Services funded a prevalence survey of gambling and problem gambling in North Dakota (Volberg and Silver, 1993). The samples for each of these studied included a substantial proportion of indigenous respondents in each jurisdiction; Maori in New Zealand and Sioux and Chippewa in North Dakota. The methods and questionnaires used in these studies were similar enough to allow comparisons, for the first time, of Caucasian and indigenous samples from two distinct cultures. Comparisons of gambling involvement, gambling expenditures, and gambling-related problems among Caucasians and among the indigenous peoples living in the same jurisdictions serve to high- light differences and similarities that may be due to factors distinct from culture or milieu.

METHODS

Although the sampling strategies and the questionnaires in the New Zealand and North Dakota studies were similar, they were not identical. In this section, we first describe the sampling strategies used in the two studies. We then discuss the questionnaire that was used in each of the studies and, finally, we review the analytic approach used to compare the samples of Caucasian and indigenous respondents in New Zealand and North Dakota.

Sampling Strategy

New Zealand

A nationwide sampling of 3,933 people aged 18 years and older was ob- tained by random digit dialing of residential dwellings. At the time of the

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survey, approximately 95% of New Zealand households had telephones. Re- spondents within households were selected by asking to speak to the person with the “next birthday,” and only one person per dwelling was interviewed. Maori and Pacific Islanders, representing 12 and 4% of the population, respec- tively, are underrepresented by telephone sampling because of lower telephone ownership (approximately 80%). To correct for this, an additional 120 respondents were added to the sample using the same random digit dialing method but excluding respondents who were not Maori or Pacific Islanders.

All of the New Zealand respondents were interviewed in July and August 1991. The response rate was 66% which compares well with other health and social surveys carried out in New Zealand as well as with gambling surveys completed in the United States (Volberg, 1996).

North Dakota

In North Dakota, a random sample of 1,517 adults aged 18 and over was developed from a list of telephone numbers purchased from a reputable survey sampling company. Random selection of respondents within households, based on “last birthday,” was used. An additional sample of 400 Native American respondents involved a two-pronged approach intended to minimize the bias created by low rates of telephone ownership among Native Americans. All of the Native American respondents were selected from the four countries in North Dakota with the greatest proportions of Native American residents. The majority of interviews with Native American respondents (82 %) were conduced over the telephone. The remaining 18% of these respondents, Na- tive Americans without telephone service, were interviewed in person by Na- tive American interviewers. Native American respondents interviewed in person were significantly more likely to be under 30 years of age and to have annual household incomes under $25,000 than Native American respondents interviewed by telephone.

Data collection in North Dakota was conducted in November and Decem- ber 1992. The response rate for the North Dakota general population sample was 65% while the response rate for the Native American sample was 6096, both of which are within the accepted range for this type of survey.

Questionnaire

The questionnaire for both the New Zealand and the North Dakota surveys was composed of three major sections. The first section included questions about different types of gambling. Involvement in all types of legal and illegal gambling was assessed. For each type of gambling, respondents were

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asked whether they had ever tried this type of gambling, whether they had tried it in the past 6 months in New Zealand or in the past year in North Dakota, and whether they participated once a week or more in this type of gambling. The second section of the questionnaire was composed of the weighted items of the South Oaks Gambling Screen. In addition to the original weighted items, which were all framed as lifetime measures (Lesieur and Blume, 1987), each item that received a positive response was asked again framed as a current measure (current items were framed in the past 6 months in New Zealand and in the past year in North Dakota). The final section of the questionnaire included questions about demographics. The questionnaire was pretested in both New Zealand and North Dakota to enhance coherence, clarity. and comprehen- sion.

Analysis

To carry out the analysis reported here, we joined the data from New Zealand and North Dakota and then selected for Caucasian, Maori, and Na- tive American respondents. In North Dakota, a small proportion of the general population sample was Native Americans (N = 34) and these individuals were included with other Native American respondents. Chi-square analysis was used to identify statistically significant differences between the Caucasian and indigenous samples from each jurisdiction in terms of demographics, gambling involvement, and rates of gambling-related problems as measured by the South Oaks Gambling Screen. Since the comparison of interest is between Caucasian and indigenous groups within each country. no attempt was made to adjust figures for household income or gambling expenditures to reflect the currency of one country or the other. In the tables, an asterisk indicates findings that are significant at or above the 0.01 level of confidence.

RESULTS

Comparison of the Caucasian and indigenous groups from New Zealand and North Dakota shows that there are substantial differences between these groups in both jurisdictions. Indigenous respondents from both countries are substantially younger and less likely to be married than Caucasian respondents. Indigenous respondents from both countries are significantly less likely to have completed secondary education (high school in the United States and Sixth Form in New Zealand) and significantly more likely to have low annual household incomes than Caucasian respondents.

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Gambling Participation

Overall, lifetime gambling participation is much higher in New Zealand (95%) than in North Dakota (82%). However, differences between indigenous and Caucasian respondents within each jurisdiction in lifetime gambling participation are not significant. In New Zealand, the most popular types of gambling among both Caucasian and indigenous respondents are lotto, raffles and charitable games, instant lottery games, and bets with friends. In North Da- kota, the most popular type of gambling among both Caucasian and indigenous respondents is raffles. Next in popularity among Caucasian respondents are pulltabs and bingo (similar to "housie" in New Zealand) while this order is reversed among indigenous respondents.

The mean number of gambling activities ever tried is slightly higher in New Zealand among Maori respondents (5.42) than among Caucasian respondents (5.23) and slightly lower in North Dakota among Native American respondents (4.48) than among Caucasian respondents (4.82). However, the mean number of weekly gambling activities is significantly higher among indigenous respondents than among Caucasian respondents in both jurisdictions. The mean number of weekly gambling activities among Caucasians in New Zealand is 0.75 while the mean number of weekly gambling activities among the Maori is 0.88. The mean number of weekly gambling activities among Caucasians in North Dakota is 0.47 while the mean number of weekly gambling activities among the North Americans is 0.85.

While other methods may be better suited for understanding complex behaviors, a simple method suggests how likely respondents who have ever tried a gambling activity are to become regular players. A conversion rate is cal- culated by dividing the number of respondents who say that they gamble once a week or more on each type of gambling by the number of respondents who have ever tried that type of gambling. Table 1 shows that the number of types of gambling whose conversion rate exceeds 10% is much higher among indigenous respondents (6 among Native Americans and 4 among Maori) than among Caucasian respondents in both New Zealand and North Dakota (1 among North Dakotans and 2 among New Zealanders).

Gambling Expenditures

Another way to assess involvement in gambling is to examine how much people report spending on different types of gambling. Table 2 shows differences in reported expenditures on specific types of gambling as well as total reported expenditures on gambling for Caucasian and indigenous respondents in each jurisdiction. This table shows that there are significant differences

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Table 1.

Conversion from Lifetime to Weekly Gambling of Caucasian and Indigenous Gamblers

New Zealand North Dakota

Caucasian Indigenous Caucasian Indigenous Type of gambling (N = 3,311) (N = 308) (N = 1,199) (N = 367)

Lotto Pulltabs Instant lottery Raffles and charitable Housie or bingo Horses or dogs Gaming machines Card games for money Dice games for money Bets with friends

47.9%

16.9% 7.8% 3.2% 7.8% 7.6% 3.5% 1.5% 3.9%

- 46.9%

17.5% 10.7% 16.5% 8.7% 7.4% 7.8%

5.0% -

NS

NS NS

NS NS NS NS NS

*

5.3% 4.4% 3.4% 7.8% 0.7% 1.3% 7.0% 0.8% 10.7%

- 11.5% 4.7% 9.3% 28.0% 10.1% 9.9% 19.6% 12.9% 18.0%

* NS * * * * * *

NS

*An asterisk indicates findings that are significant at or above the 0.01 level of confidence.

between indigenous and Caucasian respondents in both jurisdictions in estimated monthly expenditures on many types of gambling. In New Zealand, differences in expenditures are greatest for wagering on lotto and “housie.” In North Dakota, differences in expenditures are greatest for bingo and card games. In

Table 2.

Reported Monthly Expenditures on Gambling by Caucasian and Indigenous Gamblers


Caucasian Indigenous Caucasian Indigenous Type of gambling (N = 3,311) (N = 308) (N = 1,199) (N = 367)

~

* - - Lotto $12.23 $17.11 Pulltabs - - $6.37 $11.63 NS Instant lottery $3.35 $4.98 * $0.99 $1.09 NS Raffles and charitable $2.79 $4.13 * $4.39 $7.46 * Housie or bingo $0.56 $3.52 * $4.38 $35.28 * Horses or dogs $4.68 $7.42 NS $0.99 $4.69 * Gaming machines $1.62 $1.65 NS $5.42 $6.91 NS Card games for money $0.85 $1 S O * $4.64 $17.04 * Casino gaming $0.47 $0.52 NS $1.08 $0.87 NS Dice games for money $0.17 $0.18 NS $0.26 $2.55 * Bets with friends $1.19 $3.15 * $1.63 $3.32 * Other types of gambling $0.% $0.70 NS $0.60 $0.11 NS Mean total expenditures $28.84 $44.86 * $30.76 $90.97 * *An asterisk indicates findings that are significant at or above the 0.01 level of confidence.

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both New Zealand and North Dakota, total monthly expenditures on gambling are significantly higher among indigenous respondents than among Caucasian respondents.

Problem Gambling among Indigenous Peoples

While there are challenges to using the same tool to assess gambling difficulties in different countries, the strength of this approach lies in the comparability that becomes possible across jurisdictions (Walker and Dickerson, 1996). To maintain comparability with other studies, established criteria for discriminating between nonproblem gamblers and problem and probable pathological gamblers were used with Caucasian and indigenous respondents from both New Zealand and North Dakota (Lesieur and Blume, 1987). Respondents scoring 3 or 4 points on the lifetime South Oaks Gambling Screen were classified as “lifetime problem gamblers” while those scoring 5 or more points were classified as “lifetime probable pathological gamblers. Respondents scoring 3 or 4 points on the current South Oaks Gambling Screen were classified as ”current problem gamblers” while those scoring 5 or more points were classified as “current probable pathological gamblers. In New Zealand the current measure was 6 months, while in North Dakota the current measure was the past year. Table 3 shows that indigenous respondents are significantly more likely to score as lifetime and current problem and probable pathological gamblers than Caucasian respondents in both New Zealand and North Dakota.

While Caucasian problem and probable pathological gamblers are more likely to be male than Caucasian respondents who have ever gambled, indig-

Table 3.

Prevalence of Lifetime and Current Problem and Probable Pathological Gambling

Prevalence


Caucasian Indigenous Caucasian Indigenous (N = 3,456) (N = 323) (N = 1,465) ( N = 434)

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ ~~ ~ ~

* Lifetime problem 3.0% 8.7% 2.5% 7.1% * Lifetime probable

pathological 1.7% 5.9% * 0.8% 7.1% * Current problem (NZ = 6M) 1.4% 4.6% * 1.3% 5.8% * Current probable pathological

* (NZ = 6M) 0.6% 2.2% 0.5% 6.6% * *An asterisk indicates tindings that are significant at or above the 0.01 level of confidence.

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enous problem and probable pathological gamblers are more likely to be fe- male than indigenous respondents who have ever gambled in both jurisdictions. Differences in age and marital status among Caucasian and indigenous problem and probable pathological gamblers are not significant in either New Zealand or North Dakota. In both jurisdictions, lifetime problem and probable pathological gamblers are significantly more likely to be under the age of 30 and unmarried than respondents who have ever gambled.

There are significant differences between Caucasian and indigenous problem and probable pathological gamblers with respect to educational attainment in North Dakota and with respect to household income in both North Dakota and New Zealand. While Caucasian and indigenous problem and probable pathological gamblers in both countries have lower education and lower annual household income than respondents who have ever gambled, indigenous problem and probable pathological gamblers are significantly more likely to have low annual household incomes in both countries than Caucasian problem and probable pathological gamblers. Indigenous problem and probable pathological gamblers in North Dakota are significantly less likely to have graduated from high school than Caucasian problem and probable pathological gamblers.

There are few significant differences in the gambling involvement of indigenous and Caucasian problem and probable pathological gamblers in North Dakota and New Zealand. While purchases of instant lottery tickets are lower among Maori than among Caucasian problem and probable pathological gamblers in New Zealand, such sales are significantly higher among Native Ameri- can than among Caucasian problem and probable pathological gamblers in North Dakota. While participation in bingo (or “housie” in New Zealand) is higher among indigenous problem and probable pathological gamblers in both countries, this difference only attains significance among the North Dakota respondents.

Lifetime participation in wagering on horse or dog races is significantly higher among Caucasian than among Maori problem and probable pathological gamblers in New Zealand. Wagering on card games is significantly higher among Caucasian than among Native American problem and probable pathological gamblers in North Dakota. Wagering on casino games is significantly higher among Caucasian than among indigenous problem and probable pathological gamblers in both countries.

There is only one significant difference in reported expenditures on different types of gambling by Caucasian and indigenous problem and probable pathological gamblers. In both countries, indigenous problem and probable pathological gamblers report spending significantly greater amounts on bingo (or “housie”) than Caucasian problem and probable pathological gamblers.

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DISCUSSION

The most striking findings in the present study are that indigenous peoples in two different countries, Native Americans in North Dakota in the United States and Maori in New Zealand, are much more likely than their Caucasian counterparts to gamble on a regular basis, to report spending more money on gambling activities, and to have significantly higher current and lifetime prevalence rates for problem and pathological gambling.

Problem gamblers in most jurisdictions are significantly more likely than other gamblers or nongamblers to be young, minority blue-collar males. Com- bined with the stresses that are part of the life of young minority men, gambling on dice, sports, at casinos, or on locally available gaming machines present a challenging opportunity to get some action, beat the system, demon- strate some control over their lives, and gain prestige among their friends (Volberg et al., 1996). While indigenous problem and pathological gamblers in both New Zealand and North Dakota are more likely to be women than problem gamblers elsewhere, the conditions of their lives are not very different from those of young, minority men in urban areas throughout the United States.

Regular participation in gambling, young age, unemployment, and low educational attainment have all been shown to be strong predictors of problem and probable pathological gambling in the general population (Abbott and Volberg, 1996; Volberg, 1994, 1996; Volberg and Abbott, 1994). Further work is needed to determine to what extent higher prevalence rates among indigenous populations are a consequence of these factors rather than other factors more specifically related to cultural, or perhaps even genetic, differences. Comparisons with a wider variety of ethnic groups, including other ethnic minorities such as Pacific Island and Asian populations, would be helpful in this regard.

High levels of gambling problems have been documented previously among Native Americans in treatment programs for alcoholism and other forms of drug dependence (Elia and Jacobs, 1993). The possibility that indigenous pathological gamblers have high degrees of comorbidity, especially with alcohol and substance misuse, requires further investigation in community and clini- cal settings.

Maori and Native American populations remain disadvantaged in economic, social, and health terms. Commercial gaming, including casino gambling, has been viewed by many North American Indian communities and some Maori iwi (tribal groups) as well as the national Maori Congress as a major means by which economic and social goals can be advanced. From the findings of the present study, it appears that these indigenous groups are likely to be vulnerable to the development of serious gambling difficulties. While gam-

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bling may provide much-needed revenue and employment to indigenous communities, it also has the potential to cause greatly elevated levels of community distress and disruption. To what extent such adversity can be prevented, ameliorated, or treated by measures designed for these purposes remains to be determined.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The research reported here was funded by the New Zealand Department of Internal Affairs and the North Dakota Department of Human Services, Division of Mental Health Services. The authors would like to thank A. J. W. Taylor of Victoria University of Wellington, Margaret DeJoux of the New Zealand Department of Internal Affairs and the National Research Bureau, Ltd., in New Zealand, as well as Daryl Gronfur of the Compulsive Gambling Council of North Dakota, Mark Winkelman of Precision Marketing, and Sam Ismir of the North Dakota Department of Human Services, Division of Men- tal Health Services in North Dakota.

The contribution of the individuals who agreed to be interviewed for the research projects in New Zealand and North Dakota must be recognized. Our understanding of the international nature of gambling and problem gambling has been greatly enhanced by their contributions.

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RESUMEN

Este articulo compara 10s resultados tanto de 10s estudios del juego como del problema del juego entre grupos indigenas en Nueva Zelanda y en Dakota del Norte. Los ejemplos de cada uno de estos estudios incluyen un numero con- siderable de indigenas que repondieron, y 10s mkthodos usdos en ambos estudios fueron lo bastante similares como para permitir comparaciones entre 10s grupos caucisios y 10s indigenas precedentes de estas dos culturas inconfundbiles. Los anilisis indican que tanto el enredo en el juego, como 10s gastos y problemas relacionados con el mismo son mucho miis altos entre 10s indigenas que entre 10s cauciisios que respondieron tanto en Nueva Zelanda como en Dakota del Norte. Estas comparciones sugieren que las diferencias en a1 comportamiento del juego entre las gentes indigenas y caucisiacas pueden ser debidas a elemtos distintos de la cultura o del ambiente.

RESUME

Cette Ctude fait une comparaison entre les risultants obtenus par des recherches sur le jeu eet ses problkmes qui apparaissent, particulikrement chez les groupes indigknes et habitants de la Nouvelle-Zklande ou du Dakota du Nord. Le Cchantillons de chacune de ses etudes incluaient un nombre substaniel de indigenes sondCs, et les mdthodes employt5es pour ces recherches Ctaient assez

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similaires pour pouvoir se permettre des comparaisons entre des groupes caucasiens et indigknes des ces deux cultures distinctes. L’analyse nous montre que l’implication dans le jeu, les dtpenses relatives au jeu ainsi que les problkmes liCs au jeu sont plus ClevCs parmi les indigknes sondes que les caucasiens, et ceci aussi bien en Nouvelle-ZClande qu’au Dakota du Nord. Ces comparisons dkmontraient que les differences entres les populations indigenes et caucasiennes, en ce qui concerne leur comportement du jeu, peuvent &tre dfis a d’autres facteurs que la culture ou l’environement social.

THE AUTHORS

Rachel A. Volberg, Ph.D., is Presi- dent of Gemini Research, a company which specializes in studies of gambling and problem gambling in the general population. Dr. Volberg has been involved in research on this topic since 1985 and has directed or consulted on nearly all of the prevalence surveys of problem gambling carried out in the United States and Canada. Dr. Volberg sits on the Board of Directors of the National Council on Problem Gambling in the

United States and serves as Chair of the Council’s Research Committee. Dr. Volberg has published extensively, presented papers at national and international conferences, and testified before legislative committees in states and provinces throughout North America.

Max W. Abbott, Ph.D., is Dean of the Faculty of Health Studies, Auckland Institute of Technology, and Past President and currently Deputy Secretary General (Special Projects) of the World Federation for Mental Health. From 1981 to 1991 he was Director of the Mental Health Foun- dation of New Zealand. He has served on a variety of governmental, quasi-governmental, and national vol- untary sector organizations and advi-

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1538 VOLBERG AND ABBO'IT

sory bodies. He has organized national and international health conferences and has over 100 publications on a variety of applied social science and mental health topics. He was awarded the New Zealand 1990 Commonwealth Medal for Services to New Zealand.

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gambling and problem gambling among indigenous peoples

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