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    261

    CHAPTER 5

    EMBEDDED COLONIALITY IN

    THE FLOWER MAREKT:

    THE CASE OF HERITAGE PRESERVATION

    AND REVITALISATION

    Is the new plan just for the purposes of flower selling? Why should the URA decide

    the local characteristics of this district?

    (A forum participant of URAs Mong Kok Flower Market preservation project)

    5.1 Chapter Introduction

    Due to keen global competition, cities increasingly value their local culture

    as a source of competitive advantage in city branding practices. Many cities,

    including Hong Kong, are currently facing an intense interest in cultural heritage.

    Heritage conservation 79 is seemingly irreconcilable with development or

    modernisation. At the same time, world-wide agencies, such as United Nations

    Educational and Scientific Organisation 80 (UNESCO) and the World Bank 81 are

    79 Heritage preservation or conservation is very a common way to maintain local culturalcharacteristics. It is worthwhile to differentiate the terms conservation and preservation toclarify different concepts and the underlying understanding of governments work. According tothe Burra Charter , conservation refers to all the processes of looking after a place so as toretain its value or cultural significance, whereas preservation applies to a situation where a

    place is kept in its existing state with a minimum level of interference except to prevent or retarddeterioration (Australia ICOMOS).80 UNESCOs mission is to contribute to the building of peace, the eradication of poverty,sustainable development and intercultural dialogue through education, the sciences, culture,communication and information.http://www.unesco.org/new/en/unesco/about-us/who-we-are/introducing-unesco/ 81

    For example, Michael M. Cernea, a Research Professor of Anthropology at GeorgeWashington University and former World Bank senior director for Social Policy and Sociology,argues that the World Bank as an international development agency has paid more attention to

    http://www.unesco.org/new/en/unesco/about-us/who-we-are/introducing-unesco/http://www.unesco.org/new/en/unesco/about-us/who-we-are/introducing-unesco/http://www.unesco.org/new/en/unesco/about-us/who-we-are/introducing-unesco/
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    262

    actively involved in the promotion and retention of cultural heritage within the

    region. Heritage preservation could be a way to improve economic performance

    and to embrace local culture. The government commissioned the URA to

    conduct a preservation-cum-revitalisation project in the Mong Kok Flower

    Market. However, the major problem mentioned by residents, florists and

    passers-by remains unsolved: heritage preservation and revitalisation conducted

    by the government over-emphasises the architectural value of buildings, and

    neglects to pay enough attention to local people, their culture and way of life.

    Evidence shows that coloniality is embedded in this process because planning

    decisions are made from the top down, relying on assumptions and values long

    held by the colonial government. Limited consultation was held with the local

    residents. My research found that the Planning Department, the executive arm of

    the TPB, twisted the district councillors negative comments about the URA plan

    in the TPBs report in order to facilitate the process of heritage preservation. This

    chapter mainly argues that the traditional consultation procedure on planning for

    the area did not give enough voice to businessmen and residents being affected

    by the governments plan. Embedded coloniality is hidden in the structure of this

    heritage preservation-cum-revitalisation process. I want to argue that what is

    necessary in this situation is to respect peoples voices and to empower them to

    do the planning in a participatory manner, which is part of the overall process of

    decolonisation and democratisation.

    social development and the value of culture in its policies and projects. He argues that everystage in the World Banks project cycle engages a different set of socio-cultural variables andissues that must be addressed, there are values, attitudes and expectations to be known and takeninto account. And that at every such stage of the project cycle, a good social specialists wouldhave specific, and distinct, functional tasks to perform (Cernea 8). He argues for providing

    financial investment support to the cultural sector itself and at integrating it with economysmainstream sectors, particularly financial support for better management of a countrys culturalendowments and physical cultural patrimony ( ibid 16).

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    263

    At the same time, the manipulation of culture, and the simplification of

    local culture by mainstream discourse of neoliberal developmentalism goes

    against what culture should be in accordance with the UNESCO definition,

    which refers to the whole complex of distinctive, spiritual, material, intellectual

    and emotional features that characterise a society or social group. It includes not

    only the arts and letters, but also modes of life, the fundamental rights of the

    human being, value systems, traditions and beliefs (United Nation Educational,

    Scientific and Conservation Organisation). This comprehensive redefinition of

    culture is a product of post-World War Two democratisation processes, when

    anti-colonial movements transform ex-colonies into new nations leading to the

    rethinking of what culture is for the ex-colonisers and ex-colonised, the rise of

    civil rights movements that question dominant ideologies, the democratisation of

    education through open universities etcetera, together, brought about the

    inclusion of the culture of everyday life as part of the understanding of culture

    (Williams b 3). Ironically, unlike this recent democratisation of the concept of

    culture, the present transformation of culture in the age of neoliberal

    development in Hong Kong goes interestingly in the opposite direction:

    following the trajectory of the Chinese definition of cultivation as being

    real-estate focused, we now see a transformation of culture into what Alice Poon

    has described as a collusion between government and the property cartel (Poon

    14). While the governments gesture of preserving cultural heritage enhances

    capital flow, it rarely considers preserving the culture of ordinary people, and to

    provide a chance for others to rediscover the diversified values of everyday life

    culture. In contrast, the government preserves architectural heritage in the name

    of a culture of enhanced capital flow.

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    264

    5.2 Heritage from Below

    Allowing and supporting the agency of local people to offer their own

    history a chance is the latest trend in heritage studies. In other words, buildings

    of ordinary people should be treasured for their social value. David C. Harvey

    argues that the history of heritage tends to inevitably focus upon the larger

    identity politics of heritage control at an official level. However, Harvey reminds

    us that we should not neglect the importance of personal and local heritage, or

    what he called small heritage 82 (Harvey 20). This means that heritage

    preservation is not just about grand narratives, and that buildings of ordinary

    people have their own value and should be preserved. Heritage preservation

    could therefore be treated as a chance to review how different stakeholders

    interpret heritage differently. According to Holtorf cited in Harvey, Holtorf ( ibid

    20) argues that heritage is often a vehicle, rather than merely a site, where

    cultural memory and various phenomena of cultural history reside. Cultural

    memory comprises the collective understanding of the past as they are held by a

    people in any given social and historical context ( ibid 21). Ideas of cultural

    memory are, therefore, laden with politics and power relationships as statements

    about the past become meaningful through becoming embedded within the

    cultural and material context of a particular time. Harvey further argues that the

    sense of purpose with which people remember the past serves to underline the

    importance of understanding how people situate themselves with respect to the

    future. In this respect, heritage may be understood in terms of a prospective

    memory, as tokens that represent a desired future. Heritage provides a sense of

    82 Although some judgments might be associated with the terminology small heritage, smallin this case refers to heritage of ordinary people and is opposed to big heritage, that is, the

    heritage of the elites; but it does not mean it is insignificant. The value of personal and localheritage also tells the history of the building, the class of the people, the place and the culturalmemory that will be discussed in the next paragraph.

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    265

    purpose, and this purpose changes over time. Harvey further argues that the

    history of heritage is a history of the present, or a historical narrative of endless

    succession of presents, in which the heritage can have no terminal point. The

    recognition of heritage as malleable, present-centred and future-oriented appears

    to be the central issue in Harveys project. Harvey attempts to sketch a historical

    narrative of how the heritage process has been deployed, articulated and

    consumed through time 83. He quotes from Holtorf:

    all archaeologists theory for understanding megalithic monuments can be

    read as theories about different prospective memories prospective

    memories for the future that draw upon a reservoir of symbolic capital (or

    heritage) from the past ( ibid 23).

    In other words, different archaeologists view heritage differently according

    to the values of their particular period of time, yet most of the heritage preserved

    belonged to the elites. Cultural memory is important in shaping the intangible

    value of a place. Harvey further argues that despite George Orwells 84 statement

    that history is produced by the winners in society in order to support their moral,

    political and economic authority, heritage conservation or preservation today

    often appears to be led by the losers in society. It appears that greater cogency

    and value has been given to the heritage of those who have been deprived of

    agency, who are the downtrodden, the exploited and the defeated. It implies that

    83 Harvey uses an example of Avebury in England to explain the important transitions in howofficial heritage is carried out, from obsession over site, or over art factual integrity, to viewingemotion and embodied practice as legitimate and valuable vehicles through which the historycultures is practiced. At the same time, developments and control of technology went hand inhand with developments over how heritage was produced and consumed. Harvey describes that

    there were great changes in the politics of production and consumption, engaging with questionsof access to the means to promote, display and enjoy heritage.84 George Orwell (1903-1950) is an English novelist and journalist.

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    the agency of ordinary people is being treasured. As a result, people start to

    celebrate small heritage, where resistance to the official order is necessary.

    Harvey argues that heritage is used in

    the promotion of a consensus version of history by state-sanctioned cultural

    institutions and elites to regulate cultural and social tensions in the present.

    On the other hand, heritage may also be a resource that is used to challenge

    and redefine received values and identities by a range of subaltern groups

    (ibid 33).

    In other words, heritage is a cultural resource that allows us to revisit and

    redefine our existing values and identities. Harveys usage of the subaltern

    group refers to underprivileged people, associated with Spivaks concept of the

    subaltern. In this light, preservation of small heritage means that the

    government recognises quotidian culture and value the importance of everyday

    life.

    Tong Lau ( ) is Hong Kongs version of heritage from below. Tong

    Lau could be called a tenement house, a shophouse or a verandah-type

    shophouse. As described by Lee Ho Yin, a heritage conservation specialist

    practicing in Hong Kong,

    Tong Lau belongs to the generic urban shophouse typology found in

    predominantly Chinese cities in Southern China and Southeast Asia, such as

    Hong Kong, Guangzhou, Macao, Singapore and Penang. It is a typology

    that has infused with material, construction and living traditions of Southern

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    Chinese in 19th-century urban centres, particularly towns and cities in

    Guangdong and Fujian provinces. The prototype of this typology is the 19th

    century urban shophouse of Southern China. Tong Lau in Hong Kong

    has been referred to as tenement house. (It is) in response to the

    critical shortage of living quarters to accommodate the rising population.

    Such a situation became more severe from the 1930s to the 1960s, when

    mass influx of refugees escaping from war and political turmoil in mainland

    China arrived in Hong Kong. The introduction of a public housing policy

    and the construction of large-scale public housing estates that began in the

    1950s eventually alleviated the tenement housing problem in Tong Lau to a

    large degree (Lee Ho Yin 1).

    Tong Lau consists of a row of four attached house units, each of which

    consists of a shop on the ground floor and residential quarters on upper floors.

    The characteristic form of the shophouse reflects a number of influencing factors:

    from exposure to Western architectural aesthetics in a British colony, to local

    building regulations, high land and property prices, and an ever-increasing

    population. All these factors contribute to the characteristics of the narrow width

    of the shophouse, typically of 13-16 feet, employing a Chinese-style column for

    the floor and roof beams (University of Hong Kong, Department of Architecture

    3). According to Hong Kongs Building Regulations, a building that is used for

    tenement housing refers to any building in the domestic part of which any living

    room is intended or adapted for the use of more than one tenant or sub-tenant. In

    this regulation, living room means any room intended or adapted as a place for

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    cooking or sleeping 85 . The occurrence of small heritage refers to the

    celebration of diversity and the multi-cultural qualities of a place. Some Tong

    Lau buildings in the vicinity of the flower market are preserved by the URA and

    will be illustrated shortly after the discussion on culture and heritage.

    5.3 Culture and Heritage

    Culture and heritage are highly interlinked, and when preserving a heritage,

    its culture and social context should also be preserved. A government could

    embrace local culture in a well-designed heritage preservation project. Ron Van

    Oers, Programme Specialist for Culture for UNESCO in the World Heritage

    Centre, provides another angle on preserving urban historical landscape. He

    argues that in the case of threats to the values and integrity of historic urban

    landscapes, and as opposed to uncontrolled urban development or large-scale

    planned development, a clear emphasis on targeted urban regeneration projects

    that use the projects locations in or around the heritage site to attract attention,

    investment and visitors might create negative effects. He has argued that there is

    nothing wrong with this situation, as long as the sites are not jeopardised or

    destroyed in the process of urban regeneration (van Oers 44). Nonetheless, in the

    example of Hong Kongs urban regeneration, the flow of tourists and

    investments on a scale and nature inappropriate to the context, ironically in the

    name of preservation, intensifies the destruction of the urban fabric and social

    life of the local people.

    Van Oers argues that heritage preservation allows people to revisit the

    85 This definition is written in Hong Kong Law Chapter 123F Building (Planning) Regulations,Section 46 called Tenement House.

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    importance of the city. In this sense, it is the community and lifestyle that should

    be studied and revisited. It ought to be a way to recognise the value of the whole

    community first, before thinking of what can be preserved. Also, conservationists

    should think of how the local community could adapt to the intervention of

    heritage preservation (Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, Development

    Bureau b). In this sense, Van Oers urges people to revisit local culture first,

    before thinking of what to be preserved and how. However, how to involve the

    community and to incorporate local knowledge into the plan is the key issue for

    a holistic approach to heritage preservation. I argue that heritage preservation

    should not only stand at the management level, but that we must think further of

    how consensus could be reached among different parties in the community. In

    Section 5.9, I will challenge the validity of the public consultation in the heritage

    preservation process in the flower market, and examine how the government

    might not be able to fully address the needs of ordinary people. At the same time,

    the traditional role of consultation by the DC has loopholes because, as shown in

    the flower market preservation project, the district councillors opinion was

    distorted during the discussion process. The role of public consultation through

    the DC is questionable. In this light, a limited role for public consultation

    contributes to the destruction of the culture of the place to a certain degree

    because there is limited public voices and contribution, not to mention the lack

    of community consensus (More discussion will be held in Section 5.9.2). The

    conservation and development procedures seem to be very sophisticated, but

    they could not incorporate the voices of ordinary people. More investigation is

    conducted in the following sections on heritage preservation in the flower

    market.

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    Celebrating vernacular culture could be a way to embrace local identity and

    to improve the living conditions of local people through a creative re-use of the

    heritage buildings. Chang and Teo argue that

    [t]he vernacular is important as it speaks of the socioeconomic history of a

    city, provides the requisite urban colour and charm and, as we have seen in

    Singapore, an outlet for the creative expression of local identity. However,

    the vernacular is a dynamic concept, evolving over time and across space,

    and possessing different meanings across different social groups We

    have argued that heritages and traditions are inherently unstable and are

    always creatively reworked, reused and contested in multiple ways. The

    process of creative destruction is inevitable in creative cities. Landscape

    and land uses will always give way to new ones, or be transformed in

    different and surprising manners to cater to emerging needs, lifestyles and

    people ... Amidst this turbulence, we must keep in mind a number of

    questions if we are to treasure quality of life and liveability, instead of

    only focusing on quality of place and aesthetics. For example, questions

    like: who is allowed access into the new spaces of creativity shaped by and

    for members of the creative class? How do tourists and local people benefit

    equitably from the development of creative urban quarters? And how are

    local customs, traditions and communities adapted in the evolving city, and

    for whom? It is these questions that must inform planners, researchers and

    commentators if we are to create and develop cities that are inclusionary

    and democratic (Chang, and Teo 363-364).

    Chang and Teos understanding on vernacular heritage admits that there is a

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    process of creative destruction in changing heritage landscapes and adapting it

    to contemporary use. However, Chang and Teo assert that heritage and

    development do not counter each other, but are in a complementary relationship.

    It should improve peoples lives through a more inclusive and democratic

    manner, because preservation of a vernacular building directly affects ordinary

    peoples culture. Good heritage preservation practices should embrace local

    culture and become a platform for the celebration of diverse local cultural

    identities.

    5.4 Polemical Relations of Development and

    Conservation in Hong Kong

    Developmentalism in Hong Kong is so extreme that even a seemingly

    unpolitical terrain, such as flower cultivation and heritage preservation of

    Chinese buildings, becomes a favourable condition for local land developers to

    expand their business interests, but at the cost of suppressing local culture and

    socio-economic needs of ordinary people. In the context of Hong Kong,

    development and conservation have a polemical relationship. Donald Tsang Yam

    Kuen, the Chief Executive (CE) of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region

    between 2005 and 2012, offers an official version of this paradoxical relationship between development and conservation. Tsang argues:

    Hong Kong never stands still. We invest heavily in infrastructure to

    modernise our city, improve the living environment, to maintain our global

    competitiveness and most important, to create jobs. But, there comes a time

    during the course of a citys development and evolution when we need to

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    stop and ask: Have we gone too far? Have we done too much? Have

    we lost some part of the soul of our city? A progressive city treasures its

    own culture and history along with its unique character and living

    experience. In recent years there have been higher public expectations on

    the Government to preserve our built heritage. This has made us think hard

    about how we can best balance the development needs of a modern

    metropolis such as Hong Kong with the demands - and need - to conserve

    our heritage Hong Kong is a dynamic city, and it has always been my

    view that historic buildings here should not be just preserved as if they were

    antiquities or a museum exhibit. We believe they should be given a new

    lease of life which will benefit the public. In 2008 we launched the

    Revitalising Historic Buildings Through Partnership Scheme. This allows

    non-profit-making organisations to submit proposals for the adaptive re-use

    of Government-owned historic buildings in the mode of social enterprise,

    and to transform these historic buildings into unique cultural landmarks

    (Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, Information Services

    Department h).

    Tsangs view of development and conservation implies the assumption that

    the government treasures economic development and job creation. Even for

    heritage preservation, architectural preservation is emphasised. Engaging with

    the history of a place and the life of ordinary people is not a focus for the

    government. Even in heritage conservation, the economic value of using heritage

    buildings to operate in a viable way according to the market is the main concern

    for preservation from the governments perspective. As demonstrated in Section

    5.11.2, I will explain how the government provides economic incentive to land

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    developers to help in heritage preservation in the name of encouraging the

    society to have financial viable heritage preservation. In contrast to Hong Kongs

    operational logic of developmentalism, according to Some Notes on the

    Preservation of Cultural Heritage in a Globalised World prepared by UNESCO,

    society must accept the fact that not everything is excavatable, accessible or

    marketable, and that the non-consumable dimensions of a historic site are to be

    respected. In this way, preservation also means limitation. Cultural heritage has a

    right to be protected from the superficially-levelling clutches of the tourism

    industry, and to be protected from a sight-seeing culture. Also, a forced

    restoration approach invariably means a loss of substance and damage. It is

    important to re-emphasise here the fundamental principle of the Charter of

    Venice, which stresses the point that preservation of cultural heritage is of

    primarily importance and requires continuous care. Practice-oriented strategies

    for monitoring, maintaining and sustaining care do not yet exist and constitute

    one of the most important tasks for the future (Bacher 9). The contrasting

    understanding of development and heritage conservation implies the government

    pays little attention to the culture of local places and ordinary people, but instead

    focuses on economic development which neglects the need for a decolonising

    process in society. Rather, it operates according to the logic of the British

    colonisers who sought to develop the society continuously in terms of economic

    progress. My research challenges this operational logic restricted to the

    economic viability of heritage buildings by providing a detailed analysis of the

    Mong Kok Flower Market. As demonstrated in Chapter 2, the flower market is a

    culturally rich site that many local people rely on, in contrast to the official

    heritage preservation plan with its notion of architectural heritage preservation

    that over-simplifies the culture of the place. As a result, renovating means

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    beautifying the area and increasing the value of property, and thus making it

    harder for businesses to operate in the market.

    5.5 The Conservation Arguments for Flower Trading

    Heritage

    As described in the above paragraph, culture and heritage are highly

    interlinked. Therefore, when the government preserves Tong Lau buildings in the

    Mong Kok Flower Market, the government should also preserve its culture and

    social context, and treat the preservation project as a chance to enhance the

    physical and business environment of all people living and working in the area.

    Therefore, the next section will identify the reasons supporting the conservation

    of flower trading heritage along with the flower market, and it aims to contrast

    the governments current practice of heritage preservation.

    1. Long History of Flower Trading

    As explained in Chapter 2, flower trading has a long history in this area of

    Hong Kong. Because of the organic formation of the market involving primarily

    working class people, no official record could be found about the establishment

    of the market. Nevertheless, various sources indicate that the flower market has

    been established in the 1890s 86. The original Mong Kok Flower Market was

    located at Boundary Street, on the boundary between Kowloon peninsula and the

    NT before 1898. The market had moved several times because of squatter fire

    (Section 2.9.2), first to an area outside of Fa Hui Park (Section 2.9.3), then into

    the Fa Hui Park volleyball court (Section 2.9.4), and then to the Flower Market

    86 The sources that indicate that the market has been established in the 1890s include: Ng Ho 76;Leung To 50; Yi 179 as described in Section 2.7.

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    Road location at present (Section 2.9.5). As can be seen by choice of locations

    around the Boundary Street area, situating at the market in Mong Kok is of the

    utmost importance. The place demarcates the development of flower growing

    and the flower industry as an intact, vibrant and organic industrial cluster.

    2. The Flower Market as a Cultural Resource

    The Mong Kok Flower Market supports many local businesses that embrace

    quotidian activities. Not only imported flower wholesalers are located in the

    market, but other related flower vendors, such as stores selling accessories and

    bouquets, wrapping papers, vases, glasses and plastic flowers are located on the

    ground floor. The flower market is full of people who are buying flowers or who

    want to just wander around and enjoy the beauty of flowers. At the same time,

    flower arrangement schools have been set up in the vicinity of the flower market,

    which embrace a range of cultural activities. Stores that are related to the flower

    industry, such as selling organic farm produce, are located on second floors of

    the commercial buildings in the market. Upper floors might also rent space for

    storage purposes. Therefore, the flower market is a place that embraces many

    cultural activities and small businesses.

    3. Flower Market is a Distinctive Landmark and a Source of Local

    Identity

    The flower market is a distinctive landmark that is often visited by political

    figures, such as Bill Clinton, the former U.S. president, and Leung Chun Ying,

    the candidate in the 2012 CE election and the winner of the election, went to the

    market to buy flowers as a way to share local culture of ordinary Hong Kong

    people (Button; Politics). Clinton also attempted to enjoy local culture and to

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    make a friendly gesture, as he greeted residents along the way (Button).

    Politicians visits imply that the flower market is a distinctive landmark showing

    how the place is full of local qualities. At the same time, some parts of the flower

    market are located in Tong Lau buildings. In fact, the longest remaining row of

    Tong Lau in Hong Kong is in the market. The preservation of these special

    buildings allows future generations to understand how people lived in the past.

    4. Tong Lau as a Mixture of Residential and Cultural Industries Usage

    Tong Lau , or Chinese shophouses, generally comprises a grassroot space.

    Therefore this kind of building has been conducive to the organic growth of

    grassroots communities and ways of life. The unique cultural value and artistic

    importance of Tong Lau can be seen in the way the film industry has set so many

    film about Hong Kong in these buildings 87. The Tong Lau form has made a

    valuable contribution to the success of the film industry in Hong Kong since the

    mid-1950s. Some film production offices remain in the vicinity until now. Woo

    Yu Sen (know as John Woo for English speaking audiences) 88 and Chan Gor

    (know as Fruit Chan for English speaking audiences) 89 set up their offices in the

    URAs planned area for heritage preservation (Town Planning Board b 90). At the

    same time, the flower market is not restricted to flower trading only. Many

    87 Many of which are either award-winning films (such as the Hong Kong Film Awards) or box-office successes in Hong Kong, Asia and even North America. For instance, Cinema CityEnterprises Ltd, a film studio jointly managed by Mak Kar, Shek Dean and Wong Bak Ming, wasone of the leading production houses in the 1980s, and produced films such as A BetterTomorrow . Cinema City ceased production in the early 1990s, but it remains historically as oneof the most influential film studios in Hong Kong.88 John Wu Yu Sen is a Hong Kong-based film director and producer. His direction in A BetterTomorrow earned him the Best Picture of Hong Kong Film Award in 1986.89 Fruit Chan Gor is an independent Second Wave screenwriter, filmmaker and producer based inHong Kong. He is an award-winning director, honoured by the Hong Kong Film Awards and theGolden Horse Awards.90

    Transcription of 946th

    Meeting of the TPB held on 30/10/2009. The meeting was conducted inCantonese. I did the translation of relevant transcription. The whole audio tape could be found inTPBs webpage (Town Planning Board b).

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    residential buildings are in the vicinity of the flower market. As a result of this

    dynamic mixture, the district can be seen as offering an incredible diversity.

    However, some residents complain about street obstruction and unhygienic

    conditions caused by the florists daily operations. However, are not these

    problems a matter of flower trading itself, or the governments inability to

    facilitate a dedicated wholesale market as described in Chapter 4? How can

    heritage preservation alone resolve the struggles between the flower industry and

    residents?

    To summarise, heritage conservation should engage with the history and

    culture of a place and aim to preserve and value local characteristics through

    understanding how and why people use the space. It is a way to recognise the

    agency and subjectivity of the local people. In this sense, improvement of the

    area should begin with addressing the social relations and transformations.

    Preservation strategies should involve a comprehensive planning for the future of

    the flower market. Both physical landscape and social context should be

    preserved because the vitality of the place lies not only in the remarkable

    architecture, but also in the inimitable sociality of the place. The following

    section further explores the official version of preservation practices as to

    understand the governmentality of heritage preservation.

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    5.6 Heritage Conservation and Urban Development

    by the Urban Renewal Authority

    Heritage conservation in Hong Kong was originally directed by the AAB

    and the Antiquities and Monuments Office (AMO) 91. However, as early as 1999,

    the first CE Tung Chee Hwa announced in his policy address the importance of

    heritage preservation:

    It is important to rehabilitate and preserve unique buildings as this not onlyaccords with our objective of sustainable development, but also facilitates

    the retention of the inherent characteristics of different districts, and helps

    promote tourism. The concept of preserving heritage should be incorporated

    into all projects for redeveloping old areas (Hong Kong Special

    Administrative Region, Chief Executive a para 133).

    In other words, by 1999 the government was encouraging heritage

    preservation as another form of urban renewal and embracing local

    characteristics in order to develop tourist attractions. The cultural value of

    heritage and how the government should design sites is absent from such policy

    addresses. After that, no further official discussion of heritage preservation onthe architecture of ordinary people appears until 2003, when the Culture and

    Heritage Commission issued a Policy Recommendation Report. The report

    91 The AAB is a statutory body set up under the Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance in 1976to advise the Antiquities Authority on the matters relating to antiquities and monuments. Underthe Antiquities and Monuments Ordinance (Cap 53) , the [Antiquities] Authority may, afterconsultation with the AAB and with the approval of the CE, declare any place, building, site or

    structure, which the [Antiquities] Authority considers to be of public interest by reason of itshistorical, archaeological or paleontological site or structure (Antiquities and MonumentsOrdinance (Cap. 53), Section 3(1)).

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    argues that heritage should be an important consideration in urban planning, and

    it recommends that government departments and the URA should consider how

    to preserve the cultural landscape in both planning of new towns and the

    redevelopment of urban areas. After several heritage preservation movements in

    Hong Kong, including Lee Tung Street Social Movement between 2003 and

    2007 92, Star Ferry Pier Social Movement in 2006 93 and Queens Pier Social

    Movement in 2007 94 , the series of struggles demonstrate that the society

    generally launches a resistance identity in opposition to government imposed

    heritage developments, following the awareness of local cultural identity politics

    popularized by the listed social movements. Some people commented that those

    development projects were bulldoser-form slash and burn developments, giving

    up the local culture in exchange for economic development. As a result, there

    was sentiment and resistance towards the governments decision making process

    that usually lacks local participation. In this light, those previous movements are

    92 The Lee Tung Street social movement occurred between 2003 and 2007. Lee Tung Street inWan Chai is also named Wedding Card Street. The original government plan was to demolishthe old buildings and to build three high-rise residential towers with four-storey podiumsreserved for shops and underground car park. Some residents and businessmen protested againstthe governments bulldoser planning and challenged the government against demolishing the

    buildings without submitting the required documents justifying its redevelopment proposals. TheH15 Concern Group (a group of people who concerns for the development of Wan Chai, some ofthem living, working or doing business in Lee Tung Street) and a group of professionalssubmitted an alternative plan for Lee Tung Street to the government. The Hong Kong Institute ofPlanners has awarded a silver medal for the alternative plan but the government turned it down,and demolished the buildings in 2007 (Chan Felix City 4).93

    Star Ferry Pier social movement occurred in 2006. The Star Ferry Pier in Central District wasdemolished as the government carried out the Central District Reclamation Phase III as a provision of land for transport infrastructures, such as the Central-Wan Chai Bypass and P2 Roadnetwork, the Airport Railway Extended Overrun Tunnel and the North Hong Kong Island Line.On 11 November, 2006, thousands of people gathered around at the Star Ferry Pier in CentralDistrict, some of them were taking photos and some were treasuring their final opportunity tocollectively remember the pier. A few days later, on 19 November 2006, groups of protestersconcerned over the dismantlement of the Star Ferry Pier sat quietly outside the closed piershowing their dissatisfaction. Their actions escalated in December 2006 with a series of protests.Some people even barged into the closed pier and occupied it in order to restrict or delay theschedule to demolish the pier. Although people began to realise the importance of the culturalheritage, the pier was finally dismantled in 15 December 2006 (Tang 1).94 Queens Pier social movement occurred in 2007. The Queens Pier in Central was demolished

    because the government carried out the Central Reclamation Phase III. Some activists attemptedto save the Queens Pier and filed for a judicial review on 7 August 2007, but the court dismissedthe request. The Queens Pier was completely demolished in February 2008 ( ibid ).

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    a kind of resistance to the dominant hegemonic policy-making process. The

    lack of public engagement and participation in different social processes led to

    the generation of resistance identity (Fung 50). At the same time, as Fung Wing

    Hang, an urban planning student, argues, the series of social movements allow

    more citizens in Hong Kong to raise concern about peoples livelihood, cultural

    and social activities in Hong Kong, which is not limited to family or personal

    interests. Hong Kong people try to safeguard what is important to them. For

    instance, the Star Ferry Pier and Queens Pier instances in 2006, protestors

    requested to preserve the Piers and respect the history and culture of Hong Kong

    (K.-F. Chan, 2007, ibid ). Besides, past demolitions of historical landmarks

    including the Lee Theatre, the former General Post Office, the old Hong Kong

    Club and Repulse Bay Hotel and the former Kowloon-Canton Railway Station

    have provided a growing community awareness of the cost of losing the past,

    and a growing desire to strengthen Hong Kongs unique character and identity.

    The growing resistance identity is an opposition to the dominant hegemonic

    governance and the seeking of new projected identity due to the change in

    political structure ( ibid ).

    Fungs understanding suggests that Hong Kong people is going through a

    cultural turn against what used to be mainstream Hong Kongs well-accepted

    logic of economic development at all cost. More people request that the

    government respect Hong Kongs history and culture as a way to strengthen their

    own identity. This awareness causes people to reflect and question themselves

    and the government on whether the usual, destructive colonial pattern of

    development should continue in the postcolonial era. Kwan Chun Wing, a

    geography student, coined the Star Ferry Pier and Queens Pier social movement

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    campaigns as the Two Pier Incident, and argues that the incident helped to

    change peoples values on heritage preservation. Kwan argues,

    [t]he Hong Kong Government adheres to a pro-development mentality and

    regards conservation as anti-development. It has long held a presumption

    that development is necessarily a good thing; and priority is always given to

    it (Kwan 4) Nowadays, many of the locally-born residents do not value

    development as much as their government does. They have now placed a

    greater importance on their quality of life, focusing more on the citys

    history, culture, heritage and environment, than Central District values

    ( 95) and material gains. They are willing to give way to

    practical needs for heritage preservation The residents are now more

    actively participating in issues pertaining to environment and heritage, as

    manifested in the campaign to protect the citys two important pieces of

    heritage (Kwan 5).

    Kwan also argues that the Two Pier Incident embraces the rising

    aspirations for democracy and a social inclusive participation in policy. He

    explains,

    [t]he post-colonial Hong Kong Government continues to rely on the

    advisory and statutory bodies in collecting and reflecting public opinions. It

    still limits the participation of the general public in decision-making

    processes. With a growing sense of communal spirit and local

    95

    Central District values refers to the emphasis on development, efficiency and economicvalues which are prevailing in Hong Kong. This terminology was coined by Lung Ying Tai in2006 (Lung 21-22).

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    consciousness, the general public are more enthusiastic about participating

    in governments decision-making and want a real participatory democracy.

    Many rising middle class people and youngsters demand a wider scope of

    democracy not only in election but also in planning and decision-making

    process. They want their views be directly articulated to the government

    They were in demand of planning with people and a greater degree of

    participation in the planning process of government policies. By

    empowering themselves to plan their community, the rising middle class

    and young generation envision that the city environment could be greatly

    improved ( ibid 5-7).

    The communitys awareness of heritage preservation and local identity alert

    the government about the change of values on heritage preservation. On 25

    September 2007, the CE made a policy statement as a response to the changing

    views of the public on heritage preservation. Tsang Yam Kuen Donald, CE of

    Hong Kong Special Administrative Region said

    [to] protect, conserve and revitalise as appropriate historical and heritage

    sites and buildings through relevant and sustainable approaches for the

    benefit and enjoyment of present and future generations. In implementing

    this policy, due regard should be given to development needs in the public

    interest, respects for private property rights, budgetary considerations,

    cross-sector collaboration and active engagement of stakeholders and the

    general public (Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, Legislative

    Council g 1).

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    The government has decided for the time being to develop a general policy

    direction rather than pursue a legislative route to enhance heritage conservation.

    The government promised to implement a range of initiatives on heritage

    conservation ( ibid 1-2). In the 2007 Policy Address, the government invited

    URA to extend its conservation work to cover pre-war shophouses 96. The Urban

    Renewal Authority Ordinance (URAO) empowers the URA to acquire or hold

    land for development and to alter, construct, demolish, maintain, repair,

    preserve or restore the building, premises or structure 97. The CE says,

    [i]n my view, revitalisation, rather than preservation alone, should be

    pursued to maximise the economic and social benefits of historic buildings.

    This is in line with the concept of sustainable conservation. The URA has

    done a great deal to preserve and revitalise historic buildings. I call on the

    URA to extend the scope of historic building protection to cover pre-war

    buildings. In so doing, it is necessary for the URA to consider not just

    preservation but also ways of revitalisation (Hong Kong Special

    Administrative Region, Chief Executive b para 51-52).

    CEs policy direction, and the empowerment of the URA to implement

    heritage preservation projects, implies a direct response to the series

    people-driven preservation campaigns demanding the preservation of local

    identity. Therefore, an examination of the URAs heritage preservation projects

    requires an understanding of how the government responds to peoples request

    for preserving local culture. It underlies the importance of investigating the

    96 Pre-war shophouses refer to Tong Lau .97 Section 29 and 6(1)(e), URAO (Cap. 563).

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    heritage preservation project in the Mong Kong Flower Market conducted by

    URA since 2008.

    At the same time, the CEs speech implies that economic viability in

    heritage preservation is the governments major, if not only concern. Therefore,

    regardless of what kind of heritage is preserved, heritage financial

    self-sustainability is important. However, I want to argue that too much emphasis

    on economic viability would limit the local characteristics of the preserved

    heritage, and would also limit the future use of heritage leading to cultural

    homogenisation. Lyndel V. Prott 98 argues that uncontrolled development can lead

    to intense homogenisation, such as the tourist infrastructures of international

    hotel chains, fast food and fashion chains and tourist agencies, which would

    decrease the uniqueness of each heritage experience whilst increasing sameness

    (Prott 7). Globalisation has considerable potential for benefit, as increased tourist

    numbers can generate increased income for the heritage sites concerned, and

    indirectly through raising the economic base of the surrounding community.

    However, a sound management plan should be made in order to protect the

    heritage against the negative effects of tourism and ensures that the funds it

    generates go directly to the protection of the heritage concerned. Protts findings

    suggest that tourist and other high-end consumer culture could make use of

    heritage to create revenue, but the heritage management team should formulate a

    plan in order to avoid destroying the original culture and avoid irreversible

    effects. This understanding is important for us to judge whether the URAs

    proposal for the flower market is sustainable in all aspects, including the

    98 Lyndel V. Prott is the Chief International Standards Division, Cultural Heritage Division of theUNESCO.

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    economic, social, and historical.

    5.7 The Urban Renewal Authority Heritage

    Preservation Project for a Cultural-led Flower

    Market

    After receiving the CEs order for preserving local heritage in 2007, the

    URA commissioned a consultancy study on 56 pre-war shophouses within or

    near the area. The study identified ten shophouses along Prince Edward Road

    West as having Outstanding Heritage Value 99 (the highest category according

    to the shophouses under the consultancy study) and the buildings were classified

    as Grade 2 historical buildings by the AAB 100 in 2009. The government intends

    to carry out two projects in the Mong Kok Flower Market the heritage

    preservation project and the revitalisation project.

    The URA decided to implement Prince Edward Road West/Yuen Ngai Street

    preservation and revitalisation project (MK/02) by way of a development

    scheme 101 in accordance with section 25 of the URA Ordinance. URA proposed

    99 The URA had commissioned a consultant team, on the advice of Tiong Kian Boon, an

    experienced Malaysian conservation architect. The study looked into the need and feasibility of preserving the shophouses. The study was supervised by a Steering Committee chaired byProfessor David Lung. The study categorises the shophouses into four levels, taking intoconsideration their historical value, architectural merit, as well as cultural significance (UrbanRenewal Authority a).100 For a Grade 2 building AMO views that the buildings should be preserved in such a waywhich is commensurate with the merits of the buildings concerned. Demolition works or buildingworks such as alternation/renovation works which may affect the heritage value of the buildingare not encouraged. Other definitions of the Gradings of Historical Buildings include Grade 1,which refers to buildings of outstanding merit in which every effort should be made to preserveif possible. Grade 3 means buildings of some merit in which preservation in some form would

    be desirable and alternative means could be considered if preservation is not practicable -Website of Antiquities and Monument Office (Hong Kong Special Administrative Region,

    Leisure and Cultural Services Department, Antiquities and Monuments Office b).101 The development scheme means that the URA has the right to decide what portion of the landis owned or leased by the URA, and about the acquisition of any land not owned or leased. It also

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    a culture-led preservation project aiming at preserving and revitalising ten

    pre-war verandah-type shophouses of significant heritage value located at

    Prince Edward Road West 102 (Figure 5.1 and 5.2).

    Figure 5.1. Buildings (Modern Flat) along Prince Edward Road just before

    Yuen Ngai Street in early 1930s (Source: HKRS 03-06-167)

    contains an assessment by the URA, and how it is likely in effect of the implementation of thedevelopment scheme, including the how the existing residents are displaced, and how the futureresidents could be accommodated.102 These 10 shophouses were part of a single development which originally covered Nos.190-220A Prince Edward Road West. After the Second World War, the buildings were sold overtime to different owners and the shophouses at Nos. 206-208 and Nos. 214-220A weredemolished and redeveloped to three 15-storey residential blocks as currently witnessed on thesite. The remaining 10 shophouses at Nos. 190-204 and 210-212 Prince Edward Road West,

    which are the subject of the Development Scheme, form a unique cluster with a uniform faadeof one building typology along Prince Edward Road West and is the largest cluster of this type ofshophouses in the urban area.

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    Figure 5.2. Contemporary verandah-type shophouses before the Urban

    Renewal Authoritys preservation plan

    (Source: The Urban Renewal Authority b)

    The boundary of the development scheme plan 103 (DSP), which is shown in

    the map (Map 7), covers a total area of about 1,440 m 2. It is located at the

    junction of Prince Edward Road West and Yuen Ngai Street. The area is

    separated by two buildings at Nos. 206-108 Prince Edward Road West, which are

    both 15 storey buildings completed in 1966, and are in a relatively good physical

    condition. These buildings are not included in the plan.

    103 The Urban Renewal Authoritys DSP are special plans relating to the re-development of oldareas. These plans are considered by the TPB under the URA Ordinance, and if found suitable are

    published under the Town Planning Ordinance for public comment. Each DSP includes a Land

    Use Diagram and a set of Notes. A Land Use Diagram indicates broadly the types of planned usesand form of development; the Notes set out the permitted uses and the requirements forsubmitting a Master Layout Plan to the TPB (Loh 13).

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    Map 7. Urban Renewal Authority Prince Edward Road West/Yuen Ngai

    Street development scheme plan with a highlight of shophouses

    for commercial and/or cultural use (Source: TPB a)

    The DSP involves 10 pre-war verandah type shophouses at Nos. 190-204,

    and Nos. 210-212 Prince Edward Road West, for preservation and revitalisation

    purposes (Urban Renewal Authority b). These 10 shophouses have been

    accorded the highest Level 1 heritage rating because of their historical, cultural

    and architectural significance indicated in the commissioned heritage report.

    According to the report, the buildings were designed by a Belgian architect for a

    Franco-Belgian construction firm and completed in the 1930s for wealthier and

    better educated families (Figure 5.1). The buildings were occupied by the

    Japanese army during the Second World War and used as governments

    dormitory and warehouse after the war. The cluster is the longest row of pre-war

    verandah-type shophouses in urban Hong Kong (Figure 5.2). The area was

    mainly zoned Residential (Group A) (i.e. R(A)) 104 and partly shown as

    104

    Residential (Group A) R(A) zone is primarily for high-density residential developments.Commercial uses are always permitted on the lowest three floors of a building or in the purpose-designed non-residential portion of an existing building.

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    Road (public footpath) before the exhibition of the Plan. On the DSP, the area is

    zoned as Other Specified Uses (OU) annotated Shophouses for Commercial

    and/or Cultural Uses.

    In other words, the government attempts to pay more attention to heritage

    buildings outside of elitist conceptions of value and including the heritage of

    ordinary people. However, as shown in the evidence below, the governments

    emphasis is mostly on preserving architectural buildings and neglects existing

    community and social, economic life. In the governments argument, the history

    of the building is foremost. The URA does not mention the history of the flower

    market and how and why a particular architectural form was developed in

    connection to the social and historical context. As a result, the local culture of the

    people and the vibrant and existing flower industry has been ignored in this

    articulation

    The URAs explanation in their plan reveals their top-down understanding

    of art and culture. The URA claims that they hope to preserve shophouses that

    have witnessed the development of Hong Kongs architectural and cultural

    landscape. Tong Lau represents a part of the history of the development of Hong

    Kong and carries certain cultural significance in respective localities, making it

    worthwhile to dedicate appropriate public resources as part of the overall urban

    regeneration strategy of the URA. The URA initially proposed to reserve the

    street level shops for selling flowers and the units upstairs for cultural and art

    uses so as to develop a Cultural-art Flower Market (URA 1.3 Billion).

    Cheung Chun Yuen Barry, the Chairman of the URA, said: The URA aims to

    enhance this local feature with the retention of as many of the compatible

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    existing businesses on street level as possible. There are only thirteen residents

    living in the buildings in the DSP, because the DSP is mostly for commercial

    purpose. Most of the occupants are running cultural businesses, such as a

    dancing academy, a film production studio and a tutorial school. The URAs

    initial idea was to introduce some art and culture-related shops, such as a

    bookstore and dancing studio 105 in the future site (Figure 5.3).

    Figure 5.3. Illustration of the future verandah-type shophouses after the

    Urban Renewal Authoritys implementation of preservation plan

    (Source: The Urban Renewal Authority b)

    In the URA development scheme, flower shops will continue to be the

    anchor business of the area (Urban Renewal Authority c). The Land, Rehousing& Compensation Committee of URA offered HK$9,391 per square foot of

    saleable floor area for the existing DSPs property owner. In URAs press release,

    the spokesman said,

    105 190 204 210 212 713

    (URA 1.3 Billion)

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    [i]n view of the local characteristics of the Prince Edward Road West

    project, the URA is considering introducing a local flower and school shop

    arrangement ( ) for existing operators

    in the businesses who are interested to re-establish their operations upon

    restoration of the premises. Subject to meeting the eligibility criteria, they

    will be given priority to lease ground floor shops of shophouses within the

    project area at the prevailing market rents ( ibid ).

    According to the URA, upper floors of the buildings are intended for arts

    and culture as well as food and beverage uses. This proposal is in line with the

    Urban Renewal Strategy that the preserved heritage buildings should be put to

    proper public use, as well as private and residential, to allow maximum

    accessibility 106 . The restored buildings are expected to revitalise the area and be

    more vibrant and attractive to visitors and the public.

    Although the official plan suggests to have a culture-led flower market, the

    URA ignores the existing quotidian culture. The URAs scheme does not address

    the business operation of flower traders who are operating in the DSP. URAs

    DSP assumes that the flower industry is merely a number of isolated commercial

    retail businesses. Accordingly, existing operators should work within a market

    logic, and therefore URA offers them current market rents in return for the

    106 In the Urban Renewal Strategy Review conducted by the Development Bureau (DevB) between July 2008 to May 2011, heritage preservation should be part of urban renewal, and theURA should preserve heritage buildings if such preservation forms part of its urban renewal

    projects. Preservation should include (a) preservation and restoration of buildings, sites and structures of historical, cultural orarchitectural interest; and (b) retention of the local colour of the community and the historicalcharacteristics of different districts. The URA will only undertake self-standing heritage

    preservation projects which are outside its redevelopment project boundaries if there is policysupport or a request from the Administration. (Hong Kong Special Administrative Region,Development Bureau c 11)

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    renewed heritage development. This involves the current owners being first

    forced to sell their premises to the URA, and the tenants to first be evicted, with

    the possibility of them returning after years of disruption to their businesses, to

    rent the venue again according to premium market rent in the future gentrified

    premises, way above the level they are paying now. We should challenge this

    URA logic because heritage preservation is not merely a commercial decision,

    but a matter of benefit for the community at large. The URA promised to offer a

    compensation package for acquisition of affected properties (for example an

    eligible owner-occupier of a domestic property will receive an acquisition price

    that is comparable to the value of a seven-year-old flat of similar size in a similar

    locality) and rehousing arrangements for affected tenants. However, in the

    example of the relocation of business operators in the flower market, reality has

    already proven that the amount of money is inadequate to buy and/or rent a

    similar premise seven-years-old or more in the vicinity. Such premises are either

    non-existent or very limited in availability in the actual housing stock, and, due

    to the large number of evicted businesses fighting for relocation nearby as can be

    projected for the renovation period, we can forsee that the costs of relevant

    premises will be pushed sky high to levels way above the amount the business

    got in compensation. Not to mention the lost to businesses losing income due to

    the permanent or temporary termination of business and the loss of the well

    known industrial cluster, and with it, the economic network of buyers and

    suppliers as a result of relocation. Moreover, there is a time lag between the

    agreement on compensation and the actual date the victims got the compensation

    and can look for alternative premises, leading to significant market changes

    meanwhile, which almost always price the evicted victims out of options

    previously available and affordable.

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    Until January 2012, two ground floor shops in the DSP have moved away.

    For instance, a shop doing landscape design and selling bonsai, had to relocate to

    the third floor of an industrial building located at Kwun Tong 107 . Another ground

    floor shop, which is a shoe company, relocated to a ground floor shop in Sham

    Shui Po 108 . With the evidence of the relocation of ground floor shop, my research

    finds that URAs promised compensation level could hardly be actualised. Future

    research direction could be on tracing study about the economic income,

    business network and psychological damage suffered by comparing the condition

    of the businesses, business operators and residents before and after relocation

    due to urban renewal projects.

    In URAs proposed planning, URA only allows existing business operators

    to use future prevailing market price to return the site. This implies that the

    existing business operators will face the same competition with other new

    business operators who wish to rent the renovated premises. In other words, the

    government compensates the premises only for eviction, but neglect peoples

    business networks and sustainability. The URA have not calculated some

    negative social consequences: since the shops existing business network needs

    to be re-established when a business leaves the site and relocate, there is a high

    chance that they will lose customers and get their supply chain and business

    network disrupted. Such negative externalities are not calculated into the

    compensation. At the same time, the URA focuses too much on improving the

    107 The shop is called Art Mount ( ). The new address is Podium, 3/F, East SunIndustrial Centre, 16 Shing Yip Street, Kwun Tong. Kwun Tong is an area situated in the eastern

    part of Kowloon and is a major industrial area (Art Mount).108

    The shop is called Po Shing Shoe Company ( ). The new address is 165 UnChau Street, Sham Shui Po. Sham Shui Po is located at northwestern part of Kowloon. It is an olddeveloped area with a mixture of commercial, industrial and residential land use.

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    physical structure of the buildings without seeing how heritage preservation

    practices can actually relate organically to the whole flower market in general.

    The URA scheme focuses on the architectural buildings of the DSP, but not in a

    way that could use heritage preservation as a way to enhance the inherited value

    of the flower market as an industry in general. The URA intends to maintain the

    idea of a flower market only in terms of place-branding. This refers to a

    process of applying branding identities and images to geographical locations,

    with disregard to the actual nature of the place or culture, which is a burgeoning

    activity within advertising and marketing fields (Julier 31). This can be an

    extremely decontextualised market representation/calculation totally alienated

    from the way of life of those the branding image is extracted from. Such

    estimations ignore the fact that a place is not a primary and singular product but

    an agglomeration of identities, activities and histories. Place-branding projects

    however, while claiming to identify, articulate and nurture these, nonetheless

    often add up to merely the most generic and stereotypical collection of images

    and values in terms of place-wide marketing ( ibid 34).

    I want to argue that place marketing in this market should be based instead

    on concrete local and sustainable industrial development, together with plans to

    sustain and enhance the existing strong social, cultural and economic network.

    Otherwise, it would easily fall into the trap of a superficial culture branding. The

    URA proposed to establish flower shops and flower arrangement schools, but

    this plan would not enhance the current practices nor resolve the conflict

    between the law enforcement officers and florists, if policy changes are not in

    place. Another proposed usage is to have a bookstore and a dance studio in the

    future site. However, this arrangement would homogenize the cultural content of

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    the place, and any site could develop this kind of imposed culture. There is no

    organic necessity to having such cultural content in a flower market. The existing

    URA plan does not attempt to strengthen the social and cultural network of the

    flower industry and other existing cultural-related business operations. This place

    branding mentality shows that the government does not value the specific social

    fabric of the place, but treats it merely as a place to attract tourists. However,

    developing the market with the tourist gaze in mind might not be able to create a

    sustainable and positive environment for the industry, and might even be

    adversarial to local development. John Urry and Jonas Larsen argue,

    [t]here is no simple relationship between what is directly seen and what this

    signifies. We do not literally see things. Particularly as tourists, we see

    objects and especially buildings in part constituted as signs. They stand for

    something else. When we gaze as tourist what we see are various signs or

    tourist clichs. The notion of the tourist gaze is not meant to account for

    why specific individuals are motivated to travel. Rather we emphasise the

    systematic and regularised nature of various gazes, each of which depends

    upon social discourses and practices, as well as aspects of buildings, design

    and restoration that foster the necessary look of a place or an environment.

    Such gazes implicate both the gaz er and the gaz ee in an ongoing and

    systematic set of social and physical relations (Urry, and Larsen 17)

    Urry and Larsen understand the tourists gaze as a social construction

    produced through external media. It affects how we perceive what a place should

    be. In other words, the authenticity of a place can easily be undermined by the

    tourists and the markets socially constructed view, or the corresponding notion

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    of heritage preservation with its over-emphasis on aesthetic value and its neglect

    of community life and social relations. In contrast, local culture might be small

    and mundane, without spectacular content, but it expresses the culture of

    ordinary people. As described by a British scholar Raymond Williams famous

    quotation on culture:

    [c]ulture is ordinary that is the first fact. Every human society has its

    own shape, its own purposes, its own meanings. Every human society

    expresses these, in institutions, and in arts and learning. The making of a

    society is the finding of common meanings and directions, and its growth is

    an active debate and amendment under the pressures of experiences,

    contacts, and discover, writing themselves into the land. The growing

    society is there yet it is also made and remade in every individual mind. The

    making of a mind is, first, the slow learning of shapes, purposes, and

    meanings, so that work, observation and communication are possible

    (Williams a 93).

    Raymond Williams understanding of culture implies that culture is unique,

    and different societies shape their own purposes and meanings of what their

    culture is. It shows that different people, in various strata of the society, have

    different cultures due to their specific geo-historical conditions, experiences and

    understandings of the world. To move further into Williams argument, if culture

    is ordinary, then the culture of ordinary people should be preserved to a larger

    extent rather than only colonial and elite culture celebrated through high art and

    spectacular architecture. However, the government does not treasure the use of

    space in everyday life. In the following section, I will demonstrate how this vital

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    social life can be recognised in Tong Lau spaces.

    5.8 Florists Use of Space in Tong Lau buildings The government ignored the discussion of spatial interaction between the

    Tong Lau and the flower market in the heritage preservation project. Space,

    which has no pre-existing meaning, becomes a meaningful place as it is

    constructed by users during cultural-social interactions. However, in the planning

    of the URAs heritage preservation and revitalisation projects, the social

    interaction between florists, residents, and other commercial users were absent in

    the governments discussion. The official explanation ignores the social

    interactions and the specific quotidian use of space. In the following section, I

    attempt to reveal how florists make use of the space of Tong Lau for their goods

    display area, which is ignored in the governments analysis of the flower market.

    Tong Lau structures along Prince Edward Road West, in the preserved area

    stipulated by the URA, are four storeys high and set back from the street. The

    veranda supported by bricks over the whole width of the pavement to form a

    covered arcade at street level. Strings were tightened among two pillars so that

    some hanging plants, like orchids, could be displayed (Figure 5.4 and 5.5). Also,

    plastic bags of goods are hanged on the wall for the convenience of selling

    (Figure 5.6). Some workers even hang their gloves for loading and unloading of

    goods at convenient spaces. The flower market is an organic and local industry,

    integrated into the tempo and pattern the communitys ordinary way of life. At

    the same t