from temple to tomb: ancient chinese art and religion in transition

Society for the Study of Early China

FROM TEMPLE TO TOMB: Ancient Chinese Art and Religion in TransitionAuthor(s): WU HUNGSource: Early China, Vol. 13 (1988), pp. 78-115Published by: Society for the Study of Early ChinaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23351322 .

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FROM TEMPLE TO TOMB Ancient Chinese Art and Religion in Transition

WU HUNG

Perhaps the most striking feature of early Chinese art history is that ritual bronzes, the privileged art genre of the Shang and

Zhou, gradually died out after the Three Dynasties, and subse

quently, pictorial funerary art flourished in Han China. This

development, often described as an evolution from decoration to

representation, has been interpreted either as a logical progression of visual forms or as a consequence of foreign influence from a more

vivid "barbarian world." Without ruling out these two factors, this

paper proposes a third factor as an essential internal reason for

this change. This is the profound religious transformation that took

place in China from the Eastern Zhou to Han. The key to under

standing this transformation is the shift of the religious center from temple to tomb that resulted from a "revolution" inside ancestral worship itself. Following this shift, artistic creation, which was based in these religious centers, assumed a different

function and form.

This historic movement also testifies to three fundamental

aspects of early Chinese art history. First, prior to the appearance of the individual artist during the post-Han era, artistic creation

was generally mobilized by a desire to make religious concepts concrete; these tangible forms, not abstract principles, were

directly related to religious experience. Second, unlike later

scroll paintings and other portable art objects, various forms of

early Chinese art were created as integral parts of larger ritual

complexes; the religious symbolism of an individual form was

realized both by its self-contained physical attributes—shape and

decoration—and by its spatial conjunction with other related forms.

Third, rather than a straightforward, teleologic process, the course

of early Chinese art history was affected by chance accidents. An

art historic study not only should describe a general evolution but

should also explore such accidents and determine their impact on the

general development.



Wu Hung 79

Three Dynasties: The Temple-Tomb Dualism

The ancient Chinese worshiped many deities, but their religion was "primarily a cult of the ancestors concerned with the relation

ships between dead and living kin."1 The ancient Chinese made

artworks for many uses, but the major art forms were always closely associated with ancestral worship. All the pictorial bricks, stone

carvings, and pottery figurines in Han art were from tombs and

funerary shrines, the centers of ancestral worship during the time. All ritual bronzes of the Three Dynasties were likewise the

paraphernalia of ancestral worship; however, they were probably first made for the ancestral temple. I say "probably" because we know nothing about the Xia and very little about Shang ritual

practices; but abundant Western Zhou bronze inscriptions and related

texts seem to lead to this assumption.2

In fact, even during the Shang and the Western Zhou, tomb and

temple coexisted as twin centers of ancestral worship, but their function and architectural principle were entirely different. An

ancestral temple was always a lineage temple, neither a family nor

an individual temple.3 A tomb, on the other hand, only housed a

single deceased, as demonstrated by the discovery of Yinxu tomb

no. 5, which belonged to Fu Hao^-£|-, a consort of King Wu Ding

t .» a lineage temple always formed the nucleus of a walled

town; tombs, however, were built outside the town in an open field.

Although a tomb was dedicated to a newly deceased, the prominent subject worshiped in a temple was not one's father or close ancestors but the remote ancestor of the lineage, actually the

founder of the clan to which the lineage belonged.5

Many passages in ancient texts document the overwhelming importance of constructing a temple during the Three Dynasties. These passages even reveal that a temple was more crucial than the

town itself. As we read in Li ji "When a noble man is about

to engage in building, the ancestral temple should have his first

attention, the stables and arsenal the next, and the residences the

last."6 So the function of a town was understood in a hierarchical

scheme: ancestral worship first, military defense second, and living

arrangements last. Furthermore, the temple, the center of a town,

only provided a spatial framework for ancestral worship; its

importance lay partly in housing the ancestral tablet and ritual

vessels. As the same ritual canon continues; "When the head of a

lineage is about to prepare things, the vessels of sacrifice should

have the first place, the offerings, the next; and the vessels for

use at meals, the last."7



80 From Temple to Tomb

Scholars have explained this temple system in relation to the

Zhou social and political structure. The basic elements of Zhou

society were patrilineages fragmented from a number of clans, and

each town was established by a lineage sent out by the Zhou king.8 The temple at the center of the town, therefore, was symbolic on

two levels: it symbolized both the homogeneity of the lineage and

its clan origin that linked it in a larger social network.9 In

fact, it is fair to say that a Western Zhou temple was a temple of

the Origin (Shi ) and that the rituals performed in the temple followed a uniform pattern to seek, to "return," and to communicate

with the Origin. It is stressed more than ten times in Li ji that

temple rituals guide people "to go back to their Origin, maintain

the ancient, . . . not forgetting those to whom they owed their

being."10 The temple hymns of Shang and Zhou have survived in the

"Daya" lli section of Shi- Without exception, they trace the origin of specific clans to some mythological heroes who emerged from the twilight zone between heaven and the human world11 We also

find that the visual form of the ancestral temple served the same

purpose.

The best examples of Three Dynasties cities are the Shang towns at Zhengzhou (Fig. 1) and Panlongcheng.12 One in the North and

another in the South, these two towns share a basic architectural

plan: both were roughly square and oriented north-south; both were

surrounded by tall thick walls, in which large gates opened to the

four directions. Inside both towns, a cluster of large buildings,

possibly the palatial and ritual complex, was constructed in a

special area. Two other examples, the architectural remains

discovered in the early Shang site of Erlitou and in the Western

Zhou capital area, Fengchu, allow us to look more closely at the

structure of a Three Dynasties palace-temple complex.

Like all timber structures built in ancient China, the above

ground parts of the Erlitou and Fengchu buildings have long since

disappeared. What remains on their foundations, however, suggests a

consistent plan. Each of the two Erlitou structures appears to have

been a closed compound surrounded by roofed corridors (Fig. 2).13 An

isolated hall was built inside the compound and an exit opened close

to the northeast corner; both show an amazing resemblance to the

structure of a Three Dynasties ancestral temple recorded in Shang

shu and Yi li ^ (Fig. 3).1* From an art historical view, this

structure initiated a major architectural principle for constructing an ancient Chinese temple. The corridors create discontinuity in

space by separating the "inner" from the "outer"; and the enclosed

open courtyard then becomes a relatively independent space with its

focus in the central hall. Rudolf Arnheim has called such an

artificial space "extrinsic space," which "controls the relation



Wu Hung 81

Fig. 1. Plan of the mid-Shang city in Zhengzhou. Zou Heng, Shang Zhou Kaogu, fig. 37.




Fig.

2.

Two

early

Shang

architectural

foundations

at

Erlitou.

Kaogu

1974.4:235;

1983.3:207.



Wu Hung 83

Fig. 3. Dai Zhen's reconstruction of a Three Dynasties temple. Dai Zhen, Kaogongji tu, p. 113.

between independent object systems and provides them with standards

of reference for their perceptual features."15

The effort to create "extrinsic space" is further demonstrated

by the Zhouyuan building, where divinatory documents of the Western

Zhou royal house have been found (Fig. 4).16 Here, however, the

structure becomes more complex; the inner hall and courtyard are

doubled, so that the whole compound consists of a series of

alternating "open" and "closed" sections. A central axis, along which doorways and a corridor were built, now became a prominent architectural feature orienting ritual processions. Most interest

ingly, an earthen screen was erected to shield the front gate. The

psychology behind the whole architectural form was apparently to

make the enclosure coherent and "deeper"—to make one cross layers of barriers before reaching the center.

What ideology underlay this architectural design? Before

answering this question, let us take an imaginary journey to a

Three Dynasties temple. First, we enter the town whose tall walls




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4.

Plan

and

reconstruction

of

the

Western

Zhou

architectural

structure

in

Fengchu,

Zhouyuan.

Hennu

1979.10:29;

1981.3:25.



Wu Hung 85

block off the outside. We then walk toward the center where a

palace-temple compound stands, again blocked by walls or corridors

(Fig. 5). Our feeling of secrecy is gradually heightened as we enter the temple yard and penetrate layers of halls leading to the shrine

of the founder of the clan, located at the end of the compound

(Fig. 6). At last, we enter the shrine; in the dim light, numerous

shining bronze vessels, decorated with strange images and containing ritual offerings, suddenly loom before us. We find ourselves in a

mythical world, the end of our journey where we would encounter the

Origin—the Shi. The ritual vessels, hidden deep inside the temple compound, would provide us with the means to communicate with the

invisible spirits of ancestors—to present offerings and to

ascertain their will. This final stage is described in Li ji:

Thus, the dark liquor is offered in the inner chamber; the

vessels of fermenting juice are near its entrance; the

reddish liquor is in the main hall; and the clear, in a

place below. Animal victims are displayed, and the

tripods and stands are prepared. The lutes and citherns

are arranged in rows, with the flutes, sonorous stones,

bells, and drums. The prayers and the benedictions are

framed. [All of these] aim to bring down the Supreme God, as well as ancestral deities from above.17

Fig. 5. An idealized plan of the Zhou capital of Luoyang. Yongle dadian, 9561:4b.




FV

jSl J^L

-^=m a $ ilL - & k

*6 ¥ >e

r

-4^ 2r/i*^i P ^ » jj.

Fig. 6. An idealized plan of the Zhou royal ancestral temple. Ren

Qiyun, Jiaomiao gongshi kao, in Huang-Qing jingjie xubian 136:18a.

We may assume that such a journey was actually undertaken

during the Three Dynasties because the spatial-temporal structure

of the ritual sequence is so clearly disclosed by the visual forms

of the architecture and objects that we can still observe. Although such a spatial-temporal sequence is not unique to ancient Chinese

religion, perhaps distinctive to China is that in temple worship visual forms "conceal" the secret. These forms led people closer

and closer to the center of the secret but at the same time created

layers of barriers to resist such an effort. Even at the end of the

ritual process, people found not a concrete image of the ancestral

deity but the means to communicate with this invisible being.18 The

whole visual complex, therefore, becomes a metaphor of the ritual

itself: to go back to their Origin, maintain the ancient, and not

forget those to whom they owe their being.

As an alternative center of ancestral worship, an individual's

tomb appeared in a very different form. Taking Fu Hao's tomb as an

example, the only visible part of the tomb was a small shrine above

the vertical grave pit, about five meters on each side (Fig. 7).



Wu Hung 87

Fig. 7. Plan and reconstruction of the architectural structure

above Fu Hao's tomb. Institute of Archaeology, Yinxu Fu

Hao mu, fig. 2; Yang Hongxun, "Zhanguo Zhongshanwang Xi

mu chutu zhaoyutu," fig. 12.




Neither walls nor other architectural remains have been observed

around this structure; the building seems to have stood in isolation

in an open field.19 Such a funerary shrine was a landmark, a

monument to the deceased individual. Archaeological excavations

have also revealed that around some Shang royal burials, sacrifices,

mostly human sacrifices, were made year after year (Fig. 8).20 Unlike the temple, the tomb district was the realm of death, not a

source from which people derived the knowledge of history and life.

The distinction between temple and tomb is also attested by records in Zhou ritual canons. It is recorded that temple sacrifices

are "auspicious" in nature ijiJi « ) because these are

dedicated to deities of the country and kingdoms; funerary sacri

fices, on the other hand, are "inauspicious rituals" (xiongli

%%.), always associated with death and sorrow.21 This classification

of ancestral sacrifices as well as types of offerings seems to have

been related to a unique understanding of the soul. A very signi ficant passage in Li ji records a conversation between Confucius and

Zai Wo ^ ^ .In answering Zai Wo's question about the nature of

the shen spirit, divinity) and gui ( ghost), the master

explains that the gui means the po soul that remains under

ground after one's death, but the shen, or the hurt soul, flies

on high and becomes a divine being:

Once this opposition is established, two kinds of rituals

are framed in accordance and [different] sacrifices are

regulated. The fat of the innards is burned to bring out

its fragrance, which is again mixed with the blaze of

dried wood—these serve as a tribute to the spirit [in

Heaven], and teach people to go back to their Origin. Millet and rice are presented; the delicacies of the

liver, lungs, head, and heart, along with two bowls of

liquor and odiferous wine, are offered—these serve as a

tribute to the po [in earth], and teach the people to love

one another, and high and low to cultivate good feeling between them.22

The humble scale of Fu Hao's tomb cannot be compared with that

of the large temple compound inside the capital. Moreover, while

descriptions and regulations of temple rituals fill Shang-Zhou texts, virtually no written record of sacrifices held routinely in

graveyards can be found.23 This lacuna has sparked an extensive

debate whose central topic is whether grave sacrifices were

officially practiced and codified during the Three Dynasties.2'* My discussion suggests that the temple system was the religious form



Wu Hung 89

Fig.

8.

Distribution

of

Shang

royal

tombs

and

sacrificial

pits

at

Xibeigang,

Anyang.

Institute

of

Archaeology,

Xin

Zhongguo

de

kaogu

faxian

he

yanjiu,

fig.

61.




that matched the lineage-oriented Shang-Zhou society; the tomb

sacrifice for individuals could only be secondary.

EASTERN ZHOU TO QIN: FROM TEMPLE TO TOMB

This situation, however, changed dramatically during the

Eastern Zhou. People began to pay increasing attention to tombs. Li

ji records that "the ancients made graves only and raised no mounds

over them."25 But now tumuli covered with elaborate terrace

pavilions appeared in graveyards. It was said that Confucius saw some large tomb mounds in his travels that were "covered by Summer

Houses";26 and a number of such elaborate funerary structures have

been found. Among these finds the mausoleum of the Zhongshan kingdom is representative and has been reconstructed on paper

(Fig. 9).27 These reconstruction plans show that each Zhongshan king

was to have his own lingyuan (fc| or funerary park containing his

and his consorts' tombs; each tomb was to be covered by an earthen

pyramid on which an elaborate ceremonial hall would be built.

The appearance of this new type of ritual structure in

ancestral worship must be related to the social and religious transformation taking place during the later Zhou. During this

period, the Zhou royal house gradually declined, and the society was no longer united in a hierarchical genealogical structure. Political struggles were waged by families and individuals who

gained power from their control of economic resources and military forces, not from noble ancestry. The old religious institutions and

symbols could no longer convey political messages and were conse

quently replaced or complemented by new ones. The 1ineage-temple system declined, and tombs belonging to families and individuals

gradually became symbols of the new social elite.

Eastern Zhou texts tell us that during this period an estate

system was established to regulate funerary design. Zhou li )§] records that the height of a tomb mound symbolized the rank of the

deceased.28 This system was not an idealized scheme; it was actually

practiced in the state of Qin and regulated in the Qin laws of Shang

Yang |s^ . According to this law, the "rank" of a deceased was

determined not by inherited status but by achievement in public service.29 From here we can understand the essential difference

between a temple and a tomb at that time: a temple represented a

person's clan-heritage, and the tomb demonstrated his personal

accomplishments. As individual ambition increased, the size of

funerary structures skyrocketed. The following passage from Lushi

chunqiu & , a miscellany compiled close to the end of



Wu Hung 91

Fig. 9. A reconstruction plan of the Zhongshan Mausoleum. Fu

Xinian, "Zhanguo Zhongshan wangling," p. 110.




the Eastern Zhou period, describes vividly the consequence of this

development:

Nowadays when people make burials, they erect tumuli tall

and huge as mountains and plant trees dense and luxuriant

as forests. They arrange tower-gates and courtyards and

build halls and chambers with flights of steps for

visitors. Their cemeteries are like towns and cities! This

may be a way of making a display of their wealth to the

world, but how could they serve the deceased [with such

extravagance]!30

The culmination of this inflation was the great Lishan Mausoleum of

the First Qin Emperor (Fig. 10).31

The Qin had ancestral temples in both the old capital Yong and

the new capital Xianyang, but these temples attracted little of the

emperor's attention. Instead, he began building his necropolis the

very day he mounted the throne. The center of the mausoleum was a

huge pyramid. It seems that only after a long and complex develop ment did the ancient Chinese finally begin to share this monumental

architectural design with the ancient Egyptians who had built their

own pyramids thousands of years earlier. In contrast with a flat, two-dimensional temple-compound, an enormous pyramid appears in a vast landscape against an empty sky. No "extrinsic space" is

pursued; the only force with which the structure interacts is

nature. This monumental form in China appears late because only during this stage in Chinese history did such a form become

meaningful. As his royal title "Shi Huang Di" %. signifies, the First Qin Emperor viewed himself as the Shi or Origin. He cast a

position for himself in the social and religious hierarchy unequaled

by any other being, even his ancestors. This notion, which broke

radically with the Western Zhou concept of religious and political

authority, is manifested in the design of his tomb.

If the pyramid in the Lishan mausoleum was built as a personal

symbol of the First Qin Emperor, the underground tomb chamber was

transformed into a physical representation of the universe for him. Sima Qian recorded the following passage in his Shi ji:

When the First Emperor had first ascended the throne, he

ordered workers to excavate and construct Lishan, and

having just unified the world, over 700,000 convicts were sent to work there. They dug through three springs,

stopped their flow, and assembled the chamber there. They carried in [models of?] palaces, pavilions, and the



Wu Hung 93

Fig. 10. Plan of the Lishan Mausoleum. Excavation Team of the Qin Terra-cotta Army and the Museum of the Qin Terra-cotta

Army, Qinshihuang ling bingmayong (Beijing: Wenwu, 1983),

map.




hundred officials, and strange objects and valuables to

fill up the tomb. . . . With mercury they made the myriad rivers and ocean with a mechanism that made them flow

about. Above were all of the Heavens and below all of the

Earth.32

To students of Chinese art history, the importance of this passage

goes beyond the factual record. It reveals an artistic goal that

would have been entirely alien to the Three Dynasties. Shang-Zhou ritual art did not portray any worldly phenomena but aimed to

visualize an intermediate stage between the human world and the

world beyond it, thus linking these two separate realms.33 In the

Lishan tomb, however, art imitated actual things: there was an

artificial ocean and flowing rivers, and all images were arranged to

create an artificial microcosm of the universe.

Historically speaking, the plan of the Lishan Mausoleum

combined two major designs of Warring States mortuary structures:

one was used in the Qin, and the other enjoyed popularity in some

eastern kingdoms. Two groups of royal burials of predynastic Qin have been found in Fengxian and Lintong.3" According to Chinese

archaeologists, the thirty-two large tombs discovered in Fengxian

may have belonged to the Spring and Autumn and the early Warring States periods, while the three Qin kings buried in Lintong were

Zhaoxiang , Xiaowen ^ , and Zhuangxiang jji: , the direct predecessors of the First Qin Emperor.35 The Lintong tombs

shared two basic features that were absent in the mausoleums of the

eastern states. First, instead of erecting terrace-pavilions over

grave pits, wooden framed architectural complexes were built beside earthen tomb mounds. Second, the Lintong mausoleums, as well as

those in Fengxiang, were encircled by two or three layers of

ditches, sometimes seven meters in depth, while the royal tombs of

the Zhongshan and Wei were both surrounded by walls. The Lishan

Mausoleum appeared to integrate these two designs-, it continued the

Qin tradition of having a tumulus and a ceremonial structure built

separately, while adopting the eastern device of replacing ditches

with double walls. This combination allowed the First Qin Emperor to

develop the well-defined hierarchical structure that distinguishes the Lishan Mausoleum from its Eastern Zhou predecessors. Its three

sections—the district encircled by the inner wall, the area

between the inner and the outer walls, and the open space

surrounding the funerary park—assumed different functions and

symbolism (see Fig. 10). The heart of the mausoleum was the burial

and sacrificial area, while the area between the inner and the outer

walls was occupied by ceremonial officials and their departments.36 A very important feature of the Lishan Mausoleum is an architectural

complex of considerable size, built beside the tumulus in the exact



Wu Hung 95

center of the funerary park.37 The Eastern Han scholar Cai Yong

&■ has provided an identification for this building:

An ancient ancestral temple consisted of a ceremonial hall

[miao ] in front and a retiring hall [qin ] in the rear, after the manner in which a ruler had a court in

front and a retiring chamber in the rear. The ancestral

tablet was set in the ceremonial hall and was worshiped

during the seasonal sacrifices. The retiring hall

contained royal gowns, caps, armrests, and staffs, like

the paraphernalia of the living king, which were used when

presenting offerings. The Qin first removed the retiring hall [from the temple] to occupy a position flanking the

tomb.3 8

The excavations of the predynastic Qin mausoleums at Lintong, however, have demonstrated that this tradition extended back several

generations in the Qin. Architectural foundations have been discov

ered beside the tomb mounds in the Lintong mausoleums, and the

excavators have suggested structural similarities between these

buildings and the one in the Lishan Mausoleum.39 A related record

comes from Han shu: "In ancient times no sacrifices were held in

graveyards; the Qin initiated the [custom] to build the qin inside

mausoleums. ... It began with the Qin that the qin was removed

from [the temple] and was constructed beside the tomb.""0 Because

the name Qin in this passage can be understood as the predynastic Qin kingdom, we may contend that the ritual buildings excavated in both Lintong mausoleums and the Lishan Mausoleum were the qin halls

originally part of the traditional ancestral temple.

Also unlike mausoleums of Eastern Zhou lords, the territory of

the Lishan necropolis extended to include a large area outside the

graveyard."1 To the east, the underground terra-cotta army dupli cated the Qin military forces under the First Emperor's command. In

the area between the terra-cotta army and the park, nineteen tombs

of high officials and royal retainers, as well as an enormous

underground stable, have been found. West of the funerary park lie

the burials of convicts, some perhaps buried alive. Thus, while the

funerary park itself was constructed as the emperor's "forbidden

city," the surrounding area mirrored his empire, supported by his

courtiers, soldiers, servants, and perhaps slaves.

Moreover, since the First Emperor had assumed the position as

the Origin of a great tradition, associating himself with an

existing lineage temple became impossible."2 He thus had a temple dedicated to himself even before his death. This temple, called the




Jimiao or the Temple of the Absolute, was built somewhere

south of the Wei River; a road was further constructed to connect it with the Lishan Mausoleum."3 An important passage from Shi ji records that a court meeting was held after the emperor's death and

that a new policy concerning ancestral worship was agreed upon by all ministers:

In the past, the [lineage] temple complex of the Son of

Heaven consisted of seven individual temples [for individual ancestors]; that of a lord, five individual

temples, and that of a grand official, three individual

temples. These [lineage] temple complexes persisted

generation after generation. Now the First Emperor has

built the Temple of the Absolute, and people within the four seas have sent their tribute and offerings. The

ritual has been completed and cannot be further

elaborated. The [old] temples of our ancestral kings are

located either in Yong or in Xianyang. The Son of Heaven should now hold ancestral ceremonies exclusively in the

Temple of the First Emperor.""

Han: The Elimination of the Temple-Tomb Dualism

The Qin burial system exemplified by the Lishan Mausoleum laid

a basic framework for Han funerary art. All pre-Qin burials were vertical earthen pits containing wooden encasements, coffins, and tomb furnishings (Fig. 11). This structure was explained by a

certain Guozi Gao §1 5-1S3 of the Eastern Zhou: "Burying means

hiding away; and this hiding is from a wish that people should not

see it. Hence there are the clothes sufficient for an elegant

covering; the coffin all round about the clothes; the encasement

all round about the coffin; and the earth all round about the

encasement."1'5 From the mid-Western Han, however, an underground tomb, built of hollow bricks or carved inside a rocky hill, appeared to imitate the deceased's household, with a main hall, a bedroom, and side chambers (Figs. 12 and 13).1,6 Wooden framed or stone

offering shrines were further erected in front of tomb mounds

(Fig. 14). In a study of Han funerary art, I argue that pictures on the ceiling, gables, and walls of a shrine transformed the plain stone structure into a concrete universe, with different sections

depicting heaven, immortal paradise, and the human world."7 An

Eastern Han inscription sheds light on the significance of the

dualism of the above ground shrine and the underground tomb in Han

religion. This inscription, engraved on the shrine dedicated by two

Xiang brothers to their deceased parents, describes the shrine's

construction in detail:



Wu Hung 97

Fig. 11. Plan and section of Tomb no. 2 in Guweicun, Huixian. Guo

Baojun, Huixan fajue baogao (Beijing: Kexue, 1956),

fig. 107.

He [i.e., Xiang Wuhuan^ ~$L i% ] and his younger brother

worked in the open air in their parents' graveyard, even

early in the morning and even in the heat of summer. They

transported soil on their backs to build the tumulus and

planted pine and juniper trees in rows. They erected a

stone shrine, hoping that the hun-souls of their parents would have a place to abide.ha




Fig.

12.

Plan

of

Mancheng

Tomb

no.

1.

Institute

of

Archaeology

and

the

Hebei

Provincial

Administrative

Committee

of

Cultural

Relics,

Mancheng

Han

mu

fajue

baogao

(Beijing:

Wenwu,1980),

fig.

4.



Wu Hung 99

Fig. 13. Cross-sections of Tomb no. 61 at Luoyang. Kaogu xuebao

1964.2:110.

The idea implied in the last sentence was explained by the Ming

writer Qiu Qiong £^3^: "When a son's parents die, their bodies

and po-souls return to the ground below, and thus the son builds

tombs to conceal them. Their hurt-souls soar into the sky, and thus

the son erects a shrine to house them.'"'9 Thus, deviating from the

Zhou idea, it was now believed that the hurt-soul actually dwelled in

the funerary shrine. To invoke ancestral deities through displaying




ELEVATION

PLAN

1 i < 0

Fig. 14. Plan and section of Zhu Wei's tomb and offering shrine

(reconstruction). Wilma Fairbank, "A Structural Key to Han

Mural Art," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 1942

fig. 15.

ritual paraphernalia and offerings became less important; the

primary ritual practice was to provide the hurt with housing.

The establishment of the Han dynasty, moreover, greatly reinforced the political and ritual significance of imperial



Wu Hung 101

mausoleums. The founder of the Han and his generals arose from commoners who had never had the privilege of holding "temple sacrifices."50 When the Western Han emperors began to construct

their burials, they had very few scruples about deviating from Zhou

ritual codes. Various components of the palace, including the

ceremonial hall, rulers' retiring rooms, concubines' quarters,

administration offices, and the huge que gates, were all

faithfully copied in funerary parks.51 Three-dimensional statues, which had been buried underground in the Lishan Mausoleum, were

erected above ground to flank the Spirit Path, and the "satellite

burials" of royal retainers and statesmen surrounded an emperor's tomb, as if the ministers and generals were still paying respect to

their sovereign.52

Also following the Qin system, from Emperor Hui's ^ reign on, an ancestral temple, called a miao, was dedicated to each

deceased emperor and was built near his mausoleum.53 Chinese

archaeologists have identified the locations of the temples of the

Emperors Jing -Jf; and Yuan 7L • Jing's temple was located about 400 meters to the south and Vuan's temple about 300 meters to the

north of their respective tombs.5" Thus, the traditional lineage

temple disappeared and "dissolved" into a number of temples

belonging to individual emperors. A special road connected a temple with an emperor's qin hall inside the park. Every month, a ceremony was held in the ancestral temple of each deceased ruler, and a

ritual procession conveyed the royal crown and clothes to lead the

soul of the deceased emperor from the tombs to the temples to

receive offerings. This road, therefore, was assigned the name, the

"Costume-and-Crown Road" (yiguandao ).55 Interestingly, the miao and the qin were originally two integral sections of an

ancestral temple. The predynastic Qin rulers extracted the qin from

the temple and reset it in their mausoleums. The first Qin emperor and the emperors of the Western Han went even further: they attached

the miao to their tombs. Although qin were built inside funerary

parks and miao outside, linked by the Costume-and-Crown Road they were once more united.

A Western Han imperial temple, therefore, differed funda

mentally from the Western Zhou royal temple. As the property of an

individual ruler, the Western Han temple no longer signified the

genealogical and political tradition of the royal house. It would be

correct to say that the traditional ancestral temple had perished

during the Qin and the Western Han dynasties and that the temple had

become firmly married to the tomb. Until the Eastern Han, however, a

temple was still built outside a funerary park, still the legitimate

place to hold major ancestral sacrifices.56 The next step was the




total independence of the tomb as the center of ancestral worship. This change, which took place during the mid-first century A.O.,

greatly stimulated the development of funerary art and gave it new

significance. The change may have been caused by a number of

factors, including the establishment of the family system in the

society and the heightening of the Confucian virtue of filial piety, but a direct reason is found in an almost accidental event.

This event took place at the beginning of the Eastern Han. In

A.D. 58, Emperor Ming fl]t) abolished the temple sacrifice and

transferred it to the royal mausoleum.57 Following this incident, the temple's role was reduced to a minimum, and graveyards became

the sole center of ancestral worship. This event has been inter

preted in terms of the emperor's devout filial piety;58 an exami

nation of the historical evidence, however, reveals that the

motivation behind this ritual reform was political, aimed at

resolving a difficulty in the legitimacy of the Eastern Han regime.

Emperor Ming's father, the Guangwu emperor, was one of

many rebel leaders. During his long military struggles against his

enemies, he had derived great advantage from two sources; first, his surname, Liu, evidenced his blood relationship with the Former

Han royal house; and second, he declared he was restoring orthodox Confucian ideology on the model of Western Zhou ritualized society. These concerns had led him to establish a lineage-temple for the

Former Han royal house in A.O. 26, in which tablets of eleven Western Han emperors were worshiped.59 But as Guangwu himself

perhaps understood more clearly than anyone else, he was not the

legitimate successor of the Western Han royal line. He was from a

distant branch of the Liu clan, and in the clan genealogy he was

actually two generations senior to the last Western Han emperor.

Inevitably, Guangwu faced a dilemma; on the one hand, he had to

maintain the newly established Liu royal temple; on the other hand, this temple irked him like a "fish bone in his throat" because it

disclosed the irregularity in the royal succession. To resolve this

dilemma, he first tried to build a new Eastern Han royal temple but

soon failed because of the resistance of some Confucian ministers.60

He then made a great effort to transfer temple sacrifices to

mausoleums. According to Han shu, no Western Han emperor ever

attended a mausoleum sacrifice, for all important ancestral rituals

were held in temples. The biography of the Guangwu emperor indicates

that the founder of the Eastern Han held ancestral sacrifices fifty seven times, but only six of these were held in the temple; the

other fifty-one were conducted in graveyards.61 Therefore, even

though Guangwu failed to establish a new temple system, he did

succeed in shifting the emphasis to tombs and thus prepared a way to

resolve the problem his successor would eventually face.



Wu Hung 103

This test appeared immediately after Guangwu's death. The

question was where the sacrifice to the founder of the Eastern Han

should be held. As we have seen, the solution of his son, Emperor

Ming, was to transfer temple ceremonies to the mausoleum.. It is

said that in A.D. 58, on the night before the annual ancestral

sacrifice, Emperor Ming dreamed of his deceased parents. The emperor was deeply sorrowful and could not fall asleep; the next morning, he

led his ministers and courtiers to Guangwu's graveyard and held the

sacrifice there. During the ceremony sweet dew fell from heaven, which the emperor asked his ministers to collect and offer to his

deceased father. He became so sad that he crawled forward to the

"spirit bed" and began to weep as he examined his mother's dressing articles. "At the time, none of the ministers and attendants

present could remain dry-eyed."62

We do not know if this story of filial piety is genuine. But

the preceding discussion about early Eastern Han politics suggests that Emperor Ming's motives for initiating the "mausoleum sacrifice"

(shariglingli ) were not purely emotional and ethical.

Going even further, this emperor demanded in his will that no

temple except his funerary shrine be built for him.63 All later

Eastern Han rulers followed this arrangement. Thus, during the next

160 years, the royal temple became nominal. Instead, the graveyard became the focus of ancestral worship. The royal example was in

turn imitated by people throughout the country. As the Qing scholar

Zhao Vi J| pointed out: "Taking the imperial 'grave sacrifice' as their model, all officials and literati erected funerary shrines.

Commoners, who could not afford to establish shrines, also

customarily held ancestral sacrifices in the family graveyard."6"

The graveyard was no longer the silent world of the deceased; it became a center of social activities. There yearly, monthly, and

daily sacrifices were offered, and large social gatherings were

conducted. The royal mausoleums became the political and religious

headquarters of the court, and family graveyards provided the

common people with a proper place for banquets, musical perfor mances, and art displays.65 Pictorial images were painted and carved

in not only underground tomb chambers for the deceased but also on

open funerary shrines for the public.66 More and more motifs for

educational, memorial, and entertainment purposes entered this

art.67 The Eastern Han period thus appears to have been the golden

age of funerary art in Chinese history.

Just as it had begun abruptly, this golden age ended abruptly. In A.D. 222, two years after the fall of the Eastern Han, Emperor




Wen iQ. of the new dynasty, the Wei , announced that the funerary ritual was unorthodox and abolished it. He issued an edict to

destroy funerary structures and went so far as to order that the

shrine of his father, the famous warlord Cao Cao % ^ , be

destroyed.68 Shrine destruction must not have been limited to royal mausoleums: Chinese archaeologists have found a number of Wei-Jin

tombs in which elaborately engraved stone slabs from destroyed Eastern Han shrines were reused as building materials.69 These

stones, sometimes randomly paved on the floor and sometimes covered

with mortar, attest to an iconoclastic movement and a sweeping shift in the form of ancestral worship. From this time until the

fall of imperial China, temple and tomb reassumed their positions as the twin centers in ancestral religion, but they never again attained the political significance they had held during the Three

Dynasties and the Eastern Han.

Department of Fine Arts

Harvard University

Cambridge, MA 02138

NOTES

This article is a short version of the second part of a book that

the author is preparing for publication. The book discusses the

relationship between early Chinese art and ancestral worship, the

most important religious form of early China. The first part of the

book examines the nature and development of liqi ~fj$. ft' —the art

of ritual vessels—from prehistoric times to the Eastern Zhou, and

the third part focuses on Han funerary art. The present article was

first written for the 1987 Symposium on Han Art at the University of

Michigan and the 1987 meeting of the American Oriental Society

(Western Branch) at Berkeley. I want to thank Professors Jeffrey

Riegel, Ken DeWoskin, David Keightley, and William Boltz for their support. This article was submitted in final form on 20 February 1988.

1. David N. Keightley, "The Religious Commitment: Shang Theology and the Genesis of Chinese Political Culture," History of Religions 17.3-4 (1978):217.

2. Cf. Li ji, in Ruan Yuan pL^L > Shisanjing zhushu -f- =, ^

(Beij ing; Zhonghua, 1980), pp. 1605-1607. Different dates have been attributed to Li ji. Most likely, this book was compiled during the early Han. See J. Legge, Li Chi: Book of Rites (New York:



Wu Hung 105

University Books, 1967), vol. 1, p. xlvi. Because my discussion in

this article concerns some general principles of early Chinese

religion and art, Li ji and other later documents are used as

secondary sources complementing archaeological evidence.

3. Li ji, pp. 1495, 1508, 1589; see too, K. C. Chang, Art, Myth and Ritual (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), pp. 37

41.

4. Institute of Archaeology, Yinxu Fu Hao mu

(Beijing: Wenwu, 1980), pp. 221-228.

5. Zhou li )W] records a general and perhaps idealized plan of

the capital city. Zhou li, in Ruan Yuan, Shisanjing zhushu, pp. 927

28. The archaeological excavations at Anyang, Zhengzhou, and

Panlongcheng have all demonstrated that large ritual structures

were built inside a town, but burial districts were located outside.

See, K. C. Chang, Shang Civilization (New Haven, Conn.: Yale

University Press, 1980), pp. 90-95, 110-124, 272-283, 297-306.

6. Li ji, p. 1589.

7. Li ji, p. 1258: translation based on Legge, Li Chi, pp. 103-104.

Legge translated the character jia fc as "clan," but the corres

ponding term for "clan" in Li ji (p. 1508) is zu . Here the

character jia means "lineage" or "extended family."

8. Li ji, p. 1508; see too, Chang, Art, Myth, and Ritual, pp. 15

16.

9. "[A noble man] maintains his ancestral temple and represents sacrifices reverently at proper seasons. This brings order to his

lineage and clan." Li ji, p. 1611.

10. Li ji, pp. 1439, 1441, 1595.

11. A. Waley, trans.. The Book of Songs (New York: Grove Press,

1978), pp. 239-280; see too, Chang, Art, Myth, and Ritual, pp. 10

15.

12. Chang, Shang Civilization, pp. 272-283, 297-306.

13. R. Thorp, "Origins of Chinese Architectural Style: The Earliest

Plans and Building Types," Archives of Asian Art 36 (1983):22-26.




14. Dai Zhen • Kaogongji tu (Shanghai:

Shangwu, 1955), pp. 104-107, 113. Zou Heng first noted

similarities in architectural plan between the Erlitou building and

the Three Dynasties ancestral temple reconstructed by Dai Zhen. He

also contended that the Erlitou building was a temple. Zou Heng,

Shang-Zhou kaogu 0] )(Beijing: Wenwu, 1979), p. 27.

15. R. Arnheim, A/ew Essays on the Psychology of Art (Berkeley:

University of California Press, 1986), p. 83.

16. Thorp, "Origins of Chinese Architectural Style," pp. 26-31.

17. Li ji, p. 1416; translation based on Legge, Li Chi, vol. 1,

pp. 370-371; emphasis mine.

18. This idea is discussed in a book the author is preparing for

publication. Zoomorphic images on Shang and Western Zhou ritual

paraphernalia were not the ultimate objects of worship. They are not

self-contained; rather, they appear as the surface elements of

ritual objects. In fact, Chinese art before the Eastern Zhou was

essentially noniconic; spirits and deities remained shapeless, and

thus ancestral deities, the most important subjects of religious worship in ancient China, were represented merely by plain wooden

tablets. More likely, these zoomorphic images functioned to

"animate" inanimate materials—a piece of metal or stone; similar

beliefs existed in many traditions in the ancient world, along with

a universal belief in the magic power of eyes or masks. See, E. H.

Gombrich, The Sense of Order (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1979), pp. 257-262. This suggestion agrees with K. C.

Chang's assumption that ritual bronzes, as well as bronze decora

tion, were a means of religious communication between man and

divinities (Chang, Art, Myth, and Ritual, pp. 56-80). This suggestion may also explain an essential characteristic of Shang and

Western Zhou zoomorphs: their protean shapes and incessant

permutations. These zoomorphs are not formulated icons but assume

endless variations; they combine features from different animal

species but are never turned into naturalistic representations. These varying images seem to attest to a painstaking effort to

create metaphors for an intermediate state between the supernatural and reality—something that one could depict but could not portray.

19. Institute of Archaeology, Yinxu Fu Hao mu, pp. 4-6. Remains of

above-ground mortuary houses from the Later Shang dynasty have been

also found in Dasigong village. Ma Dezhi and others,

"1953 nianqiu Anyang Dasikongcun fajue baogao" 1953 ^ ^

% -tf $ Jg. £ , Kaogu xuebao % $ ^ , 1953.9:25-40.



Wu Hung 107

20. Chang, Shang Civilization, pp. 119-124.

21. Zhou li, pp. 757-759.

22. Li ji, pp. 1595-1596.

23. It is important to distinguish "funerary rituals" (sangli

from "grave sacrifices" (muji J|. ^ ) in ancient Chinese ritual practices. The former was carried out immediately following a

death, but the latter refers to rituals practiced routinely in

graveyards. The three ritual canons describe the "funerary ritual"

at great length but omit all mention of the "grave sacrifice."

24. The origin of "grave sacrifice" has been the focus of a debate

among Chinese scholars for some two thousand years. Scholars of the

Eastern Han held similar opinions on this issue. A typical

statement was provided by Wang Chong j£. iL : "Ancient people held

ancestral sacrifices in temples; nowadays people have the custom of

sacrificing in graveyards" (Liu Pansui ^§}\ Lunheng jijie

[Beijing: Guji, 1957], p. 469.) Similar statements also appear in the writings of two distinguished Eastern Han

historians, Ving Shao M- and Cai Yong ^ ^ . Ying Shao reported: "In ancient times the ritual of 'grave sacrifice' did not

exist. . . . Emperors [of the present] hold ceremonies in the first

month of the year at the Yuanling Mausoleum" (quoted in Fan Ye

vE. ^ , Hou Han shu % [Beijing: Zhonghua, 1965], vol. 2,

p. 99). The same idea was expressed even more categorically in a

statement by Cai Yong quoted in note 58 below.

Confusion about the origin of grave sacrifices first appeared

during the Jin dynasty. Sima Biao's 3]statement that "the

mausoleum sacrifice had been practiced during the Western Han" (Hou Han shu, p. 3103) contradicted the belief of Eastern Han historians

that the ceremony had not existed until it was created by Emperor

Ming. Going even further, Sima Biao argued that the "grave sacri

fice" had actually been initiated during the Qin dynasty: "In ancient times there did not exist the ritual of 'grave sacrifice.'

The Han mausoleums all contained a qin ^ hall because the Han

followed the regulation of the Qin" (Hou Han shu, pp. 3199-3200).

This issue became a favorite topic in the Qing dynasty. Some

scholars, such as Xu Qianxue and Gu Yanwu ^

,

disagreed with Sima Biao and returned to the view of Han historians

(Xiu Qianxue, Duli tongkao 94[ 1696]:1b; Huang Rucheng




, Rizhi lu jishi 3 $5$. ^[Hubei: Chongwen, 1872],

15:1-3). Other scholars, represented by Yan Ruoju fekj £ and Sun

Yirang derived their evidence from historical writings and the Confucian classics to prove that the ritual of "grave sacrifice" had not only existed during the Qin and Western Han but

had actually been practiced by disciples of Confucius and even by

King Wu of the Zhou dynasty (Yan Ruoju, Duli congchao 1.^.^7* ,

in Huang-Qing jingjie %_ >"]f ^ , 20:14a-b; Sun Yirang, Zhou li

zhengyi )§][Shanghai: Zhonghua, 1934]).

This debate has been renewed during recent years. In 1982,

Yang Hongxun fi/j declared that the ritual practice of grave sacrifice can be traced back as far as the Shang dynasty. He

provided archaeological evidence including the sacrificial ground discovered at the Shang royal cemetery, the remains of Shang-Zhou

above-ground mortuary houses, and the "design of the royal cemetery of the Zhongshan kingdom" ("Guanyu Qindai yiqian mushang jianzhu de

wenti" iUSt ^ ^ ^ A ^ . Kaogu iz 1982.4:403). Opposed to him was the noted historian, Yang Kuan

, who followed Gu Yanwu and Xu Qianxue and concluded that

the pre-Han funerary structures found in archaeological excavations

"could only be qrin-halls—the 'retiring room' for the soul of the

deceased, rather than 'offering halls' in which people held ritual

sacrifices to their ancestors" ("Xian-Qin mushang jianzhu he lingqin

zhidu" 'fa. & fr, Menm X. ifo 1982.1:31; "Xian-Qin mushang jianzhu wenti de zaitantao" ^ ^

■ Ka°9u 1983.7:636-640). A third scholar,

Wang Shimin returned to Sima Biao's opinion, saying that the official "grave sacrifice" was initiated by the First Qin Emperor (Wang Shimin, "Zhongguo Chunqiu Zhanguo shidai de zhongmu"

' Kaogu 1981.5:465).

In my opinion, this debate has been caused by different

understandings and uses of the term muji, or "grave sacrifice." Yan

Ruoju, Sun Yirang, and Yang Hongxun all understood the word in its

general, broad sense as any kind of ritual held in a graveyard; Sima Biao and Wang Shimin understood it in a narrower sense as the

imperial sacrifices held in mausoleums; the Han dynasty scholars,

together with Gu Yanwu, Xiu Qianxue, and Yang Kuan, used the term in

a specific sense to mean the most important official ancestral

sacrifice held in the royal mausoleums in the first month of the



Wu Hung 109

yeai—that is, the shangling ceremony initiated by Emperor

Ming of the Eastern Han in A.D. 58.

These scholars, in short, have focused on two different

historical problems: one is the origin of the ritual practice of

grave sacrifice; the other is the formulation of the official

"mausoleum sacrifice." Both kinds of ritual are important for

understanding the development of ancestral worship in ancient

Ch i na.

25. Li ji, p. 1275.

26. Li ji, p. 1292.

27. Two reconstruction plans of the Zhongshan mausoleum have been

provided. Yang Hongxun, "Zhanguo Zhongshan wangling ji Zhaoyutu

yanjiu" J|j§] 2- tS]-^T 'PL < Kaogu xuebao

1980.1:119-137; Fu Xinian jj^- ^ , "Zhanguo Zhongshanwang Cuo mu

chutu Zhaoyutu jiqi lingyuan guizhi de yanjiu" ^ ^ ^ %.

tk*. ® ft Igj *8. m % , Kaogu xuebao 1980.1:97-119. In addition to the plan of the Zhongshan Mausoleum,

an important Warring States mausoleum was excavated in Guweicun

if] d] jf-f, Hebei; it has been identified as a royal burial of the

state of Wei The plan of the mausoleum was similar to that of

the Zhongshan Mausoleum; the square funerary park, encircled by double walls, was centered on three individual sacrificial

structures built in a row on a terrace. See Yang Hongxun, "Zhanguo

Zhongshan wangling," pp. 131-12.

28. Zhou li, p. 786. This passage records that the "zhongren" A.

or officer in charge of tombs, was "to regulate the measurement of

the tumuli and the number of trees [planted in the graveyards]

according to the rank of the deceased."

29. Zhu Shizhe % , Shangjun shu jiegu dingben

(Beijing: Guji, 1956) 5:74.

30. Xu Weiyu , LUshi chunqiu jishi ^ fk If", (Beijing: Zhongguo Shudian, 1985) 10:8b.

31. General excavation reports and studies on the Lishan Mausoleum

include: Shaanxi Provincial Administrative Committee of Cultural




Relics, "Qinshihuang ling diaocha baogao" 3. £ ^.of,

Kaogu 1962.8:407-411; R. Thorp, "An Archaeological Reconstruction of

the Lishan Necropolis," in G. Kuwayama, ed., The Great Bronze Age of

China: A Symposium (Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art,

1983), pp.72-83; Yang Kuan, Zhongguo gudai lingqin zhidushi yanjiu

Ml #'J& (Shanghai: Guji, 1985), pp. 183— 201.

32. Sima Qian, Shi ji (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1959), 6:265.

33. See above note 18.

34. Han Wei /j-^ , "Fengxiang Qingong lingyuan zuantan yu shijue

jianbao" MM 4"'* ft.^• Wenwu 1983.7:30 37; Shaanxi Provincial Archaeological Institute, "Qin dongling

diyihao lingyuan tanchaji" ^ ^ 1§L S)4? 4

Kaogu yu nenwu ^

1987.4:19-28.

35. Lishan Xuehui <A^'jl" , "Qin dongling tancha chuyi" zf? , Kaogu yu wennu 1987.4:86-88. My discussion

does not follow the Lishan Xuehui's suggestion that the Lishan

Mausoleum was one of the Lintong Qin royal tombs.

36. Remains of buildings have been found between the two walls of the funerary park. Pottery vessels unearthed there are stamped with

inscriptions such as Lishanyuan |jj (Lishan Mausoleum) and

Lishan siguan „^|L d-\ ft. (the sacrificial officer of the Lishan Mausoleum), and thus identify these buildings as departments of

ritual affairs. See Zhao Kangmin ^ , "Qinshihuang ling

yuanming Lishan" % fit ^ - Kaogu yu

nennu 1980.3:34-38.

37. This architectural complex consisted of four individual

buildings arranged in an east-west row. The largest was about 20

meters long and 3.4 meters wide, with an elaborate limestone

doorway. Its walls were constructed of plastered stone, and the

walkways were paved with stones. Other remains, including post holes, large bricks, and decorated tiles, suggest that these

buildings were wooden-framed structures with tiled roofs. Zhao

Kangming, "Qinshihuang lingbei 2, 3, 4 hao jianzhu yizhi"

f. , Henm 1979.12:13-16.



Wu Hung 111

38. Cai YongJgL^ , Du duan ?0}l0r , in Cheng Rong •

Han-Hei congshu vH 14:20; see, too, Yang Kuan, Zhongguo gudai lingqin, p. 638.

39. Lishan Xuehui, "Qin dongling tancha," p. 89.

40. Quoted in Lishan Xuehui, "Qin dongling tancha," p. 89.

41. Important archaeological reports regarding excavations in the outer district of the Lishan Mausoleum include: Archaeological Team of the Qin Terra-cotta Army, "Lintongxian Qinyongkeng shijue diyihao

jianbao" uermu 1975.11:1-18; "Qinshihuang ling dongce dierhao bingma yongkeng zuantan shijue

jianbao" % &*«■) f 1 jj *K ifWenwu 1978.5:1-19; "Qinshihuang ling dongce disanhao bingma yongkeng

pingli jianbao" ^

Uenmj 1979.12:1-12; "Lintong Shangjiaocun Qinmu qingli jianbao"

-t jA^ 1§.>||Kaogu yu nennu 1980.2:42-50;

"Qinshihuang ling dongce majiukeng zuantan qingli jianbao"

, Kaogu yu nenm 1980.4:31—41; "Qinshihuang ling xice Zhaojiabeihucun Qin xingtu mu"

%-Qa ji. ;% ft'liP Ji . Uenwu 1982.3:1-11; "Qinshihuang lingyuan peizangkeng zuantan qingli jianbao" J|

■ Kaogu yu wenwu 1982.1:25-29.

42. The predynastic Qin temple system is not clear. According to Shi ji vol. 6, p. 266, the most important royal temples were located in the two capitals, Yong and Xianyang. Other records, however,

suggest that from King Zhao's 03 reign a temple was built near a deceased ruler's mausoleum; see Yang Kuan, Zhongguo gudai lingqin, p. 24.

43. Sima Qian, Shi ji, 6:241.

44. Sima Qian, Shi ji, 6:266.

45. Li ji, p. 1292; translation based on Legge, Li Chi 1:155-156.

46. Wang Zhongshu, Han Civilization, trans. K. C. Chang (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), pp. 175-179.




47. Wu Hung, The Wu Liang Shrine: The Ideology of Early Chinese

Pictorial Art (Stanford University Press, forthcoming).

48. Luo Fuyi fifj, "Xiang Tajun shicitang tizi jieshi"^^^S:Ml ■j?*! 5 ilf , Gugong bonuyuan yuankan % +4 ^ I 1960.2:178-180; emphasis mine.

49. Quoted in Zhu Kongyang , /.7da7 lingqin beikao /^f

^ ^ ^ ^ (Shanghai: Shenbao, 1937), 13:5a.

50. Li ji (p. 1589): "The mass of ordinary officers and the common

people had no ancestral temple. Their dead were left in their

ghostly state"; trans. Legge, Li Chi, 2:206.

51. According to Sanfu huangtu £_ $$& |j) and the biography

of Wei Xuancheng l|r"fc in Han shu, a Western Han mausoleum contained four major architectural units: the qin or "retiring

hall," the biandian or "side hall," the yeting ^4k_ or

place for concubines, and the imperial offices. Ban Gu, Han shu,

(Beijing: Zhonghua, 1962), 73:3115-3116.

52. According to textual evidence, free-standing sculptures of the

Qin, such as the famous Twelve Golden Men, were erected above ground

only in the imperial palace. See Sima Qian, Shi ji 6:239. From the

epoch of Emperor Wu of the Western Han, large stone figures for

funerary purposes began to be placed on the ground in front of

mausoleums. It has been reported that remains of such statues were found in front of Emperor Wu's tomb, flanking the Spirit Path; see

X^e Mincong , Zhongguo lidai diling kaolue ^ £) /tt"

'rp ^ (Taibei: Zhongzheng, 1979), p. 58. The authenticity of this report may be supported by the existence of stone statues in

front of Huo Qubing's tomb. Huo was a famous general under Emperor Wu, and his tomb was one of the "satellite burials"

of the emperor's mausoleum.

From the beginning of the Han dynasty, a "satellite burial"

system was established. In this system, an emperor's tomb was the

focal point of the mausoleum complex, surrounded by the tombs of

his empress, concubines, relatives, and meritorious ministers and

generals. The scale of such a burial is astonishing. According to

archaeological surveys, at least 175 satellite burials surrounded

Emperor Gaozu's tomb, 34 surrounded Emperor Jing's, and 59

surrounded Emperor Xuan's. See Liu Qingzhu |ri| and Li



Wu Hung 113

Yufang ^ ■ "xi_Han zhuling diaocha yu yanjiu" ?%.

ZM |[ '?L , Henmj cankao ziliao ^ 1982.6:1-15; Vang Kuan, Zhongguo gudai lingqin, Appendix I.

53. Sima Qian, Shi ji, 99:2725-2726.

54. Wang Pizhong jE, & et at., "Han Jingdi Yangling diaocha

jianbao" ^ ^ i Pa] Kaogu yu

nenMu 1980.1:36-37; Li Hongtao and Wang Pizhong, "Han

Yuandi Wei ling diaochaji" ^J| 5c.® $(L . Kao/cu yu tvemvu 1980.1:40-41. It is also reported that a large architectural

foundation, 51 meters long and 29.6 meters wide, was found southeast

of Emperor Xuan's mausoleum. The reporter has identified this

building as a g7>-hall, but, because the foundation was located

outside the funerary park, it was more probably the remains of a

miao. See the Archaeological Team of the Du Mausoleum, "1982-1983

nian Xi-Han Ouling de kaogu gongzuo shouhuo" 1982-1983 ^ ^ ^

£ X- , Kaogu 1984.10:887-894.

55. Ban Gu, Han shu, 43:2130.

56. For example, we read in texts that King Wuling of the Zhao

5- passed on the throne to his younger son in the Zhao

ancestral temple; that Ying Zheng the future emperor of

Qin, stayed overnight in the Qin ancestral temple at Yong before

becoming the heir; and that all the emperors of the Western Han

designated their crown princes in the Great Ancestral temple dedicated to the founder of the dynasty (Sima Qian, Shi ji, 43:1812;

Zhang Zongxiang £|- rp> ̂ . Jiaozheng sanfu huangtu z- 0$

[Shanghai: Gudian Wenxue, 1958], p. 43). Again, according to Han shu 73:3115-3116, only daily meals were offered to a deceased

emperor in his qin, while more important monthly sacrifices were

held in his miao.

57. Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, 2:99.

58. For example, Cai Yong stated in A.D. 172 after attending the

"mausoleum sacrifice" that year: "I heard that the ancients did not

sacrifice to their ancestors in graveyards, and I had doubted the

need for the ritual of 'mausoleum sacrifice' practiced by the

present court. Only after I witnessed the dignified manner of the

ceremony today, did I begin to realize its original motivation. Now I understand the complete filial piety and sincerity of Emperor




Filial Mi rig [who initiated the ritual]. It would be improper to

replace this ritual with the old custom." Fan Ye, Hou Han shu,

p. 3101.

59. Ibid., pp. 27-28:3194-3195.

60. Ibid., p. 32.

61. Ibid., pp. 1-87.

62. Huang Rucheng, Rizhi lu jishi 15:2-3.

63. Fan Ye, Hou Han shu, pp. 123-124.

64. Zhao Yi, Haiyu congkao . in Dushu taji congkan

(Taibei, 1960), 1, no.3:32ab.

65. Martin Powers, "Pictorial Art and Its Public in Early Imperial China," Art History 7.2 (1984):135-163.

66. During the Eastern Han, the funerary shrine of a family was

open to the public. This is most clearly indicated by the

inscription engraved on the An Guo shrine dated to A.D. 158: "You,

observers, please offer your pity and sympathy. Then may your

longevity be as gold and stone and may your descendants extend your line for ten thousand years. You, boys who herd horses and tend

sheep and cows, are all from good families. If you enter this hall,

please do not destroy the hall or make any trouble: this will cause

disaster to your descendants. We are stating clearly to people of virtue and kind-heartedness within the four seas: please scrutinize

these words and do not ignore them." See Li Falin ^ ,

Shandong Han huaxiangshi yanjiu ^ i?;(Jinan; Qilu Shushe, 1982), p. 101.

67. See the articles by M. Powers, K. J. DeWoskin, and Wu Hung in

Stories from China's Past (San Francisco: Chinese Cultural Center,

1987):54-82.

68. Chen Shou , Sanguo zhi il |^] (Beijing: Zhonghua,

1959), p. 81; Fang Xuanling & , Jin shu % ^ (Beijing: Zhonghua, 1974)20:634.

69. To my knowledge, at least eight such tombs have been discovered—four in Shandong, three in Henan, and one in Sichuan.

See Institute of the Wu Family Shrines, Jiaxiang County, "Shandong



Wu Hung 115

Jiaxiang Songshan faxian Han huaxiangshi" if? iU

\% , Uenmi 1979.9:1-6; Committee of Cultural Relics, Jining District, "Shandong Jiaxiang Songshan 1980 nian chutu de Han

huaxiangshi" ^ ^ ® 0 ^ }1f lit ^

Wenwu 1982.5:60-70; Institute of Cultural Relics, Jiaxiang County,

"Jiaxiang Wulaowa faxian yipi huaxiangshi" -jjk. ̂ jz. —

fat , Uenm 1982.5:71-78; Archaeological Team of the Henan

Provincial Cultural Bureau, "Henan Nanyang Dongguan Jin-mu"

toogu 1963.1:25-27; Wang Rulin _£ y)'^#. , "Henan

Nanyang Xiguan yizuo gumu zhongde Han huaxiangshi" V5]" r^) fl? iS?

80 ~/S t & il tli S • Kaogu 1964.8:424-426; Nanyang Museum, "Nanyang faxian Dong-Han Xu Aqu muzhi huaxiangshi"

Uenm 1974.8:73-75; Xie Yanxiang

"Sichuan Pixian Xipu chutu de Dong-Han canbei" ktp )'l fj5 ^ $3 *>% ' 1974.4:67-71.

Some Chinese archaeologists have tried to explain why Han

pictorial carvings were reused in constructing these Wei-Jin tombs. For example, Li Falin suggested that the custom of making funerary pictorial carvings ceased around the end of the Eastern Han, and he considered that this change was caused by the Yellow Turban rebellion in the Shangdong region, which "smashed local feudal

despots and landlords so that they could not continue this sort of

extravagant funerary service which wasted a great amount of time, man power, and material" (Li Falin, Shandong Han huaxiangshi, p. 50). In my opinion, this interpretation is too vague to explain the movement of destroying funerary shrines nationwide.



from temple to tomb: ancient chinese art and religion in transition

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