Flemish Manuscript Painting in Context

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Flemish Manuscript Painting in ContextRecent ResearchFlemish Manuscript Painting in ContextRecent ResearchBased on symposia held at the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles (September 56, 2003), and at the Courtauld Institute of Art, London (February 21, 2004, under the sponsorship of the Courtauld Institute and the Royal Academy of Arts), with an additional essay by Margaret ScottEdited by Elizabeth Morrison and Thomas Krenthe j. paul getty museum, los angelesThis publication is based on selected papers presented at two symposia, one at the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles (September 56, 2003), the other at theCourtauld Institute of Art, London (February 21, 2004, under the sponsorship of the Courtauld Institute and the Royal Academy of Arts), and a lecture byMargaret Scott presented at the Getty Museum August 7, 2003. These events were held in conjunction with the exhibition lluminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe, held at the J. Paul GettyMuseum, Los Angeles, from June 17 to September 7, 2003, and at The RoyalAcademy of Arts, London, from November 25, 2003, to February 22, 2004. 2006 J. Paul Getty TrustGetty Publications1200 Getty Center Drive, Suite 500Los Angeles, California 90049-1682www.getty.eduMark Greenberg, Editor in ChiefDinah Berland, EditorKaren Jacobson, Manuscript EditorKurt Hauser, DesignerAnita Keys, Production CoordinatorTypesetting by Diane FrancoPrinted and bound by Tien Wah Press, SingaporeUnless otherwise specied, all photographs are courtesy of the institution thatowns the work illustrated.Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataFlemish manuscript painting in context : recent research / edited by ElizabethMorrison and Thomas Kren.p. cm.Based on symposia held at the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles (September56, 2003), and at the Courtauld Institute of Art, London (February 21, 2004,under the sponsorship of the Courtauld Institute and the Royal Academy of Arts),with an additional essay by Margaret Scott.Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN-13: 978-0-89236-852-5 (pbk.)ISBN-10: 0-89236-852-7 (pbk.)1. Illumination of books and manuscripts, FlemishCongresses. 2. Illuminationof books and manuscripts, RenaissanceFlandersCongresses. I. Morrison,Elizabeth, 1968 II. Kren, Thomas, 1950 III. J. Paul Getty Museum. IV.Courtauld Institute of Art.ND3171.F54 2006745.6'7094931dc222006004171Front coverSimon Bening, Saint Luke (detail, g. 6.1).Back coverAttributed to the Master of the First Prayer Book ofMaximilian (Alexander Bening?), painted border with drag-onfly (detail, g. 13.5).Frontispiece Clockwise from upper left: Master of Edward IV, MaryMagdalene (detail, g. 2.12); Master of Fitzwilliam 268,Herdsmen Tityrus and Melibeous (detail, g. 10.1); GhentAssociate of the Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy, Virginand Child with Jan van der Scaghe and Anne de Memere(detail, g. 1.1); Master of Antoine Rolin, painted borderwith crying eyes (detail, g. 13.4); Master of James IV ofScotland, painted border with The Rest on the Flight intoEgypt (g. 5.22); Attributed to the Master of the FirstPrayer Book of Maximilian (Alexander Bening?), paintedborder with dragonfly (detail, g. 13.5); Master of Girart deRoussilon, The Wedding of Girart de Roussilon and Berthe(detail, g. 4.9); Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy, Maryof Burgundy(?) Reading Her Devotions (detail, g. 4.5);center: Rogier van der Weyden, Presentation of theManuscript to Philip the Good (detail, g. 7.1).Page ixMaster of James IV of Scotland, The Tower of Babel, in theGrimani Breviary (detail, fig. 13.6). vii PrefacePart 1: Illuminated Manuscripts in the Burgundian Court1 chapter 1. Jan van der Scaghe and Anne de Memere, the First Owners of the Hours of 1480 in the Abbey Library at Nov R seLorne Campbell9 chapter 2. The Undecorated Margin: The Fashion for Luxury Books without BordersCatherine Reynolds27 chapter 3. A Very Burgundian Hero: The Figure of Alexander the Great under the Rule of Philip the GoodChrystle Blondeau43 chapter 4. The Role of Dress in the Image of Charles the Bold, Duke of BurgundyMargaret ScottPart 2: Techniques, Media, and the Organization of Production57 chapter 5. The Suggestive Brush: Painting Techniques in Flemish Manuscripts from the Collections of the J. Paul Getty Museum and the Huntington LibraryNancy K. Turner75 chapter 6. Flemish Manuscript Production, Care, and Repair: Fifteenth-Century SourcesLieve Watteeuw87 chapter 7. Rogier van der Weyden and Manuscript IlluminationLorne Campbell103 chapter 8. On Relationships between Netherlandish Drawing and Manuscript Illumination in the Fifteenth Century Stephanie Buck117 chapter 9. Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts: Assessing Archival EvidenceJan Van der StockPart 3: Individual Illuminators123 chapter 10. The Master of Fitzwilliam 268: New Discoveries and New and Revisited HypothesesGregory T. Clark135 chapter 11. Marketing Books for Burghers: Jean Markants Activity in Tournai, Lille, and BrugesDominique Vanwijnsberghe149 chapter 12. Iconographic Originality in the Oeuvre of the Master of the David ScenesElizabeth MorrisonConten t sPart 4: Directions for Further Research163 chapter 13. Scholarship on Flemish Manuscript Illumination of the Renaissance: Remarks on Past, Present, and FutureJames H. Marrow177 chapter 14. One Hundred Years of the Study of Netherlandish ManuscriptsJonathan J. G. Alexander183 AppendixScribe BiographiesRichard Gay189 About the Contributors191 Index198 Photograph CreditsviiWhile working on the catalogue for Illuminating the Renaissance: TheTriumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe, we and our colleague ScotMcKendrick, who coorganized the exhibition with Thomas Kren, were con-stantly reminded of the extraordinary vitality of research in the eld of Flemishmanuscript illumination. Even as entries and essays for the catalogue werebeing completed for editing, new articles, exhibition catalogues, and bookswere appearing that dealt with one aspect or another of the sprawling topic ofFlemish book painting between 1470 and 1560. While there was clearly a needfor a synthetic treatment of the subject in the form of an exhibition and a cat-alogue, the tremendous scope and richness of the literature that had precededour endeavor, going back 150 years, often gave us pause. And there seemed tobe noteworthy additions to the literature every month. Thus, when the oppor-tunity arose to hold symposia in conjunction with both the Los Angeles andLondon presentations of the exhibition, signicant scholarship was easy toidentify, sometimes happily arising from the exhibition itself. If anything, thetwo conferences proved insufcient to feature all the new research. In the cata-logue itself we had deliberately limited the number of contributors in order togive the volume as unied a scholarly perspective as possible. The conferencesoffered the opportunity for a broader range of voices, viewpoints, and method-ologies to be heard.This volume includes a selection of the papers that were presented at the two symposia. The rst was held at the Getty Museum in Los Angeles on September 56, 2003, under the auspices of the museum, and the secondtook place at the Courtauld Institute in London on February 21, 2004, underthe sponsorship of the Courtauld Institute and the Royal Academy of Art. Wehave also included a related paper, with changes, by Margaret Scott that wasdelivered in the Illuminating the Renaissance lecture series at the Getty onAugust 7, 2003. The papers encompass a variety of approaches to the material,including traditional studies in the form of essays on individual illuminators,their chronologies, and the denition of their production; cross-disciplinaryresearch that takes into account cultural inuences; examination of fashions inFlemish book design; analysis of manuscript illumination by a paintings spe-cialist; and new methods of stylistic analysis abetted by scientic technology.One of the themes that recurs in many of the papers concerns the evidence ofcollaboration of different kinds within the production of a given manuscript orproject. Some of the essays respond to particular issues raised in the catalogue,while others present entirely different themes and avenues of research.We are grateful to Deborah Gribbon and William Griswold, formerdirector and former acting director, respectively, of the Getty Museum, as wellas our new director, Michael Brand, for supporting a program of scholarlysymposia in conjunction with the museums exhibition program. We also thankJohn Lowden and Scot McKendrick for organizing the Courtauld event. We areindebted to the contributors for their original talks and for their efforts in turn-ing their papers into publishable essays, often by taking into account the livelydiscussion and debate that ensued at the symposia. Many were helpful in theP re f a c eviii prefacerevision of their colleagues papers. Maryan Ainsworth offered helpful counselin the formulation of this volume and in the shaping of several papers. Finally,we would like to thank Scot McKendrick once again, for his characteristicthoughtfulness and generosity in serving as an adviser to this publication.While this volume is intended as a companion to the exhibition cata-logue for Illuminating the Renaissance, it is also a sequel to a previous sympo-sium on Flemish manuscript illumination, Margaret of York, Simon Marmion,and the Visions of Tondal, held at the Getty in 1990 and published in 1992.We are especially indebted to Richard Gay, Rita Keane, and Brandi Franzman,who assisted with the planning and expertly handled the administration of thesymposium in Los Angeles. Mark Greenberg, editor in chief, and his ne staffin the Publications Department are responsible for the production of this hand-some book. Dinah Berland, editor; Karen Jacobson, copy editor; Anita Keys,production coordinator; and Kurt Hauser, designer, were part of the samesuperb team that produced the catalogue for Illuminating the Renaissance.Thomas KrenElizabeth MorrisonThis page intentionally left blank One of the most beautiful revelations of the GettyMuseums exhibition Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of FlemishManuscript Painting in Europe was the book of hours from the Premonstraten-sian Abbey of Nov Rse in the Czech Republic. On display were folios 16v and17 (gs. 1.1, 1.2).1 The rst owners, represented praying before the Virgin andChild on folio 16v, tried hard to ensure that they would be remembered. On theadded folios 16 and 17,2 they included their portraits; their coats of arms; theirinitials, I and A; their mottoes, Je ne puis and Tous iours ioieuls;3 the date1480; and a prayer in Dutch to the Virgin and Child, in which the initial lettersof the lines form acrostics of their names (gs. 1.2, 1.3). Because scholars hadnot noticed the acrostics, the couple remained unidentied. The acrostics namethem ian van der scaghe and tannekin smemtrs. The illuminator of theinitials made a mistake in the thirteenth line on folio 17v, where he wrote Tinstead of E (see g. 1.3). The line should read Eenpaerlic ghy draechd /[Raed.troost. ghestadich], and the womans surname should be smemers, s Memersor de Memere.4 Tannekin is a diminutive form of Anne; her name is thereforeAnne de Memere. It will be shown that Anne used the coat of arms representedin the Nov Rse manuscript, or else a chevron sable between three annulets(?)gules.5 The van der Scaghe family of Ghent used the coat of arms shown for theman: argent a chevron gules between three molettes of eight points gules.6 Theman is Jan van der Scaghe, and the lady is his wife, Anne de Memere.Anne de Memere and her sister were the last of a family that had pros-pered in Ypres (Ieper) between about 1375 and about 1445. Although no deMemere took an active part in the government of the town, they intermarriedwith its leading families.7 Born in about 1439, Anne was one of the four chil-dren of Jan de Memere, who died in about 1445 and who owned two housesnear the Menen Gate as well as land in the surrounding districts, at Zonnebeke,Geluveld, Wijtschate, Dikkebus, and Vlamertinge.8 Annes widowed mother,Anne de Brievere, married as her second husband Roeland Bryde, who in 1450inherited the lordship of Boezinge and who died in or after 1461. He was fre-quently an alderman or councillor of Ypres, fought on the Burgundian side dur-ing the revolt of Ghent, and was described in 1455 by Philip the Good as notreamez et feal escuier, who had served him in the Ghent war and in other ways.9With his parents, Joos Bryde and Yolande Belle, and with his siblings, Roelandwas represented kneeling before the Virgin and Child in the memorial pictureof Yolande Belle, who died on February 1, 1421.10Part 1: illuminated manuscripts in the burgundian courtJan van der Scaghe and Anne de Memere, the First Owners of the Hours of 1480 in the Abbey Library at Nov RseLorne Campbe l lchapter 1Figure 1.3Prayer, in the Hours of Jan van derScaghe and Anne de Memere. Nov Rse,Premonstratensian Abbey of Nov Rse,Ms. 10, fol. 17v.2 campbellFigure 1.1Ghent Associate of the Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy. Virgin and Childwith Jan van der Scaghe and Anne deMemere, in the Hours of Jan van derScaghe and Anne de Memere. Nov Rse,Premonstratensian Abbey of Nov Rse,Ms. 10, fol. 16v.Figure 1.2Prayer, in the Hours of Jan van derScaghe and Anne de Memere. Nov Rse,Premonstratensian Abbey of Nov Rse,Ms. 10, fol. 17.Annes brother, Adriaan de Memere, and their sister Catharina diedyoung. Her other sister, Marie, married in about 1460 Christiaan de Wale, a rich widower who was frequently an alderman11 and who went in 1468 to Bruges as one of the representatives of Ypres at the marriage festivities ofCharles the Bold and Margaret of York.12 In 1466 Christiaan had acted asprocurator for Annes rst husband.13Anne de Memere would have met her rst husband, Guilbert deRuple, in Ypres, where, between 1454 and 1463, he was an ofcial of theCouncil of Flanders, then established in the town. He came from Poperinge and was Philip the Goods receiver general of all the nances between 1464 and1467, Charles the Bolds argentier between 1468 and 1470, again receiver general between 1471 and 1472, treasurer of wars between 1472 and 1473, and master of Margaret of Yorks chambre aux deniers in 1474.14 Anne andGuilbert were married at Ypres on April 26, 1457.15 In 1471 they joined theBruges Confraternity of the Dry Tree.16 Guilbert died in 1474. Anne almostimmediately became a burgess of Ypres. By 1476 she had married Jan van derScaghe,17 and their book of hours is dated 1480, when Anne would have beenabout forty.The date of her death is not known; no references to any children havebeen found. Her coat of arms impaled with that of her rst husband, Guilbertde Ruple appeared on his tomb in the Church of Saint Bertin at Poperinge. Itwas copied in a sixteenth-century collection of epitaphs in the UniversityLibrary in Ghent (g. 1.4). The same arms can still be seen carved into thestonework of the Sacrament Chapel there, formerly the Lady Chapel,18 andcorrespond to the coat of arms represented in the Nov Rse manuscript.Figure 1.4Epitaph of Guilbert de Ruple and Annede Memere, from the Epitaphier deFlandre. Ghent, Universiteitsbibliotheek,Ms. G. 12925, fol. 102.chapter 1: jan van der scaghe and anne de memere 3Figure 1.5Hugo van der Goes. Hippolyte deBerthoz and Elisabeth Hugheyns, from the Saint Hippolytus Triptych (left panel), after 1468. Bruges, Cathedral of the Holy Savior.Figure 1.5Hugo van der Goes. Hippolyte deBerthoz and Elisabeth Hugheyns, from the Saint Hippolytus Triptych (left wing), ca. 1475. Oil on oak, 91 40 cm (3578 1534 in.). Bruges, Cathedral of Saint Salvator.4 campbellJan van der Scaghe came from a prominent Ghent family that inter-married with the Utenhoves and the Borluuts.19 His father, another Jan van derScaghe, was bailiff of the Abbey of Saint Peter in Ghent,20 and they ownedestates in the district south of Ghent.21 Jans mother was Jacqueline van deWyncle, and he had four sisters, one of whom, Elisabeth, married Jacob deGruutere and died, venerable and distinguished, in 1516.22 By 146465Jan his name frenchied as Haquinet de le Scaghe was clerk to the receiver general Guilbert de Ruple (Anne de Memeres rst husband),23 and heremained in his service while he was argentier. In August 1469 Jehanin orJehan de Le Staghe, clerk to the argentier, was sent from The Hague toBruges to collect, from the goldsmith Grard Loyet, two collars of the GoldenFleece and, from a priest named Jehan dInghelsche, ung ancien livret thatbelonged to Charles the Bold.24 The priest had copied into it several prayers andchoses salutaires and had commissioned for it six ymages.25 Entrustedwith large amounts of money, Jan also traveled to Burgundy and then, in thecompany of Guillaume de La Baume, to Bern.26Between 1471 and 1473 Jan was commis la recette gnrale deBourgogne, in effect receiver of the duchy of Burgundy; his principal functionat Dijon was to repay various debts owed by Charles the Bold in Basel and else-where.27 In December 1473 he was made receiver of the taxes known as aidesin Holland and Friesland.28 By 1476 he had married Anne;29 by 1477 he wascounselor to Maximilian;30 and between 1477 and 1479 he was receiver of theBruges District of Flanders.31 Because many of the receivers accounts from thistroubled time have been lost, it has not been possible to chart exactly his sub-sequent career, but he was described in October 1480 as receiver general ofFlanders,32 in September 1482 as receiver of the extraordinary revenues of Flanders,33 and in August 148334 and October 148435 as receiver general ofFlanders. In 1484 he was counselor to Maximilian.36 In 148537 and April148938 he was called receiver general of Flanders; in 1494 he was receiver of theextraordinary revenues of Flanders.39 In 1504 and 1510 he was once againdescribed as receiver general of Flanders.40 Although he is said to have beenburied with his father in the Dominican church in Ghent and to have died in 1483,41 the epitaph collectors were not infallible, and the date of death isclearly mistaken. He appears to have died during the 1510s.42 After the deathof Anne, he married a second wife, Margaretha van Hemsbrouck.43 It has notbeen possible to establish whether he had children.The portraits of Jan and Anne in the Nov Rse Hours are reminiscentof the portraits of Hippolyte de Berthoz and his wife, Elisabeth Hugheyns, thatwere added by Hugo van der Goes to a triptych of the martyrdom of SaintHippolytus begun by Dirk Bouts (g. 1.5).44 Like Jan van der Scaghe, Hippolytede Berthoz had been, in 1472, in the service of Guilbert de Ruple.45 He and Jan must have been acquainted; Jan probably knew about the works of art thatHippolyte commissioned.chapter 1: jan van der scaghe and anne de memere 5The receivers general of all the nances, including Guilbert de Ruple,and the receivers general of rich counties and duchies like Flanders andBurgundy, including Jan van der Scaghe, were powerful and rich men whosereceiverships usually enabled them to become still richer. Most came fromrelatively obscure backgrounds; several, like Jan van der Scaghe, started theircareers as clerks. They were upwardly mobile men on the make who fre-quently managed to become landowners and to have themselves ennobled.They or their children often intermarried with noble families; many of theirdescendants were to be absorbed into the nobility.46 The activities of these newmen and their wives as patrons of the arts should be further investigated. Thatwould make possible a reassessment of the relative signicance of the rulingdynasty, the old nobility, and the new men in the development of the newstyle of illumination.It would be interesting to identify the building in the lower-right cor-ner of the Nov Rse miniature and to understand the importance that it heldfor the couple. More should be discovered about them, their residences, theirdevices, and their mottoes. In 1480, the date of the miniature, Jan was describedas a parishioner of Saint Marys and Saint Peters in Ghent.47 It may prove pos-sible to identify the illuminator one of the Ghent Associates of the Masterof Mary of Burgundy48 and to make connections between Jan and Anne andthe later owners of the book, who wrote on folio 1 names and passages in Latinand Italian.496 campbellchapter 1: jan van der scaghe and anne de memere 7This essay could not have been writtenwithout the help of Albert Derolez, JanDumolyn, Jelle Haemers, Anne Korteweg,Thomas Kren, Scot McKendrick, ElizabethMorrison, Kristof Papin, Catherine Reynolds,Nancy Turner, Christiane Van den Bergen-Pantens, and Lieve Watteeuw. To all of them I am exceedingly grateful.1. Thomas Kren, in Thomas Kren and ScotMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance:The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Paintingin Europe, exh. cat. (Los Angeles: J. PaulGetty Museum, 2003), 18081, no. 36. See also J. Cibulka and A. Matejcek,Francouzsk a msk iluminovan rukopisyv knihovne Premonstrtsk Kanonie v NovRsi. (Soupisn psspevky), Pamtky archeo-logick / Monuments archologiques: Revuepour larchologie prhistorique et pourlhistoire des beaux-arts en Tchco-Slovaquie34 (192425): 22 40, esp. 3137 and pls.xvixix; Bodo Brinkmann, Die mischeBuchmalerei am Ende des Burgunderreiches:Der Meister des Dresdener Gebetbuchs unddie Miniaturisten seiner Zeit (Turnhout:Brepols, 1997), 12429, 393, color pls.1114, black-and-white pls. 10710.2. Folio 16 is pasted to folio 15, the last folioof one of the two ternions of the calendar;folio 17 is an insertion held by a stub and bysewing; the next gathering starts on folio 18. I am grateful to Elizabeth Morrison, who, onmy behalf, examined the manuscript andchecked its collation.3. These are perhaps answering mottoes withthe sense Je ne puis [tre] toujours joyeux (I cannot be always joyful).4. It was Albert Derolez who, in 2003, rstpointed out to me the scribes mistake andwho, in consultation with Jan Dumolyn, rstidentied the lady.5. The annulets appear in perspective.6. The coat of arms appeared on the tomb ofJan and his father, once in the Dominicanchurch at Ghent (Graf- en gedenkschriftenOost Vlaanderen, 2nd ser., Kloosterkerken,Gent, pt. 1 [Ghent, 1866], Predikheerenkerk,24, no. 30); on various seals used by Jan (see J.-Th. De Raadt, Sceaux armoris desPays-Bas et des pays avoisinants [Brussels:Socit belge de librairie, 18971901], vol. 3,367; on a seal used in 1478 and 1479, beforehis fathers death, a label differenced thearms); in various armorials (see, for instance,Paul Bergmans, Armorial de Flandre du XVIesicle, familles et communes amandesmtiers gantois [Brussels: G. van Oest, 1919],fol. 69, no. 737), and in Philippe de lEspinoy,Recherches des antiquitez et noblesse deFlandres (Douai, 1632), 648, 669, etc.7. Kristof Papin most kindly sent informationfrom the Merghelynck papers (Brussels,Bibliothque royale de Belgique, Section desManuscrits, Fonds Merghelynck; copies in the Stadsarchief at Ypres), which containinformation transcribed from records in theold Stadsarchief of Ypres, destroyed in 1914.8. Information sent by Kristof Papin and takenfrom the Merghelynck transcripts, particularlythat of the Weeskamer record of 1448 con-cerning the estate of Jan de Memere. Papindeduced Annes date of birth from the factthat in 1457 she relieved her guardians of their responsibilities, presumably because, ateighteen, she had attained her majority.9. Arthur Merghelynck, Recueil de gnalogiesindites de Flandre dresses sur titres etdaprs danciens manuscrits (Bruges, 1877),vol. 2, 454; Kristof Papin, Een hertogelijkparvenu in het kluwen van de heersendemachtsverhoudingen in de Ieperse stad enkasselrij omstreeks het midden van de 15deeeuw: De mislukte benoeming van RoelandBryde tot ontvanger van de kasselrij Ieper,Handelingen der Maatschappij voorGeschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Gent, n.s.,56 (2002): 93109 (quotation on 102). Brydehad also served Philips illegitimate sonCornelis, who had been killed during theGhent war.10. Ypres, Museum Godshuis Belle; repro-duced in Margaret Scott, Late Gothic Europe,14001500 (London: Mills and Boon, 1980),106. See also R. H. Marijnissen, Schilderijen:Echt, fraude, vals: Moderne onderzoek-ingsmethoden van de schilderijenexpertise(Brussels: Elsevier, 1985), 35461, whosuggested that the painting might be aseventeenth-century copy.11. Once again, I must acknowledge the gener-ous help of Kristof Papin, who provided thisinformation; Christiaans rst wife and themother of two of his children was CatharinaBelle (Merghelynck, Recueil de gnalogies,vol. 1, 121, 200).12. Willem Pieter Blockmans, Handelingenvan de Leden en van de Staten vanVlaanderen, 14671477 (Brussels: Paleis der Academin, 1971), 2829. Christiaanwent with two horses and was away fromYpres for fourteen days.13. De Raadt, Sceaux armoris, vol. 4, 187.14. Kristof Papin, Guilbert de Ruple:Biograe van een topman uit deBourgondische nancile administratie,Handelingen der Maatschappij voorGeschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Gent, n.s.,52 (1999): 99123.15. Jan Dumolyn, Staatsvorming en vorstelijkeambtenaren in het graafschap Vlaanderen(14191477) (Antwerp and Apeldoorn:Garant, 2003, and Proso Data [CD-ROM],s.v. Guilbert de Ruple), has discovered anundated letter (Lille, Archives dpartementalesdu Nord, 12 g 29) in which Guilbert, clerk to Jan Wielant, grefer of the Council ofFlanders, invited the Chapter of Saint Petersin Lille to his forthcoming marriage at Ypreson Tuesday, April 26, to Anne, daughter ofdeceased Jehan de Memere. Dumolyn datedthe letter 1440, but it is clearly from 1457,when April 26 again fell on a Tuesday.16. Bruges, Stadsarchief, Gilde Droogenboom,Ledenlijst van de gilde, fol. 13.17. Papin, Guilbert de Ruple, 119, 121.18. Papin, Guilbert de Ruple, 117.19. See, for example, Philippe de lEspinoy,Recherches, 243; Stroobant, Notice his-torique et gnalogique sur les seigneursdOisquercq et de Val, Annales de lAcadmiedarchologie de Belgique 5 (1848): 351 432,esp. 369; and particularly J. Wyseur, De fam-ilie Utenhove en de Bourgondische staatsvorm-ing (ca. 1384ca. 1460) (Ph.D. diss., licenti-aatsverhandeling, Ghent, 2000), vol. 2, 1015.Once again, I must acknowledge the generoushelp of Jelle Haemers, who brought this disser-tation to my attention and sent notes on therelevant pages.20. Kloosterkerken, Gent, pt. 1,Predikheerenkerk, 24, no. 30. According to his epitaph, he died on February 9, 148081.21. At Melle and Wetteren, Moortzele andLemberge: see Frans De Potter and JanBroeckaert, Geschiedenis van de gemeentender provincie Oost-Vlaanderen, 1st ser.,Arrondissement Gent (Ghent, 186470), vol. 5, Moortzele, 4 n. 5; A. De Vos,Inventaris der landbouwpachten in de GentseJaarregisters van de Keure: Verhandelingen der Maatschappij voor Geschiedenis enOudheidkunde te Gent (Ghent, 195860),vol. 1, 106, 129, 134, 161, 169, 172, and vol. 2, 11, 14, 20.22. Wyseur, De familie Utenhove (see note19); Kloosterkerken, Gent, pt. 1,Predikheerenkerk (see note 6), 38.23. Papin, Guilbert de Ruple, 119 n. 122.24. Anke Greve, Emilie Lebailly, and WernerParavicini, Comptes de largentier de Charlesle Tmraire, duc de Bourgogne, vol. 2, Anne1469 (Paris: Boccard, 2002), 146, no. 559,148 49, no. 569. In the same month, Charlesreceived his famous prayer book illuminatedby Lieven van Lathem: see Kren, in Kren andNotes8 campbellMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,12831.25. Greve et al., Comptes de largentier, vol. 2,414, no. 1534.26. Greve et al., Comptes d largentier, vol. 2,2056, no. 756, 212, no. 776.27. John Bartier, Lgistes et gens de nancesau XVe sicle: Les Conseillers des ducs deBourgogne Philippe le Bon et Charles leTmraire (Brussels: J. Duculot, 195557), 46 n. 2; Pierre Cockshaw, La Comptabilitpublique dans les tats bourguignons:Lexemple des comptes gnraux, inMlanges offertes Claire Dickstein-Bernard,ed. P. Bonenfant and P. Cockshaw (Brussels:Bibliothque royale de Belgique and SocitRoyale dArchologie de Bruxelles, 1999),37106, esp. 83.28. Bartier, Lgistes et gens de nances, 46 n. 2; Papin, Guilbert de Ruple, 119.29. Papin, Guilbert de Ruple, 119.30. Papin, Guilbert de Ruple, 119.31. L.-P. Gachard, Inventaire des archives desChambres des comptes, prcd dune noticehistorique sur ces anciennes institutions, vols.23 (Brussels: Hayez, 184551), vol. 2, 33,145, 163, and vol. 3, 211, 215; H. Nlis,Inventaire des archives des Chambres descomptes (Brussels: Hayez, 1931), vol. 6, 146;De Raadt, Sceaux armoris, vol. 3, 367.32. Monique Vleeschouwers-van Melkebeek,Compotus sigilliferi curie Tornacensis:Rekeningen van de ofcialiteit van Doornik14291481 (Brussels: Commission royaledhistoire, 1995), vol. 2, 1183, no. 16409.Throughout the period 148097, Roland Le Fvre, a loyal supporter of Maximilian ofAustria, also held this title and ofce. SeeNicolaes Despars, Cronijcke van den landeende graefscepe van Vlaenderen . . . van dejaeren 405 tot 1492 . . . , ed. J. De Jonghe, 2nd ed. (Bruges; Rotterdam: W. Messchert,1839 40), vol. 4, 237, 273, 288, 330, etc.;Gachard, Inventaire, vol. 2, 500, and vol. 3,396; E. Feys and D. van de Casteele, HistoiredOudenbourg (Bruges: Imprimerie dAim de Zuttere, 187378), vol. 2, 482; E. Feys,Roland le Fvre, Annales de la SocitdEmulation pour ltude de lHistoire et desAntiquits de la Flandre, 5th ser., 4 (1891):35171; R. Wellens, Fvre (Roland Le), inBiographie nationale . . . de Belgique, vol. 35,Supplment, vol. 7 (Brussels, 1970), cols.26062.33. De Potter and Broeckaert, Geschiedenis, 4 n. 5.34. A. Pinchart, Inventaire des archives desChambres des comptes (Brussels: F. Hayez,1879), vol. 5, 83.35. A. Pinchart, Inventaire des archives desChambres des comptes (Brussels: F. Hayez,1865), vol. 4, 28.36. C. Dehaisnes, Inventaire sommaire desarchives dpartementales antrieures 1790,Nord, Srie B (Lille, 1881), vol. 4, 26465.37. Feys and van de Casteele, HistoiredOudenbourg, 474; De Raadt, Sceauxarmoris, vol. 3, 367.38. Feys and van de Casteele, HistoiredOudenbourg, 481. 39. Myriam Carlier, Kinderen van de minne?Bastaarden in het vijftiende- eeuwseVlaanderen (Brussels: Paleis der Academin,2001), 140 (Jans name is misprinted here andon p. 161 as van der Scraghe).40. S. Th. E. Brekelmans, E. J. Schreuder, andC. L. Verkerk, Chronologische lijsten van dergextendeerde sententin berustende in hetarchief van de Grote Raad van Mechelen, vol. 2, 15041531 (Brussels: KoninklijkeCommissie voor de Uitgave der Oude Wettenen Verordeningen van Belgie, 1971), 14, 97.41. Kloosterkerken, Gent, pt. 1 (Ghent, 1866),Predikheerenkerk, 24, no. 30: Sepulture vanJan Vander Schaeghen, s voorseyts Jans sone,raedt ons gheduchts Heeren s Hertoghen vanBourgoingnen, grave van Vlaendren, ende syneontfangher generael van Vlaendren, die over-leet in t jaer m. cccc. lxxxiij, den . . . Thechurch was destroyed in 1566.42. De Vos, Inventaris der landbouwpachten,vol. 2, 11, 14, 20.43. Wyseur, De familie Utenhove (see note 19).44. Christiane Van den Bergen-Pantens,tude et datation du Triptyque de SaintHippolyte (Cathdrale Saint-Sauveur Bruges), in Bouts Studies: Proceedings of theInternational Colloquium (Leuven, 2628November 1998), ed. Bert Cardon et al.(Louvain: Peeters, 2001), 1118.45. For Hippolytes career, see Mireille Jean,La Chambre des Comptes de Lille(14771667): LInstitution et les hommes(Paris: cole des Chartes, 1992), 28485.46. Bartier, Lgistes et gens de nances, pas-sim; for lists of the receivers during the period13721477, see Cockshaw, La Comptabilitpublique, 53106.47. Vleeschouwers-van Melkebeek, Compotussigilliferi curie Tornacensis, vol. 2, 1183, no.16409.48. Kren, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 17981.49. Cibulka and Matejcek, Francouzsk amsk iluminovan rukopisy, 32.Many illuminated manuscripts have undecorated margins.This investigation concerns the convention, evident in the Netherlands from themid-fteenth century, of luxury books in which miniatures and initials in goldand ne colors make the total absence of borders noteworthy. The contrastbetween the opening pages of the rst volume of the Chroniques de Hainaut,illuminated in the 1440s, and of the second volume, for which Willem Vrelantwas paid in 1468, should make the point (g. 2.1, and see g. 7.1). In the sameyear Loyset Lidet was paid for illuminating the third volume, also without bor-ders.1 Since the three volumes were copied consecutively for Philip the Goodbetween 1447 and 1453 to form a matching set, there can be little doubt thatthe second and third volumes were originally intended to follow the pattern ofthe rst, with borders on the opening pages and on many of the followingminiature pages. Between the late 1440s and the late 1460s, however, a shift intaste made it acceptable for such grand and profusely illustrated volumes toomit decorated borders altogether.2Volumes that have escaped trimming suggest that generous marginswere one of the features that elevated a books status: the ostentatious wastingof parchment around text and miniatures had its own aesthetic appeal, some-times directed by carefully planned proportions.3 Few other art forms offeredthe same possibilities for blank surrounds. In windows, the isolating of stainedpanels within areas of clear glass had obvious practical advantages but alsocontributed to, or coincided with, a similar aesthetic.4 Artistic conventionsmust be aesthetically pleasing to become conventional; to exist at all they mustbe possible and affordable. Clear glass or undecorated margins required lesstime and less money. Speed of completion, however, seems unconvincing as aprimary motivation for borderless books, since unbound leaves allowed severalilluminators to work simultaneously. Cost seems equally unsatisfactory as theessential factor. For copies of his household ordinances in 1469, Charles theBold paid Nicolas Spierinc sixteen sous for a miniature, ten sous for a largeborder, and one sou for a small border.5 For volumes with many miniatures, aborder at the opening or a few small borders at the most signicant divisionswould have added proportionately little to the price.The absence of borders is, of course, a characteristic of overtly cheaper manuscripts, particularly those on paper with color-washed drawingsand ourished initials without gold. Such manuscripts have, and had, their ownappeal, which outweighed their down-market image and perhaps encouragedthe acceptance of the undecorated margin. Among other paper manuscripts,The Undecorated Margin: The Fashion for Luxury Books without BordersCather i ne Reyno ldschapter 210 reynoldsFigure 2.1Willem Vrelant. Reading before Philip the Good,in Jacques de Guise, Chroniques de Hainaut, vol. 2.h: 44 cm (1738 in.). Brussels, Bibliothque royalede Belgique, Ms. 9243, fol. 1.Philip the Good owned at least eight romances illustrated by the Wavrin Masteror his imitators.6 Between the extremes of blatantly expensive, fully illumi-nated texts on parchment and cheap and cheerful paper manuscripts, how-ever sophisticated, were parchment manuscripts, employing gold yet withcomparatively thinly painted miniatures and often without borders. A presti-gious example is Jean Milots Vie et miracles de Saint Josse (or Vie de SaintJosse), written for Philip the Good in 1449 (g. 2.2), which is apparentlyderived from earlier books such as Philips copy of Guillaume de DeguilevillesPlerinage de la vie humaine, made around 1400, with loosely painted minia-tures, ourished initials, and no borders.7 Among the older volumes in Philipslibrary were lavish books that predated the fashion for bordering full-pageminiatures, like the thirteenth-century Picture Book of Madame Marie.8 Olderbooks that had not entered permanent collections continued to circulate in thebook trade, since age did not necessarily lessen either a books monetary valueor its aesthetic appeal. Indeed, the borderless layouts of works with interde-pendent text and images, like the twelfth-century Liber Floridus, were some-times carefully preserved in new copies.9 Familiarity with earlier books surelyencouraged the appreciation of empty margins in contemporary, assertivelyluxurious volumes. Figure 2.2Anonymous master. Saint Josse Traveling with Pilgrims, in Jean Milot,Vie et miracles de Saint Josse. h: 29 cm(1138 in.). Brussels, Bibliothque royale de Belgique, Ms. 10958, fols. 3v4.chapter 2: the undecorated margin 11Figure 2.3Anonymous master. Abbot Leo; AbbotGodescalc, by the Bronze Fountain HeHad Made for the Abbey of Saint-Bertin,Greeting Thomas Becket, in Catalogusabbatum Bertiniensium. h: 26.8 cm (1012 in.). Saint-Omer, Bibliothque delAgglomration, Ms. 755, pp. 4344.Figure 2.4Jean Tavernier. Adoration of the Magi, in the grisaille Book of Hours of Philip the Good. h: 26.8 cm (1012 in.).The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Ms. 76 F 2, fols. 143v144.12 reynoldsTradition was perhaps deliberately evoked in books like the chroniclesof the abbots of Saint-Bertin, created at or for the abbey: in copies of 1405 and1437, full-page borderless miniatures ll the opening gathering, like the prefa-tory miniatures to an earlier psalter or book of hours. In a different version of the abbeys history from around 1405, each page is devoted to one abbot,with text below a miniature executed in pen and wash with touches of red (g. 2.3).10 Although on parchment, this Saint-Bertin codex of around 1405 is typical of the grisaille and semigrisaille manuscripts that followed the con-ventions of cheaper books by deploying ourished initials, without gold, andomitting borders. Cost might have inuenced the choice of grisaille, yet its pop-ularity, across many art forms and at varying levels of expense, demonstratesthe impossibility of neatly dividing aesthetic and economic motivations.Although many grisaille or semigrisaille manuscripts have elaborate borders, itseems that blank margins were also thought particularly appropriate.11 Most ofthe so-called Delft grisaille miniatures were left isolated, even in books in whichtext pages were bordered;12 the Hours of Kaetzart van Zaers of about 1440 hascolored miniatures with borders and grisaille miniatures without borders.13 Theconvention was apparently recognized in Bruges: an Annunciation, seeminglyimitating a Delft grisaille, is the only miniature left borderless in an hoursattributed to Vrelants workshop in the later 1450s.14Grisaille apparently prompted some of the earliest elaborate border-less books commissioned by Philip the Good. In 1455 Jean Tavernier was paidfor grisaille miniatures without borders in a book of hours, apparently lost,while Philips surviving grisaille hours, with miniatures by Tavernier, is proba-bly a little earlier (g. 2.4).15 There the decision to deploy ourished initials,without gold, is hierarchically appropriate to the grisaille miniatures and theempty margins. Gold initials and gold frames, however, enrich the grisailleminiatures in Philips Charlemagne, with one bar and no borders, for whichTavernier was paid in 1460, and in his borderless Miracles de Nostre Dame,probably illuminated by Tavernier soon after its transcription in 1456.16 Thesame pattern of semigrisaille or grisaille decoration, with gold but withoutborders, was followed by Vrelant for Philips Vie de Sainte Catherine, writtenin 1457; his Epitre dOtha; his Premire Guerre punique; Jean dAuxysLgende dore;17 and by the illuminator identied as Dreux Jean for Philips Ci nous dist, transcribed in 1462.18Inevitably the undecorated margin retained connotations of inferiorstatus. The elaborate miniature frames of Philips grisaille hours imply a needto compensate for the absence of borders in such an ambitious volume (see g. 2.4). The Master of the Ghent Privileges equated large frames with bordersin the fully colored Hours of Jan Eggert of around 1450, in which wide-framedminiatures face bordered text pages.19 Philips grisaille hours is one of compar-atively few profusely illustrated yet completely borderless books of hours orliturgical books surviving from the southern Netherlands. Further examples ingrisaille are two hours illuminated by Simon Marmion and a psalter for theEnglish market illuminated by Vrelant.20 While some borderless devotionalbooks were illuminated in full color,21 it seems to have been principally gri-saille, with its connotations of restraint and abstinence, that made the conven-tion appropriate for honoring the Almighty. When it was generally held thatGod should be worshiped with due splendor and richness, even grisaille couldchapter 2: the undecorated margin 13Figure 2.5Loyset Lidet. Pepin Rescues CharlesMartel and His Courtiers from anEscaped Lion, in David Aubert, Histoirede Charles Martel, vol. 2. h: 41 cm (1618 in.). Brussels, Bibliothque royalede Belgique, Ms. 7, fols. 59v60.not make the convention widespread for elaborate liturgical or quasiliturgicalbooks. The undecorated margin in luxury volumes is predominantly a fashionof nonliturgical books. The acceptability of undecorated margins for grisaille, even in booksof hours, may have encouraged people to appreciate positive qualities in theabsence of border decoration, an appreciation that they could then bring tomanuscripts painted in full color. The appreciation is evident: all seven of Philipthe Goods nonliturgical manuscripts illuminated by Vrelant are withoutborders, whether in grisaille or color (see g. 2.1).22 Lidet illustrated six andperhaps nine borderless manuscripts for Philip, of which only one is not fullycolored,23 in addition to the eleven that he completed for Charles the Bold (g. 2.5).24 Charles also commissioned entirely new manuscripts illuminated byLidet without borders, notably Vasco da Lucenas Alexander;25 the prestigiousLivre dor Charles presented to the Guild of Saint Sebastian at Linkebeek hasempty margins.26 Since the two dukes were the greatest commissioners of bor-derless books, Charless military preoccupations and early death help to explainthe apparent fall in production in the 1470s.27 What is now apparent may bean inaccurate representation of what actually happened, since Lidets undocu-mented work doubtless extended beyond 1472, when he last appears in thesurviving ducal records, and the ducal example of borderless manuscripts didnot lose its appeal: Jacques Donche, one of Charless councillors, had Caesars14 reynoldsCommentaries written on parchment and paper in 1476 with gold-ground ini-tials, ten miniatures, and no borders.28For specially commissioned volumes, patrons were likely to beinvolved in decisions about borders, and the taste of individual patrons doesseem to be a signicant factor. Other bibliophiles active from the 1470sapparently preferred decorated margins: of Margaret of Yorks surviving books,only one is borderless and was probably bought ready-made.29 Louis ofGruuthuse and Anthony of Burgundy overwhelmingly preferred borders;Edward IV apparently ordered exclusively books with borders.30 A contribu-tory motivation may have been the desire to incorporate marks of ownership,which would otherwise be isolated in the margins or restricted to large initials(see gs. 2.1, 2.12). Jean and Philippe de Cro in the 1460s and 1470s andPhilip of Cleves from the 1480s were among the collectors acquiring some man-uscripts without borders, but this may reect their willingness to purchase whatever was available.31 In the 1480s and 1490s Baudouin II de Lannoydemonstrated a distinct preference for borderless manuscripts, of a lavishnessindicative of aesthetic, rather than nancial, motivations (see g. 2.12).32The ultimate power of the patron does not negate the signicance ofthe artist, who may have been selected for his appropriateness. The compara-tively routine borders associated with Vrelant and Lidet were sufcientlypleasing to attract Philip the Good and others,33 yet creators of innovativelybeautiful borders were not usually wasted on borderless books. Lieven vanLathem (see g. 2.10) was apparently so employed only once, when Vrelantwas the principal illuminator.34 Although Lidet is especially linked to the con-vention (see gs. 2.5, 2.7), the absence of certain dates makes it impossible toknow who decorated the rst nongrisaille example for Philip, possibly Lidetwith the Chroniques normandes, copied in 1459, or Vrelant with the oneminiature of the Salutation anglique, copied in 1461.35 Certainly Lidet, whoconcentrated on vernacular texts, had more opportunity to produce border-less books than Vrelant, responsible for numerous books of hours. Subse-quently the Master of 1482 and the Master of Edward IV were the chiefilluminators of nondevotional books and so most associated with empty mar-gins (see g. 2.12).36The fashion for luxurious but borderless books is particularly associ-ated with a single-column layout, since single-column books predominatedwhen the fashion arose. Not all borderless books, however, were single column,and the choice of one or two columns seems to coincide with the choices madefor books with borders: single-column under Philip the Good, with a return oftwo-column layouts under Charles the Bold.37 The coincidence of predomi-nantly single-column layouts and the omission of borders may not be acci-dental, since the grand simplicity of a single text column, perhaps embracingminiatures and initials within its connes, is enhanced by wide, empty margins.Did some scribes see the provision of borders as a distraction from their workinstead of a tting embellishment? Borders were the one decorative element notpreordained by the positioning of text. Whereas spaces left for miniatures orinitials had to be lled to their predetermined dimensions to avoid obviousincompleteness, the size and positioning of the text block on the page did notnecessitate the provision of a border; if a border was provided, its dimensionsbetween the boundaries of text block and page remained exible. Decisionschapter 2: the undecorated margin 15Figure 2.6Anonymous master. Paris and Helen;Cephalus and Procris, in Christine de Pizan, Epistre dOtha. h: 42.3 cm (1658 in.). Waddesdon Manor, James A.de Rothschild Collection, Ms. 8, fols. 41v42.about initials and miniatures had to be made before writing began; decisionsabout borders could wait until writing was complete. Even though scribes were not necessarily involved in decisions aboutborders, a fashion popularized, perhaps originated, by Philip the Goods com-missions from the 1450s surely involved the ducal scribes, Jean Milot (see gs. 2.2, 2.4, 2.6, 2.7) and David Aubert (see g. 2.5). Aubertscribe of theCharlemagne of 1458, the Chroniques normandes of 1459, Milots Salutationanglique of 1461, and a series of borderless books mostly illuminated byLidethas been judged its originator.38 He is generally credited with devisingthe borderless single-column layout, written in a large script that allows the eye to follow the line easily, even across a wide column like that of theCharlemagne, with a justication of 260 by 165 millimeters on a page of 420by 290 millimeters. Milot, however, apparently engaged earlier with the con-vention for omitting borders: author of the Vie de Saint Josse of 1449; scribe ofPhilips grisaille hours; author of the Miracles de Nostre Dame of 1456, appar-ently copied by one of his collaborators with a justication of 275 by 172 mil-limeters on a page of 390 by 290 millimeters; and scribe and author of the Viede Sainte Catherine of 1457, justication 222 by 140 millimeters on a page 370by 250 millimeters.39 Demonstrably concerned with the overall appearance ofhis books, Milot was salaried as translator, scribe, and historiator but wasprobably more active with the pen as designer/draftsman than with the brush.His minutes, or trials, are draft layouts for his bookscomprising text, minia-tures, and decorationin one case explicitly histori, cadel et escript by his16 reynoldsown hand.40 Aubert, despite his inevitable involvement in design, made only theambiguous claim of having organized, ordonn, some texts. His one certainminute of 145960, for text only, consigns illustration to the next stage of pro-duction: Perceforest is icy minut en papier pour le faire grosser et historier enbeau vellin.41Furthermore, as L. M. J. Delaiss remarked, Milot is not noted forrened marginal decoration, which does not suit the style of his books.42 Hisdual role perhaps encouraged comparative neglect of borders. For a designer,borders are the elements least satisfactorily rendered in ink; for a scribe, bor-ders would cramp his elaborate cadels. For the 1469 ordinances, Spierinc wasspecically paid for penwork decorations ou il na aucune enluminure.43Towering cadels contribute to one of Milots least successful layouts, anunusual solution to Christine de Pizans Epistre dOtha, which was abandonedwithout miniatures, perhaps because the experiment was judged a failure. Itwas eventually completed for Philip of Cleves, perhaps not the most demand-ing of patrons, around 1480 (see g. 2.6).44 Inspired by traditional glossedbooks, Milot arranged Christines complex composition with each regularsection on an individually designed page on which, below a miniature, the fourlines of text are followed by the gloss and, down the right side, the allegory,both of varying lengths. In his presumably later reworking of the Epistre of 1460, successfullycompleted with miniatures by Lidet, Milot further revised Christines text toplace form before content (see g. 2.7).45 At the end of this version, he explainsFigure 2.7Loyset Lidet. Paris and Helen, inChristine de Pizan, Epistre dOtha. h: 37 cm (1458 in.). Brussels, Bibliothqueroyale, Ms. 9392, fols. 78v79.chapter 2: the undecorated margin 17Figure 2.8Anonymous master and Nicolas Spierinc.Opening from the Hours of the Cross, in the Vienna Hours of Mary ofBurgundy. h: 22.5 cm (878 in.). Vienna,sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ms. 1857, fols. 44v45.that he has altered the original text primarily for its appearance: an que lescent gloses . . . soient egales les unes aux autres comme sont les quatre lignes detexte . . . a este faitte et composee de nouvel une addition ou declaration. . . . Etest tousiours laditte addition ou declaracion assise en la n de la greigneur partdes plus briefves gloses . . . an que tant seulement de rendre lesdittes gloses etallegories de ce livre dune mesme quantite descripture les unes aux autres.46To match the regularity of the four-line texts with a consistent length for theglosses and allegories, Milot placed each text under a miniature on a versoand then extended many of the glosses, and occasionally the allegories, to llthe rest of the verso and the facing recto. Clarication of meaning is given as asecond reason for the changes, pour ce que souvent briefvete rend les materesobscures aux liseurs, although to achieve visual uniformity he actually short-ened Christines rst, irregularly long texts. Despite subordinating content toappearance, Milot still structured reading through illumination, giving eachtext a gold-ground initial and the dependent gloss and allegory lower-statusgold-stave initials. No border decoration springs from the initials, an absencethat simplies the layout and lessens the difference between verso and recto.18 reynoldsThe desired effect is one of regularity, reminiscent of the Vie de Saint Josse(see g. 2.2), although now governed not by the individual page, but by theopening across two pages. It is an apparent paradox that borderless books were in demand justas borders were becoming ever more varied and more prominent. The freeingof initials from border decoration can be considered in reverse: as the liberationof borders from initials. Borders can then appear on every page, whether or notthere are large initials or even, on one page in the Vienna Hours of Mary ofBurgundy, any text at all.47 The self-contained border, often framed, can moveto the outer margin of the recto, to balance in width and position that on the verso (g. 2.8). Sensitivity to the balance of the opening may underlie boththe borders elimination and its growing importance as a decorative element in its own right, freed from dependence on text. The same feeling for symme-try perhaps prompted these apparently diametrically opposed systems of book design. If the appeal of borderless books is to be credited, at least in part, totheir potential for greater symmetry, then the fashion for symmetry needs to beconsidered. Obviously the impulse to greater symmetry has no simple cause oreasily charted progression. In some of Milots manuscripts and minutes withdrawn miniatures, in which his personal contribution was perhaps greatest, hisconcern for symmetry on the page resulted in inner and outer margins receiv-ing borders of equal width.48 This was unusual, although symmetrical borderdecoration was occasionally associated with drawings.49 Otherwise, rolls weresometimes designed symmetrically, and independent illuminations were prob-ably always presented symmetrically, appropriately conforming to the overallaesthetic of independent paintings.50 What seems new in the fteenth century is the extension of that aesthetic to illumination in books. The exhibitionIlluminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting inEurope demonstrated the signicance of panel painting for the transformationof miniatures and borders, yet the dominance of painting was perhaps morepervasive, extending beyond the painted elements on the page to expectationsof the whole visual experience. Size is the most obvious difference between the van Eycks GhentAltarpiece and its bravura compression in van Lathems miniature in the PrayerBook of Charles the Bold (gs. 2.9, 2.10).51 If the comparison is extended tothe whole page, the most obvious difference, applicable on any scale, is one of symmetry in the assemblage of framed panels against the asymmetry tradi-tional to page design. Arguably, symmetry applied to the page, as in theItalianate layouts of the Master of Charles V,52 is inappropriate to book design,where symmetry is more successfully achieved across the opening (see g. 2.8).This is most evident when equal lines of text are subordinated to paired mini-atures within balanced borders, so that initials alone break the layouts symme-try in the Soane Hours even the initials are balanced, if not symmetrical, withthe rst letter on the recto, irrespective of signicance, arbitrarily matching theopening initial on the verso (g. 2.11).53 Although such balance was impossiblewith a miniature on just one page, borders could do much to coordinate theopening and equalize the pictorial content.54 In nonliturgical manuscripts, sel-dom so densely decorated, an alternative was to eliminate the borders, leavingchapter 2: the undecorated margin 19Figure 2.9Hubert and Jan van Eyck. The GhentAltarpiece, oil on panel, 375 520 cm(14758 20434 in.). Ghent, St-Baafskathedraal.20 reynoldsFigure 2.10Lieven van Lathem. All Saints, in thePrayer Book of Charles the Bold. h: 12.4 cm (8 in.). Los Angeles, J. PaulGetty Museum, Ms. 37, fols. 42v43.Figure 2.11Master of the Soane Hours. Processionof Saint Gregory, in the Soane Hours. h: 20.9 cm (814 in.). London, Sir JohnSoanes Museum, Ms. 4, fols. 136v137.chapter 2: the undecorated margin 21the miniature to dominate and making the asymmetrical placement of the texton the page less obvious (g. 2.12). Especially with a large volume on a lectern,the viewer could focus on the miniature, much as he might on a panel painting.While the transfer of the aesthetic expectations of panel painting wasdoubtless only one factor in the new emphasis on symmetry in book design, itseems likely to have been a signicant one, when the aims of book and panelpainters increasingly coincided and fueled patrons desires for books thatmatched the achievements of panels. It is also a factor that helps to explain boththe taste for luxury books without borders, evident from the 1450s, and thelater, but coexisting, taste for books with enticingly elaborate borders, evidentfrom the 1460s. The difference in date between the beginnings of these devel-opments may be connected with the Netherlandish convention for insertedsingle-leaf miniatures, which meant that designing across the opening becameroutine later in the Netherlands than in France. When printed books reached the Netherlands in the 1450s, their pur-chasers faced the same choices over illumination that confronted the buyers ofmanuscripts. After some decades, competition from printing provided furtherencouragement for purchasers of illuminated manuscripts to shift their prior-ities from text to image and for illuminators to revivify their conventionsthrough the aesthetics of independent paintings. It was through intensively dec-orated liturgical or quasi-liturgical books that illumination survived as a vitalart form into the mid-sixteenth century. As printers exchanged varied colors forvaried sizing and spacing, it would be the printing press that brought a wholenew validity to the undecorated margin in luxury volumes. 22 reynoldsFigure 2.12Master of Edward IV. Mary Magdalene,the Sinner, Is Brought to Repentance by an Angel and Fear of Death, in JeandEeckhoute, Le Second Mariage etespousement entre Dieu le Filz et lmepcheresse en la personne de MarieMagdalene. h: 38.8 cm (1514 in.).Valenciennes, Bibliothque municipale,Ms. 243, fol. 4.chapter 2: the undecorated margin 231. Thomas Kren and Scot McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe,exh. cat. (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum,2003), no. 3.2. Although undecorated margins in any con-text of elaborate illumination demonstrate thespread of the fashion and its acceptability, thisessay does not discuss the many volumes withonly one or a few borders, for example, Philipthe Goods Triomphe des dames, in which theopening page with miniature and large initialis borderless and the one border opens the textproper (Brussels, Bibliothque royale deBelgique, Ms. 10778, fols. 1, 13; BernardBousmanne et al., La Librairie des ducs deBourgogne: Manuscrits conservs laBibliothque royale de Belgique, vol. 2(Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 18992; othercategories not discussed include the omissionof borders to establish a decorative hierarchyby marking the miniature at the opening or at major divisions with a border and leavingminiatures at lesser divisions unadorned; full-page miniatures that leave no space forborders; miniatures left unbordered becauseborders, reecting their origin in letter exten-sions, are triggered only by large initials (con-versely, the border can surround the miniaturealone, excluding initial and text below, or,when initial and miniature are on differentpages, the border may accompany the minia-ture as the summit of the decorative hierar-chy); for examples, see Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, nos. 56, 96, 20, 32, 33, 44, 53, 114, 139, 14, 79, 112,respectively. 3. Medieval Mastery: Book Illumination fromCharlemagne to Charles the Bold, exh. cat.(Louvain: Stedelijk Museum Van der KelenMertens, 2002), 266; Claudine Lemaire,Justications remarquables dans des manu-scrits miniatures du XVe sicle conservs la Bibliothque Royale Bruxelles, in Als ich can: Liber Amicorum in Memory of Professor Dr. Maurits Smeyers, ed. BertCardon, Jan Van der Stock, and DominiqueVanwijnsberghe (Louvain: Peeters, 2002),795813.4. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 46.5. Antoine de Schryver, Nicolas Spierinc, cal-ligraphe et enlumineur des Ordonnances desEtats de lHtel de Charles le Tmraire,Scriptorium 23 (1969): 43458; on costs, seeKren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 6263. 6. Georges Dogaer, Flemish Miniature Paintingin the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries(Amsterdam: B. M. Isral, 1987), 9192;Georges Dogaer and Marguerite Debae, La Librairie de Philippe le Bon, exh. cat.(Brussels: Bibliothque royale de Belgique,1967), 15859, 16163. 7. Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Mss. 10958,10176 78; see Frdric Lyna and ChristianeVan den Bergen-Pantens, Les Principauxmanuscrits peintures de la Bibliothqueroyale de Belgique (Brussels: Bibliothqueroyale Albert Ier, 1989), vol. 3, no. 309;Bernard Bousmanne and Celine vanHoorebeeck eds., La Librairie des ducs deBourgogne: Manuscrits conservs laBibliothque royale de Belgique (Brussels:Brepols, 2000), vol. 1, 197204.8. Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, Ms. nouv. acq. fr. 16251 (Medieval Mastery,no. 44). 9. E.g., Chantilly, Muse Cond, Ms. 724, for Philippe Courault, Abbot of Saint Peters,Ghent, ca. 1470; for four further copies, see J. Gumbert, Recherches sur le stemma descopies du Liber Floridus, in Liber FloridusColloquium: Papers Read at the InternationalMeeting in the University Library, Ghent, on35 September 1967, ed. Albert Derolez(Ghent: E. Story-Scientia, 1973), 3750.10. Saint-Omer, Bibliothque delAgglomration, Mss. 739, 740, 755; MarcGil and Ludovic Nys, Saint-Omer gothique:Les Arts guratifs Saint-Omer la n duMoyen ge, 12501550 (Valenciennes: Pressesuniversitaires de Valenciennes, 2004), 96 97,212, gs. 7478.11. For examples, see Pierre Cockshaw,Miniatures en grisaille, exh. cat. (Brussels:Bibliothque royale de Belgique, 1986); Krenand McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, nos. 27, 28, 29, 43, 50, 85, 94.12. E.g., Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Ms.21696, of the 1440s, and Utrecht,Rijksmuseum het Catharijneconvent, Ms. BMH 55, of the 1460s; see Henri Defoer etal., The Golden Age of Dutch ManuscriptPainting, exh. cat. (New York: G. Braziller,1989), nos. 5354. 13. Leiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Ms. bpl224; see Marta Osterstrom-Renger, TheNetherlandish Grisaille Miniatures: SomeUnexplored Aspects, Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch 44 (1983): 14573, gs. 12; of thefteen Netherlandish manuscripts listed byOsterstrom-Renger (171 n. 5), only four haveborders around miniatures: Baltimore, WaltersArt Gallery, Ms. W.165; Copenhagen,Kongelige Bibliotek, GKS n. 3445 8o (withfour detached miniatures, Hamburg, Museumfr Kunst und Gewerbe, EG 1991, 5, 1 4;Blicke in verborgene Schatzkammern, exh. cat.[Hamburg: Museum fr Kunst und Gewerbe,1998], no. 35); New York, Pierpont MorganLibrary, Ms. M.349; Oxford, BodleianLibrary, Ms. Douce 248. 14. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, Ms. W.240,fol. 162v; see Lilian M. C. Randall, Medievaland Renaissance Manuscripts in the WaltersArt Gallery, vol. 3, Belgium, 12501530(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press inassociation with the Walters Art Gallery,1997), no. 248; Bernard Bousmanne, Item aGuillaume Wyelant aussi enlumineur: WillemVrelant, un aspect de lenluminure dans lesPays-Bas mridionaux, sous le mcnat desducs de Bourgogne Philippe le Bon et Charlesle Tmraire (Brussels: Bibliothque royale deBelgique, 1997), 105, 21921; MedievalMastery, no. 82.15. The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Ms.76 F 2; for it and the 1455 document, seeAnne S. Korteweg, The Book of Hours ofPhilip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, in TheHague and Its Later Adaptation, in Cardonet al., eds., Als ich can, 75771. 16. Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Mss.9066 68 (Lyna and Pantens, PrincipauxManuscrits, no. 315); Paris, Bibliothquenationale, Ms. fr. 9198, and Oxford, BodleianLibrary, Ms. Douce 374 (L. M. J. Delaiss, La Miniature amande: Le Mcnat dePhilippe le Bon, exh. cat. [Brussels: Palais desBeaux-Arts, 1959], nos. 9394).17. Paris, Bibliothque nationale, Ms. fr. 6449;Erlangen, Universittsbibliothek, Ms. 2361;Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Ms. 10777 (notnecessarily made for Philip); New York,Pierpont Morgan Library, Mss. M.67275,and Mcon, Bibliothque municipale, Ms. 3;see Bousmanne, Item a Guillaume Wyelant,108, 296 97, 178, 24950, 176, 23334,28183, respectively.18. Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Ms. 9017(Lyna and Pantens, Les Principaux manuscrits, no. 282).19. Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, W.172;elsewhere the master gave borders to broad-framed miniatures; see Gregory T. Clark,Made in Flanders: The Master of the GhentPrivileges and Manuscript Painting in theSouthern Netherlands in the Time of Philip theGood (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), col. gs. 3, 10, 15, gs. 2, 21, 24, 36, 94104. 20. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Ms. Res.149, Hours of Guillaume Rolin (Jean-Bernardde Vaivre, Les Armoiries et devises desRolin, in Le Splendeur des Rolin: UnMcnat priv la cour de Bourgogne: TableNotes24 reynoldsronde, 2728 fvrier 1995, ed. BrigitteMaurice-Chabard [Paris: Picard, 1999],5355); Turin, Museo Civico, Ms. 558, withpossible Rolin arms (Giovanna GiacobelloBernard and Enrica Pagella eds., Van Eyck,Antonello, Leonardo: Tre capolavori delRinascimento, exh. cat. [Turin: Museo CivicodArte Antica e Palazzo Madama, 2003], no. 7); Christies, London, July 11, 2000, lot34, Psalter of Lady Ingoldisthorpe, sister of Sir John Tiptoft. 21. E.g., Philip the Goods prayers of SaintAnselm, with two historiated initials, ca.1450, Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Ms.11052 (Bousmanne and van Hoorebeeck, eds.,Librairie des ducs de Bourgogne, 28082);Bruges prayer book, ca. 1480, with historiatedinitials, Bibliothque royale, Ms. IV 414(Johan Oosterman, Guilliame van Sconehove,Scrivere and Scoelmeester, in Cardon et al.,eds., Als ich can, 107994); an hours by theMaster of Antoine Rolin, Antwerp, privatecollection (Anne-Marie Legar, The Masterof Antoine Rolin, in Margaret of York,Simon Marmion, and the Visions of Tondal,ed. Thomas Kren [Malibu, Calif.: J. Paul GettyMuseum, 1992], 20922, no. 5); an hourswith colored and grisaille miniatures by thesame master (Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, no. 94).22. See note 17 and Brussels, Bibliothqueroyale, Mss. 9270, 9243; Paris, Petit Palais,Dutuit Ms. 456; Valenciennes, Bibliothquemunicipale, Ms. 240 (possibly that paid for in1469); see Bousmanne, Item a GuillaumeWyelant, 22730, 29798, 3023; Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,340.23. Completed for Philip: Brussels,Bibliothque royale, Mss. 9967, IV 106 andprobably 9392; The Hague, KoninklijkeBibliotheek, Ms. 76 F 10; and Paris,Bibliothque de lArsenal, Mss. 5067,508990, 6328. Bibliothque royale, Ms.928788, the one in semigrisaille, was appar-ently written for Philip in 1461 but possiblyilluminated later; Bibliothque royale, Ms.9303 4, was owned, not necessarily commis-sioned, by Philip; see Dogaer and Debae,Librairie de Philippe le Bon, 15859, 16163. 24. For a lost Bible moralise and ten surviv-ing works seemingly written for Philip andilluminated for Charles, see Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,23031, no. 55.25. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 54; also Brussels,Bibliothque royale, Mss. 9029 and possibly10986 (Lyna and Pantens, Les Principauxmanuscrits, nos. 261, 270; Bousmanne et al.,Librairie des ducs de Bourgogne, 206 9);New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, M.68,with arms of Philip or Charles (SuzanneLewis, The Apocalypse of Margaret of Yorkin Kren, ed., Visions of Tondal, 7980).26. Linkebeek, Saint Sebastian; D.Coekelberghs, ed., Catalogue de lexpositionTrsors dart des glises de Bruxelles,Annales de la Socit royale darchologie de Bruxelles 56 (1979): no. 31.27. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 66.28. Yale University, Beinecke Ms. 226 (BarbaraA. Shailor, Catalogue of the Medieval andRenaissance Manuscripts in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, YaleUniversity, vol. 1 [Binghamton, N.Y.:Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies,1984], 31719); for two other borderlesscopies, London, British Library, Egerton Ms. 1065, and Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms. Douce 208, by the Master of 1482, seeKren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 77 n. 67, 278. 29. Yale University, Beinecke Ms. 639, by the Master of Edward IV (Walter Cahn,Margaret of Yorks Guide to the PilgrimageChurches of Rome, in Kren, ed., Visions of Tondal, 89102); she apparently ownedValenciennes, Bibliothque municipale, Ms. 240 (see note 22).30. For a rare instance for Gruuthuse withoutborders, see Paris, Bibliothque nationale, Ms. fr.1837, attributed to the Master of 1482(M. Martens, ed., Lodewijk van Gruuthuse,exh. cat. [Bruges: Gruuthusemuseum, 1992],17881); Anthonys known borderless book,Biblioteca Vaticana, Pal. lat. 1995, was writtenby Aubert, 1467, and illuminated by a Vrelantfollower for Guillaume Bourgeois (ChristianeVan den Bergen-Pantens, Hraldique et bib-liophilie: Le Cas dAntoine, Grand Btard deBourgogne (14211504), in MiscellaneaMartin Wittek: Album de codicologie et depalographie offert Martin Wittek, ed. AnnyRaman and Eugne Manning [Louvain:Peeters, 1993], 32353, no. xlii).31. Jean de Cro, Brussels, Bibliothque royale,Ms. 9014, 1462, in the style associated withJean Pilavaine; Philippe de Cro, Bibliothqueroyale, Ms. 10943-97, 1460, in related style;Paris, Arsenal, Ms. 5028, with grisailles(Marguerite Debae, La Bibliothque deMarguerite dAutriche: Essai de reconstitutiondaprs linventaire de 15231524 [Louvain:Peeters, 1995], nos. 97, 105, 11, respectively);Philip of Cleves, The Hague, KoninklijkeBibliotheek, Mss. 133 A 5, Master of 1482,and 128 C 5 (paper), Master of Antoine Rolin(Anne S. Korteweg, Boeken van Oranje-Nassau, exh. cat. [The Hague: Museum vanhet Boek, 1998), 33 42, 48); Vienna, ster-reichische Nationalbibliothek, cod. 2616 (OttoPcht and Dagmar Thoss, Die illuminiertenHandschriften und Inkunabeln der ster-reichischen Nationalbibliothek, vol. 7,Flmische Schule II [Vienna: Verlag der ster-reichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,1990], 36566); this treatise is also in YaleUniversity, Beinecke Ms. 230, by the Master of 1482 without borders (Shailor, Medievaland Renaissance Manuscripts, 33135).32. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, nos. 95, 97; Valenciennes,Bibliothque municipale, Mss. 209, 230, and 243 (A. Molinier, Catalogue gnrale des manuscrits des bibliothques publiques de France, XXV [Paris, 1894], 27980,28889, 29899); he also owned Ms. 240(see note 22).33. For Lidets bordered books for Philip, see Kren and McKendrick, Illuminatingthe Renaissance, 231 n. 8, and Brussels,Bibliothque royale, Ms. 9308 (Bousmanne et al., Librairie des ducs de Bourgogne,8892); for his borders for others, see Antoine de Schryver, Marc Dykmans, and JosRuysschaert, Le Pontical de Ferry de Clugny,cardinal et evque de Tournai (Vatican:Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1989), 5774;for Vrelants vernacular bordered books forPhilip: Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Mss.946970, 9545 46; for other, identied,patrons: Ghent, Universiteitsbibliotheek, Ms. 2; Paris, Muse du Louvre, Cabinet desdessins, R.F.1698; Paris, Bibliothquenationale, Mss. fr. 30811; see Bousmanne,Item a Guillaume Wyelant, 230, 23233,25254, 29096.34. Paris, Petit Palais, Ms. Dutuit 456; see note 22.35. Paris, Arsenal, Ms. 6328; Brussels,Bibliothque royale, Ms. 9270; see notes 23, 22, respectively. 36. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 66, 29596. 37. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 76 n. 40. A survey of borderlessbooks, with no pretense to completeness,shows Philip to have commissioned no two-column examples: the Chroniques de Hainaut(Bibliothque royale, Mss. 9243 44) wasprobably intended to have borders (see note 1above); his richly illustrated Roi Modus etreine Ratio (Bibliothque royale, Mss.1021819) is in two columns but has one bor-der on a text page (Bousmanne et al., Librairiechapter 2: the undecorated margin 25des ducs de Bourgogne, 15463); the Cit deDieu of 1462, acquired by Jean de Cro(Bibliothque royale, Ms. 9014), is in twocolumns (see note 31 above). Charles the Bold,however, commissioned two borderless booksin two columns: his Alexander (Bibliothquenationale, Ms. fr. 22547; Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,no. 54) and his Chroniques de Pise(Bibliothque royale, Ms. 9029; Lyna andPantens, Principaux Manuscrits, no. 261). Atleast six borderless manuscripts attributed tothe Master of 1482 are in two columns: TheHague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Ms. 133 A 5;London, British Library, Add. Ms. 19720 andEgerton Ms. 1065; Oxford, Bodleian Library,Ms. Douce 208; Yale University, BeineckeMss. 228, 230 (Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 77 n. 67). 38. Delaiss, Miniature amande, 101; seeRichard E. F. Straub, David Aubert, escripvainet clerc (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995); PascaleCharron and Marc Gil, Les enlumineurs des manuscrits de David Aubert, in LesManuscrits de David Aubert, ed. DanielleQuruel (Paris: Presses de lUniversit de Paris-Sorbonne, 1999), 81100. 39. For Milot, see Bousmanne, Item aGuillaume Wyelant, 16768, with references.40. Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Ms.924950, fol. 2; also Ms. II 239 and Paris,Bibliothque nationale, Ms. fr. 17001(Dogaer, Flemish Miniature Painting, 8788). 41. Paris, Arsenal, Mss. 348394, red head-ings, ourished initials with Philips armsopening the ve original volumes; quotationfrom Ms. 3490, fol. 581, the ve colophonsvarying slightly; Paris, Bibliothque nationale,Mss. fr. 1917377, could be the minute, textonly, for Arsenal Mss. 507275 and Munich,Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. gall. 7,attributed to Aubert (Straub, David Aubert,7582, 12027; for Auberts self-descriptions,see 27882). 42. L. M. J. Delaiss, James Marrow, and John de Wit, The James A. de RothschildCollection at Waddesdon Manor: IlluminatedManuscripts (Fribourg: Published for theNational Trust by Ofce du livre, 1977), 173.43. De Schryver, Nicolas Spierinc (see note5), pp. 456 57.44. Waddesdon Manor, James A. deRothschild Collection, Ms. 8, three pages withborders, completed for Philip of Cleves(Delaiss et al., Rothschild Collection,15480). Cambridge, Newnham CollegeLibrary, Ms. 900 (5), of the early fteenthcentury, has a similarly inspired but clearerlayout (Sandra L. Hindman, Christine dePizans Epistre dOtha: Painting andPolitics at the Court of Charles VI [Toronto:Pontical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1986],141, gs. 9193).45. Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Ms. 9392(Lyna and Van den Bergen-Pantens,Principaux Manuscrits, no. 268; R. Brown-Grant, Illumination as Reception: JeanMilots Reworking of the Epistre dOthea,in The City of Scholars: New Approaches toChristine de Pizan, ed. MargareteZimmermann and Dina De Rentiis [Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1994], 26071).46. Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Ms. 9392,fols. 104v105.47. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 19, fol. 83v.48. Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek, Thott1090, 4o; Vienna, sterreichischeNationalbibliothek, s.n. 2731, 146869;Paris, Bibliothque nationale, Ms. fr. 17001,1468; Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Ms. II239, 1463; see Otto Pcht et al., Die illu-minierten Handschriften und Inkunabeln dersterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, vol. 6,Flmische Schule I (Vienna: Verlag der ster-reichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,1983), Abb. 13437, gs. 90, 92; CyrielStroo, Celebratie van de macht:Presentatieminiaturen en aanverwantevoorstellingen in handschriften van Filips deGoede (14191467) en Karel de Stoute,Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke VlaamseAcademie van Belgi voor Werenschappen enKunsten, nieuwe reeks, 7 (Brussels: Paleis derAcademin, 2002), pls. 46, 48 49, 59. 49. E.g., Princeton, University Library, Ms.105, and Paris, Arsenal, Ms. 5199, late 1430s(Stroo, Celebratie van de macht, pls. 810).50. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 2430.51. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 16, fol. 43; see also no. 17,fol.59v.52. E.g., Kren and McKendrick, Illuminatingthe Renaissance, nos. 166 67.53. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 138, also nos. 109, 124. 54. E.g., Kren and McKendrick, Illuminatingthe Renaissance, nos. 20, 32, 93, etc.26 reynoldsEver since the groundbreaking book by Johan Huizinga,it has become customary to include Alexander the Great among the gures ofreference for Philip the Good and Charles the Bold.1 The possession of severalworks devoted to the Macedonian sovereign, including a number of majorpieces executed by commission; the overt exploitation of the historical gure inthe presentation of ducal power; and the parallels that were often pointed out(by both partisans and detractors) between the last two dukes of Burgundy andAlexander conrm that the latter played an important role in their politics ofrepresentation and in their imaginations. I intend to examine more specicallythe process of appropriation of which Alexander was the object under the ruleof Philip the Good by presenting the dukes major acquisitions of manuscriptsand tapestries, and then by attempting to determine, through an analysis of theworks themselves, as well as their reception and use, the issues and values withwhich the gure of the Macedonian conqueror was associated at the time.A l exander in the Col lect ions o f Ph i l ip the GoodThe manuscripts and tapestries acquired by Philip the Good are con-crete testimony of his interest in the gure of Alexander. While the Macedoniansovereign held only a secondary place in the collections of Philip the Bold andJohn the Fearless, he gained unquestionable favor during the rule of their suc-cessor. In the context of a considerable overall growth and, more specically, ofa spike in interest in materials concerning antiquities,2 the ducal library at thetime acquired nearly twenty-ve texts (contained in forty-ve copies) dealing,in one manner or another, with the ancient conqueror.3 A number of thesegrant him only modest consideration, and their acquisition was certainly notmotivated by the few anecdotes devoted to him therein. But the Macedoniandoes nevertheless play a key role in a half-dozen works,4 four of which werewritten or revised by authors active at the court of Burgundy roughly between1420 and 1460. According to the inventory taken after the death of Philip theGood, the latter works were divided among nine manuscripts, acquired for themost part after 1448.The duke of Burgundys interest in the genealogy of the great mythol-ogized historical gures can be seen in his commissioning of manuscripts such as LHistoire de Charles Martel et de ses successeurs,5 devoted toCharlemagnes ancestors, or even Perceforest, a romance in prose aimed atrooting the Arthurian legend in the Macedonian geste. Despite the brevity ofhis appearance in the latter story, Alexander plays an essential role in it, sinceA Very Burgundian Hero: The Figure of Alexander the Great under the Rule of Philip the GoodChrys t l e B londeauchapter 3he incarnates the founding hero par excellence. The author of this vast compo-sition, compiled in the second quarter of the fourteenth century and dedicatedto Guillaume de Hainaut, credits the hero with the restoration of the Englishmonarchy, the establishment of the practice of the tournament intended tohone the skills and courage of knights and even the founding of the line ofKing Arthur, by virtue of his union with Sebilla.6 Two copies of Perceforestappear in the posthumous inventory of Philip the Goods library. Currently atthe Bibliothque de lArsenal in Paris,7 one of these corresponds to the minute8of a restored version of the text commissioned by the duke in 1459 from DavidAubert. The other copy, now lost, apparently contained an older version.9Philip the Good also turned his attention to Alexanders dynastic ori-gins, since he acquired a copy of the Roman de Florimont. Opening with themarriage of Madien of Babylon with a Greek princess who brings himMacedonia in her dowry, the text closes with the wedding feast of Philip II of Macedon and Olympia, right before the birth of Alexander. Devoted for the most part to the adventures of Florimont, Alexanders great-grandfather,the work presents itself as a translation from a Latin original. In fact it is aprose version derived from Aimon de Varenness Florimont, composed duringthe winter of 141819 by a Picard author who remains anonymous.10 Philipthe Goods volume, copied onto paper and illustrated in the workshop of theMaster of Jean de Wavrin, was most likely executed in the second half of the 1450s.11 It is the only known copy of this version.Even if Alexander is physically absent from the prose version ofFlorimont, his conception represents the very justication and purpose of thestory. The opening rubric of the text makes this perfectly clear: Cy commenchelistore de quelz gens et de quele nacion dessendy et party le tres hault empereurAlixandre le Conquerant.12 Compiled in the 1440s by Jean Wauquelin, theFaicts et conquestes dAlexandre le Grand is an obvious continuation of theRoman de Florimont, since the book begins with a presentation of Alexandersparents and the story of his birth. The product of a complex labor of compila-tion, translation, and revision of various romance sources, the work goes on toretrace the Macedonian sovereigns biography and ends with the wars of suc-cession that followed his poisoning and with his son Aliors revenge on hisfathers murderers.13 The romance, as Wauquelin himself asserts in his pro-logues, was composed not for Philip the Good, but for his cousin and son-in-law John of Burgundy, count of Etampes and lord of Dourdan.14 The dukebecame interested enough in the text to commission, sometime before April1448, a deluxe copy decorated with eighty miniatures,15 to recover the minutefrom which it was transcribed,16 and ultimately to acquire another, even moresumptuously illustrated copy.17 The rst deluxe copy whose commissioning isdocumented, executed between 1447 and 1450, was copied under the directsupervision of the author and illuminated by the workshop of the Master ofWauquelins Alexander, who was certainly working at the time in Bruges.18Certain of its features make it possible, moreover, to afrm that Wauquelin alsotook part in the program of its illustration.19 The second copy Philip the Goodsubsequently acquired is not at all documented. The 204 miniatures therein attributed to Willem Vrelant (assisted by several collaborators), Lieven vanLathem, and the Master of the Livre du Roy Modus20 nonetheless indicatethat it was most likely originally intended for the ducal library. Certain features,28 blondeauas much stylistic as iconographic, further suggest that it was executed afterVrelant settled in Bruges in the early 1450s.21Breaking with the romance genre to which the above-cited worksbelong, the Desbat dhonneur entre trois chevaleureux princes by Jean Milotoffers, in the form of a brief treatise in dialogue, a moral reection on the foun-dations of true nobility.22 Written in the 1440s, it constitutes a French transla-tion of the Contentio de presidentia, which Giovanni Aurispa, an exponent ofcivic humanism, had liberally adapted from Lucian of Samosatas twelfthDialogue of the Dead around 142527. In it, Alexander, Hannibal, and Scipiodebate their martial exploits in front of Minos, one of the judges of the under-world, so that the latter may determine lequel deulx trois estoit de plus grantrenom et le plus resplendissant en gloire.23 If in Lucians text Minos camedown in Alexanders favor, pleading his superior skill in the military and polit-ical spheres, in Aurispas version and therefore in Milots as well the pref-erence goes to Scipio, whose temperance and concern for public welfare denevray honneur . . . acquis par vertu.24 Three copies of the Desbat dhonneurentered the library of Philip the Good starting in 144950, the date of the exe-cution of the rst of them. Copied onto parchment, then decorated and illus-trated, the two volumes still in existence belong to the category of deluxemanuscripts.25 Transcribed on paper, the third copy26 might contain the minuteof one of the other two codices.Lastly, aside from the manuscripts, Philip the Good acquired at leastone series of hangings on the theme of Alexander. In August 1459 he orderedthe payment of ve thousand gold crowns to the Tournai merchant PasquierGrenier, who had delivered to him a chambre de tapysserie de listoiredAlixandre ouvre or et argent, soye et lle de laynne, made up of six wallhangings and a complete set of bed hangings.27 Two hangings now in the Doriafamilys Palazzo del Principe in Genova,28 which are related to Arras-Tournaiproductions of the years from 1450 to 1460,29 have often been considered frag-ments of this series. More certainly, however, they initially belonged to theSforza family rather than to Philip the Good. Documents now in the statearchives in Milan reveal that the Greniers delivered tapestries to the dukes ofMilan and, more explicitly, that a son and a nephew of Pasquier Grenier wentto Francesco Sforza in January 1459 (n. s.) to show him certum disegnum regisAlexandri et certas alias tapezzerias.30 Even if the tapestries of the duke ofBurgundy have denitively disappeared, it is nevertheless quite likely that theyhad strong thematic afnities with the Doria hangings. The two series werealmost contemporaneous, and their acquisition can be traced back to the com-mercial activity of the Grenier family. What emerges here is that the authors and artists of the Burgundianmilieu, supported by the duke or members of his entourage, actively partici-pated in perpetuating the myth of Alexander. The works thus produced, drawnmostly from the traditions of romance and legend, paint a detailed and, on thewhole, largely laudatory portrait of the Macedonian sovereign. In developingthemes that resonated with the concerns of Philip the Good, some of theseworks contributed more specically to inscribing Alexander into the pantheonof ducal heroes. The attitude of the Valois prince also leads to the thought that,not content simply to consent to this, he encouraged the process aimed at iden-tifying him with the Macedonian king.chapter 3: a very burgundian hero 29Figure 3.1Workshop of the Master of WauquelinsAlexander. The Punishment of Pausanias,in Jean Wauquelin, Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre. Paris, Bibliothque nationalede France, Ms. fr. 9342, fol. 94v.Figure 3.2Willem Vrelant. Alexander Helping His Parents against Pausanias, in Jean Wauquelin, Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre. Paris, Muse du Petit-Palais, Ms. Dutuit 456, fol. 135v.30 blondeauA F i g u re in the Serv i ce o f Burgund i an Ideo log yThe two illustrated copies of the Faicts et conquestes dAlexandre31serve as the best witnesses to the concerns associated with the gure of theMacedonian. Serving as the unifying thread of the romance, the notion of fam-ily honor is by example broadly developed, and the punishment of parricide,the literary and visual treatment of which broadens as the story progresses, con-stitutes a recurrent theme: the brief confrontation between Alexander andPausanias, killer of Philip II of Macedon and illegitimate pretender to the handof Olympia (gs. 3.1, 3.2),32 is covered in the last eleven chapters of theromance, inspired by Jean le Nevelons Vengeance Alixandre, in which Alior,son of the Macedonian and Queen Candace, avenges his fathers poisoning byin turn exterminating Antipater, his line, and his allies.33 As the punishment ofPausanias (g. 3.3) reappears in the rst of the Doria hangings in the Palazzodel Principe in Genova, which is devoted to various episodes from Alexandersyouth, it is not impossible that the suite of tapestries acquired by Philip theGood in 1459 also included this episode. It is easy to imagine, in fact, the echothat these acts of lial piety, aimed at avenging the death and honor of thefather, must have awakened in the mind of Philip the Good, whose own fatherhad been assassinated in September 1419 by the partisans of the dauphin. Thatthe murder of John the Fearless was never truly redressed must have made it allthe more compelling.Burgundian authors and artists also did their best to root Alexanderin Burgundian territories. Between the subjugation of Persia and the explo-ration of India, the second book of Wauquelins romance begins, without anyapparent logic, with an enumeration of Alexanders Western conquests. Fourchapters are more specically devoted to the gift he made to Liroppe of theFort Carbonnire, the forest in which sont maintenant constitus pluiseurspas comme Picardie, Artois et par especial Haynun, Flandre, Brabant, Liege,Hasebain et plusieurs aultres pas adjacens ou voisins.34 The author avowsFigure 3.3Anonymous. Alexander Helping HisParents against Pausanias, ThePunishment of Pausanias, and TheCoronation of Alexander, from a suite of tapestries (detail). Genova, Palazzo del Principe.a very burgundian hero 31Figure 3.4Workshop of the Master of WauquelinsAlexander. Alexander Offering the Fort Carbonnire to Liroppe, in Jean Wauquelin, Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre. Paris, Bibliothque nationalede France, Ms. Fr. 9342, fol. 127.that the episode is not of his own invention. Indeed Wauquelin borrowed itfrom Jacques de Guises Annales Hannoniae, a text called to his attention bySimon Nockart, clerk of the bailiffs court of Hainaut. In 1446 Philip the Goodcommissioned Wauquelin to translate the Annales Hanoniae in full.35 Alreadymentioned in Perceforest,36 of which the duke, as we have seen, possessed sev-eral copies, the anecdote can also be found in Jean Mansels Fleur des histoires,represented by a deluxe copy in the ducal library.37The makers of the ducal manuscripts of the Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre sought to enhance the Macedonians brief sojourn in the West. In the earlier copy, the scene of the gift of the Fort Carbonnire (g. 3.4) isespecially emphasized: situated on the recto of a leaf, above the prologue to thesecond book, the image takes up three-quarters of the justied area and isaccompanied by an ornate frame, qualities that it shares only with the dedica-tory miniature at the start of the text (g. 3.5). In the later copy, the illustrationopening the second book more simply recalls Alexanders presence in the Westby representing the battle between the Macedonians and the Albanians.38 Incontrast, the nonducal copies of Wauquelins romance, in which the breakbetween the rst and second books is barely indicated,39 provide no illustrationwhatsoever of the conquerors Western detour. These few chapters therefore32 blondeauclearly played an ideological role: they established a spiritual connectionbetween Alexander and Philip the Good by attributing the possession of thesame lands to both and, at the same time, legitimated the Burgundian statesannexation of a certain number of principalities.40 More broadly, they aimed atglorifying the duke of Burgundys policy of territorial expansion by situating itin the continuity of Alexanders own.But it is above all the Macedonians Eastern conquests that, seenthrough the prism of Philip the Goods unwavering desire for Crusade, wereexploited in favor of ducal power. In the Faicts et conquestes dAlexandre, thesubjugation of the East constitutes, of course, a political and military under-taking. It does, however, have a spiritual dimension as well, which the cycle of illustrations in the earlier of Philips copies brings out quite clearly.Concentrated in the second book, the many battles pitting the MacedoniansFigure 3.5Workshop of the Master of WauquelinsAlexander. Presentation of theManuscript to Philip the Good, in Jean Wauquelin, Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre. Paris, Bibliothque nationalede France, Ms. fr. 9342, fol. 5.chapter 3: a very burgundian hero 33Figure 3.6Workshop of the Master of WauquelinsAlexander. Battle between theMacedonians and Monsters, in Jean Wauquelin, Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre. Paris, Bibliothque nationalede France, Ms. fr. 9342, fol. 142.Figure 3.7Workshop of the Master of WauquelinsAlexander. Imprisonment of Gog andMagog, in Jean Wauquelin, Faicts etconquestes dAlexandre. Paris,Bibliothque nationale de France, Ms. fr. 9342, fol. 131v.34 blondeauagainst monsters and wild beasts can thus be interpreted allegorically (g. 3.6).41 Alexanders and his companions triumph over these creatures,whose extraordinary size and generally hybrid nature underscore their ferocity,symbolizes that of humanity over animalism. The subjugation of Eastern popu-lations, described for the most part as primitive, likewise stands for the triumphof culture and civilization, embodied by technical skill and morality, over thenatural state. Although merciful to people whose customs are inoffensive,Alexander considers it his duty to punish those whose practices seem wickedto him. When he learns of the existence of the people of Gog and Magog,42 bib-lical personications of the forces of evil, the Macedonian does not hesitate tostray from his planned route to capture and imprison them behind two moun-tains situated at the northern connes of the earth. Wauquelin species that theoperation takes place with the help of Dieu, qui vit [la] pensee [dAlexandre]estre bonne.43 Conforming closely to the text it illustrates, the miniature rep-resents the conqueror kneeling in prayer as his men are busy closing up the nar-row pass between the two mountains, while God looks down on the scene froma cloud (g. 3.7).The insistence on Alexanders gradual conversion to monotheism infact constitutes one of the major features of this manuscript. Initially he is aspagan a character as one could imagine,44 and it is at Jerusalem, where he wor-ships God in the presence of representatives of the Jewish clergy, that his spiri-tual change is effected.45 In the episode of the Val Prilleux,46 he even takes ona quasi-Christlike dimension by deciding to sacrice himself in order to save hismen. Determined to remain in the valley so that his men may escape, he uses atypically Christian language, telling them: Je ne seroie pas bon pasteur se moncorps je ne mectoie en adventure pour garder mes brebisetes.47 The rst of thetwo miniatures48 accompanying the episode conveys in its own way the privi-leged bond that henceforth exists between Alexander and God. The text speci-cally says that, once left alone in the valley, the conqueror kneels down inprayer and witnesses throughout the night une treshideuse bataille de malinsesperis.49 In the illustration, the demonic vision disappears, giving way to adivine apparition to which Wauquelins story makes no reference whatsoever. The commissioning of this manuscript corresponds exactly to a turn-ing point in Philip the Goods Mediterranean policy, inaugurating a period that,according to Jacques Paviot, saw the imaginary realm begin to prevail overconcrete plans for Crusade.50 Aside from the fact that it attests to the fascina-tion the East held for the court of Burgundy, the manuscript can be considereda kind of plea for the holy journey. By extolling Alexanders qualities to thepoint of transforming him into a pre-Christian knight, the volume was aimedat making his Eastern exploit into a metaphor for the dukes plans to reconquerthe Holy Land. The presence in the dedicatory miniature (g. 3.5) of a statue ofSaint Andrew, patron saint of the Burgundian dynasty and supposedChristianizer of Greece and the Balkans, situates the Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre in a militant Christian perspective from the very start.51The fall of Constantinople on May 29, 1453, again revivedBurgundian propaganda in favor of Crusade. At the Banquet of the Pheasant,which took place in Lille on February 17, 1454 (n. s.), Philip the Good and hiscourtiers made a vow to bring aid to a threatened Christendom. Without beingchapter 3: a very burgundian hero 35Figure 3.8Workshop of the Master of WauquelinsAlexander. Porus Killing the Peacock,Banquet of the Peacock, in JeanWauquelin, Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre. Paris, Bibliothque nationalede France, Ms. fr. 9342, fol. 55v.Figure 3.9Associate of Willem Vrelant. Presentationof the Peacock to the Guests, in JeanWauquelin, Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre. Paris, Muse du Petit-Palais,Ms. Dutuit 456, fol. 84.36 blondeauan exact replica, this ceremony strongly recalls that over which Alexander pre-sides in the Voeux du Paon, a text of which the duke had several copies in hislibrary52 and which also served as inspiration for Jean Wauquelin in the com-position of his Faicts et conquestes dAlexandre.53 And while the earlier of thetwo ducal copies of this text allocates only one miniature (g. 3.8) to theBanquet of the Peacock,54 the later copy devotes thirteen to the episode,55 illus-trating the presentation of the bird to the guests (g. 3.9), then the taking of thetwelve vows (g. 3.10). This amplication no doubt reects the considerablebreadth of the program developed in this lavishly illustrated book, but it maywell also contain an echo of the banquet held in Lille in 1454, since the manu-script certainly postdates that event.56Figure 3.10Lieven van Lathem. Leones Making aVow over the Peacock, in JeanWauquelin, Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre. Paris, Muse du Petit-Palais,Ms. Dutuit 456, fol. 91.chapter 3: a very burgundian hero 37Figure 3.11Anonymous. Alexander Exploring theAir, from a suite of tapestries (detail).Genova, Palazzo del Principe.Devoted to Alexanders Eastern adventures, the second Doria tapestryin the Palazzo del Principe in Genova, like Wauquelins romance, actually goesso far as to practically Christianize the hero. In the episode of the explorationof the air (g. 3.11), which takes up the central part of the hanging, the empha-sis is thus laid on the divine protection the Macedonian enjoys. In keeping withthe illustration pattern traditionally used for the Roman dAlexandre in prose,57the composition recalls representations of the Ascension: enthroned in a basketthat is borne aloft by four grifns and whose upper part forms a canopy overhis head, Alexander rises up to the sky. Left behind on earth, his companionswatch him and show their astonishment by pointing their ngers at him.Completely transformed from his representations in the miniatures of theRoman dAlexandre in prose, God the Father, a benevolent gure representedin half-length in a cloud, here intervenes, moreover, to protect the conqueroron his return to earth.58In a similar spirit, the battle taking up the left side of the tapestry (g. 3.12) tends to liken the conqueror and his men to Christian knights andthe opposing troops to the Ottoman enemy. Endowed with military equip-ment directly borrowed from fteenth-century reality, the Macedonians areindeed immediately distinguishable from their Eastern adversaries, whose 38 blondeauexotic attributes (scimitars; long, damasked tunics; turbaned headdresses) leadto their identication as Saracens. The physiognomic contrast between thetwo camps of combatants further reinforces this interpretation.It is impossible to afrm that these themes appeared in absolutelyidentical form in the tapestries of Philip the Good. Nevertheless, the perfectcorrespondence of the Doria hangings to Burgundian concerns and the spirit ofthe Faicts et conquestes dAlexandre makes it a more than plausible assump-tion. In 1461, on the occasion of the festivities for Louis XIs accession to the throne, the tapestry room of the Histoire dAlexandre was exhibited in theplace of honor in the Parisian htel of the dukes of Burgundy, across from the Gideon Room.59 This juxtaposition tends to demonstrate that if Philip theGood invoked Gideon as the head of the Order of the Golden Fleece, he alsojust as openly laid claim to the spiritual paternity of Alexander in order toreconquer the East. No doubt overlapping here with the ideal of the Crusadewas the will, on the dukes part, to reafrm the legitimacy of his policy of ter-ritorial expansion and his autonomy with regard to the French crown.This situation certainly explains why the inclusion in the Burgundianlibrary of Milots Desbat dhonneur, in which Alexanders excessive pride was nevertheless severely criticized,60 did not succeed in tarnishing the emi-nently positive reputation of the Macedonian conqueror during the rule ofPhilip the Good.Figure 3.12Anonymous. Taking of a City by theMacedonians, from a suite of tapestries(detail). Genova, Palazzo del Principe.chapter 3: a very burgundian hero 391. Johan Huizinga, The Waning of the MiddleAges: A Study of the Forms of Life, Thought,and Art in France and the Netherlands in theFourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, trans. F. Hopman (London: Penguin, 1955), 7172.Among the many studies that echo this asser-tion, a few of the more important and recentones include Yvon Lacaze, Le Rle des tradi-tions dans la gense dun sentiment nationalau XVe sicle: La Bourgogne de Philippe leBon, Bibliothque de lEcole des Chartes 139(1971): 35859; Jeffrey C. Smith, TheArtistic Patronage of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy (14191467) (Ph.D. diss.,Columbia University, 1979), 9194; ScotMcKendrick, Classical Mythology andAncient History in Works of Art at the Courts of France, Burgundy, and England(13641500) (Ph.D. diss., CourtauldInstitute, 1988), 18283, 19798; OlivierCollet, Alexandre: Recherche dune identit,in Splendeurs de la cour de Bourgogne: Rcitset chroniques, ed. Danielle Rgnier-Bohler(Paris: R. Laffont, 1995), 48385; BirgitFranke, Herrscher ber Himmel und Erde:Alexander der Grosse und die Herzge vonBurgund, Marburger Jahrbuch frKunstwissenschaft 27 (2000): 12169; MarinaBelozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance:Burgundian Arts across Europe (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2002), 7172.2. Georges Doutrepont, La Littraturefranaise la cour des ducs de Bourgogne(Paris: Champion, 1909), esp. 12530,13476.3. For an exact breakdown of the texts relatingto Alexander under the rule of each of theValois dukes, see my doctoral thesis: UnConqurant pour quatre ducs: Prsence etreprsentations dAlexandre le Grand la courde Bourgogne sous le principat des ducs Valois(13631477) (Universit Paris X-Nanterre,2003), vol. 1, 2331, vol. 2, 4271.4. Voeux du Paon, by Jacques de Longuyon(before 1312); Roman dAlexandre, byAlexandre de Bernay (twelfth century);Perceforest, anonymous version (second quar-ter of the fourteenth century), and adaptationby David Aubert (14591460); Faicts et con-questes dAlexandre le Grand, by JeanWauquelin (before 1448); Desbat dhonneurentre trois chevaleureux princes, translated byJean Milot after Giovanni Aurispa (before1449); Roman de Florimont, anonymousadaptation of Florimont by Aimon deVarennes (141819). Even though they havenot been identied, the titles of two workscited in the posthumous inventory of Philipthe Goods collection (enseignementsdAristote a Alexandre, romandAlexandre) suggest that Alexander guredprominently therein. See Jean-Baptiste-JosephBarrois, Bibliothque protypographique, ouLibrairies des ls du roi Jean, Charles V, Jeande Berri, Philippe de Bourgogne et les siens(Paris: Treuttel & Wrtz, 1830), nos. 955,956, 957, 1475.5. Anonymous compilation from the mid-fteenth century. The duke ordered a copyfrom David Aubert in 1463 (Brussels,Bibliothque royale de Belgique, Mss. 6 9).6. Jane H. M. Taylor, ed., Le Roman dePerceforest, pt. 1 (Geneva: Droz, 1979),1522.7. Mss. 348394. See Barrois, Bibliothqueprotypographique, nos. 125358.8. A minute corresponds, according to theterm used by David Aubert at the beginning ofseveral volumes of the Arsenal Perceforest(Mss. 3485 and 3487, fol. 5, for example), toa preliminary copy of the text, transcribed onpaper and destined to serve as a model for thedenitive copy on parchment. 9. See Barrois, Bibliothque protypographique,nos. 124852. On the complex history of thistext, see Gilles Roussineau, David Aubert,copiste du roman de Perceforest, in LesManuscrits de David Aubert, escripvainbourguignon: Actes du colloque, Paris, 1993,ed. Danielle Quruel (Paris: Presses delUniversit de Paris-Sorbonne, 1999), 3551.10. Charity C. Willard, A Fifteenth-CenturyBurgundian Version of the Roman deFlorimont, Medievalia et Humanistica, n.s., 2 (1971): 2146. Hlne Bidaux is currentlypreparing a critical edition of this text at theUniversity of Lille-III, under the direction ofMarie-Madeleine Castellani.11. Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France,Ms. fr. 12566; see Barrois, Bibliothque pro-typographique, no. 1287. According to theinventories of Charles Briquet, the type ofwatermark visible in this volume appeared forthe rst time in Colmar in 1452 and wasfound in Douai in 1456 57 (Les Filigranes:Dictionnaire historique des marques du papierds leurs apparition vers 1282 jusquen 1600[Paris: A. Picard & Son; Geneva: A. Jullian,1907], no. 8591). On the dating and illustra-tion of the manuscript, see Pascal Schandel,Le Matre de Wavrin et les miniaturistes lil-lois lpoque de Philippe le Bon et deCharles le Tmraire (Ph.D. diss., UniversitStrasbourg II, 1997), vol. 1, 176, 200203,24042, vol. 2, 11935.12. Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France,Ms. fr. 12566, fol. 2.13. Jean Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestesdAlexandre le Grand, ed. Sandrine Hrich(Geneva: Droz, 2000), passim.14. Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes, 3, 322.15. Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France,Ms. fr. 9342; see Barrois, Bibliothque proty-pographique, no. 1478. On the commissioningof the manuscript, see Pierre Cockshaw, JeanWauquelin documents darchives, in LesChroniques de Hainaut, ou Les Ambitionsdun prince bourguignon, exh. cat., ed.Christiane Van den Bergen-Pantens (Brussels:Bibliothque royale de Belgique; Turnhout:Brepols, 2000), 45, no. 10.16. Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France,Ms. fr. 1419. Manuscript not listed in theinventory, but bearing the arms, the motto,and the emblem of Philip the Good (fol. 1v).See Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes, ed.Hrich, 99, 5156.17. Paris, Muse du Petit-Palais, Ms. Dutuit456; see Barrois, Bibliothque protypo-graphique, no. 1479. 18. On the transcription of the volume and thecareer of Wauquelin, see Cockshaw, JeanWauquelin, 3738, 45, no. 10. Lon Delaisswas the rst to identify the author of theminiatures under the name of Matre de laGeste dAlexandre; Ms. fr. 9342 was at thetime considered the painters masterwork(Les Chroniques de Hainaut et latelier deJean Wauquelin Mons dans lhistoire de laminiature amande, Bulletin des MusesRoyaux des Beaux-Arts de Bruxelles 4 [1955]:2156, esp. 2425, 3436). See also Anne H.van Buren, Jean Wauquelin de Mons et laproduction du livre aux Pays-Bas,Publications du Centre Europen dtudesBurgundo-mdianes 23 (1983): 5374. 19. See Blondeau, Un conqurant pour quatreducs, vol. 1, 26270, 28586, andBlondeau, Jean Wauquelin et lillustration deses textes, in Jehan Wauquelin: De Mons lacour de Bourgogne (14281452): Actes du col-loque, Tours, 2004, ed. Marie-Claude deCrcy, Sandrine Hrich, and GabriellaParussa (Turnhout: Brepols, forthcoming).20. Bernard Bousmanne, Item GuillaumeWyelant aussi enlumineur: Willem Vrelant,un aspect de lenluminure dans les Pays-Basmridionaux sous le mcnat des ducs deBourgogne Philippe de Bon et Charles leTmraire (Brussels: Bibliothque royale de40 blondeauNotesBelgique; Turnhout: Brepols, 1997), 200204,29799.21. Bousmanne, Item Guillaume Wyelant,6366. Based on Vrelants intervention in theBook of Hours of Philip the Bold in 1451,Bernard Bousmanne suggests that the paintermight have already been residing in Bruges atthis date. No document conrms his presencebefore 1454, however, the date of his rstmention in the archives of the guild of bookcraftsmen in Bruges.22. Arie J. Vanderjagt, Qui sa vertu anoblist:The Concepts of Noblesse and ChosePublicque in Burgundian Political Thought(Groningen: J. Milot and Co., 1981), passim;Vanderjagt, Expropriating the Past: Traditionand Innovation in the Use of Texts inFifteenth-Century Burgundy, in Tradition andInnovation in an Era of Change, ed. RudolphSuntrup and Jan R. Veenstra (Frankfurt: PeterLang, 2001), 177201, esp. 19397.23. See Vanderjagt, Qui sa vertu anoblist, 167,ll. 46 47, and 165, ll. 89.24. Vanderjagt, Qui sa vertu anoblist, 171, ll. 248 49.25. See Barrois, Bibliothque protypo-graphique, nos. 1006, 1010. These entriescorrespond, respectively, to Mss. 927880(created in 144950) and 1097779 of theBibliothque royale de Belgique in Brussels.The volumes are described in Vanderjagt, Quisa vertu anoblist, 86 87, 110. See as well theentries in La librarie des ducs de Bourgogne:Manuscrits conservs la Bibliothque royalede Belgique, vol. 2 (Testes didactiques), ed.Bernard Bousmanne, Frdrique Johan, andCline Van Hoorebeck (Brussels: Bibliothqueroyale de Belgique; Turnhout: Brepols, 2003).26. See Barrois, Bibliothque protypo-graphique, no. 1007. The manuscript iscurrently not identied.27. Lille, Archives dpartementales du Nord, B 2034, fols. 208208v. Document publishedin Franke, Herrscher ber Himmel undErde, 12223.28. The rst illustrates episodes fromAlexanders youth, and the second narratessome of his adventures in the East. They areboth drawn from the anonymous RomandAlexandre in prose. For a recent analysis ofthese tapestries, see Anna Rapp Buri andMonica Stucky-Schrer, Alexandre le Grandet lart de la tapisserie du XVme sicle, LaRevue de lart 119 (1998): 2132; Franke,Herrscher ber Himmel und Erde, 12429,13438. 29. Fabienne Joubert, La Tapisserie mdivale,3rd ed. (Paris: ditions de la Runion desmuses nationaux, 2002), 2531. Joubertfurthermore attributes the cartoons for thetwo Doria tapestries to Jacques Daret andNicolas Froment; see Jacques Daret etNicolas Froment cartonniers de tapisseries,La Revue de lart 88 (1990): 44 45; FabienneJoubert and Philippe Lorentz, Matre JacquesDaret, paintre, pour lors demourant a Arras . . . in Fragments dune splendeur: Arras la n du moyen ge, exh. cat. (Arras: Musedes Beaux-Arts, 2000), 7576.30. On the business transactions between theGreniers and the dukes of Milan, see JeanLestocquoy, Deux Sicles de lhistoire de latapisserie (13001500): Paris, Arras, Lille,Tournai, Bruxelles (Arras: Commissiondpartementale des monuments historiques duPas-de-Calais, 1978), 7374, and ErnestoSestan, ed., Carteggi diplomatici fra MilanoSforzesca e la Borgogna (Rome: Istitutostorico italiano per let moderna e contempo-ranea, 1987), vol. 2, no. 351, 6364.31. Ms. fr. 9342 and Dutuit 456 (see notes 15and 17 above).32. See Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes,23136. The episode is illustrated on fols. 92v(Alexander helping his parents), 94v in Ms.fr. 9342, and fol. 135v in Dutuit 456.33. See Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes,55373. Ms. fr. 9342 devotes two miniaturesto the Siege of Rocheor (fols. 221, 223)and one to the Torture of Antipater (fol.226). In Ms. Dutuit 456, all eleven chapters ofthe episode are illustrated, from Aliors raisingan army and heading off to war (fols. 316v,317v) to the torture of the vanquished afterthe fall of Rocheor (fol. 326v), and theyinclude the vicissitudes of the siege of the city(fols. 318v, 319v, 320v, 321v, 322v, 323v,324v, and 325v).34. See Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes,32733 (quotation on 323).35. Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes,32223, 608. For an edition of the passagefrom the Chroniques de Hainaut (Wauquelinsversion) that concerns Alexander, see SandrineHrich, dition critique et commentaire lit-traire des Faicts et conquestes dAlexandre leGrant de Jehan Wauquelin (XVme sicle)(Ph.D. diss., Universit Paris IV-Sorbonne,1997), vol. 1, 8183. For more details on thistext and the manuscripts that contain it, see aswell Brussels, Turnhout 2000 (see note 15).36. Perceforest, pt. 4, ed. Gilles Roussineau(Paris: Droz, 1987), 13338.37. Brussels, Bibliothque royale de Belgique,Mss. 923132. For an analysis of the text,part of which remains unpublished, see Guyde Poerck, Introduction la Fleur desHistoires de Jean Mansel (XVme sicle)(Ghent: E. Claeys-Verheughe, 1936), esp. 25.38. Dutuit 456, fol. 185.39. Gotha, Forschungsbibliothek, Ms. Membr.I 117, fol. 136v; Paris, Bibliothque nationalede France, Ms. fr. 707, fol. 85.40. On the politics of territorial expansion ofPhilip the Good, see, most recently, BertrandSchnerb, Ltat bourguignon, 13631477(Paris: Perrin, 1999), 20127.41. Six of these battles are illustrated in Ms. fr.9342 (fols. 142, 149v, 154v, 175, 183, 184).For the corresponding text, see Wauquelin,Les Faicts et conquestes, 36465, 38284,39495, 442 43, 458, 45960.42. Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes,33435. On the symbolic signicance of theepisode, see Andrew R. Anderson, AlexandersGate, Gog and Magog, and the InclosedNations (Cambridge, Mass.: MedievalAcademy of America, 1932).43. Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes, 334.44. See, for example, Wauquelin, Les Faicts etconquestes, 1045, 23739. These chaptersare illustrated in Ms. fr. 9342 (fols. 41v, 96).45. See Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes,244 48. The episode is illustrated in Ms. fr.9342 (fol. 98).46. See Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes,396 405.47. Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes, 399.On this episode and its interpretation, seeEmmanuelle Baumgartner, LOrientdAlexandre, Bien dire et bien aprandre 6(1988): 1315.48. Ms. fr. 9342 (fols. 157 Alexander Prayingin the Val Prilleux) and 158v (AlexanderEscapes from the Val Prilleux).49. See Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes,4023.50. Jacques Paviot, Les Ducs de Bourgogne,la croisade et lOrient (n XIVme sicleXVme sicle) (Paris: Presses de lUniversit deParis-Sorbonne, 2003), 1314; on Philip theGood and the Crusades see also 11776(quotation on 13).51. The saints presence is all the moresignicant because he is absent from the dedi-catory miniatures opening the rst volume ofthe Chroniques de Hainaut (Brussels,Bibliothque royale de Belgique, Ms. 9242),and the copy of Girart de Roussillon (Vienna,sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ms. 2549)commissioned by Philip the Good at the sametime as Bibliothque nationale de France, Ms. fr. 9342. chapter 3: a very burgundian hero 4152. See Barrois, Bibliothque protypo-graphique, nos. 1351, 1352, 1375, 1476.53. See Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes,99227, and Hrich, dition critique, vol. 1, 61 64.54. See Wauquelin, Les Faicts et conquestes,13754.55. That is one miniature per chapter (fols. 84,85v, 86, 86v, 87v, 88, 89, 89v, 90, 90v, 91,91v, 92v).56. Although the volume cannot be preciselydated, we recall that it was made after theinstallation of Willem Vrelant in Bruges,attested to after 1454 (see note 21).57. Victor M. Schmidt, A Legend and ItsImage: The Aerial Flight of Alexander theGreat in Medieval Art, trans. Xandra Bardet(Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1995), 1057.58. The gure of God is making an ambiguousgesture that looks like a benediction but ismade with his left hand. As Chiara Settis-Frugoni and Victor Schmidt have pointed out,Gods attitude toward Alexander neverthelessremains a benevolent one, in keeping with thetext of the Roman dAlexandre in prose,which is the inspiration for this representation;see Chiara Settis-Frugoni, Historia Alexandrielevati per griphos ad aerem: Origine, icono-graa e fortuna di un tema (Rome: Istitutostorico italiano per il Medio Evo, 1973),239 40, and n. 95; Schmidt, A Legend andIts Image, 12324. 59. Jacques Du Clercq has left us a descriptionof it, published in Jean-Alexandre Buchon, ed.,Choix de chroniques et mmoires relatifs lhistoire de France, avec notices biographiques(Orlans: Herluison, 1875), 185.60. See Vanderjagt, Qui sa vertu anoblist, 171,l. 245, et seq.42 blondeauHe was very ostentatious in his clothing and in everythingelse, a little too much so . . . he would indeed have liked to resemble thoseprinces of antiquity about whom so much has been said since their deaths.1Thus wrote Philippe de Commynes toward the end of the fteenth century inregard to Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy (r. 146777). De Commynesspent eight years at the Burgundian court, defecting from the dukes service tothat of the king of France in 1472.One of the greatest (and perhaps also most ostentatious) eras ofEuropean fashion occurred during Charles the Bolds brief reign. Almost cer-tainly the most conspicuous components of Charless self-presentation and thepresentation of his court lay in dress. This was the result not only of his greatwealth and the prosperity that his Flemish territories had enjoyed for more thanthirty years, but also of an economy at the center of international trade and of a ruler determined to make political statements through his dress.2 A vividimpression of the clothes-conscious duke is conveyed in the rich body of man-uscripts that he and his courtiers commissioned, many of which depict the dukeand his court.3 I will endeavor to describe a selection of these images in termsof their garments and fabrics, their political messages, and the relationship ofthe clothing portrayed in the images to those described in contemporaryaccounts and documents of payment (wardrobe accounts). Finally I will try toelucidate the value of the illuminations themselves in allowing us to create anaccurate picture of the dress of Charles the Bold. Wearing opulent attire seems to have been a way of life for Charles theBold, with each splendid outt perhaps making it more difcult to nd anoth-er to outdo it. Textiles could cost so much that the money spent on his cloth-ing would be difcult to match, or even to comprehend, today.4 The reaction ofthe Englishman John Paston III to the court in 1468 he herd neuer of nonelyek to it saue Kyng Artourys cortwould presumably have pleased Charles,who sought the rank of king assiduously, partly through messages inherent inhis clothing.5In discussing manuscript illuminations as a source for understandingthe dress at the Burgundian court, we have to recognize that they may offer notjust representations of fashionable dress, but exaggerations of it, in response toa fashionable ideal, such as very long, slender legs (see g. 4.7). There is, how-ever, clear evidence, both visual and documentary, that the general level ofostentation in dress increased dramatically under the dukedom of Charles theBold. An early hint of this tendency may come in a miniature by Willem VrelantThe Role of Dress in the Image of Charles the Bold,Duke of BurgundyMa r g a re t Sco t tchapter 4or his workshop (g. 4.1) that depicts Charles, while still count of Charolais,with his second wife, Isabella of Bourbon. The image echoes a Vrelant portray-al of Charless parents yet differs in one signicant respect: the older generationis content with plain fabrics, but Charles and Isabella wear patterned silks.6In particular, the visual evidence suggests a marked increase in theamount of gold used in the fabrics from which clothes were made, and not justfor Charles himself. Sometimes we have to ask whether the artist made aes-thetic choices about the fabrics depicted, as opposed to the fabrics likely to have been worn in life by the individuals portrayed. One of the problems weencounter in the visual sources is the identication of some of those fabrics, asthe general love of gold means that in art even the most unlikely gures can be44 scottFigure 4.1Willem Vrelant or workshop. Charles the Bold and Isabella of Bourbon at Prayer,detached miniature from a book of hours.Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek, Ms. Gl. Kgl. 1612, 40, fol. 1v. shown wearing fabrics shot through with gold. In Le Jardin de vertueuse con-solation, me, dressed as a pilgrim, is presumably meant to be wearing hum-ble, undyed, naturally brown wool, yet the fabric is highlighted in gold.7 Muchof this emphasis on gold-shot or even plain gold fabrics is to be found in illu-minations from the circle of the Master of Margaret of York, in works made forthe court circle.8At the court of Charles the Bold, cloths made almost entirely of goldbecame quite usual for the ducal family, at least as shown in art, and theyremained so for the clothing of some of their more immediate successors (seegs. 4.2, 4.3, 4.8, 4.10).9 The most commonly seen golden fabrics, used forhangings or clothing, are those called cloths of gold, in which a gold-threadbackground supports a meandering pomegranate pattern, which is to be under-stood as being woven as velvet.10 The Chroniques de Hainaut presentationscene, with Philip the Good in damask or patterned velvet and Charles the Boldin brocade (see g. 7.2), provided the compositional basis for a scene in theEnseignements paternels, illuminated by Jean Hennecart between 1468 and1470 for Charles the Bold (g. 4.4).11 In the latter scene both the princely fatherand son wear such cloths of gold, presumably reecting the taste and the envi-ronment of the patron.Figure 4.2Lieven van Lathem. Charles the Bold and Saint George, in the Prayer Book ofCharles the Bold. Los Angeles, J. PaulGetty Museum, Ms. 37, fol. 1v.Figure 4.3Follower of Dreux Jean. Margaret of Yorkand the Risen Christ, in Nicolas Finet, Le Dialogue de la duchesse de Bourgogne Jsus Christ. London, British Library,Add. Ms. 7970, fol. 1v.chapter 4: the role of dress in the image of charles the bold 45Figure 4.4Jean Hennecart. A Prince before HisFather, in Guillebert de Lannoy,Enseignements paternels. Paris,Bibliothque de lArsenal, Ms. 5104, fol. 66.Figure 4.5Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy.Mary of Burgundy(?) Reading HerDevotions, in the Hours of Mary ofBurgundy. Vienna, sterreichischeNationalbibliothek, Ms. 1857, fol. 14v.46 scottThe girl seated in the border space of a miniature from the Hours ofMary of Burgundy (g. 4.5), dressed almost completely in shades of gold, isoften identied as Charless daughter, Mary of Burgundy.12 Only the pinkishred of her collar and the green of her book cover provide relief from this golden coloring. But what is the main gold-colored fabric? Is it to be under-stood as velvet? Compared with the black velvet cloth of gold lying near her, it certainly has in its areas in shadow the more smudged quality that artists used to suggest velvet. (Representations of the robes of the Order of the GoldenFleece can be used as a control for checking the depiction of velvet, as in1473 Charles the Bold changed the fabric from vermilion scarlet, a woolencloth, to crimson velvet, a silk cloth [for the latter, see g. 4.6].)13 Perhaps thecolor of Marys gown is not gold, but is rather to be equated with that occa-sionally referred to in the accounts as tann (a yellowish brown), and the fab-ric is velvet.14Figure 4.6Master of the Golden Fleece. Chapter ofthe Golden Fleece, in Guillaume Fillastre,Histoire de la Toison dOr, book 2.Vienna, sterreichisches Haus-, Hof- undStaatsarchiv, Ordensarchiv vom GoldenenVlies, Ms. 2, fol. i.chapter 4: the role of dress in the image of charles the bold 47In keeping with de Commyness observation about Charles and theprinces of antiquity, artists often showed Charles and Alexander the Great infabrics that use a great deal of gold.15 Probably in 1470 Charles the Boldreceived a copy of a translation of Quintus Curtius Rufuss Livre des faisdAlexandre le grant (g. 4.7).16 In the presentation scene Loyset Lidet showsus the ideal of the fashionable appearance for men around 1470: very shortgowns, very wide shoulders, and impossibly long and slender legs, which areextended even further by shoes with sharply pointed toes. At the other end ofthe body, tall bonnets perch on the gures heads. Gown sleeves, and evendoublet sleeves, are slit to reveal shirtsleeves beneath. Taken together, the menexemplify the elements recorded, rather sourly, as the latest fashions in 1467 inthe memoirs of the Burgundian ofcial Jacques du Clercq.17 On the right, onecourtier (a knight of the Golden Fleece) wears his short black cloak slung to oneside, revealing a puffed upper sleeve on his doublet. This shows how at least apart of the wide-shouldered look was achieved.Other elements of the dress of the courtiers are more unusual, but notcompletely without parallel. They perhaps reect short-lived fashions for suchthings as striped doublet collars as well as cloth-of-gold hems (or else cloth ofgold was used here as an alternative to the more usual fur lining and fur trim-ming, which are seen on several other gures).18 Embroidered lettering is wornby no fewer than three of the courtiers, at a time when embroidery was almostnonexistent in northwestern European dress.19 On the left a man wears a longblue velvet open-sided gownCharles the Bold seems to have worn somethingof a similar cut in 1473, at a banquet in Trier (see below). Charles wears a mod-estly sized hat and a loose gown, which at rst glance appears to be made froma plain red fabric. Closer examination, however, reveals that the fabric seemsto be a red velvet shot through with gold. Let us compare the presentation scene with the scene of Charles theBold and his military commanders in 1475 (g. 4.8). Much of the 1475 scenecan be equated with reality: Olivier de La Marche described the ceremony asinvolving Charles sitting on a decorated chair, like a princes, in the presence ofthe lords of the blood, his council, and nobles of the household. RichardVaughan has noted that Charles militarized the court. This is reected even inthe civilian-looking dress of his commanders, who wear on their sleeves laces(points), which were needed to tie on armor to doublets. The doublets here,however, are fashionable and not the more serviceable doublets worn witharmor.20 The attendants at the doorway wear very short gowns, made in thedark colors that they usually wore: Charless household servants wore blackand violet in the procession of Margaret of York into Bruges in July 1468; inOctober, November, and December of that year, pages and some of the stable-men were dressed in black velvet and black cloth; and in April 1469 they woreblack velvet and violet cloth gowns (robes) and black satin doublets (pour-points).21 The same two colors were worn by sixty court servants in the ducalprocession at Trier in 1473.22 At the front of the scene, one courtier wears a slitgown sleeve, wrapped up onto his shoulder (compare g. 4.7). Many of theother gures wear long gowns, which show the hallmark smudginess that indi-cates velvet.48 scottFigure 4.7Loyset Lidet. Presentation of the Bookto Charles the Bold by Vasco da Lucena,in Quintus Curtius Rufus, Livre des faisdAlexandre le grant, translated by Vascoda Lucena. Paris, Bibliothque nationalede France, Ms. fr. 22547, fol. 1.Figure 4.8Master of Fitzwilliam 268. Charles theBold Receives His Military Captains, inMilitary Ordinance of Charles the Bold.London, British Library, Add. Ms. 36619,fol. 5.chapter 4: the role of dress in the image of charles the bold 49Figure 4.9Master of Girart de Roussillon. TheWedding of Girart de Roussillon andBerthe, in Jean Wauquelin, Girart deRoussillon. Vienna, sterreichischeNationalbibliothek, Ms. 2549, fol. 9v.Charless unbelted gown lacks the smudginess of velvet, and it appearsto be entirely golden. But what is it made of? The published wardrobe accountsof Charles refer to many cloths of gold, but always with another color involved;in 1468 they were crimson, black, blue, green, and even tann.23 Perhaps cru-cially for the question of fabrics, the artist who painted the scene of Charleswith his military commanders, the Master of Fitzwilliam 268, was an associateof the Master of Margaret of York, in whose circle gold-shot fabrics were com-mon, as seen in Le Jardin de vertueuse consolation, discussed above.24 It has to be recognized that in this instance art did not imitate life.Clothing featured directly or indirectly as part of several of the twelvemagnicences attributed to Charles the Bold by the ofcial historiographersGeorges Chastellain and Jean Molinet.25 On the whole, however, manuscriptsfail to convey the full splendor, not to say ostentation, of Charless clothing, andthey give very few signs of the games that he played through clothing in order50 scottto manipulate his status. In large measure, this failure has to be attributed tothe limited repertoire of scenes in which he is depicted: as devout man at prayer(g. 4.2), as head of the Order of the Golden Fleece (g. 4.6), as recipient of a book (g. 4.7). The image size also may have made it difcult to include the jewels he loved sewn all over his clothes and even applied to his armor.26The festivities surrounding Charless wedding to Margaret of York in1468 (the third magnicence), only a year after his elevation to the dukedom,provide the rst major sign in the documentary sources of an increase in splen-dor. The result was the greatest extravaganza of the century, with at least56,000 livres being spent on textiles bought from the Florentine TommasoPortinari alone.27 The standard price for the cloths of gold was 16 livres 16 solsan ell, almost a years wages for a master mason (and between twenty-two andtwenty-four ells were required for a mans long gown).28 At the celebrations, thecolor scheme for the ducal family seems to have been dominated by gold, pairedwith crimson. The most expensive of the crimson cloth-of-gold gowns musthave been that worn by Charles himself at the rst tournament after the wed-ding banquet. The dukes gown was described in the wardrobe account as beingmade of a very rich cloth of gold, which, at 48 livres an ell, cost nearly threetimes as much as standard cloth of gold.29 An account in Flemish allows us toidentify the fabric as the most elaborate type of cloth of gold, with the goldappearing not only in the background but also as loops at two heights on thesurface (goud vp goud, or gold on gold) and with the pattern in velvet of twoheights (vlu vp vlu, or velvet on velvet).30 It was, because of its cost, oftenmade to order.31 In her discussion of court etiquette (written 148491), Alinorde Poitiers, daughter of one of Charless mothers ladies-in-waiting, was quiteadamant that cloth of this type, which she called drap dor fris (curlycloth of gold), and very rich cloths of gold should be worn only by kings andother great persons (who, from her list, must include dukes), in order to main-tain the distinctions of rank.32 This is a vital clue to understanding the promi-nence of gold in the wardrobe of Charles the Bold.Apart from its abnormal expense (the fabric alone cost 1,488 livres),Charless gown for the tournament must have been an exceptional garment, asit required thirty-one ells of fabric, about a third more than his long gowns usu-ally did.33 Although the wedding took place in July, the gown was lined withsable. The nal result was a garment that trailed on the ground and had large,open sleeves and sleeves of this type certainly offered the maximum opportu-nity for display of fabric and of fur lining.34 It was judged by Olivier de LaMarche to be most princely and rich; its peculiar richness is hinted at in hisdescription of it as goldsmiths work.35 The sleeves are described repeatedly,which suggests that they were not like those in everyday use, and indeed large,open sleeves (grandes manches ouvertes) were not common in fashionabledress at this time. They belonged to the houppelande (gown) of the late four-teenth century and the rst thirty years of the fteenth century, which wasrevived in the late 1440s, at least in art, for the Vienna Girart (g. 4.9).36Finally, it is enlightening to compare the cost of this extraordinary gown againstthe cost of Charles the Bolds copy of Quintus Curtius, which is said to havecost 5,382 Flemish groats, the equivalent of nearly 450 days wages for a mas-ter mason.37 The cost of only one ell of the fabric represents the wages of thismaster mason for 960 days.chapter 4: the role of dress in the image of charles the bold 51What, therefore, are we looking at as Charles the Bolds dress in some manuscript illuminations? Sometimes he wears normal cloth of gold(compare g. 4.2), but we have to consider whether the plain golden fabricsseen in illuminations may be an artistic conceit, designed to appeal to Charlesslove of gold but not necessarily reecting the realities of his wardrobe, orwhether some fabrics could have been almost entirely of metal. The latter sug-gestion is not as unlikely as it may sound: there are extant fabrics that seem tobe almost entirely of gold thread, and Charles did occasionally wear fabricswith a very high metal content.38 At the banquet in Trier in 1473, ostensibly tohonor the emperor Frederick III (part of the seventh magnicence), Charlesappeared in a costly gown of gold and silver, glittering with jewels, and open atthe sides to allow him to display the Garter (of the Order of the Garter), whichhe wore at his knee.39 This gold and silver fabric may be the one described bythe Milanese ambassador Johanne Pietro Panigarola in April 1475, on the occa-sion of the publication of an alliance among Burgundy, Savoy, and Milan. Onthe latter occasion Charles wore an extremely sumptuous long gown lined withsable and made of a fabric that it is difcult to imagine: it was made of goldthread, in loops, and with the silk threads (presumably those that would nor-mally have formed the pattern around the gold threads) replaced by silverthreads.40 It was thus of Alinor de Poitierss curly variety and reectedCharless sense of his extraordinarily high rank. It must have looked like puremetal, as does the clothing in some images of Charles. In those images, however, it may simply be the case that artists shiedaway from the potential aesthetic mess of setting the duke, clad in a patternedcloth of gold, in front of a patterned hanging, and therefore developed an alter-native, using a single strong color in the dress to help Charles stand out fromhis immediate surroundings. The dependence of the composition of the scenefrom the military ordinance, in which there are two patterned hangings behindCharles, on images of him as head of the Order of the Golden Fleece (comparegs. 4.8 and 4.6), in which he would have worn a strong, plain red, might alsohave helped the development of this strategy.41Much of what we read of what Charles the Bold wore on really spe-cial occasions, as opposed to what we see him wearing as everyday dress inmanuscripts, would seem to corroborate Philippe de Commyness view of hisostentation. Charles was part of a world that regarded magnicence as aprincely duty, as public displays of princely splendor would reassure the peoplethat their prince was rich and powerful and, in Charless case, t to become aking. Manuscripts rarely show this side of Charless use of dress, except perhapsfor the strange hat in the scene of the duke with his military commanders (seeg. 4.8). Lavishly jeweled hats, whose implications of rank (ducal or regal?)bewildered contemporary observers, played an important role in Charlessquest for the title of king.42 With these hats he wore gowns or armor encrustedwith jewels and was liable to make speeches about reviving the ancient king-dom of Burgundy, absorbed by the ancestors of the French nine hundred years before.43At Charless meeting with the Emperor Frederick III in 1473 (the sev-enth magnicence, for which Charles spent almost 39,000 livres on clothingfor about one thousand people), the papal ambassador believed that Charleswas declaring his rank(s) through three types of clothing: the rst was a man-telina, showing that he was rst of the twelve peers of France (decanus XII52 scottFigure 4.10Ghent Associates. Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian(?), in the Hours of Maryof Burgundy and Maximilian. Berlin,Staatliche Museen, Kupferstichkabinett,Ms. 78 B 12, fol. 220v.Parum Franciae); the second was a mantle of gold, as in a ducal outt (inhabito ducale); and the third outt was in regal style (ad modo regale).44The ambiguity was continued at the eleventh magnicence, his parliament atMalines in July 1474, when he entered the city in ducal attire, with a hat thatmany observers thought was a crown. The lost argentier accounts for that eventseem to have referred to a rich ducal bonnet with the circlet of an archduke.45Charles the Bold seems, in life, regularly to have outdone the dress inwhich he is depicted in manuscripts. He wore straightforwardly lavishclothes, as any great prince might have done, but he also played, as an actorwould, on how they would be interpreted by observers. In this game, cloth richwith gold, on its own in manuscript illuminations and with added jewels in life,was his main prop, with the help of lavishly decorated hats of a marked hierar-chical ambiguity. Yet of the splendors of his jewels and more amazing textilesand hats, we see very little in detail in illuminated manuscripts. Charless polit-ical legacy was the absorption of his state into the Hapsburg Empire. It isarguable that his sartorial legacy meant that, for the next generation of manu-script illuminators, the great and the good, to be convincing, simply had to beshown dressed in cloth of gold (g. 4.10). chapter 4: the role of dress in the image of charles the bold 5354 scottThis paper is based on work undertaken forlectures delivered at the J. Paul Getty Museum,Los Angeles, August 7, 2003, and the RoyalAcademy of Arts, London, January 19, 2004. I am grateful for the help and encouragementof Thomas Kren, Elizabeth Morrison, and Jeff Avery.1. Il estoit fort pompeux en habillemens et entoutes autres choses, et ung peu trop . . . eustbien voulu resembler ces anciens princesdont il a tant est parl aprs leur mort(Philippe de Commynes, Mmoires, ed. JosephCalmette and Georges Durville [Paris: H.Champion, 192425], vol. 2, 15455). Someof the excesses are hinted at in the account of the new fashions of 1467 written byJacques du Clercq, a Burgundian ofcial andnative of Arras; see Mmoires de Jacques duClercq (14481467), ed. Jean-AlexandreBuchon, Collection des chroniques nationalesfranaises, vol. 40 (Paris, 1826 28), 13940. 2. On prosperity, see David Nicholas,Medieval Flanders (London: Longman, 1992), 376.3. On the magnicence of the Burgundiandukes, and on the prohibitive costs of keepingup ones appearance at court, see MarinaBelozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance:Burgundian Arts across Europe (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2002), 4858,64, 65. Richard Vaughan, Valois Burgundy(London: Allen Lane, 1975), 38, summarizesthe problems of estimating the total annualexpenditure on clothes. 4. See Belozerskaya, Rethinking theRenaissance, 225, on the hierarchy ofexpenditure.5. Norman Davis, ed., Paston Letters andPapers of the Fifteenth Century, pt. 1 (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1971), 539. On Charlessambitions, see Thomas Kren and ScotMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance:The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Paintingin Europe, exh. cat. (Los Angeles: J. PaulGetty Museum, 2003), 3.6. The comparison is possible via JeffreyChipps Smith, Margaret of York and theBurgundian Portrait Tradition, in Margaretof York, Simon Marmion, and the Visions of Tondal, ed. Thomas Kren (Malibu, Calif.: J. Paul Getty Museum, 1992), 49. 7. Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, Ms. fr. 1026, fol. 9v, illustrated in MauritsSmeyers, Flemish Miniatures from the Eighthto the Mid-Sixteenth Century: The MedievalWorld on Parchment (Leuven: Davidsfonds,1999), 412, no. 83; for fol. 28v, see Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,248, no. 62.8. On this group, see Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 21718 and nos. 6163. 9. Charles is shown in cloth of gold or fabricsshot through with gold in other images, suchas the Master of the Ghent Life of SaintColettes Charles the Bold and Margaret ofYork with Saints Francis and Colette, in Pierrede Vaux, Vie de Sainte Colette (Ghent,Convent of the Poor Clares, Ms. 8, fol. 40v),illustrated in Smeyers, Flemish Miniatures,381, no. 36; Lieven van Lathems miniature inOrdonnance touchant la conduite du premiercuyer dcuyerie de monseigneur le duc deBourgoigne (Vienna, sterreichischeNationalbibliothek, Ms. s.n. 2616, fol. 1v),illustrated ibid., 372, no. 25; and posthu-mously by the Master of Edward IV inQuintus Curtius Rufuss Histoire dAlexandre(Geneva, Bibliothque publique et universi-taire, Ms. fr. 76, fol. 1), illustrated ibid., 449,no. 50, and see Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 295, for dating. 10. On the making of gold thread, and on thistype of fabric, see Lisa Monnas, Italian Silks(13001500), in Five Thousand Years ofTextiles, ed. Jennifer Harris (London: BritishMuseum Press, 1993), 168, 169. Extant exam-ples can be seen in Rosamond E. Mack,Bazaar to Piazza: Islamic Trade and ItalianArt, 13001600 (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 2002), g. 39; RichardMarks and Paul Williamson, eds., Gothic: Artfor England, 14001547, exh. cat. (London: V & A Publications, 2003), no. 201, ill. 328.11. Damask is a fabric in which the pattern ismost commonly created by altering the struc-ture of the weave, and hence the play of light,on threads of one color. Brocading involvesthe use of contrasting threads, often of metal,which are present in only the limited areas inwhich they contribute to the pattern of thetextile. See Harris, ed., Five Thousand Years of Textiles, 2021. For the Chroniques, seeKren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 3. For the Enseignements, see Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 56; Smeyers, FlemishMiniatures, 364, no. 15; and MeesterlijkeMiddeleuwen: Miniaturen van Karel de Grotetot Karel de Stoute, 8001475, exh. cat.(Zwolle: Waanders; Leuven: Davidsfonds,2002), 312.12. On womens clothing of this type in 1467,see du Clercq, Mmoires, 139, and MargaretScott, Late Gothic Europe, 14001500(London: Mills & Boon, 1980), 176.13. See Henri Beaune and J. dArbaumont,eds., Mmoires dOlivier de La Marche, matredhtel et capitaine des gardes de Charles leTmraire (Paris, 188388), vol. 1, 134 (ilst chambier les robbes et manteaux deschevaliers de lordre, qui estoient descarlatevermeilz, velours cramoisy), and vol. 3, 203n. 5. The 1473 statutes and armorial of the order in The Hague (KoninklijkeBibliotheek, Ms. 76 E 10, fol. 5v) showscarlet; see Smeyers, Flemish Miniatures, 366, no. 18. 14. In 1468 Charles bought tann cloth of goldat 16 livres 16 sols an ell for himself. Tannvelvet for Mary of Burgundys dwarf cost 72sols an ell: see Anke Greve, Emilie Lebailly,and Werner Paravicini, Comptes de largentierde Charles le Tmraire, duc de Bourgogne,vol. 1, Anne 1468 (Paris: Boccard, 2001),nos. 2285, 2284. One ell of Bruges is equiva-lent to 2734 English inches; see Jill Dunkertonet al., Giotto to Drer: Early RenaissancePainting in the National Gallery (New Haven:Yale University Press; London: NationalGallery Publications, 1991), 390.15. See Kren and McKendrick, Illuminatingthe Renaissance, no. 54, 229. Vaughan, ValoisBurgundy, 81, notes that despite his passionfor military matters, Charles (unlikeAlexander) conquered far less territory thanhis father (another Philip) had done. See alsoRichard Vaughan, Charles the Bold: The Last Valois Duke of Burgundy, new ed.(Woodbridge, Suffolk, U.K.: Boydell Press,2002), 181, on how everyone, includingCharles himself, likened him to Alexander(and other ancient heroes). For depictions ofAlexander in gold in Quintus Curtius Rufusmanuscripts from the Master of Margaret ofYork group, see, for instance, the Master ofMargaret of Yorks miniature in Vienna,sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ms. 2566,fol. 49, 146881, in Smeyers, FlemishMiniatures, 380, no. 34; and Master of theJardin de vertueuse consolation, Los Angeles,J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. Ludwig XV 8, inKren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 63. 16. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 54. 17. See du Clercq, Mmoires, 139 40, andScott, Late Gothic Europe, 176. For an extantexample of the long-toed shoes, see AndrVandewalle, Les marchands de la Hanse et labanque des Mdicis: Bruges, marchdchanges culturels en Europe (Oostkamp:Stichting Kunstboek, 2002), 81.18. Patterned fabric is used to edge the gownworn by the lady beside Jean de MontferrantNoteschapter 4: the role of dress in the image of charles the bold 55in Les Douze Dames de rhtorique(Cambridge University Library, Ms. Nn.3.2),illustrated in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 267.19. Embroidery seems to have been retained ona regular basis only for the outts of membersof the ducal bodyguard and for outts wornfor the 1468 jousts. See Greve et al., Comptesde largentier, vol. 1, nos. 466, 1256, 1513:the paletoz of the archers were decorated with silver, and attendants at the jousts hadsanguine satin mantelines (short cloaks?)embroidered with the letters C and M andwith ames. (Paletoz seem to have been semi-military garments; see de La Marche,Mmoires, vol. 1, 272 n. 2.) Charles had avermilion velvet gown embroidered on oneside with a gold letter and on its folds withdrops of gold, with large pearls and balasrubies added to the embroidery (cyphre doret sur les ploix gouttes dor, sur laquellebroudure et autour de ladicte robe furentmises pluseurs grosses perles et baillaizes), aswell as a long black satin gown, embroideredas richly as could be (si richement que fairese povoit). 20. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 64. See de La Marche,Mmoires, vol. 4, 8586: siet en chayerepare, comme a prince appartient. On mili-tary elements, see Vaughan, Charles the Bold,193, and Claude Blair, European Armour,circa 1066 to circa 1700 (London: Batsford,1958), 78. 21. De La Marche, Mmoires, vol. 3, 108ff.;and compare Greve et al., Comptes de largen-tier, vol. 1, nos. 207072. See also AnkeGreve, Emilie Lebailly, and Werner Paravicini,Comptes de largentier de Charles leTmraire, duc de Bourgogne, vol. 2, Anne1469 (Paris: Boccard, 2002), nos. 118384. 22. Vaughan, Charles the Bold, 143.23. Greve et al., Comptes de largentier, vol. 1,nos. 228485.24. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 218. 25. Chroniques de Jean Molinet, ed. Jean-Alexandre Buchon, Collection des chroniquesnationales franaises, vol. 43 (Paris,1826 28), 24042.26. In 1471 Grard Loyet was paid for makingfor Charles a hat of steel, covered with a ducalhat in gold and decorated with an elaboratejewel in the shape of three guns (cf. Vaughan,Charles the Bold, 169). It sounds like a dual-purpose item a helmet tricked out to looklike a crown, if only, at this stage, a ducalcrown. 27. On the wedding as the wedding of thecentury, see Belozerskaya, Rethinking theRenaissance, 58. Vaughan, Charles the Bold,4853, summarizes contemporary accounts of the event. See Greve et al., Comptes delargentier, vol. 1, nos. 2283, 2284, for thepayments.28. Greve et al., Comptes de largentier, vol. 1,nos. 2284, 2285. 29. Greve et al., Comptes de largentier, vol. 1,no. 2284. 30. A. J. Ensched, Huwelijksplechtighedenvan Karel van Bourgondi en Margaretha van York, Kronijk van het historischGenootschap te Utrecht, 5th ser., 2 (1866): 39.31. Monnas, Italian Silks, 170.32. Alinor de Poitiers, Les honneurs de lacour, in Mmoires sur lancienne chevalerie,ed. Jean Baptiste de La Curne de Sainte-Palaye(Paris: Girard, 1826): vol. 2, 214. The moreusual term for this curly fabric seems tohave been drap dor tixu; it was known moreinformatively in Italian as riccio sopra riccio(loop over loop). On the use of the word tissuein England to denote fabrics of this type, seeLisa Monnas, Tissues in England during theFifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, CentreInternational dEtude des Textiles Anciens(CIETA) Bulletin 75 (1998): 6280.Consistent with Alinors view would be anEnglish law of 1509/10, which was to prohibitthe use of clothe of golde tyssue by anyoneunder the rank of duke (Monnas, Tissues inEngland, 76). Possibly the nest survivingexample of this type of textile is the crimsonvelvet riccio sopra riccio altar frontal given byPope Sixtus IV (147184) to the Basilica ofSaint Francis in Assisi (see Lisa Monnas, TheArtists and the Weavers: The Design of WovenSilks in Italy, 13501550, Apollo 125 [1987]:416 24, gs. 10, 11, pls. v, vi).33. Charless long gowns made of silks, includ-ing cloths of gold, usually required betweentwenty-two and twenty-four ells of fabric. Twoof those made for the wedding followed thispattern: a long robe of very rich gray velvet ona satin ground (twenty-two ells), and a robe ofunspecied size (but presumably long), oftwenty-four ells of very rich crimson velvet onvelvet (Greve et al., Comptes de largentier,vol. 1, no. 2285). 34. The accounts describe it in terms such asa grant manch ouverte, longue robe tray-nant, and traynant a terre (see Greve et al.,Comptes de largentier, vol. 1, nos. 1105,1107, 2285). The Traicti des nopces deMonseigneur le duc de Bourgoingne et deBrabant, in de La Marche, Mmoires, vol. 4,108, describes it as a robe longues manchesjusques en terre, de drap dor fourre de trsnes martres sabelines. 35. De La Marche, Mmoires, vol. 3, 12223:robe dorfavrerie grandes manches ouvertes. . . moult princial et riche. He is alone indescribing it as goldsmiths work. 36. See Margaret Scott, A Visual History ofCostume: The Fourteenth and FifteenthCenturies (London: Batsford, 1986), pls. 38,42, 45, 55, 6365. For reproductions of theGirart illuminations, see Dagmar Thoss, Das Epos der Burgunderreiches Girart deRoussillon: Mit der Wiedergabe aller 53Miniaturseiten des Widmungsexemplars frPhilipp den Guten, Herzog von Burgund,Codex 2549 der sterreichischen National-bibliothek in Wien (Graz: AkademischeDruck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1989).37. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 63, no. 16.38. Among the extant fabrics is that designedby Antonio Pollaiuolo for Matthias Corvinus,king of Hungary (145890), now in theHungarian National Museum, Budapest; illus-trated in color in Ronald G. Asch and AdolfM. Birke, eds., Princes, Patronage, and theNobility: The Court at the Beginning of theModern Age, c. 14501650 (London: GermanHistorical Institute; Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1991), 12, pl. 4. Compare the mostlygold-thread fabric of the vestments woven inFlorence to the order of Henry VII of England(Stonyhurst College, Lancashire; on loan tothe Victoria and Albert Museum, London).See Marks and Williamson, eds., Gothic, no. 31, 169, pl. 11.39. In Libellus de magnicentia ducisBurgundiae, in Basler Chroniken 3 (1887):361: gehehabitueert ende ghecleet wesendemet een wtermaten ende costelicken tabbaertvan goude ende van siluer, met also vele wtter-maten precieuse ghesteenten, die als sterrenstonden ende blincten . . . desen tabbaert wasaen beyden zijden open, dat men daer sienmocht die costelickheyt ende cierhyet zijnerhosen, opten welcken hy draghende was dieordene des conincx Eduwaert van Enghelant.Vaughan, Charles the Bold, 146, mistakenlytranslates tabbaert as tabard (the open-sided garment still worn by heralds); had thegarment actually been a tabard, there wouldhave been no need to explain, for a fteenth-century audience, that it was open on bothsides. That tabbaert meant a gown at thisperiod (and is often wrongly translated today)is shown in Marieke de Winkel, Fashion andMeaning in Rembrandts Paintings (Ph.D.diss., University of Amsterdam, 2003), 6 n. 1. 40. Elia Colombo, Iolanda Duchessa diSavoia (14651478): Studio storico corredatodi documenti inediti, Miscellanea di storiaitaliana 31 (1894): 27980: vestito di unaroba longa di drapo doro rizo richissimo: nelquale per scontro di setta era argento relevatofodrato [sic] de sebelline. Rizo may be acombination of dialect and careless laymansterminology, which would mean that thefabric was of the looped riccio sopra ricciotype (see note 32 above). On the interchange-ability of c, g, and z in Italian dialects, seeJacqueline Herald, Renaissance Dress in Italy, 14001500 (London: Bell & Hyman;Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press,1981), 209.41. The dependence is noted in Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,252.42. Discussed in Vaughan, Valois Burgundy,175, 183, and Vaughan, Charles the Bold,16870. The jeweled hat that Charles lost atthe Battle of Grandson is illustrated inBelozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance, 97.43. See Joseph Calmette, The Golden Age ofBurgundy: The Magnicent Dukes and TheirCourts, trans. Doreen Weightman (London:Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1962), 172, onCharless readiness to see a Burgundian king-dom established on the ruins of France.44. Belozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance,123; Alo Rosario Natale, Il diario di CiccoSimonetta, Archivio storico lombardo 77(1950): 171.45. Chroniques de Jean Molinet, 242: enhabit ducal . . . le chapel en teste, que multi-tude de gens jugeoient estre couronne. Onthe argentier reference (un riche bonnet ducalavec un cercle darchiduc), see WernerParavicini, Die zwlf Magnicences Karlsdes Khnen, in Formen und Funktionenffentlicher Kommunikation im Mittelalter,ed. Gerd Althoff (Stuttgart: J. Thorbeke,2001), 269. In this discussion I ignore thebimorph image of a ruler, sometimes identiedas Charles the Bold, in Montpellier,Bibliothque municipale, Fonds C. Cavalier,no. 216. Its appearance has nothing to dowith the recorded appearances of Charles theBold; indeed it, and the female personicationswith it, seems to me to be theatrical. SeeChipps Smith, Margaret of York, 4950.Illustrated in color in Smeyers, FlemishMiniatures, 368.56 scottPart 2: techniques, media, and the organization of productionThe Suggestive Brush: Painting Techniques in Flemish Manuscriptsfrom the Collections of the J. Paul Getty Museumand the Huntington LibraryNancy K . Turne rFrom the earliest art-historical inquiries into theFlemish primitives, the subjects of paint media (oil versus tempera) and thevisual effects achieved in oil have been central to the study of Flemish panelpainting.1 By contrast, for those investigating Flemish manuscript painting ofthe same period, identication of materials and methods of painting havereceived considerably less attention; only in the last few years have Flemishmanuscript-painting materials been the subject of scientic inquiry.2 The rela-tionships between Flemish panel painting and manuscript illumination havebeen explored by art historians, mainly from an iconographic or stylistic pointof view,3 and the recent exhibition and catalogue Illuminating the Renaissance:The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe revealed even furtherspecic links between media.4 As that exhibition and publication made clear,illuminators and panel painters working in Flanders between 1440 and 1540inuenced each other in signicant ways. Panel painters clearly took inspirationfrom their book-painting contemporaries, while visual effects being achieved bypanel painters in oil undoubtedly inspired book painters to make innovative useof their traditional medium. While this essay cannot add to the formidable scholarship that drawson archival or historical evidence to shed light on these relationships, I willattempt to offer an in-depth examination of manuscript-painting techniques asobserved through the microscope. Looking at manuscripts from the collectionsof the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, and the Huntington Library, SanMarino, California, that include miniatures by ve of the most compelling illu-minators or workshops featured in Illuminating the Renaissance, I will exploremanuscript illuminations technical relationship to paintings on panel. Theattributions of the illuminations discussed here follow those given in the exhi-bition catalogue, namely, Jan van Eycks workshop, Simon Marmion, GerardDavid, the Master of James IV of Scotland, and Simon Bening. The close visualand technical analysis of Flemish illumination, along with the study of Flemishpainting treatises of the fteenth and early sixteenth centuries, can further aug-ment our understanding of surviving works by these artists. Although spacedoes not allow for a discussion of Flemish painting treatises here,5 what I hopeto demonstrate in this essay is what I perceive as an apparent shift in the handling of manuscript-painting materials by these ve artists or workshopsacross the period from around 1440 to 1540. While exploring the technicalconnections between manuscript illumination and panel painting over thecourse of this roughly one-hundred-year period, I will describe how paintingchapter 5materials were employed by each artist, how each artists work deviates fromtraditional practices, and how our understanding of the relationships betweenbook and panel painting during this period might be rened by these technicalobservations.6An Eyck i an I l l um ina t ion f rom the Tur in -Mi l an HoursMedia have long been a central concern of researchers investigatingthe paintings of Jan van Eyck and his workshop.7 In studying the Gettys leafby the workshop of Jan van Eyck, Christ Blessing (ca. 144045) from theTurin-Milan Hours,8 no sample of the paint layer could be taken for analysisdue to the miniatures nearly pristine condition. Thus, we cannot say preciselywhich painting medium was used to bind the pigments for this miniature, otherthan that it was most likely a water-soluble medium. Observations of ChristBlessing at high magnication, however, combined with X-ray uorescenceanalysis, begin to reveal a subtle layering of closely related hues (g. 5.1) thatis more typical of painting on panel. For instance, in the red robe of Christ, theilluminator interwove four different red pigments to paint the drapery: ver-milion, red lead, red ocher, and an organic red glaze (g. 5.2).9 Starting with an underlayer of the orange-hued lead red mixed or layered with red ocher, the artist then modeled the drapery with the more brilliant true red of vermil-ion, dened highlights with a thinly applied lead white, and rendered deep shad-ows in a rich organic red glaze. The use of deep, rich glazes throughout theimage and the highly rened painting technique of thin, parallel strokes create ablended effect and impart an enamel-like, reective quality to the surface, evoca-tive of oil painting on panel. Interestingly, a similar layering and combination ofthese specic pigments within passages of red appears to be fairly common inpanel paintings from the workshops of Van Eyck and his contemporaries.10Although the painter of Christ Blessing generally followed the tradi-tional manuscript-painting technique of raising and shading for the ren-dering of drapery,11 the end result is quite different from what is typically foundin book painting. The painter started with a preliminary paint layer of a mid-dle tone, which was subsequently shaded or deepened with a darker tone inareas of shadow and then raised or highlighted with white or a paler valueof the same hue or a contrasting pale color. In this instance, however, the illu-minator worked with tremendous renement, employing four reds of differingvalue and saturation and contrasting warm against cool reds. Although anunblended technique was used, the ne strokes are so subtle in their gradationof tones that they visually blend together when the miniature is viewed from thedistance at which the reader would hold the manuscript. This visual blend-ing along with the use of deep, rich organic glazes and the reective surfacethey create emulates in water-based medium on parchment the blended aes-thetic of the oil medium seen in Van Eycks panels. The unblended technique found in the drapery of Christ Blessing canalso be seen in the brown robes in the Eyckian Saint Francis Receiving theStigmata, dating to the 1430s, in the Philadelphia Museum of Art, which wasrendered in oil on parchment and mounted on wood panel.12 Although thereremains some disagreement over the attribution of the Philadelphia painting, itis noteworthy that it was painted at a similar scale to Christ Blessing and thatit exhibits a comparable painting technique. Very ne strokes can be seen in the58 turnerunblended highlights in white over the brown of the robe (g.5.3), akin to the blue and red drapery in the Getty leaf. MarigeneButler described the technique: The form of the robes and rocksis modeled using very ne strokes of a shadow or highlight tonelaid upon the surface of a base layer of paint. The use of this par-ticular technique for modeling form may have been dictated bythe small scale. . . . Only when one examines the. . . painting usingmagnication can the individual, minute, delicate strokes of paintbe distinguished and fully appreciated.13 Moreover, as with thePhiladelphia Saint Francis,14 a thin priming of lead white mayhave been used to prepare the parchment on which the ChristBlessing was painted: X-ray uorescence analysis identied thepresence of lead in all areas tested, including areas where lead-based pigments were presumably not used.15 Thus, due to theirsimilarly small scale and intended viewing distance and theirunblended technique, presumably on a lead white ground, we seesome correspondence in the painting techniques, particularly inthe drapery, in both oil and tempera on parchment.chapter 5: the suggestive brush 59Figure 5.3Jan van Eyck. Saint Francis Receivingthe Stigmata. Oil on parchmentmounted on panel, 12.4 14.6 cm(478 534 in.). Philadelphia Museumof Art, John G. Johnson Collection,cat. 314 (detail).Figure 5.1Master of the Berlin Crucixion or circle.Christ Blessing. Leaf from the Milan-Turin Hours. J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. 67 (detail).Figure 5.2Photomicrograph (detail, g. 5.1), showing red robe.Figure 5.4Jan van Eyck. Saint Francis Receiving theStigmata (detail, g. 5.3).Figure 5.5Photomicrograph (detail, g. 5.1), show-ing Christs face.A further type of visual blending can also be observed in the face of Christ (g. 5.5). Modeling with multicolored daubs and strokes, the painterof Christ Blessing employed translucent glazes of pink and opaque touches ofdilute white, with applications of reddish brown; gray-black; purplish gray forthe nose, eyebrows, and beard; and touches of pale pink and red for the cheeksand lips. Even touches of yellow ocher were added to the beard and moustacheto give texture to the facial hair. The loose, spontaneous handling of paintvisible under magnication creates a sympathetic and enlivened description ofChrists countenance. A comparison of Christs features in the Gettys Turin-Milan Hours leaf with those of Saint Francis in the Philadelphia painting (g. 5.4) reveals a greater blending in the way Saint Franciss visage is painted.By contrast, the illuminator of Christ Blessing employed a wider color palette ofopaque pigments and ne glazes to build up the face than his cohort working inoil, relying upon a comfortable viewing distance to achieve a visual blendingthat affects the three-dimensionality so characteristic of Eyckian illusionism.A digital image taken in the infrared range (g. 5.6) affords an oppor-tunity to observe the underdrawing in the gure and compare it with survivingEyckian workshop drawings as well as with the underdrawings discovered inthe other surviving Eyckian miniatures from the Turin-Milan Hours.16 In theinfrared image of Christ Blessing, we recognize some of the stylistic character-istics of Eyckian workshop drawings: strong rectilinear lines delineating thedrapery folds, scant use of parallel hatching along fold lines, and small termi-nus hooks to suggest the ends of two folds. These features are also typical ofdrawings attributed to Van Eycks followers. For instance, a drawing of SaintPaul by a follower of Van Eyck (ca. 143040; g. 5.7) from a series of twelveapostles now in the Albertina, Vienna, shares the use of abbreviated key strokesand strong vertical lines used to delineate the drapery folds, with parallel hatch-ing and very few terminus hooks at the ends of the folds.17 Taken to be modelsheets or copies after Eyckian models, these drawings have a clear descriptivenish without internal modications or hesitation with the pen, very like theunderdrawing in Christ Blessing. Comparing the Christ Blessing infrared withunderdrawings revealed in other Eyckian miniatures from the Turin-MilanHours, similar strong, unbroken lines indicate the shadows and describe thefolds.18 Hatchings parallel to the linear fold lines are visible in the infrared of60 turnerthe Getty leaf, but no perpendicular hatchings in the deep shadows can bedetected, nor can any pentimenti or corrections, suggesting the use of a pattern.The underdrawings directness and clarity generally correspond to survivingdrawings attributed to Van Eycks followers dating to the third and fourthdecades of the century, like the Albertina apostles. Thus, aspects of the paint-ing technique and underdrawing found in the miniature Christ Blessingincluding the highly rened additive strokes, the use of glazes, the even visualblending, and the bold underdrawing share qualities with surviving Eyckianpaintings in oil and with surviving Eyckian pattern drawings.19S imon Ma rm ion : P a ne l Pa i n t e r and I l l um ina torSimon Marmion was well known both as an illuminator and as apanel painter, and his work in both media is documented and can be directlycompared.20 His style in manuscripts is characterized by a highly economicalpainting technique as well as by a distinctive palette that includes a brilliantspring green, salmon pink, chartreuse, gray-blue, red, blue, and white. TheseFigure 5.6Digital infrared scan of Christ Blessing(detail, g. 5.1).Figure 5.7After Jan van Eyck. Saint Paul. Ink onpaper. Vienna, Albertina, inv. 3032(detail).chapter 5: the suggestive brush 61Figure 5.8Simon Marmion. The Knight Tondal with Angel, in Les Visions du chevalierTondal. Los Angeles, J. Paul GettyMuseum, Ms. 30, fol. 37 (detail).Figure 5.9Simon Marmion. The Lamentation, oil on panel, 51.8 32.7 cm (20716 1278 in.). New York, The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, Robert LehmanCollection, inv. 1975.i.125.features can be found in one of Marmions most original commissions, LesVisions du chevalier Tondal (1475), now in the Gettys collection.21 Workingwith great economy on a small scale, Marmion painted drapery with a middletone, applying quick, linear strokes in a dark organic glaze to dene the folds,followed by ne hatching in gold or white to render highlights (g. 5.8). In thefaces, he employed a few linear parallel strokes in pale pink, white, and red,with daubs of gray in the shadow of the jaw, followed by dashes of brown todene the eyes, nose, and lips. Marmions work as a painter on panel has been described by MaryanAinsworth, who has studied his oil paintings closely, as consisting of disen-gaged brushstrokes with a relatively matte nish, not blended modeling asis typical for panel painting in oil. She argues that these qualities are evidenceof his training rst as a manuscript illuminator before he turned to painting onpanel.22 Yet Marmion did not just bring manuscript-painting techniques to oilon panel, he also brought panel-painting techniques to the page, as is evidentin the Gettys Tondal. Comparing a detail from the Tondal (g. 5.8) with theMetropolitan Museum of Arts Lamentation panel of around 1470 (g. 5.10)23reveals that Marmion used the same technique for the esh tones in both for-mats: starting with a broadly applied tan underpaint, he modeled with ne,additive strokes of reddish pink. But, more interestingly, he also employedscumbles of white paint over the tan underpaint. For instance, the nude gure62 turnerof Tondal was rendered with the tan undertone, then modeled with a dry scum-ble of white paint dragged across the surface and shaded with slightly curved,additive strokes of brown ink. This use of a lighter-toned, opaque pigment thatappears to have been dragged with the brush over a darker ground is similar towhat we see in Marmions technique in oil. Scumbles of white over a darkerunderpaint were used in his Lamentation panel, particularly in the esh tonesof the gures, as in Christs arms, shoulders, and torso. Scumbling is a panelpainters technique, not one that was generally used by manuscript illuminatorsbefore this date; thus, its use in book painting is noteworthy.24This combination of modeling techniques was done especially effec-tively in the body of Christ from Marmions Crucixion miniature in theBerlaymont Hours (ca. 147075; g. 5.11) in the Huntington Library.25 Again,the artists repertoire of a white scumble over a brownish esh tone under-layer, with additive parallel strokes and hatches in brownish gray ink to rendershadow can be plainly seen (g. 5.12). He made great use of translucent organ-ic inks or colored glazes to render deep shadows, as in the brown glaze alongthe right edge of Christs body and legs. Glazes are typically associated with oil-painting technique, although certain manuscript illuminators made use of themto great effect.26 Like the Eyckian miniaturist, Marmion employed rich glazesthroughout the Berlaymont Hours for linear details for instance, to createdeep shadows and a glossy surface within hair or beards, to delineate drapery,and to add depth to the esh tones and facial details. Although Simon Marmionmay be best known for his innovative Purgatory imagery, as found in Tondal,and for his effective use of half-length compositions later in his career, I nd hiseconomical painting style equally innovative for its combination of traditionalrendering techniques, such as the additive parallel hatching strokes typical ofthe illuminator, with methods more closely associated with oil, such as scum-bled highlights and glazed shadows.Figure 5.10Simon Marmion, The Lamentation(detail, g. 5.9).Figure 5.11Simon Marmion. The Crucixion, in the Berlaymont Hours. San Marino, The Huntington Library, Ms. HM 1173,fol. 24 (detail).Figure 5.12Photomicrograph (detail, g. 5.11), show-ing Christs torso.chapter 5: the suggestive brush 63Figure 5.13Gerard David. The Virgin and Child, inthe Hours of Margaretha van Bergen. San Marino, The Huntington Library,Ms. HM 1131, fol. 93. Gera rd Dav id a s I l l um ina torOne of the greatest Flemish panel painters of the late fteenth andearly sixteenth centuries was Gerard David. In contrast to Simon Marmion,David is best known for his works on panel, while his book-painting techniqueshave not yet been fully analyzed.27 Recently attributed to David, The Virgin and Child from the Hours of Margaretha van Bergen in the collection of theHuntington Library is notable for its poignant and breathtakingly beautifuldepiction of the subject (g. 5.13).28 In the draperies of the gures, the conven-tional illumination technique discussed earlier of raising and shading usinghatched and crosshatched strokes to model form into relief and shadow wasfully utilized. In the esh tones, the gures were modeled with painstakinglyne, additive, disengaged strokes and stipples in light brown and gray over apale pink esh tone, with further shading in strokes of red and pink. But signicantly and, I believe, rather atypically given the date ofthis miniature (said to be done shortly before 1500)David also used a thinglaze of gray like a veil over the esh-colored ground to add subtlety to theshadows and to give a blended, sfumato effect. For instance, the painteremployed a delicate wash across the childs neck and hand (gs. 5.14, 5.15) andacross the Virgins neck and forehead (g. 5.16). These deft and restraineddilute gray glazes give a rich, luminous quality to the areas of shadow, creatinga remarkable three-dimensionality that is comparable only to effects achievedin Davids oils. The small devotional image in oil of the Virgin and Child 64 turnerattributed to Gerard David (ca. 1490; g. 5.17), from aSpanish private collection, offers a direct comparison to theHuntingtons David miniature.29 In the oil painting, Davidglazed the same areas where the thin gray wash was used inthe Huntington Virgin and Child, notably in the childs neckand hand and in the Virgins neck and forehead. Perhaps because David came to manuscript illumi-nation after his training and success as a panel painter, heemulated in the water-based medium of the illuminator theeffects he was so renowned for achieving in oil. The use of amore dilute medium became increasingly prevalent amongmanuscript illuminators as they moved into the sixteenthcentury: this development might be credited in part to Davidand his inuence upon illuminators with whom he collabo-rated in the following decades.30The Mas ter o f J ames IV o f Scot l and :A New App ro a chThe painting technique of the Master of James IV ofScotland heralds a strikingly new use of color and the brush,techniques that may betray inuences from his associatesand collaborators, such as Gerard David. Close examinationFigure 5.14Photomicrograph (detail, g. 5.13),showing childs neck.Figure 5.15Photomicrograph (detail, g. 5.13),showing childs hands.Figure 5.16Photomicrograph (detail, g. 5.13),showing Virgins forehead.chapter 5: the suggestive brush 65Figure 5.17Gerard David. Virgin and Child. Oil onpanel, 9 7 cm (312 234 in.). Valencia,Spain, Serra Algaza collection.Figure 5.18Master of James IV of Scotland. Abraham and the Three Angels, in theSpinola Hours. J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. Ludwig IX 18, fol. 11v (detail).Figure 5.19Photomicrograph (detail, g. 5.18), show-ing Abrahams face.Figure 5.20Master of James IV of Scotland.Abraham and the Three Angels (detail,g. 5.18, with Abraham).of illuminations from the Spinola Hours (ca. 151020) in the Gettys collec-tion31 reveals the Master of James IV of Scotlands fresh approach to the page(g. 5.18). For instance, in the face of Abraham (fol. 11v), a tan esh-toneunderlayer was modeled with brown, pale pink, carmine red, pale yellow, andeven pale green in the shadows and through the hair (g. 5.19). These hueswere applied as thin, dilute layers, which were painted quickly and dried rap-idly on the page. His use of the brush is noteworthy, for it appears that he useda brush with a larger belly, giving a more pronounced thick-to-thin stroke incomparison with the even, parallel strokes we saw in the work of earlier illumi-nators. Moreover, the Master of James IVs pastel palette and predilection forsecondary hues are particularly striking: for instance, in Abrahams hat anorganic pink outline was overlaid with a lavender (an admixture of organicpink and mineral blue) and modeled with a thin wash of opaque pale green ontop. In Abrahams drapery the traditional raising and shading method ofhatched and crosshatched strokes was employed along with an innovative useof a coarsely ground mineral blue scumbled over orange (its complement) for achangeant lining to Abrahams robe (g. 5.20). Notably, the dilution of themineral blue was varied, depending upon the value desired for the shadow, notlightened by adding white. This practice of varying the grind of the pigmentmight be something one nds in painting on panel, but as far as I am aware, itis a technique not typically found in manuscript paintings before this date.66 turnerIn landscape details, broad applications of thin washes were used torender rocky outcroppings and the water, for instance, in a border depiction ofThe Rest on the Flight into Egypt (g. 5.21). What I nd particularly remark-able is the reection in the water, where I believe the artist rst painted in thereected colors in pink and orange, then intentionally removed color by blot-ting away a portion of these pigments, leaving just a trace of reected color tocapture the translucency of the reection and suggest movement in the waterssurface as the donkey takes its drink (gs. 5.2223). As Thomas Kren haspointed out, the Master of James IV was especially interested in water and light-ing effects,32 and this is one of his most effective passages. In a panel paintingin oil attributed to him, Portrait of Livina de Steelant (ca. 15001510; g. 5.24),one again nds these interests in water effects and reection within the back-ground landscape of this group portrait.33 Lorne Campbell has described howJan van Eyck used his ngers to soften contours in the Arnolni Portrait.34 Butthis example from the Spinola Hours appears to be a rare instance of directmanipulation of the surface to achieve a specic effect the moving reectionFigures 5.2122Master of James IV of Scotland. Borderwith The Rest on the Flight into Egypt, in the Spinola Hours. J. Paul GettyMuseum, Ms. Ludwig IX 18, fol. 140v(full page and detail). Figure 5.23Photomicrograph (detail, g. 5.21), show-ing reflection in water.chapter 5: the suggestive brush 67Figure 5.24Master of James IV of Scotland. Portraitof Livina de Steelant. Oil on panel, 43 33.5 cm (161516 13316 in.).Ghent, Museum voor Schone Kunsten,inv. 1937-a.on the waters surface in a manuscript painting. Thus, the application of pig-ments in a highly diluted medium; a predilection for pastel and secondary hues;the building up of facial features with strokes of pure color in a quickly applied,even abstracted, way; the direct manipulation of the paint surface; the effectiveuse of a variety of brush types; and an interest in ephemeral qualities of lightand reection are some of the innovations brought to book painting by theMaster of James IV of Scotland in the rst decades of the sixteenth century.S imon Ben i n g : A Techn i c a l S yn thes i sSimon Bening, often considered the last great Flemish illuminator, syn-thesized in his work many of the traditional techniques of manuscript paintingwith techniques of oil painting and with a number of innovations introduced by such associates as Gerard David and the Master of James IV of Scotland. Bythe date of the Prayer Book of Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg (ca. 152530)68 turnerin the collection of the Getty Museum, Bening was working at the height of his powers.35 Even in the dramatically lit night scenes, which were his spe-cialty, Bening proved himself a vivid colorist. For instance, in The Betrayal ofChrist (g. 5.25), he employed a varied and rich palette, playing upon strikingcolor contrasts, such as the complementary orange and blue modeling on thegarment of the soldier at Christs right and the chartreuse-colored tunic at farright that is modeled in the folds with broad, downward strokes of a comple-mentary purple glaze.36 On this folio, Bening also made use of a variety of brushsizes, from a very ne brush point for shading in orange on blue in the soldiersgarment with tiny additive strokes, to a broader brush for describing the pur-ple drapery folds in the chartreuse tunic. Benings techniques share similarities with those of the Master ofJames IV of Scotland and Gerard David in a number of ways. In one instance,Bening directly manipulated the paint surface: in the Arrest of Christ (fol. 107v)from the Brandenburg Prayer Book, what rst looked to me like damage to thepaint surface (an offset loss within the hair of Christ) in fact was done inten-tionally. To depict the spittle ung by one of Christs tormentors, Bening appar-ently painted the hair in brown, then applied water (or perhaps his own saliva)to the dried paint and subsequently blotted up the brown pigment to create anoval-shaped loss, which effectively describes the insult (g. 5.26).37Figure 5.25Simon Bening. The Betrayal of Christ, inthe Prayer Book of Cardinal Albrecht ofBrandenburg. Los Angeles, J. Paul GettyMuseum, Ms. Ludwig IX 19, fol. 102v(detail).Figure 5.26Simon Bening. Arrest of Christ, in thePrayer Book of Cardinal Albrecht ofBrandenburg. Los Angeles, J. Paul GettyMuseum, Ms. Ludwig IX 19, fol. 107v(photomicrograph, showing Christs face).chapter 5: the suggestive brush 69Figure 5.27Simon Bening. The Martyrdom of SaintSebastian, leaf from the Munich-Montserrat Hours. J. Paul GettyMuseum, Ms. 3.Figure 5.28Simon Bening. The Martyrdom of SaintSebastian (detail, g. 5.27, with archers).Figure 5.29Simon Bening. The Martyrdom of SaintSebastian (detail, g. 5.27, with SaintSebastian).Figure 5.30Simon Bening. The Martyrdom of SaintSebastian (detail, g. 5.27, background).70 turnerBy a decade after the Brandenburg Prayer Book, Benings techniqueshad completely synthesized the methods of his fellow painters. For instance, inthe Gettys Martyrdom of Saint Sebastian (g. 5.27), a detached miniature fromthe Munich-Montserrat Hours (ca. 1535 40),38 Bening used a coarsely groundmineral blue of varying dilution to throw the archers sash into relief andshadow (see g. 5.28), a technique similar to that used by the Master of JamesIV in the Spinola Hours. Faces like the archers were built up with quick, sim-plied strokes and dilute daubs of color to enliven the esh tones. There is aloose, animated quality to Benings gures that reveals inspiration from thefacial types of the Master of James IV of Scotland, a quality not seen again untilthe work of Pieter Bruegel decades later.39 Furthermore, like Gerard David,Simon Bening employed a gray glaze over a tan esh tone combined with addi-tive hatching strokes. We see this technique quite clearly in Sebastians torso,neck, and face, which were modeled with a gray wash over the esh tone inareas of shadow and further rendered with ne, curved, additive strokes in twodilutions of brown (g. 5.29). Finally, Bening employed the brush in a varietyof ways. For instance, in the foliage of the trees, he applied a variety of strokesand stipples with both stiff and soft bristle brushes. By contrast, in the mistybackground behind the saint, thick applications of pigment were built up inrapid succession to create a wet-into-wet impasto (g. 5.30). The variety ofstrokes and surprisingly loose and quick handling of the brush are similar tosome of the landscape details in the only recognized painting in oil on panelattributed to Bening, the Metropolitan Museums Virgin and Child (g. 5.31).40Figure 5.31Attributed to Simon Bening. The Virginand Child. Oil on panel, 25.4 21.5 cm(10 81 2 in.). Metropolitan Museum of Art, Friedsam Collection, Bequest ofMichael Friedsam, 1931, 32.100.53.chapter 5: the suggestive brush 71Thus, by the second and third decades of the sixteenth century, we nd in the work of the Master of James IV of Scotland and Simon Bening thetechniques that might have been inspired by the effects they observed and evenpracticed in painting on panel. We nd passages of enamel-like thickness along-side passages rendered in a dilute medium and even, in rare instances, the pur-poseful variation in the degree of grind of pigment. We suspect the use of awider variety of brush types and, in a few examples, direct manipulation of thepainted surface with the artists ngers. Images were rendered using a muchgreater range of hues, intermediate tones, and values in an unblended fashion,sometimes in a surprisingly loose or abstract way. As in the work of the Eyckianminiaturist, visual blending was achieved by working at a small scale andrelying upon the distance at which the reader would hold and view the paint-ing on the page. But unlike the Eyckian illuminator, book painters of the rstthree decades of the sixteenth century Gerard David, the Master of James IVof Scotland, and Simon Bening specically used a wider range of hues, dilu-tions, glazes, even blottings and daubs, from thick impasto to thin wash. Theyemployed a more dilute medium than their predecessors and relied upon itsquick-drying characteristics to work up the surface with a remarkable uidityto achieve vivid yet ephemeral visual effects. From the work of the Eyckian miniaturist to that of Simon Bening, transforma-tions in painting techniques occurred in the art of manuscript illuminationacross the time period from about 1440 to 1540 due to the associations andinuences among illuminators and panel painters. Particularly since illumina-tors were often themselves panel painters, it is not surprising to see bookpainters incorporate and emulate effects they achieved in oil. The conclusionsthat have been drawn regarding Flemish painting techniques by the ve illumi-nators discussed here have been based upon only a small group of manuscriptsfrom the Getty Museum and the Huntington Library. These conclusions can beadded to and rened by a consideration of other works by Simon Marmion,Gerard David, the Master of James IV of Scotland, Simon Bening, and VanEycks followers to enlarge further our understanding of these connections,inuences, and apparent changes in techniques. While scientic analysis of illuminated manuscripts has made tremen-dous progress over the past twenty years, the analytical study of Flemish man-uscripts in particular still lags behind the considerable technical work accom-plished on contemporaneous Flemish panel paintings. The analytical study ofFlemish painting on panel can be a model for the study of manuscripts. Only asthis type of work continues to be done on manuscripts from collections allacross the globe will a more fully realized understanding of the materials andtechniques of Flemish illumination emerge and greater insight be brought toexploring relationships between Flemish panel painting and manuscript illumi-nation. Pigment analysis alone can take us only so far. The study of survivingnorthern painting treatises of the fteenth and early sixteenth centuries will fur-ther augment our understanding of these works as well. It is the need for closeexamination and precise observation of technique and handling by eachartist along with careful, in-depth pigment analysis that will lead to agreater appreciation and understanding of the subtle and breathtaking achieve-ments of the Flemish illuminators suggestive brush.72 turnerchapter 5: the suggestive brush 73I would like to thank Thomas Kren for theopportunity to contribute to the Getty sympo-sium in September 2003 and Scot McKendrickand John Lowden for inviting me to deliverthis paper at a special session convened at the Courtauld Institute in November 2003. I am grateful to Mary Robertson, who kindlyallowed me to study the Huntington Librarysilluminations, and to David Scott, MichaelSchilling, Herant Khanjian, and AnnaSchoenemann of the Getty ConservationInstitute for help with pigment and mediaanalysis. I am also indebted to Anthony Perezfor making digital infrared scans; to LeeHendrix and Stephanie Schraeder for translat-ing treatise passages from Dutch; to YvonneSzafran, Mark Leonard, Maryan Ainsworth,Lorne Campbell, Rachel Billinge, and TeresaLignelli for discussing aspects of oil paintingtechnique on panel with me; and to my col-leagues Elizabeth Morrison, Kurt Barstow,Kristen Collins, Marc Harnly, and NancyYocco for their help, encouragement, andsupport.1. See Lorne Campbell et al., Methods andMaterials of Northern European Painting, inEarly Northern European Painting, ed. LorneCampbell, Susan Foister, and Ashok Roy,National Gallery Technical Bulletin 18 (1997):6 55. See also listings under technique in E. James Mundy, Painting in Bruges,14701550: An Annotated Bibliography(Boston: G. K. Hall, 1985); MichelineComblen-Sonkes, Bibliographic Guide forEarly Netherlandish Painting (Brussels: CentreNational de Recherches Primitifs Flamands,1984); Hlne Mund and Cyriel Stroo, EarlyNetherlandish Painting (14001500): ABibliography (19841998) (Brussels: CentreInternational dtude de la Peinture Mdivaledes Bassins de lEscaut et de la Meuse, 1998).2. Recent technical studies of Flemish manu-scripts from the fteenth and sixteenth cen-turies include: Sophie Denol et al., Non-Destructive Analysis of a Sixteenth-CenturyManuscript from the Gospel Book of RobertQuercentius, in Conservation Science 2002:Papers from the Conference Held inEdinburgh, Scotland, 2224 May 2002, ed.Joyce H. Townsend, Katherine Eremin, andAnnemie Adriaens (London: Archetype,2003), 20814; Lieve Watteeuw and Martinavan Bos, Chroniques de Hainaut: Observatiesen resultaten van de analyses op zes minia-turen, in Les Chroniques de Hainaut; ou,Les Ambitions dun prince bourguignon, ed.Christiane van den Bergen-Pantens (Turnhout:Brepols, 2000), 15766; Brigitte Dekeyzer et al., The Mayer van den Bergh Breviary(Ghent-Bruges, Early Sixteenth Century):Hands and Pigments, in Le Dessin sous-jacent et la technologie dans la peinture:Colloque XII, ed. Hlne Verougstraete andRoger van Schoute (Louvain: Peeters, 1999),30316; for additional references, see MarkClarke, The Analysis of Medieval EuropeanManuscripts, Reviews in Conservation 2(2001): 317. 3. See, for instance, Maurits Smeyers and Bert Cardon, Campin and Illumination, in Robert Campin: New Directions inScholarship, ed. Susan Foister and Susie Nash(Belgium: Brepols, 1996), 159 69, esp.bibliography in 167 n. 1. Also see Maryan W.Ainsworth, Was Simon Bening a PanelPainter? in Als ich can: Liber Amicorum in Memory of Professor Dr. Maurits Smeyers,ed. Bert Cardon, Jan Van der Stock, andDominique Vanwijnsberghe (Louvain: Peeters,2002), 125; and Ainsworth, DiversePatterns Pertaining to the Crafts of Painters or Illuminators: Gerard David and the BeningWorkshop, Master Drawings 41, no. 3(2003): 24165.4. Thomas Kren and Maryan W. Ainsworth,Illuminators and Painters: Artistic Exchangesand Interrelationships, in Illuminating theRenaissance: The Triumph of FlemishManuscript Painting in Europe, exh. cat., byThomas Kren and Scot McKendrick (LosAngeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2003), 8182.5. Surviving Netherlandish technical manualsinclude London, British Library, Sloane Ms.345 (see M. M. Van Dantzig, Een vijftiendeeeuwsch receptenboek, Oud Holland 53, no. 5 [1936]: 20718); Ghent UniversityLibrary, Ms. 2141, by Christian vanVarenbraken (see W. L. Braekman,Middelnederlandse verfrecepten voor minia-turen en alderhand substancien [Brussels:Omirel, ufsal, 1986]); Cologne, HistorischesArchiv, Ms. w 80 (see Arie Wallert,Instructions for Manuscript Illumination in a Fifteenth-Century Netherlandish TechnicalTreatise, in Masters and Miniatures:Proceedings of the Congress on MedievalManuscript Illumination in the NorthernNetherlands (Utrecht, 1013 December 1989),ed. Koert van der Horst and Johann-ChristianKlamt [Doornspijk: Davaco, 1991], 44756).For a survey of other relevant technicalsources, see Campbell et al., Methods andMaterials, 1416. Discussion of these techni-cal sources in relation to painting techniquesfound in Flemish manuscripts will be the sub-ject of a subsequent study. 6. Examination with the aid of a microscopewas performed on the manuscripts discussed,and where opportunity allowed digitalinfrared photography, pigment analysis usingX-ray uorescence spectroscopy (xrf), and inone instance, media analysis using Fouriertransform infrared reectance (ftir) and gaschromatography/mass spectroscopy (gc/ms)were performed.7. See Ashok Roy and Raymond White, VanEycks Technique: The Myth and the Reality, i, ii, in Investigating Jan van Eyck, ed. SusanFoister, Sue Jones, and Delphine Cool(Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 97106.8. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 8587, no. 1. 9. The presence of lead, iron, and mercurydetected by X-ray uorescence led to thededuction that lead red, red ocher, and vermil-ion were present. The organic colorant has notas yet been identied with the analytical tech-niques available. A Kevex 0750a X-rayuorescence spectroscopy system was usedwith a barium/strontium secondary target.10. Campbell et al., Methods and Mate-rials, 38.11. Wallert, Instructions for ManuscriptIllumination, 448. See also Braekman,Middelnederlandse Verfrecepten, 11516.12. For a full-scale color reproduction, see J. R. J. van Asperen de Boer et al., Jan vanEyck: Two Paintings of Saint Francis Receivingthe Stigmata (Philadelphia: PhiladelphiaMuseum of Art, 1997), pl. 1.13. Marigene Butler, An Investigation of thePhiladelphia Saint Francis Receiving theStigmata, in Van Asperen de Boer et al., 40,g. 38. See also Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 41.14. Butler concludes, based on the presence of a lead white priming, that the Philadelphiapicture is not painted by the conventions ofmanuscript illumination (Investigation, 42).15. This nding must be conrmed by otherscientic methods before being consideredanything more than a preliminary hypothesis.16. A PhaseOne fx scanning back with SonyTrilinear ccd 10500 (effective pixels) wasused, capturing ir wavelengths between 850and 1100 nanometers, using a Kodak Wratten87c lter.17. The full series of drawings is illustrated inOtto Benesch, Die Zeichnungen der nieder-lndischen Schulen des XV und XVIJahrhunderts (Vienna: A. Schroll, 1928), pls.13. For a recent discussion of two of thedrawings from the series, see Fritz Koreny, ed.,Early Netherlandish Drawings: From VanEyck to Hieronymus Bosch, exh. cat.Notes74 turner(Antwerp: Rubenshuis, 2002), 3338, nos. 3,4. See also a drawing in the Muse Bonnat(Bayonne, France) that James Marrow haslikened to the Gettys Christ Blessing leaf:James H. Marrow, Une Page inconnue desHeures de Turin, Revue de lart, no. 135(2002): 6776, g. 10.18. For a detailed discussion of the infraredsfrom the Turin-Milan Hours, see Anne H. Van Buren, Problems and Possibilities of theReectography of Manuscripts: The Case ofthe Turin-Milan Hours, in Le Dessin sous-jacent et la technologie dans la peinture:Colloque XI, 1416 September 1995, ed.Roger van Schoute and Hlne Verougstraete(Louvain: Collge Erasme, 1997), 1928;Marigene H. Butler and J. R. J. van Asperende Boer, The Examination of the Milan-TurinHours with Infrared Reectography: APreliminary Report, in Le Dessin sous-jacentdans la peinture: Colloque VII, 1719September 1987 (Louvain: Collge Erasme,1989), 7475.19. For an additional comparison, seeStephanie Buck, Petrus Christuss BerlinWings and the Metropolitan MuseumsEyckian Diptych, in Petrus Christus inRenaissance Bruges: An InterdisciplinaryApproach, ed. Maryan W. Ainsworth (NewYork: Metropolitan Museum of Art;Turnhout: Brepols, 1995), 67.20. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 9899.21. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 11216, no. 14.22. Ainsworth, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 108, no. 11. Seealso Maryan W. Ainsworth, NewObservations on the Working Technique inSimon Marmions Panel Paintings, inMargaret of York, Simon Marmion, and theVisions of Tondal, ed. Thomas Kren(Malibu, Calif.: J. Paul Getty Museum, 1992),24355.23. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 1078, no. 11. See also MaryanW. Ainsworth and Keith Christiansen, eds.,From Van Eyck to Bruegel: Early Nether-landish Painting in the Metropolitan Museumof Art, exh. cat. (New York: MetropolitanMuseum of Art, 1998), 109.24. See denition given in Dawson W. Carrand Mark Leonard, Looking at Paintings: A Guide to Technical Terms (Malibu, Calif.: J. Paul Getty Museum in association withBritish Museum Press, 1992), 60.25. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 108 10, no. 12; see g. 12b. 26. The use of translucent glazes in manuscriptillumination has not been fully explored ordocumented. An example of an earlier use ofglazes is found in the illuminations of theBoucicaut Master, working in the earlydecades of the fteenth century in France. See Nancy Turner, The Recipe Collection of Johannes Alcherius and the PaintingMaterials Used in Manuscript Illumination inFrance and Northern Italy, c. 1380 1420,and Bernard Guineau et al., PaintingTechniques in the Boucicaut Hours and inJacques Coenes Colour Recipes as Found inJean LeBgues Libri Colorum, both inPainting Techniques: History, Materials, andStudio Practice: Contributions to the DublinCongress, ed. Ashok Roy and Perry Smith(London: International Institute forConservation of Historic and Artistic Works,1998), 46, 48, 53. 27. Cf. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminatingthe Renaissance, 344 65; see 345 n. 3 foradditional bibliography discussing GerardDavids illuminations. A full technical analysisof Davids illuminations remains to be done.For this study, no pigment analysis was per-formed on the Huntington miniature; hence all remarks on Davids manuscript-paintingtechnique are based upon visual examinationunder binocular magnication only. The Virginand Child was investigated with infraredreectography by Yvonne Szafran and MaryanAinsworth with the kind permission of MaryRobertson at the Huntington Library in May2002, but no underdrawing could be detectedat that time.28. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 354 56, no. 103.29. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 354, no. 102.30. On Davids collaborations with illumina-tors, see Ainsworth, Diverse Patterns,241 65, and Ainsworth, Was Simon Beninga Panel Painter?31. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 41417, no. 124. At the time ofthis essay, pigment analysis had not been per-formed on the Spinola Hours. Thus, this dis-cussion is based upon visual examination only,and a more complete technical analysis ofpalette and medium will be forthcoming.32. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 42.33. Discussed and reproduced Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,42, g. 14.34. Lorne Campbell, The Fifteenth-CenturyNetherlandish Paintings (London: NationalGallery, 1998), 31.35. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 456 57, no. 145.36. Analysis using X-ray uorescence provi-sionally identied the following pigments infolio 102v: high concentration of copper sug-gesting azurite blue, though not fully eliminat-ing ultramarine; high levels of lead, mercury,and tin in the orange, suggesting lead tin yel-low, vermilion, and possibly red lead; copper,lead, and tin in the chartreuse tunic, suggest-ing an admixture of lead tin yellow and cop-per green.37. This method would be possible with awater-soluble medium such as gum arabic.Gum arabic was identied as a medium in theBrandenburg Prayer Book from one sampletaken from an offset loss (inner margin of fol. 77v) using ftir and gc/ms analyses.38. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 474 476, no. 154c.39. For instance, see caricature faces ofonlookers in the background of The Adorationof the Kings (1564) by Pieter Bruegel (London,National Gallery); reproduced in color inBomford, ed., Art in the Making, 177.40. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 45354, no. 142; see alsoAinsworth, Was Simon Bening a PanelPainter? Flemish Manuscript Production, Care, and Repair:Fifteenth-Century SourcesThe history of medieval manuscript conservation is ayoung science. Our knowledge of the state of preservation of manuscripts todaywill inevitably be enriched by an understanding of the history of the conserva-tion of these works. The primary materials for illuminations are often listed inmuseum catalogues, rather tersely, as tempera on parchment. Such a descrip-tion, however, does not fully reect the complex use of raw materials byfteenth-century Flemish painters of miniatures, an art that became increasinglycomplicated and ever more demanding of skill and craftsmanship in the courseof that century. The imported raw materials like pigments and dyes wereexpensive, and the subtle colors took a lot of time and labor to prepare. Byexamining the evidence for the creation and historical preservation of Flemishmanuscripts in the fteenth and early sixteenth centuries considering the pri-mary materials used in producing an illuminated manuscript, parchment andpaints, as well as the physical evidence and archival sources regarding the earlyrestoration of parchment, illuminations, and bindings we may gain a fullerunderstanding of these complex works.Mater i a l s fo r F l em i sh I l l um ina tor sWell-prepared and extremely ne parchment was in great demand bythe Flemish artists workshops of the late Middle Ages, and this need keptgrowing.1 The production in the workshops around and in the urban centerswas left mainly to expert parchment makers and, as far as the luxury breviariesand books of hours are concerned, denitely also to the polishers and nishersof the parchment. At rst, the quality of vellum depended strongly on the con-dition of the thousands of skins the parchment maker received regularly fromthe large rural areas around the cities or through the international trade inBruges. In Flanders, parchment for manuscript production was made mainlyfrom skins of sheep, goat, and lamb, the most prevalent livestock in the LowCountries, reared primarily for their wool and meat.2 Cows were reared too,but their large skins were more suitable for thick leather, produced by thezwarte leertouwers (black tanners), using vegetal tannins such as oak bark.3Raw skins of all kinds of animals were also brought in by ship from Navarre,Castile, Aragon, and Russia, along with parchment, probably from Englandand other northern countries. Untreated animal skins could be preserved bysalting for several months and were sold to tanners, skinners, fur skinners,tawyers, white tawyers, and parchment makers. The trade in skins and hides in Bruges was organized by the guild of the huidevetters and the warandeurs(who controlled the quality of the skins), housed at the Huidevetters-plaats in Bruges.4Flemish Manuscript Production, Care, and Repair:Fifteenth-Century SourcesL i eve Wa t t e euwchapter 676 watteeuwThe hides used for the ne vellum leaves in Flemish breviaries andbooks of hours came from young male lambs, calves, or goats, only a few weeksold, as the female animals were used for breeding. The quality of these skinsdepended greatly on the season and climate, as well as on the health and eatinghabits of the young animals.5 By an extensive treatment involving emulsions ofchalk; crescent-shaped knives; pumice stones; pumice powder (a ne powderedmix of pumice, glass, and seashells); or pumice bread baked from wheat, chalk,and ground seashells, the small wet animal skins were made thin and smoothon the stretching frame.6 It is clear that different grades of parchment were pro-duced by the francijnmaeckere (or pergamentmaeckere), members of the guildof the librariers in Bruges, the corporation representing, from 1454 on, all bookcrafts within the city walls.7 For example, the thickness of the vellum of themore than two hundred folios of the Hennessy Hours is consistently around0.08 mm.8 The vellum folios of the Mayer van den Bergh Breviary have thesame thickness.9 The full-page miniatures in these manuscripts, painted on sin-gle folios, are executed on slightly thicker material of about 0.10 mm andinserted by a glued hinge. Thus the parchment selected for folios that were tobe illuminated in both these luxury manuscripts was intentionally thicker andmore robust than the parchment used for text pages, providing a more stablesupport for painting.After the parchment makers, a second group of craftsmen or appren-tices in the illuminators workshops carefully nished the material needed forluxury book production. These craftsmen worked in close collaboration withthe miniaturists. In a process similar to the application of a ground for paint-ing on a wooden support, the nisher would prepare the surface of the highlywater-sensitive material under tension with a thin layer of gum arabic, eggwhite, gypsum, chalk, or lead white to ll the pores and to smooth the irregu-lar structures. The surface was nished, polished, and prepared to obtain asmooth ground and nally degreased it so that the absorption of different paintpreparations could be controlled.10During recent conservation research on two Flemish manuscripts the Chroniques de Hainaut11 and the Hennessy Hours analytical methodssuch as X-ray uorescence did not allow identication of the added materials.The reasons are multiple: the added emulsions are partly absorbed by theporous structure of the parchment bers on the esh side, the same raw mate-rials used in the sizing are used in the parchment-making process (notably chalkand lime), and in some cases, the added surface layers have a proteinous com-position similar to that of parchment, like egg white.12 The nishing and prepa-ration of the parchment was denitely done in the illuminators workshop itself,because the layout and underdrawing of the miniature were ultimately highlydependent on the sheet of parchment used.13 Like painters working on woodenpanels, illuminators used subtle techniques to rene the detailed composition ofthe successive brush strokes, which included letting the dominant pale opacityof the parchment itself come into play from the beginning.14 The achievementof Simon Bening in the representations of the Evangelists in the HennessyHours, which are on extremely thin and smooth nished parchment, is illustra-tive for the mastering of the painting technique on vellum.15 The skin, hair, and beard of Saint Luke were created by a succession of seven subtle layers on the thin parchment, the paint composed of white lead, mixed with a littlechapter 6: flemish manuscript production, care, and repair 77vermilion, and further brightened with larger areas in paint composed of trans-parent brown and ocher, added to a base of vermilion and lead white. On topof this, three types of brush strokes were added, going from lighter to darkershades, again in a different concentration of the two pigments, vermilion andlead white. A subsequent layer was done in one shade of gray, on top of which the nishing touch was painted in an almost pure white lead mixed with athicker gloss (gs. 6.1, 6.2). The quality of the materials, pigments, and colors that miniaturepainters such as Bening bought on the Bruges market at the dawn of the six-teenth century such as azurite, ocher, alum, minium, indigo, ultramarine, andorpiment16 depended on the ingredients that were available at the chemists,who was, in Flemish cities, a member of the meerseniers (traders guild).17 Awide range of mineral and organic ingredients were imported mainly to BrugesFigure 6.1Simon Bening. Saint Luke, in theHennessy Hours. Brussels, Bibliothqueroyale de Belgique, Ms. II 158, fol. 17v.Figure 6.2Simon Bening. Saint Luke (detail, g. 6.1).78 watteeuwand Antwerp via the trade routes that crossed Europe, though before applica-tion they were further prepared by the chemist and by the apprentice illumina-tor.18 In Bruges, one of the main trading cities in northern Europe for luxurygoods, illuminators could readily nd all kinds of spices, colors, and dye mate-rials, brought by ship from the East via Venice, Genoa, and Lisbon.19By carefully mixing the powdered pigments and colors with size, gumwater, egg white, chalk, wine, honey, sugar, or lead white, the paints were rendered opaque, liquid, transparent, or lighter in shade. Recipe books forminiature painting for example, the late fteenth-century treatise from the southern Netherlands known as Miscellanea Alchemica XII tell us thatthe preparation of the tempera paints was a very elaborate and complex affair.The exact hours of preparation time are mentioned, but only approximatemeasurements are given for quantities of liquids (for example, the thickness ofa nger).20Surviving fteenth-century references to the manufacturing and prepa-ration methods for parchment and to the trade and making of painting materi-als used in illuminated manuscripts provide a deeper appreciation for the effortsartists made to obtain the highest-quality materials. These labors had a directbearing upon a manuscripts state of preservation and how quickly an objectmight be in need of repair or restoration.chapter 6: flemish manuscript production, care, and repair 79Ev idence o f Res tora t ion o f F lemi sh Manuscr ip tsin the F i f t eenth and S ix teenth Centur ie sThe outcome was always uncertain to some extent. Every painter-artist knows that the hardening of glues, gums, or egg white can diminish thequality of the color in a matter of hours. They had to reckon with the fact thatpigment dissolved in egg white or gum remains liquid for only a short while.The knowledge of their materials, the method of instruction, the division oftasks, and time were very important from the organizational point of view in the illuminators workshops and in the joint operations coordinated by the librarier.21Although it is obvious that models, copies, and serial production wereused for the images in breviaries and books of hours, the material condition ofthe pictorial layer of closely related miniatures is not necessarily as similar astheir appearance would suggest. Even if we assume that the recipes that werepassed on orally from one generation to the next were carefully followed, thisstill did not guarantee a similar state of preservation, not even in the early yearsafter creation. Structural aking problems in paint layers are obvious, forexample, in The Birth of the Virgin (fol. 536v) and Saint Michael (fol. 552v),two miniatures attributed to a master active in the illustration of the Mayer vanden Bergh Breviary.22 Analysis of the paint composition conrmed the attribu-tion to a single artist, and when one compares the condition of these two minia-tures to that of the other full-page illuminations in the manuscript, created bya number of other artists, the instability in large zones of these specic gray-blue, deep blue, green, and purple paint layers is striking (gs. 6.3, 6.4).23Although it may be assumed that all miniaturists endeavored to pro-duce awless works of art after all, if their work was below par, they riskednot being paid for it they were also very familiar with the vulnerability ofminiatures, manuscripts, and book covers and the consequences of the ravagesof use and time. Indeed, miniaturists and librariers who organized the work ofmanuscript production at the end of the fteenth century were also asked bywealthy owners to repair older damaged miniatures and manuscripts. Regildingor rebinding, which was what most of this work entailed, can denitely be seenas the main activity, but it was also common practice to bring valuable objectsup to date using then-common techniques and materials, to modernize themand make them more attractive, to replace them in case of loss, and to repairthem. These concepts of restoration are similar to those for the other crafts:silversmiths and goldsmiths, for example, were asked frequently by theirpatrons to repair precious-metal objects damaged by use.24Based on the payments from the treasurer of the Burgundian court andthe accounts of Church of Our Lady in Antwerp, one can say that restoration,in addition to painting and gilding, was an important task in the illuminatorsworkshops.25 Among the documents concerning restoration of fourteenth- andearly-fteenth-century manuscripts in the Librije of the duke of Burgundy arerecords of payments made to Antoine de Gavere, a well-known bookbinder andlibrarier from Bruges.26 He is mentioned in the accounts of the ducal court from1495 until 1504. The titles of the most important manuscripts were mentionedin this administrative archive, which indicates that the work of de Gavere, atleast in those cases, was more than just binding. Indeed, around the turn ofthe century he bound and repaired some of the most valuable illuminatedFigure 6.3Anonymous. Saint Michael, in the Mayervan den Bergh Breviary. Antwerp,Museum Mayer van den Bergh, inv. 946,fol. 552v.manuscripts from the collection. Most probably, de Gavere accepted these jobsas librarier and left their execution to several craftsmen, illuminators as well asgilders and bookbinders. An invoice dating from 1498 refers to seven manu-scripts that were rebound (rely), regilded (redor), and repaired (remis point), and of which several pages were reilluminated (en plusieurs lieuxrenlumin).27 According to the same invoice, this was done because the man-uscripts were badly damaged (fort gaster), broken (rompuz), and damp(soilliez). For this job, de Gavere received as much as twenty-four pounds.This means that substantial amounts were paid for manuscript restoration in1495 and 1498.28 Traces of restoration interventions on the illuminations andbinding by de Gavere could be detected during the conservation in 2003 ofGuillaume de Deguilevilles Plerinage de la vie humaine, a late fourteenth-century manuscript from the Burgundian library mentioned in the ducalaccounts.29 In this case the damaged areas in the miniatures were not trulyregilded with gold leaf, but were instead painted over with a gold-colored paintcomposed of iron and lead, with smaller traces of silver, gold, and copper. Thiscould have been done by de Gavere for both economic and practical reasons.3080 watteeuwThe archival sources are relevant because they refer to the damage caused byintensive use and transportation of valuable manuscripts in the late fteenthcentury.31 In 1501 Philippe Cotteron, the assistant of the ducal treasurer, waspaid for cleaning, rebinding, and regilding the edges and the lead bosses of arich missal.32 In 1516 he is mentioned again in connection with the restorationof ve manuscripts, all broken (rompuz), and with the covering in satin of aChroniques de Jrusalem.33 Payments for restoration of a Bible are found in theaccounts of the Church of Saint James in Ghent. They were made to the book-binder Lievin Stuyvaert in 1446.34 On July 13 of that year, he was paid to clean(schoon te maken), to glue (lymene) and to restore (te repareren) thebook, wel and lovelic (well and creditably), in one months time.35 The sameclose link between binding and repairing manuscripts is found in the registersof the archives of the Chapter of Our Lady in Antwerp.36 The name of book-binder Cornelis de costere is mentioned several times in 1433 and 1434 con-cerning the repair of manuscripts after re damage,37 and between 1472 and1483, we nd payments to Peter Pots38 and Henric Vanden Steene39 forboeken te byndene ende te reparerene.Figure 6.4Anonymous. Saint Michael (detail, g. 6.3).chapter 6: flemish manuscript production, care, and repair 81Technical, analytical, and archival sources illustrate the fragility of thepainted media and the manuscripts produced in the Low Counties in the lateMiddle Ages and the early Renaissance. Prayer and devotional books were bothfunctional and fashionable objects and required care and restoration. Thepainting, the gilding, the parchment and gatherings, and the sewing supports,as well as the metal ttings and the precious bindings, all tended to wear outand needed repairing. Close examination during conservation and comparisonof damage, imperfections, and repairs can reveal information about techniquesand about the historical preservation of Flemish manuscripts in the fteenthand early sixteenth centuries. This information plays an important role in thehistory, especially the secret history, of every famous manuscript.82 watteeuwchapter 6: flemish manuscript production, care, and repair 83I would like to thank my colleague NancyTurner of the J. Paul Getty Museum, LosAngeles, for sharing her observations on theFlemish illuminations in the museums collec-tion. My gratitude also to Thomas Kren, Scot McKendrick, Lorne Campbell, ElizabethMorrison, Bernard Bousmanne, and Jan Vander Stock, all of whom supported this conser-vation research on Flemish manuscripts beforeand during the exhibition Illuminating theRenaissance.1. In the late fteenth century and the rst partof the sixteenth century, economic life inFlanders was boosted by the revival of tradewith south German merchants and the our-ishing intercontinental trade with merchantsfrom Genoa and the Iberian peninsula. Hugo Soly, Economische en social-culturelestructuren: Continuiteit en verandering, in Stad in Vlaanderen: Cultuur en maatschap-pij, 14771787, exh. cat., ed. Jan Van derStock (Brussels: Gemeentekrediet, 1991), 33.For the social, economic, and guild context of manuscript illuminators in urban areas inFlanders, see P. Valvekens, Het ambacht-swezen en de socio-economische aspecten van de boekverluchting in de Nederlanden,hoofdzakelijk tijdens de tweede helft der vijftiende eeuw, in Ontsluiting van mid-deleeuwse handschriften in de Nederlanden:Verslag van studiedagen gehouden teNijmegen, 3031 maart 1984, ed. A. J. Guerts (Nijmegen: Alfa, 1987), 207, andCatherine Reynolds, Illuminators and thePainters Guild, in Illuminating the Renais-sance: The Triumph of Flemish ManuscriptPainting in Europe, exh. cat., by Thomas Krenand Scot McKendrick (Los Angeles: J. PaulGetty Museum, 2003), 1534. 2. The words vellum and parchment are usedinterchangeably in this paper.3. Thick parchment was needed for windowand book covers.4. Ronald Reed, Ancient Skins, Parchments,and Leathers (New York: Seminar Press,1972); Roy Thomson, The Leather WorkingProcess, in Leather and Fur: Aspects of EarlyMedieval Trade and Technology, ed. EstherCameron (London: Archetype Publications,1988), 4; and J. Gaillard, Ambachten en nerin-gen van Brugge (Bruges: Gaillard, 1854),13436.5. In the fteenth century the Ghent skinnersguild acted to prevent the spread of infectiousdiseases (such as foot-and-mouth disease andplague) among the animals whose skins wereused. The prohibition on selling hides originat-ing from sick animals was specied by anordinance: Ghent, Stadsarchief, Bouck vanOrdonnancien (1506), series 192, no.1.1.7.:dat niemandt gheen huudt coepen en sal opbeesten die moort ghesteken sal hebben, opboete van V scell(ingen) parise (that nobodyshould buy a skin from an animal that hasdied from a natural cause, on pain of a neof V Paris shillings). Bacteria and viruses couldsurvive for a long time in the salted skins.They could detract from the quality of thematerial and posed a risk of epidemics. 6. The preparation of the surface of the parch-ment with pumice and water (pouncing) isdescribed in London, British Library, HarleyMs. 3915, Theophili Monarchi, de Chemia,Medicis praeparationibus, Mineralibus, &plurimis raris inventionibus, libri. 3. Pumicebreads were baked with bread dough, glasssplinters, and chalk. In the literature on parch-ment making, the recipe for pumice bread isnot mentioned in any continental source. Itsonly occurrence in writing is in a fourteenth-century English treatise (London, BritishLibrary, Ms. Sloane 2584, fols. 5v6): Takeglas and braie it in a mortar ryght small, thesmaller the better. Then take that poudre ofglas and quicke lyme and faire our of whete,of the iche ofhem iliche muche and menge hemto gidre with the white ofheyrin and all ochee1iche muche and Jete it stonde al a day andthan temper hem to gidre as thou make pastand put hem in an oven as thou dost bredeand then drawe hem oute and late hemstonde. The addition of chalk to the pumicebread was intended to degrease the surfacearea and facilitate the adherence of the paintand ink. After the pumice treatment, theparchment was cleaned with damp tissuepaper to smooth the surface again. Traces ofthe use of pumice stone or pumice bread canoften be observed on the parchment surface asbundles of very thin parallel scraping lines, onone folio in different directions, each areabetween 20 and 50 millimeters. The transcrip-tion of the fourteenth-century recipe forpumice bread from Ms. Sloane 2584 is alsomentioned in Hedwig Saxl, An Investigationof the Qualities, the Methods of Manufacture,and the Preservation of Historic Parchmentand Vellum with a View to Identifying theSpecies of Animal Used (M.Sc. thesis, LeedsUniversity, 1954), 5557.7. The guild of the librarier or bookverkoperwas ordered in Bruges in 1454 by Philip theGood and founded in the EeckhoutMonastery. All the activities concerning bookproduction were represented in this neering, orguild. See also note 21. 8. Brussels, Bibliothque royale de Belgique,Ms. II 158, Bruges, c. 1520; see Illuminatingthe Renaissance, cat. no. 150, pp. 46770.9. Antwerp, Museum Mayer van den Bergh,inv. no. 946, Bruges and Ghent, around 1500;see Illuminating the Renaissance, cat. no. 92,pp. 32429.10. In my experience as a conservator-restorer,given the wide variation and repetition informs and patterns of degradation of paint inilluminated manuscripts, the source of degra-dation must be the decomposition of theground rather than slow abrasion, over cen-turies, of the surface layer. From the conserva-tion point of view, negligent nishing of thesurface can be the cause of problems withaking ink and paint layers.11. Brussels, Bibliothque royale de Belgique,Ms. 9242; see Illuminating the Renaissance,cat. no. 3, pp. 9192. 12. In X-ray uorescence (xrf) the uores-cence signals remain uncalibrated, so that no real quantitative data can be obtained.Measurements by xrf done in 1999 at the Institut royal du Patrimoine artistique(kikirpa), Brussels, revealed on the blankparchment areas beside the miniature on therst folio of the Chroniques de Hainaut thepresence of calcium, but also minimal signalsfor the elements iron and lead (ref. fol.1r.1140 and fol. 1v. 26 165). Possibly theparchment was treated with an emulsion ofchalk and lead white to prepare and whitenthe surface. The research data are recorded in:Brussels, Bibliothque royale de Belgique,Manuscript Department, Archive,Conservation Records, Lieve Watteeuw,Onderzoeks- en conservatieverslag kbr9242, 19952003. 13. For this aspect, see the research on theChroniques de Hainaut cited in note 12.14. Thanks to mutual inuence and close col-laboration between painters and illuminators,the methods of preparing parchment and thetechniques for miniature painting reached ahigh degree of artistic and technical achieve-ment in the late fteenth century. The whiteparchment support in contrast to the whiteground preparation on the wooden panels had some difcult properties: it stayed exible,could slightly expand in dimensions, and wasextremely hygroscopic, a feature that had tobe controlled during application of the paintlayers. For the artistic exchange betweenilluminators and painters, see Thomas Krenand Maryan Ainsworth, Illuminators andPainters: Artistic Exchanges and Inter-relationships, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 3738.Notes84 watteeuw15. The thickness of a parchment leaf paintedon one side from the Hennessy Hours is 0.08 mm. The dimension of each illuminationis approximately 80 11 mm, with each folioweighing 2 grams. Main data and conserva-tion treatment are described in: Bibliothqueroyale de Belgique, Manuscript Department,Conservation Records, Archive, LieveWatteeuw, Onderzoek- en conservatieverslag2001, Heures de Notre Dame, dites deHennessy, started in 2001 (work in progress).With gratitude to Bernard Bousmanne, curatorof the Manuscript Department, Bibliothqueroyale, for his support in the archival and conservation research concerning the codicesfrom the library discussed here.16. The pigments mentioned here are found in the illuminations of the Hennessy Hours.Analysis was executed by raman spectrometryin collaboration with Bernard Gilbert andSophie Denol at the University of Lige in2003. Analytical data concerning thenineteenth-century restorations are recorded in Brussels, kikirpa, dossier 2000.07179. 17. The meerseniers or merceniers were respon-sible for a large share of the retail sector in theFlemish cities. They sold spices, fabrics, tex-tiles, and cord. After 1515 the kruideniers, orgrocers, sold all kind of spices for consump-tion in the Saint-Amands Chapel in Bruges;see Gaillard, Ambachten en neringen, 181,18889.18. See Peter Spufford, Power and Prot: TheMerchant in Medieval Europe (London:Thames & Hudson, 2003), 30916.19. European Trade in Painters Materials to1700, conference at the Courtauld Instituteof Art and the National Gallery, London,February 1112, 2005. Conference papers willbe published in 2006.20. London, Wellcome Library for the Historyand Understanding of Medicine, Ms. 517. Thetreatise gives a recipe for the preparation oftempera paint: Wilt u water maken alrehandeverwe te temperen. Recipe gomme arabien .i.loet, ende anderhalf loet cerusa, ende gommidiagantum dat viiftendeel van .i. loet: stoetdese te samen, ende lect in een scoen scotel,ende ghiet dair water op so dat dit poeder .ij.vingher bedect is. Dan laet staen .24.uren: desmorghens roert mitten vingher dat die gom-men wel menghen . . . ende stopt al dicht datniet wasemen en mach (fol. 44v). A smallpart of the text refers to oreren of manu-scripts and further to the preparations of dyes,paints, waxes, and gold and silver inks. See W.L. Braekman, Middelnederlandse verfreceptenvoor miniaturen en alderhand substancien(Brussels: Omirel, ufsal, 1986); Braeckman,Medische en technische Middennederlandserecepten: Een tweede bijdrage tot degeschiedenis van de vakliteratuur in deNederlanden (Ghent: Secretariaat van deKoninklijke Academie voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde, 1975). 21. In the guild of the librarier or book-verkoper all the activities concerning bookproduction were represented: booksellers(librariers), ne painters (vinghettemakers),scribes and book scribes (scrivers,boucscrivere), teachers (scolemeestere), printdealers (verlichters), printers (printere), book-binders (boucbindere), makers of belts (riem-makers), parchment makers (fransijnmakere),letter cutters (lettersnydere), painters (scildere),and printmakers (beeldekemakers). Thelibrariers had a function similar to that of thelibrarii in the medieval University of Paris,acting as commissioners and intermediaries for craftspersons. For the organization oflibrariers in Paris, see Richard H. Rouse andMary A. Rouse, Manuscripts and TheirMakers: Commercial Book Producers inMedieval Paris, 12001500, 2 vols. (Turnhout:H. Miller, 2000), and Jonathan J. G.Alexander, Medieval Illuminators and TheirMethods of Work (New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 1992), 52. In Bruges, mem-bers of the book trade belonged to the Guildof Saint John the Evangelist; for organizationof guilds in fteenth-century Bruges, seeGaillard, Ambachten en neringen, 13436, C. Van den Haute, Documents indits con-cernant les libraeres et matres dcole deBruges, Handelingen van het genootschapvoor geschiedenis te Brugge 59 (1909): 1821;Andr Vandewalle, Het librariersgild teBrugge in zijn vroege periode, in Vlaamsekunst op perkament: Handschriften en minia-turen te Brugge van de 12de tot de 16de eeuw,exh. cat. (Bruges: Gruuthusemuseum; StadBrugge, 1981), 41; Bernard Bousmanne, Itema Guillaume Wyelant aussi enlumineur:Willem Vrelant, un aspect de lenluminuredans les Pays-Bas mridionaux, sous le mc-nat des ducs de Bourgogne Philippe le Bon etCharles le Tmraire (Brussels: Bibliothqueroyale de Belgique, 1997), 49.22. Brigitte Dekeyzer, Layers of Illusion: TheMayer van den Bergh Breviary (Ghent:Ludion, 2004), 101103. In 1957 FriedrichWinkler attributed the illuminations to JanProvoost (Buchmalereien von Jan Provost,in Miscellanea, Prof. Dr. D. Roggen [Antwerp:De Sikkel, 1957], 285, 289). In her study ofthe manuscript, Dekeyzer ascribed the minia-tures to Gerard Horenbout. See alsoIlluminating the Renaissance, cat. no. 92, pp. 32429.23. Micro-raman spectroscopy and X-rayuorescence (txrf) were done on paint sam-ples by Peter Vandenabeele (rug, University ofGhent) and Brigitte Dekeyzer (KatholiekeUniversiteit, Louvain). The results are men-tioned in Brigitte Dekeyzer, Vorstelijke luxeen devotie: Het Breviarium Mayer van denBergh in artistiek, religious en historisch per-spectief (Ph.D. diss., Katholieke Universiteit,Louvain, 2002), chap. 1, 13437, andDekeyzer et al., The Mayer van den BerghBreviary (Ghent-Bruges, Early SixteenthCentury): Hands and Pigments, in Le Dessinsous-jacent et la technologie dans la peinture:Colloque XII, ed. Hlne Verougstraete andRoger van Schoute (Louvain: Peeters, 1999),30316.24. In the Antwerp cathedral archives from1526, payments are mentioned to a silversmithto repair numerous objects belonging to thetreasury: silver jewels, crucixes, a preciousbinding for a gospel book, and relics: Itembetaelt Karolen Van Direndonck goudsmit vandiversen reparacien gedaen inde garucamerevan den hooren aen de silveren juweelen,cruyzen, ampullen, ewangelieboeck ende aende reliquien stamen . . . viii pond x s[ous](Antwerp, Cathedral Archives, Archieven vanhet Onze-Lieve-Vrouw Kapittel te Antwerpen[11241801], Rekeningen van deKerkfabriek, 152526, no. 13, accounts forChristmas 1525Christmas 1526, fol. 21). 25. The library of Philip the Good included anumber of manuscripts dating from the four-teenth century. In 1405, 235 manuscripts arementioned in the inventory. The restoration orreplacement of the bindings can be followedthrough the six inventories of the fteenthcentury. The inventories describe the materialproperties of the bindings and the manuscriptsin detail. The rst two inventories were madein 1404 and 1405; the third in 1420, after thedeath of John the Fearless (13711420); thefourth in 1467/69, after the death of Philip theGood (1396 1467); the fth in Ghent in1485, after the death of Charles the Bold(14331477); and the sixth in Brussels in1487. The descriptions conrm the changes inmaterial and color of the bindings, also men-tioned in the payments. On the early invento-ries of the library, see Georges Doutrepont,Inventaire de la librairie de Philip le Bon(1420) (Brussels: Kiesling, 1906; reprint,Geneva, 1977); Jean-Baptiste-Joseph Barrois,Bibliothque protypographique; ou, Librairiesdes ls du roi Jean, Charles V, Jean de Berri,chapter 6: flemish manuscript production, care, and repair 85Philippe de Bourgogne et les siens (Paris:Treuttel & Wrtz, 1830); Claudine Lemaire,Correspondances des inventaires, in LaLibrairie des ducs de Bourgogne: Manuscritsconservs la Bibliothque royale de Belgique,vol. 1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000) 1719;Hanno Wijsman, Gebonden weelde:Productie van geillustreerde handschriften enadelijk boekenbezit in de BourgondischeNederlanden (14001550) (Ph.D. diss.,University of Leiden, 2003), 12125. 26. Antoine de Gavere was a Bruges book-binder (1359 1505), son of the bookbinderGuillaume (Willem) de Gavere (14501471).W. H. James Weale identied three membersof the van Gavere (or de Gavere) binders fam-ily by means of their signed panel stamps withinscriptions (Bookbindings and Rubbings ofBindings in the National Art Library, SouthKensington Museum [London: Printed for H. M. Stationery Off., by Eyre andSpottiswoode, 1898], vol. 1, iii; the bindings,signed by Antoine [or Antoon] van Gavere,are mentioned in vol. 2, nos. 31013). Furtherreferences concerning Antoine de Gavere canbe found in Lon Gruel, Manuel historique etbibliographique de lamateur de reliures (Paris:Gruel & Engelmann, 18851905), vol. 1,8587; Tentoonstelling van Oud-VlaamseKunst, pt. 5, Boekbanden, exh. cat. (Antwerp,1930), 11112; Prosper Verheyden, Deboerendans op de Vlaamse boekbanden, DeGulden Passer 20 (1942): 22122; StaffanFogelmark, Flemish and Related Panel-Stamped Bindings: Evidence and Principles(New York: Bibliographic Society of America,1990), 243; James R. Tanis, ed., Leaves ofGold: Manuscript Illumination fromPhiladelphia Collections, exh. cat.(Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art,2000), 106 8; The History of Bookbinding,5251950 A.D., exh. cat. (Baltimore: WaltersArt Gallery, 1957), 5455. 27. The gilding of initials and the productionof gilded book edges were activities that areexplicitly mentioned in the payments of theducal court and in the account books ofAntwerp chapters. Besides bookbinding, boththe production of clasps and metal ttings andregilding were mentioned separately. Forexample, Joos van Lee and Jan Gast, bothBruges natives who had moved to Antwerp,were mentioned in 1505 as boeckbynd(er)(bookbinders) as well as boeckverguldere(gilders of books) in the registers of theAntwerp Guild of Saint Luke (Antwerp,Stadsarchief, SR 141, fol. 320, and SR 147, fol. 405). See Jan van der Stock, PrintingImages in Antwerp: The Introduction ofPrintmaking in a City, Fifteenth Century to1485, trans. Beverley Jackson (Antwerp:Sound & Vision Interactive, 1998), 258. Forthe work of Joos van Lee, see Weale,Bookbindings and Rubbings, vol. 1, lxii.28. For references concerning monetary valuein the fteenth century in Flanders andBrabant, see Antoon Wyfels, Maten engewichten, in Dokumenten voor degeschiedenis van prijzen en lonen inVlaanderen en Brabant (XV eXVIII e eeuw), ed.Charles Verlinden, vol. 1 (Bruges: De Tempel,1959), 115. 29. Brussels, Bibliothque royale de Belgique,Ms. 10176 78, Artois, ca. 13801400. 30. The interventions of Antoine de Gavere asa bookbinder and restorer of manuscripts forthe dukes of Burgundy and the analyses (by X-ray uorescence) of ve illuminations inGuillaume de Deguilevilles Plerinage de lavie humaine are described in detail in LieveWatteeuw, . . . Pour avoir nettoy et rely ijgrans livres appartenant Monseigneur . . . :Documentation Concerning the Fifteenth-Century Care of Manuscripts in theBurgundian Library, in Manuscripts inTransition: Recycling Manuscripts, Texts, andImages, ed. Brigitte Dekeyzer and Jan Van derStock (Louvain: Peeters, 2005), 24151.31. For instance, the uncompleted (impar-fait) books were transported by boat to thedifferent ducal residences. The accounts men-tion the cost of the workers engaged to carrythe book chests from land to the ship: Item, ung charton et plusieurs compaignons quiont tir hors de ladite chambre de joyaux Lille, plusieurs autre coffres plains de livres etautre choses et les mener au rivage dudit Lilleet les mettre au batteau, en tous 27 s(Brussels, Algemeen Rijksarchief, cc, no.1923, fols. 171v173v, 24). Mentioned inAntoine de Schryver, Jacques de Brgille,responsable de la librairie des ducs deBourgogne sous Charles le Tmeraire, in LesChroniques de Hainaut; ou, Les Ambitionsdun prince bourguignon, ed. Christiane vanden Bergen-Pantens (Turnhout: Brepols,2000), 8389.32. In November 1501, A Philippe Cotteron,aide du garde de joyaux, pour avoir fait net-toier et relier ung riche missal et le fait toutdor tout autour, comme pour la garniturs delaitton dudit missal: iiij livres iij s[ous], anda luy, pour avoir fait couvrir deux missaux,ung evangilaire et ung pistolaire de veloursnoirs et doubl de satin, comme pour deuxautres riches missauls. Lun de velours noirdoubl de satin, lautre de velours cramoisi dedamast (Lille, Archives du Dpartement deNord, Chambre de Comptes, Register no. F,190). Mentioned in Alexandre Pinchart,Archives des arts, sciences et lettres:Documents indits et annots (Ghent, 1860),pt. 1, 62. The gilding or regilding of the (cut)edges of the book is described as dor toutautour (gilding all around). The punchingwith metal tools of the gilded edge, a luxuri-ous feature of books of hours, is never explic-itly mentioned in any payment recorded in theducal accounts. In February 1470 LoysetLidet, an illuminator working in Bruges forCharles the Bold, received payments for illu-mination, binding, and gilding edges, the lastmentioned as dorer les listes (gilding theedges) (Brussels, Algemeen Rijksarchief,Rekenkamer, nr. 1925, Uitreksel vanrekeningen van de schatbewaarder van deHertogen van Bourgondi voor het jaar 1470,fols. 18889). This account is also mentionedin Antoine De Schryver, Prix de lenluminureet codicologie, in Miscellanea Codicologica F.Masai dicata MCMLXXIX, ed. Pierre Cockshaw,Monique-Cecile Garand, and Pierre Jodogne(Ghent: E. Story-Scientia, 1979), 478.33. A luy, pour avoir fait relier cinq livres,lesquels estoient tous rompuz, couvrir ung br-vaire de velours, les chroniques de Jrusalemabrrigs, de satin lxviij s (Lille, Archives duDpartement de Nord, Chambre de Comptes,Register no. F, 201 [1516]). Mentioned inPinchart, Archives, pt. 1, 62.34. Lievin (Livinus, Lyvin) Stuyvaert (d.1477) was a bookbinder in Ghent and Brugeswho worked for the municipal and clericalofcials of Ghent and for the library of Philipthe Good. About Stuyvaert, see Weale,Bookbindings and Rubbings, lix, v; VictorVander Haegen, in Inventaire archologiquede Gand (Ghent, 1898), 93; Luc Indesteghe,Der Genter Buchbinder Livinus Stuyvaert,Gutenberg Jahrbuch (1966): 336 39; AlbertDerolez, Lievin Stuyvaert, in Gent: Duizendjaar kunst en kultuur, exh. cat. (Ghent, 1975),vol. 2, 136 38.35. Schepenen wysenden Lieven Stuyvaertnaer de kenisse die hy dede, te reparerene,schoon te makene, lymene ende bindene welende lovelic, al sulc een bouc gheeten debibele. . . . . Als hem heer Micheel van deHecke, presbyter, prochie-pape van SenteJacobskerke te Ghent ghelevert heeft ter pre-sentie van Schepene, ende dit te volcommenebinnen de maand . . . 13 April 1446 (cited in P. De Keyser, Het Renteboek van den helege-hen gheest van St-Jacobskerk te Gent [1436],Het Boek 17 [1928]: 25960 , n. 4).86 watteeuw36. I would like to thank Jan Van der Stock,head of Illuminare, Study Centre forIlluminated Manuscripts, KatholiekeUniversiteit, Louvain, for sharing his enthusi-asm and notes concerning bookbinders,recorded during his extensive research onfteenth-century print production in Antwerp.37. Item Corneliis de costere van eenen zouter te binden ende van boeken te riemen,ende op de librie van boeken inden brand dieontreect waren. Coemt alte gadere xisc(elling) 1 d(enier) 1 ing (Antwerp,Cathedral Archives, Archieven van het Onze-Lieve-Vrouw Kapittel te Antwerpen[1124 1801], Rekeningen van deKerkfabriek, 1430 68, no. 7, accounts forChristmas 1433 Christmas 1434, fol. 28v). 38. Item tot Peter Pots hebben zij verdient aenboeken te verbynden ende te repererentsamen xxxvi sc[elling] vi d[enieren] (ibid.,Rekeningen van de Kerkfabriek, 1430 68, no. 8, accounts for Christmas1472 Christmas 1474, fol. 14v). 39. Item betaelt h[eer] Henric Vanden Steenevan boeken te byndene ende te reparerene xxxiiii sc[elling] ii d[enieren] (ibid.,Rekeningen van de Kerkfabriek, 1430 68, no. 9, accounts for Christmas1473Christmas 1474, fol. 41).Cardinal Jean Jouffroy, an important bibliophile, describedRogier van der Weyden as one of his greatest friends,1 and it seems very evidentfrom Rogiers work that he too was profoundly fascinated by books, scripts,and alphabets. Inscriptions, always beautifully lettered and spaced, are of greataesthetic as well as literary signicance in many of his paintingsfor example,the Beaune Last Judgment and the Braque Triptych.2 Books occur frequently,for instance, in the lost composition from which the London MagdaleneReading has been cut (gs. 7.19, 7.20). The Magdalenes book, which looksrather like a thirteenth-century French Bible, is lovingly observed. The stitchesin its white cloth chemise are carefully recorded, and at its spine is a goldenpipe, to which are tied four colored cords: two green, one red, and one blue.The page is ruled in red (although the ruling lines are now discernible onlyunder magnication) and is lettered in red and black. The initials D and A,illuminated in blue and red, are legible; the rest of the text is ctive. Here, as inhis other representations of manuscripts, Rogier has indicated writing by paint-ing horizontals crossed at irregular intervals by short verticals and has thendragged the wet oil paint with a dry brush to achieve a deceptively convincingimitation of script.3 As far as I know, Rogier never depicted a manuscript pageillustrated with miniatures.There can be no doubt, however, that Rogier knew how to paintminiatures. He worked in both Tournai and Brussels, where illuminators andpainters were members of the same guilds.4 Robert Campin, by whom he mayhave been trained and with whom he certainly collaborated, was paid in1430 31 for having painted a Crucixion in a missal for the Church of SainteMarguerite in Tournai.5 Jacques Daret, who worked with Rogier in Campinsstudio, was to train an illuminator: Eleuthre du Pret, apprenticed to Daret in1436 and a master illuminator in 1438. Similarly, at Tournai in about 1460,Rogiers nephew the painter Louis Le Duc, who had almost certainly beentrained by his uncle, took an apprentice illuminator named Jean de le Rue.6Rogier must certainly have known the Parisian illuminator DreuxJean, who was employed by Philip the Good from 1448 and who was Rogiersneighbor in Brussels (see g. 7.26).7 In 1443 44 Rogier bought two adjoiningproperties near the Cantersteen.8 By 1456 Dreux seems to have been installedin or near the Stuiverstraat, just around the corner, and to have remained thereuntil 1466 67.9 (The court painters Hue and Jean de Boulogne lived further upthe hill in the Inghelantstraat, while many of the local painters had premisesalong the Steenweg.)10 By 1462 Rogier and his wife and Dreux Jean were mem-bers of the Confraternity of the Holy Cross in the Church of Saint James on theRogier van der Weyden and Manuscript IlluminationLorne Campbe l lchapter 7Figure 7.1Rogier van der Weyden. Presentationof the Manuscript to Philip the Good, in the Chroniques de Hainaut, vol. 1.Brussels, Bibliothque royale de Belgique,Ms. 9242, fol. 1. Coudenberg. In the register of the confraternity, the members are listed inalphabetical order of Christian name. Both Dreux and Rogier, however, areunder M for Master: Meester Roeger van der Weyen, der stad scilder (thetown painter) and Meester Drosys, verlichtere (illuminator).11If, as many have argued, Dreux Jean was indeed the Girart Master,that could explain the ready access that the Girart Master and his assistants evi-dently had to the archive of patterns in Rogiers workshop.12 Two examples:in the miniature on folio 167 of the Girart de Roussillon, where, watched byGirart, Berthe and her companion build the Abbey of Vzlay, the two guresare based on the two Marys on our right of the center panel of Rogiers SevenSacraments,13 and in the miniature Joscelin, Count of Edessa, on folio 15 of theChroniques de Jrusalem abrges, the gure is taken from one of the weeperson the tomb of Louis of Male, count of Flanders, which were very probablydesigned by Rogier, while the interior corresponds rather closely to that in theRogierian Annunciation in the Louvre.14 I suppose that it would be possible to88 campbellpropose an alternative theory: that the Girart and the Chroniques de Jrusalemwere illustrated in Rogiers workshop by assistants who specialized in manu-script illumination.Only one miniature has been attributed to Rogier himself, and that is of course the remarkable presentation miniature of the rst volume of theChroniques de Hainaut (g. 7.1).15 The attribution to Rogier, rst proposed by Gustav Friedrich Waagen in 1847, has gained much support, and there isfairly general agreement that the miniature was at least designed by van derWeyden.16 I will argue that it was both designed and painted by the great Rogier.The miniature (g. 7.2) measures, within the frame, 148 by 197 mil-limeters. It shows Philip the Good standing in front of a throne draped withgured cloth of gold and beneath a canopy of green satin(?) lined with the samecloth of gold and fringed with gold. Beside Philip stands his son Charles theBold; on our left are an unidentied old man; Jean Chevrot, bishop of Tournai;and Nicolas Rolin, chancellor of Burgundy; on our right are eight knights of theGolden Fleece. A kneeling man offers to Philip a large book bound in brownleather (g. 7.4): this cannot be a literal representation of the Chroniques, theoriginal binding of which was of black gured satin.17Figure 7.2Rogier van der Weyden. Presentationof the Manuscript to Philip the Good(detail, g. 7.1). chapter 7: rogier van der weyden and manuscript illumination 89Figure 7.3X-radiograph of Presentation of theManuscript to Philip the Good (g. 7.1). Figure 7.4Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1),showing the book. According to the text that begins below the miniature, Jean Wauquelinundertook in 1446, at the command of Philip the Good, to translate the textfrom Latin into French. Work on the translation and copying of the text con-tinued in 1447 and was completed in 1448. It is not known when the book wasilluminated or when it was delivered to Philip.18 It is normally assumed that theminiatures were added while the text was being copied, but the presentationminiature could perhaps be earlier. The young Charles the Bold, who stands inthe center of the composition and whose titles, count of Charolais and count ofBoulogne, are referred to in two of the shields in the right border, was clearly aprotagonist of great importance.19 Born on November 11, 1433, he was four-teen or fteen in 1448, but in the miniature he is much smaller than his fatherand could be younger than fourteen. If this miniature was painted in 1446,when the project was rst undertaken, and if it was used to promote or sustainPhilips interest, then Charles would be shown at the age of twelve or thirteen,which is perhaps more plausible.The miniature differs dramatically from all the others in the book notonly because of its superlative quality but also because of its format. Only thepresentation miniature fails to t the justication of the text the outer edgeof its frame being aligned on the left but the inner edge being aligned on theright. Only the presentation miniature has a broad and carefully modeledframe, and it is also the only miniature with an asymmetrical frame the lowerpart is considerably narrower than the other three sides because it lacks therecessed part of the molding. Obviously this folio neither set nor followed a lay-out for the rest of the book. The text nevertheless preceded the miniature,90 campbellFigure 7.5Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), show-ing the heads of the knights on the left.Figure 7.6Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), show-ing the head of the white-haired knight.chapter 7: rogier van der weyden and manuscript illumination 91Figure 7.7Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), showing the head of the knight on left. Figure 7.8Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), showing the head of the knight secondfrom right.Figure 7.9X-radiograph (detail, g. 7.3), showing leg of knight at the far right.although the frame was painted after the miniature, and the text is laid out insixteen lines, as is the text of folio 20v, the rst folio of the rst book.20 Thepainter of the miniature has chosen very deliberately to ignore the layout withwhich he was provided. As Claudine Lemaire has pointed out, the dimensionsof the miniature that he painted are in the Pythagorean ratio of 3:4.21The miniature, though relatively well preserved, does not look exactlyas it did when this folio left the artists workshop.22 There are many small flakelosses: the head of the knight of the Golden Fleece second from our left (g. 7.5)is so damaged that it may not be immediately apparent that he is facing right;the head of the white-haired knight is also much injured (g. 7.6). Some of thecolors have darkened. The patterns on the gray and black damasks worn byPhilip the Good and the knight on our left are barely visible. The shape of thewindowpanes, covered in metal foil that has oxidized and darkened, was orig-inally more assertive (see g. 7.16).23 Most seriously, the areas that now appearpink the cloth of honor, Charles the Bolds robe, the scarf of the knight inblue, the long robe of the white-haired knight, and the collar and hose of theknight on our right were probably once crimsons of deeper and richer tones.The pigments look like deteriorated red lakes, which can fade badly.24 Thislightening of tone affects very adversely the sense of recession in the group ofknights. If the white-haired knights robe were a deep crimson instead of a lightpink, the artist could not be criticized for failing to control the recession of this group (see g. 7.11). The knight in gray may be wearing a cloth of silverrobe; the effects of texture may be obscured by the damage. Finally, it seems tome that the heads of the knights on our left (g. 7.7) and second from our right (see g. 7.8) differ slightly in color and in drawing from the others and that theycould conceivably be late additions, possibly by an assistant of the master whopainted the other heads.25Many of the other alterations that have been noted the slight thin-ning of Philips and Charless legs, the minuscule shifts in the placing of the toeof Charless right shoe and patten (see g. 7.17) are indications that thepainter was an exacting perfectionist.26 A larger change involved the man pre-senting the book, whose robe was at rst slit up the side to reveal his leg (g. 7.9).27 He would have looked a little like the Emperor Augustus in the leftwing of Rogiers Bladelin Triptych.28The fact that the dimensions of the miniature accord with thePythagorean ratio of 3:4 is interesting in view of Rogiers interest in basic geo-metrical shapes and angles. Clearly a close friend of the architect Gillis Joes orvan den Bossche,29 Rogier may have known a great deal about the science ofgeometry as well as the art of design. Philip the Good stands in the center of thesquare on the left edge and at the side of the square on the right edge. The com-position works against a grid of horizontals and verticals. The horizontals areprovided by the canopy, the transoms of the windows, and the pattern of thefloor; the verticals by the fold in Chevrots robe, the cloth of honor and thethrone, Philips and Charless right legs, the mullions of the windows, the leftleg of the knight in silver, and the right leg of the knight in green. Rogiers tastefor plotting compositions on grids is best demonstrated by the magnicent ruinthat is the Escorial Crucixion (g. 7.18).30The interior in the presentation miniature is very like that in Rogierslost composition of the Virgin and Child with Six Saints (see g. 7.25).31 Indeed92 campbellthe same drawing might almost have been used for the window and shuttersbehind the knights and the window behind Saint Joseph. Like Rogier in thePrado Descent from the Cross, the painter of the presentation miniature wasfascinated by the relationships between frame and image: here Chevrot and theknight in green are behind the frame, and the foot of the man presenting thebook projects across the frame (see g. 7.15), while the canopy appears to besuspended from the frame but in fact is not.The portraits of Chevrot and Rolin (g. 7.10) and Philip (g. 7.12)may all be compared with portraits of the same subjects by or after Rogier.32The knight in green (g. 7.13) adopts a pose that fascinated Rogier, who nallybrought it to perfection in the youngest king of the Columba Triptych.33 In thedamask textiles the miniaturist employed the same system of counterpointmodeling used by Rogier, for example, in the Prado Descent.34 The slight castshadows, and even the fact that the principal light source is on our right, are inkeeping with, say, the Seven Sacraments, the Prado Descent, and the EscorialCrucixion.Figure 7.10Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), showing the gures of Chevrot and Rolin. Figure 7.11Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), showing the skirts of the robe of thewhite-haired knight. chapter 7: rogier van der weyden and manuscript illumination 93Figure 7.12Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), showing the head of Philip.Figure 7.13Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), showing the gure of the knight on the right. Figure 7.14Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1) showing a dog.Figure 7.15Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), showing the foot of the man presentingthe book.94 campbellLike Rogier, the miniaturist has been criticized for the inaccuracy ofhis perspective, the instability of some of his gures, and his crowding of somegroups.35 It is a mistake, however, to judge Rogier, or any northern artist ofgenius, by the prosaic standards of literal realism. There is no unied vanishingpoint here; the squares in the patterned floor are very different in shape; it maynot be possible to pose eight men exactly as the knights are placed. That is ofno great importance. As in Rogiers paintings, and given the alterations in toneand color, the result looks absolutely and immutably correct.All these are arguments in favor of attributing the design of the pre-sentation miniature to Rogier himself. In order to justify attributing its execu-tion to him, it is necessary to deal with the vexed question of media. No oneknows for sure which medium or media the miniaturist employed, but I wouldhazard that he may have been using both gums and egg white or glair. The waysin which he was trying to work these quick-drying media may indicate that he was more accustomed to slow-drying oils since, in order to achieve similareffects, he must have had to work with amazing speed and dexterity before hispaint dried. For example, in the velvet skirt of the white-haired knight, he seemsto have succeeded in dragging the wet paint with a dry brush to suggest theways in which the textile catches the light (g. 7.11). The result may be com-pared with the dragged and feathered oil paint of the London Magdalene(g. 7.21).36 The illuminator also layered his paint in a glazing technique simi-lar to an oil painters. In the green surround of the cloth of honor, damagereveals that he laid in an opaque layer of green mixed with white, perhaps in aglair medium; over that he applied a transparent green, possibly in a gum medi-um, and this glaze has in places flaked away from the underlayer (g. 7.12).This is basically the same technique used in the shadowed areas of green drap-ery in the London Magdalene.37 The illuminator put impasto to good effect inthe white highlight on the dogs left ear (g. 7.14), as in the cloth of gold in theLondon Magdalene (g. 7.22), and used a sgrafto technique in the foot pro-jecting from the frame, once covered by the gilding and then scraped to revealagain the point of the toe and patten (g. 7.15).38 There are similar passages inthe London Exhumation of Saint Hubert.39Again like Rogier, the illuminator lightly indented lines into his paint-ed underlayers, for instance, in the cloth of honor and in Charless robe, wherethe indented lines indicate the dispositions and shapes of the repeated motifs ofthe patterns.40 Similar indented lines, this time ruled, mark the positions of thefloorboards and the rows of nail heads in the London Magdalene.41In fteenth-century Netherlandish oil paintings, especially where heat-bodied oils have been used, the brush strokes tend to disappear.42 Under thestereomicroscope, however, the brushwork can be admired. In manuscript illu-minations, the brush strokes are more easily detected, and in the presentationminiature of the Chroniques, the brushwork is superb. Under strongmagnication, which can reveal traces left by every individual hair of the brush,it is astonishing. The delicate but severely disciplined brush strokes create linesof hatching and cross-hatching; patterns of dots are applied with the points ofvery ne brushes. In gum and glair media, tonal transitions have to be abrupt,although they can be moderated by delicate hatching. These techniques aremost easily observed in the heads and robes of Chevrot and Rolin (g. 7.10).Some of the details, for example, the nails in the pattens or the hinges of thechapter 7: rogier van der weyden and manuscript illumination 95Figure 7.16Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), showing shutters and windows.Figure 7.17Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.1), showing Charles the Bolds right foot. shutters, are virtually invisible to the naked eye (g. 7.16). This is an artist whowas so in love with his work that he lavished effort on details that few peoplewould or could ever see.We can once more make parallels with the London MagdaleneReading. I have already mentioned her book. In the landscape seen through thewindow, the woman walking by the river is about 15 millimeters (35 in.) high.In her reflection, the red and white brush strokes can be seen (g. 7.23). Theartists skill is no less astounding than his constant attention, even on thisminute scale, to the patterns that he created.43 Another instance is the mouth inthe Washington Portrait of a Lady, where the beautiful patterns of disciplinedlines in various hues and tones of red suggest both the form and the texture of the lips.44If we compare the dog in the foreground of the presentation miniature(g. 7.14) with some of the beads on the string behind the Magdalene (g. 7.24), we can see similarities in the ways that hatching indicates shadowand that highlights are suggested by the impastoed touches of white on thedogs ear already described and on each of the beads.45 In the miniature,marks left by single hairs in the painters brush can be detected, even counted,in the shadows, and as we have seen, the artist worried over minute shifts in theoutlines of Charles the Bolds shoe and patten. Similarly, in the painting of the96 campbellchapter 7: rogier van der weyden and manuscript illumination 97Figure 7.18Rogier van der Weyden. Crucixion, oil on panel, 325 192 cm (128 7558 in.). San Lorenzo de El Escorial.Madrid, Patrimonio Nacional, inv. no.10014602.amber beads behind the Magdalene, the stronger highlights are circles of lead-tin yellow with points of lead white at their centers, whereas the secondarylights are orange with points of a weaker white. Even on this tiny scale, thereis always an unfailing attention and sensitivity to the beauties of line and shape.I hope that you will agree that we may see this miniature as the cre-ation of both the mind and the hand of a great genius and that this genius musthave been Rogier van der Weyden. At the Getty exhibition, a banner was dis-played beside the Chroniques in which the gure of Philip the Good was hugely enlarged. I cannot think of any other artist who was capable of depict-ing commanding dignity both on the majestic scale of the life-size EscorialCrucixion and on the very small scale of the Chroniques.98 campbellFigure 7.19Rogier van der Weyden. The MagdaleneReading (fragment from an altarpiece),oil on panel, 62.2 54.4 cm (241 2 2138 in.). London, National Gallery. Figure 7.20Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.18),showing part of the book. Figure 7.21Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.19),showing an area of fur.Figure 7.22Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.19),showing an area of cloth of gold. Figure 7.23Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.19),showing a reflection in the river. Figure 7.24Photomicrograph (detail, g. 7.19),showing beads.chapter 7: rogier van der weyden and manuscript illumination 99100 campbellFigure 7.25Reconstruction of Rogier van derWeydens lost Virgin and Child with Six Saints Jennifer Campbell.Figure 7.26Martin de Tailly. Plan of Brussels(engraving, 1640), map of the areaaround the Coudenberg; 1 marks thepalace, 64 (center) the Cantersteen. 164chapter 7: rogier van der weyden and manuscript illumination 101This article could not have been written orillustrated without the help of Rachel Billinge,Jo Kirby, Thomas Kren, Elizabeth Morrison,Hlne Verougstraete, and Lieve Watteeuw, toall of whom I am exceedingly grateful.1. In his treatise De dignitate cardinalatus,written in 1468, Jouffroy mentioned amicissi-mum mihi Brucellensem Rogerium cuius pic-turae omnium regum aulam collustrant: seeMassimo Miglio, Storiograa pontica delquattrocento (Bologna: Patron, 1975), 141 n.31. On Jouffroys library, see Ch. Kohler andL. Delisle, A propos dune lettre de FerdinandIer dAragon, roi de Naples, Jean Jouffroi,Bibliothque de lEcole des Chartes 57 (1896):699 708; Giovanni Mercati, Una lettera diVespasiano da Bisticci a Jean Jouffroi, inMlanges ddis la mmoire de Flix Grat(Paris: Pecqueur-Grat, 1946 49), vol. 1,357 66; Antonio Manfredi and Maria ElenaBertoldi, San Lorenzo in Lucina, Jean LeJeune, Jean Jouffroy and the Search forManuscripts in France during the Papacy ofNicholas V (14471451), Opuscula Romana:Annual of the Swedish Institute in Rome 28(2003): 934.2. For the Beaune inscriptions, see NicoleVerone-Verhaegen, LHtel-Dieu de Beaune(Brussels: Centre national de recherchesPrimitifs flamands, 1973), 59 60; for theBraque inscriptions, see Philippe Lorentz andMicheline Comblen-Sonkes, Muse du LouvreParis III (Brussels: Centre international dtudede la peinture medivale des bassins delEscaut et de la Meuse, 2001), 145-47.3. Lorne Campbell, The Fifteenth-CenturyNetherlandish Schools (London: NationalGallery Publications, 1998), 392 406, esp.397, g. 6.4. For Tournai, see DominiqueVanwijnsberghe, De n or et dazur: LesCommanditaires de livres et le mtier delenluminure Tournai la n du Moyen ge(XIV eXV e sicles) (Louvain: Peeters, 2001);for Brussels, see the regulations of June 20,1453, summarized by G. des Marez,LOrganisation du travail Bruxelles au XV esicle (Brussels: H. Lamertin, 1904), 50 51;and Claire Dickstein-Bernard, Roger van derWeyden, la ville de Bruxelles, et son mtier despeintres, in Rogier van der Weyden, exh. cat.(Brussels: Muse Communal, 1979), 36 40.5. Jean Dumoulin and Jacques Pycke,Comptes de la paroisse Sainte-Marguerite deTournai au 15e sicle, in Les grands sicles deTournai (12e15e sicles) (Tournai: Fabriquede lglise Cathdrale de Tournai, 1993),279320, esp. 301.6. Vanwijnsberghe, De n or et dazur, 131,132, 298.7. Anne Van Buren-Hagopian, Dreux Jehanand the Grandes Heures of Philip the Bold, inAls ich can: Liber amicorum ProfessorDoctor Maurits Smeyers, ed. Bert Cardon, Jan Van der Stock, and DominiqueVanwijnsberghe (Louvain: Peeters, 2002),13771414. See also McKendricks biographyof Dreux in Thomas Kren and ScotMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance:The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Paintingin Europe, exh. cat. (Los Angeles: J. PaulGetty Museum, 2003), 21213.8. For Rogiers house, see Alexandre Pinchart,Roger de le Pasture dit Van der Weyden,Bulletin des Commissions Royales dart etdarchologie 6 (1867): 40894, esp. 47274.9. The documents concerning Dreux Jeanshouse, never fully published, are best summa-rized by Van Buren-Hagopian, Dreux Jehan,138081. For its situation, see AlexandrePinchart, Archives des arts, sciences et lettres(Ghent, 186081), vol. 2, 191: aux environsde la rue Cantersteen et de la rue Terarcken.The rue des Sols or Stuiverstraat runs betweenthe rue Terarken and the Cantersteen. For thetopography of the area, see G. des Marez, Le Quartier Isabelle et Terarken (Brussels,1927), 47 48.10. For Hue de Boulognes house, see JozefDuverger, Brussel als kunstcentrum in de 14een 15e eeuw (Antwerp: De Sikkel; Ghent:Vyncke, 1935), 62. For the Steenweg premises,see Colette Mathieu, Le mtier des peintres Bruxelles aux xivme et xvme sicles, inBruxelles au XV e sicle (Brussels: Librairieencyclopdique, 1953), 21935, esp. 235.11. Brussels, Bibliothque Royale, Ms. 21779,fols. 23, 24; Pinchart, Archives, vol. 2, 156.12. See Van Buren-Hagopian, Dreux Jehan,for the fullest consideration of the evidence.13. Dagmar Thoss, Das Epos desBurgunderreiches, Girart de Roussillon(Graz, Austria: Akademische Druck- undVerlagsanstalt, 1989), 38, gs. 16, 18.14. Campbell, Netherlandish Schools, 26 27;for an engraved copy of the pleurant, seeElisabeth Dhanens, Hubert and Jan van Eyck(Antwerp: Mercatorfonds, 1980), 129; on thetomb, see Lorne Campbell, The Tomb ofJoanna, Duchess of Brabant, RenaissanceStudies 2 (1988): 16372.15. Christiane Van den Bergen-Pantens, ed.,Les Chroniques de Hainaut ou les Ambitionsdun prince bourguignon (Turnhout: Brepols,2000). On the presentation miniature, see alsoCyriel Stroo, De celebratie van de macht:Presentatieminiaturen en aanverwantevoorstellingen in handschriften van Philips deGoede (14191467) (Brussels: Paleis derAcademin, 2002).16. Gustav F. Waagen, Nachtrge zurKenntniss der altniederlndischenMalerschulen des 15ten und 16tenJahrhunderts (Forsetzung), Kunstblatt,September 16, 1847, 17778. His attributionwas accepted by Johann D. Passavant, DieMaler Rogier van der Weyden, Zeitschrift frchristliche Archologie und Kunst 2 (1858):120, 120 30, 17880, esp. 19; Max J.Friedlnder, Die altniederlndische Malerei,vol. 2, Rogier van der Weyden und der Meistervon Flmalle (Berlin: P. Cassirer, 1924), 39n;Friedrich Winkler, Die mische Buchmalereides XV. und XVI. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig: E. A.Seemann, 1925), 24; Georges Hulin, Weyden(Rogier de le Pasture, alias Van der), inBiographie nationale, vol. 27 (Brussels: H.Thiry-van Buggenhoudt, 1938), cols. 222 45,esp. col. 235; Albert Chtelet, Rogier van derWeyden: Problmes de la vie et de loeuvre(Strasbourg: Presses universitaires deStrasbourg, 1999), 15455; StephanKemperdick, Rogier van der Weyden,1399/14001464 (Cologne: Knemann,1999), 58; Dirk De Vos, Rogier van derWeyden: The Complete Works (Antwerp:Mercatorfonds, 1999), 249 51. Waagensattribution was rejected by Charles Ruelens,La miniature initiale des Chroniques deHainaut la Bibliothque de Bourgogne deBruxelles, Gazette archologique 8 (1883):31727; Paul Durrieu, La Miniature amandeau temps de la cour de Bourgogne,14151530, 2nd ed. (Brussels: G. van Oest,1927), 28, 64, cited Ruelenss article withevident approval. Erwin Panofsky, EarlyNetherlandish Painting: Its Origins andCharacter (Cambridge: Harvard UniversityPress, 1953), 268 and 466 n. 3, thought thatRogier might have left the manual executionof the page . . . to a professional illuminator.L. M. J. Delaiss, Les Chroniques deHainaut et latelier de Jean Wauquelin Mons dans lhistoire de la miniature fla-mande, in Miscellanea Erwin Panofsky(Brussels: Patrimoine des Muses Royaux desBeaux-Arts, 1955), 2156, quoted Panofskysopinion with polite approval (21). Anne VanBuren-Hagopian, Artists of Volume I, inVan den Bergen-Pantens, Chroniques deHainaut, 6574, considered that Rogier madea preliminary drawing but left it to one of hisclose associates to transfer the design to themanuscript (66). She did not mention thefairly radical alterations revealed in the X-radiograph (g. 7.3), which were among Notes102 campbellthe reasons leading Kren to favor the attribu-tion to Rogier; see Kren, in Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,91 93. Other authorities have not committedthemselves to denite opinions, for example,Hlne Verougstraete and Roger Van Schoute,Le Frontispice des Chroniques de Hainaut:Examen en laboratoire, in Van den Bergen-Pantens, Chroniques de Hainaut, 149 56. 17. Claudine Lemaire, Les Prgrinations destrois volumes des Chroniques de Hainaut, inVan den Bergen-Pantens, Chroniques deHainaut, 29 32, esp. 30.18. Ibid.; Pierre Cockshaw, Jean Wauquelindocuments darchives, in Van den Bergen-Pantens, Chroniques de Hainaut, 37 49;Anne Van Buren-Hagopian, The Date of theMiniatures, in Van den Bergen-Pantens,Chroniques de Hainaut, 6164.19. Christiane Van den Bergen-Pantens,Hraldique et symbolique dans la miniaturede prsentation, in Van den Bergen-Pantens,Chroniques de Hainaut, 12531.20. Verougstraete and Van Schoute,Frontispice, 149, 15152; for a reproduc-tion of folio 20v, see Van den Bergen-Pantens,Chroniques de Hainaut, 259.21. Lemaire, Prgrinations, 29.22. On the condition of the miniature, seeLieve Watteeuw and Ann Peckstadt, kbr, Hs 9242: Een conservatie in functie van hetontstaan, gebruik en de beschadiging van het manuscript, in Van den Bergen-Pantens,Chroniques de Hainaut, 13339;Verougstraete and Van Schoute, Frontispice,14950; Lieve Watteeuw and Marina VanBos, Chroniques de Hainaut: Observaties enresultaten van de analysis op zes miniaturen,ibid., 15766, esp. 15859; Anne Dubois,Note sur ltat de conservation de la minia-ture de prsentation du premier volume desChroniques de Hainaut depuis la n du 19esicle, ibid., 167. A full-size lithographicreproduction by Jean-Baptiste Madou(1796 1877) and Jean-Baptiste-Ambroise-Marcelin Jobard (1792 1861) was publishedin Charles Lecocq and F. de Reiffenberg,Fastes belgiques (Brussels, 1822), unpaged,Renaissance des lettres mcccc, but is notentirely accurate; the full-size heliogravurepublished in 1883 by Ruelens, Miniature ini-tiale, may have been made from a retouchednegative. Both reproductions appear to showthe miniature in a less damaged state.23. But compare the nineteenth-century repro-ductions cited in the previous note.24. David Saunders and Jo Kirby, Light-Induced Colour Changes in Red and YellowLake Pigments, National Gallery TechnicalBulletin 15 (1994): 79 97.25. The X-radiograph (g. 7.3), discussed byVerougstraete and Van Schoute, Frontispice,156, indicates that the legs of these two menare painted over the squares of the patternedfloor, whereas the floor is painted up to andaround the contours of all the other legs. TheX-radiograph and the photograph in transmit-ted light (reproduced by Watteeuw and VanBos, Chroniques de Hainaut, 283) showthat these two heads are less transparent thanthe others, with greater concentrations of leadwhite. Traces of lead-tin yellow have beenfound in the head on the left (Verougstraeteand Van Schoute, Frontispice, 159), thoughnot in the other heads examined; the head onthe right has not been investigated.26. Verougstraete and Van Schoute,Frontispice, 151.27. Verougstraete and Van Schoute,Frontispice, 151.28. De Vos, Rogier van der Weyden, 242.29. Gillis was the architect of the CollegiateChurch of Saint Gudula and died on February10, 1460, apparently at a very advanced age.Both he and Rogier were generous benefactorsof the charterhouse at Herne (Hrinnes), nearEnghien; see Arnold Beeltsens and JeanAmmonius, Chronique de la Chartreuse de laChapelle Hrinnes-lez-Enghien, ed. EdmondLamalle (Louvain: Bureaux de la Revue dhis-toire ecclsiastique, 1932), 62, 228. To thechapel of Saint Catherine there, consecratedon October 25, 1447, Gillis gave a stone stat-ue of the saint cum annexis; it was poly-chromed by Rogier, who gave a picture pre-sumably the altarpiece of the chapel. Joes alsogave the stone altar table, two windows, andall the white stone used in the building. Rogierwould also have known Jan van Ruysbroeck,his colleague in the employ of the town ofBrussels: see G. des Marez, Larchitecte Jeanvan Ruysbroeck et le xve sicle bruxellois,Annales de la Socit Royale darchologie de Bruxelles 31 (1923), 81105.30. De Vos, Rogier van der Weyden, 29194;color reproductions in Albert Chtelet, Rogiervan der Weyden (Paris: Gallimard; Milan:Electa, 1999), 12123.31. Campbell, Netherlandish Schools, 399.32. The portraits of Chevrot, in the SevenSacraments, and of Rolin, in the Beaune LastJudgment, are reproduced by De Vos, Rogiervan der Weyden, 132. For the early versions ofthe lost Portrait of Philip the Good, seeLorentz and Comblen-Sonkes, Muse duLouvre Paris III, 7180, and references.33. Compare, for example, the young men onthe right of the Exhumation of Saint Hubert,in the left wing of the Bladelin Triptych and(reversed) in the scene of Baptism in the SevenSacraments, as well as the youngest king of theColumba Triptych: Campbell, NetherlandishSchools, 422; De Vos, Rogier van der Weyden,412, 242, 219, 279.34. Verougstraete and Van Schoute,Frontispice, 151. In strongly illuminatedareas, the patterns are dark on light; in shad-owed areas, light on dark.35. See, for instance, Van Buren, Artists ofVolume I, 65 66; Verougstraete and VanSchoute, Frontispice, 149.36. Lorne Campbell et al., The Materials andTechniques of Five Paintings by Rogier van derWeyden and His Workshop, in EarlyNorthern European Painting, ed. LorneCampbell, Susan Foister, and Ashok Roy,National Gallery Technical Bulletin 18 (1997):6886, esp. 81, pl. 53; Campbell,Netherlandish Schools, 402.37. Campbell et al., Materials andTechniques, 76, 79.38. Verougstraete and Van Schoute,Frontispice, 150, 152.39. In the Exhumation, where the two boyswere added at a late stage, the red collar andundersleeves, and perhaps areas of the face, of the older boy were created by leavingexposed parts of the red robe of the manbehind and beneath; see Campbell,Netherlandish Schools, 425.40. Verougstraete and Van Schoute,Frontispice, 150.41. Campbell et al., Materials andTechniques, 73 74.42. Jill Dunkerton, Observations on theHandling Properties of Binding MediaIdentied in European Painting from theFifteenth to the Seventeenth Centuries,Bulletin de lInstitut Royal du patrimoineartistique 27 (1996 98, published 2002):287 92, esp. 292.43. Campbell, Netherlandish Schools, 396 97.44. Catherine A. Metzger and Michael Palmer,The Washington Portrait of a Lady by Rogiervan der Weyden Considered in Light of RecentInvestigations, in Painting Techniques:History, Materials, and Studio Practice:Contributions to the Dublin Congress, 711September 1998, ed. Ashok Roy and PerrySmith (London: International Institute forConservation of Historic and Artistic Works,1998), iic, 9497.45. Campbell et al., Materials andTechniques, 8283; Campbell, NetherlandishSchools, 396, g. 4.When considering the relationships between early Neth-erlandish drawing and manuscript illumination, one has to face a well-knownbut nevertheless serious problem: the scarceness of drawings still preservedtoday.1 In northern Europe, drawings do not seem to have been collected asworks of art during the fteenth century.2 Thus, the large majority of them arelost. Most of the few hundred sheets from the fteenth century that have beenpreserved3 works on paper or parchment, usually mounted on cardboard are executed in a rather detailed manner, as they were used as workshop pat-terns and thus had to show clear, recognizable, and repeatable images. Amongthese only a small number can be linked to manuscript illumination in somemanner, meaning that they were either created by illuminators or were used aspatterns in illuminators workshops and thus played a role within the produc-tion of miniatures.4The term drawing may, however, refer not only to these individualobjects but also to the manuscript illumination itself.5 As I see it, three differ-ent aspects can be distinguished. First, in miniature painting, as in panel paint-ing, drawing marked a specic step in the work process. This underdrawingwas meant to be covered up with paint and was thus not expected to be visible.Second, drawing can be seen as an integral element of miniature painting in the sense that the linear structure, the modeling with hatches and so on, is avisible part of the illumination as it appears in its nished state. Drawing inthis sense is understood as the graphic language that depends on line and lin-ear structure, as distinguished from painting, in which areas of color areblended in order to create the illusion of continuously modeled forms. Third,there are book illuminations that are actually nished drawings and do notdiffer from individual drawings. Their appearance is manifold. JonathanAlexander refers to a variety of techniques of nished drawings in medievalmanuscripts: colored ink drawings, illustrations with light washes, grisaillewith color tinting, and even combinations of fully painted miniatures and draw-ings on a single page.6No matter what type of drawing one refers to, there are essential char-acteristics shared by early Netherlandish drawing and manuscript illuminationthat establish a relationship that by nature is particularly close, closer than theone between drawing and contemporary panel or glass painting. These charac-teristics are the same support parchment or paper the same workingtools pen or brush and ink, sometimes colored7 as well as the small scale,and they have an important effect on the works artistic character.On Relationships between Netherlandish Drawingand Manuscript Illumination in the Fifteenth CenturyS t eph an i e Buckchapter 8Figure 8.1Master of the Dresden Prayer Book.Virgin and Child Crowned by an Angel,in a book of hours. Berlin, StaatlicheMuseen Preuischer Kulturbesitz,Kupferstichkabinett, Ms. 78 B 14, fol. 221v.Figure 8.2Infrared photograph of Virgin and ChildCrowned by an Angel (detail, g. 8.1).By looking closely at examples of these different types of drawing, wecan gain a better understanding of their respective relationships to book illumi-nation. I will begin with an example of spontaneous underdrawing coveredwith paint that was applied in a technique of an explicitly linear character, thenlook at drawings as miniatures in manuscripts, followed by individual drawingsused as models for nished illuminations, and conclude with an example thatcombines drawing and miniature painting in a single image.As is well known, underdrawings can often be found in books withunnished illuminations.8 Whereas these drawings are visible to the naked eye,underdrawings covered with paint in nished miniatures may be detected withthe help of infrared photography and reectography.9 Their documentation canbe of considerable interest for research not only on book illumination but alsoon individual drawings. For example, among the illuminations in a book ofhours in the Berlin Kupferstichkabinett is a full-page miniature by the Masterof the Dresden Prayer Book from around 1485, representing the half-lengthimage of the Virgin and child crowned by an angel (g. 8.1).10 Typical for hispainting or rather drawing technique, this illuminator hardly blended thecolors but rather indicated outlines, drapery folds, facial features, as well as theVirgins hair with individual lines and then modeled with short hatches. Theseare also dominant in the background. This modeling drawing, which charac-terizes the nal painted image, is somewhat disorganized and lacks concentra-tion; at the same time it covers the surface rather densely.104 buckThe underdrawing has a different appearance (g. 8.2). The infraredphotograph shows that the illuminator rst planned two angels anking theVirgins head and holding the crown. Later in the work process these two weregiven up to make space for the one centrally located angel nally executed inpaint. The underdrawing is limited to uent brush lines that indicate the forms,such as the angels wings and heads or some of the main drapery folds; thecrown is merely roughly outlined as a rectangular form. It demonstrates theilluminators creativity in blocking in the nal composition and introducesanother facet of his draftsmanship, which is not limited to the slightly shaggy,confused modeling drawing in paint visible on the miniatures surface. As most individual fteenth-century Netherlandish drawings are more fullyworked out copies, this sketchy underdrawing is welcome as another of the rareexamples of uent and spontaneous freehand drawing.11 As such it suggeststhat the small-scale sketch on parchment or on paper was well known toNetherlandish artists.In the case of drawings that are illuminations, or vice versa, works exe-cuted on colored grounds are especially interesting. Depending on their func-tion, as either an end product or a work meant to help produce another one,and also depending on the particular department of the museum or librarywhere the works are preserved today, these images are categorized either asdrawings or as illuminations. Especially in the case of very early individualdrawings dating from the late fourteenth and the early fteenth centuries, how-ever, this categorization is rather articial, as becomes evident when readingCennino Cenninis Libro dellarte. Although Italian, this manual gives impor-tant information on working procedures in the north as well. In the very beginning Cennini emphasizes that drawing is the startingpoint of the artists education: As has been said, you begin with drawing.12After explaining how to prepare a small wooden panel with a ground and howto draw with a silverpoint on it, he describes in great detail how to draw onsheep parchment or on paper and shade with washes: On the parchment youmay draw or sketch with this style of yours. . . . If, after you have drawn withthe style, you want to clear up the drawing further, x it with ink at the pointsof accent and stress. And then shade the folds with washes of ink. . . . And youmay likewise work and shade with colors and with clothlets such as the illumi-nators use.13 He obviously distinguished between illumination and drawing,but the borderlines are uid.After practicing metalpoint drawing for a year, the young artist couldwork with the pen and nally start drawing on paper or parchment tinted in various colors in order to start trying to discover the entrance and gate-way to painting.14 Early Italian examples of this type of drawing on a tintedground are Giovanni da Milanos Crucixion from around 1365/70 15 andLorenzo Monacos Visitation from the beginning of the fteenth century (g. 8.3).16 Pen, brush, dark ink, some wash, and white gouache for the high-lights are used. Monacos drawing is fully worked out and presents itself as acomplete image the composition is even surrounded by a picture frame. StillCennini certainly considered works like this as drawings, as we do todaybecause of the obvious graphic qualities, evident when focusing on the elabo-rate system of hatching.17chapter 8: netherlandish drawing and manuscript illumination 105Figure 8.3Lorenzo Monaco. The Visitation. Pen andbrush, brown and black ink heightenedwith white tinted with blue and yellowgoache on paper, 25.7 18.9 cm (1018 738 in.). Berlin, StaatlicheMuseen Preuischer Kulturbesitz,Kupferstichkabinett, inv. KdZ 608. Figure 8.4Jaques Daliwe. Pilgrims by a Town, inLiber Picturatus. Silverpoint, partlyretouched with metalpoint and brush onwhite prepared boxwood, 8.8 13 cm(35 518 in.). Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preuischer Kulturbesitz,Staatsbibliothek, Ms. A 74, iib. 106 buckAround 1400 northern artists worked in the same manner, evident in model books like the ones by Jacquemart de Hesdin18 and Jaques Daliwe (g. 8.4)19 or the Bohemian Vademecum.20 It is also manifest in manuscriptssuch as The Travels of John Mandeville (g. 8.5).21 In all of these cases the tech-nique corresponds exactly to the one Cennini recommended for drawings ontinted paper or parchment, and the graphic structure is always manifest. Thus,not only the model book drawings executed on wood but also the illuminationsin the manuscript may as well be considered drawingsthat is, illuminationsand drawings need not be distinguished.In the period around 1400 contemporaries did not in fact necessarilydistinguish between drawings and book illumination in regard to theirnature that is, their aesthetic value, function, appearance, and technique.This is demonstrated by a remarkable manuscript in the WiesbadenHauptstaatsarchiv dated in the colophon to 1410 and illustrated with aboutforty images.22 Astonishingly, most of these works executed by differentartists were produced in the late fourteenth century as individual drawingson paper and parchment. Only later, when the manuscript was put together asa miscellany of religious texts, were the already existing drawings glued in andthereby adapted as text illustrations. The drawings function thus changed. AsMarta Renger stated in 1987, they were understood as suitable devotionalimages that occasionally refer to the text.23Figure 8.5Anonymous. John Mandeville Travels toConstantinople, in The Travels of JohnMandeville. London, British Library, Add Ms. 24189, fol. 4v.chapter 8: netherlandish drawing and manuscript illumination 107Figure 8.6Anonymous. Adoration of the Magi, in amiscellany of religious texts. Wiesbaden,Hauptstaatsarchiv, Ms. 3004 b 10, fol. 24v.A particularly interesting example is The Adoration of the Magi(g. 8.6).24 This scene was created by pasting together four drawings, all attrib-uted by Renger to the Andr Beauneveu group.25 The three drawings showingKaspar, Balthasar, and the Virgin are silverpoint drawings heightenedwith white. The gures of the two kings were executed on green preparedpaper, while the white ground of the drawing with the Virgin and child has ayellow tint. Melchior on the other side is not only slightly taller than theother two kings but is also executed in pen and ink on a white ground and isnot heightened with white. After the pasting together, a draftsman who workedwith brush, pen, watercolor, and ink tried to make the gures appear to belongto a homogeneous composition. Thus he enlarged the Virgins throne bench tothe left, added a continuous grassy ground, retouched the gures with red, andreinforced contours.26Those early works executed on tinted paper, many of them heightenedwith white, show the closest possible relationship between drawing and illumi-nation. The rise of the individual drawing on paper, as we think of that phe-nomenon today, can be observed over the course of the fteenth century. Thetechnique in which tinted grounds were used and white highlights were appliedseems to have become less important for the production of early Netherlandishindividual drawings in the second and third quarters of the fteenth century,however, while book illuminators continued working in a similar techniquewhen they executed grisaille miniatures.27In the last quarter of the fteenth century the technique appears tohave again become popular in Netherlandish drawing. It is probably not bypure chance that a group of these small-scale individual drawings executed ongray tinted grounds are linked to manuscript illumination. Two ne examplesare The Holy Family at the Inn (g. 8.7)28 and Fourteen Male Heads(g. 8.10).29 The format of the drawings, with borders indicated with straightlines, and the fact that the motifs coincide with miniatures in several Flemishmanuscripts from the last quarter of the fteenth century prove the connectionto book illustrations. The drawings differ from the illuminations, however, inthat the latter are fully painted miniatures while the drawings are executed withpen, brush, and black ink, heightened with white gouache. Questions of the108 buckdrawings attribution, of their precise function, and of their status as originalinventions or copies are still unsettled. It only seems clear that they were usedas preparatory material for the production of miniatures. A. E. Popham and Otto Pcht attributed the Holy Family at the Inn tothe Master of Mary of Burgundy. Although G. I. Lieftinck and Anne H. VanBuren questioned that attribution,30 Thomas Kren provisionally attributed theLondon drawing to the Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy.31 The image wasobviously very successful; Kren states that at least eight Flemish manuscriptsshow the same or similar motifs. The earliest seems to be the miniature in theVoustre Demeure Hours (g. 8.8), now attributed to an assistant of the ViennaMaster of Mary of Burgundy and dated to about 147580.32The attribution of the drawing to a particular book illuminator is athorny question, as not a single sheet can be rmly attributed to one of thenumerous illuminators from that group. Thus there is no starting point for astylistic analysis. The drapery style is not of much help since the forms mayhave been copied after a model and thus resemble one another closely in theseveral manuscripts dating not only from the last quarter of the fteenth butalso from the early sixteenth century.33 The drawing technique with its reduc-tion of color to black, gray, and white gives the drawing an appearance thatis completely different from that of the miniature, although there are possibili-ties for comparison with the Voustre Demeure Hours, as the illuminator of thatmanuscript relied heavily on a grayish tone for the city and landscape. This isparticularly important, as the tiny size of the gures means that the heads areonly about three millimeters high, making it difcult to recognize the hand of aspecic master based on modeling, expression, and physiognomic features. Despite such uncertainties, an attribution of the drawing to the ViennaMaster of Mary of Burgundy seems most unlikely if we expect this illuminatorto be the creative, innovative mind who ingeniously invented new composi-tions.34 A copy should thus not be attributed to him but rather be interpretedas a work from his workshop or his circle. This seems to be the case with the London sheet. Despite its abradedcondition, there is enough detailed information that indicates clear misunder-standings of the original composition. The artist rst drew the inner rectangu-lar space reserved for the text block in a manuscript. Those straight lines wereruled imprecisely, however, as the draftsman corrected the right border line.The lower border of this inner frame was not drawn in black but only slightlyindented. This might indicate that the artist did not really construct the borderbut copied its format from an existing image.The draftsman did not clearly understand the system of light impor-tant for the miniatures of the Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy, as is obvi-ous in the Voustre Demeure miniature (g. 8.8). There are two light sources:the natural light falls from the left; in the bas-de-page it causes the guresand objects to cast strong, clear shadows, which are indicated with tiny strokes.Because of this light falling from the left, the gures are modeled with white ontheir left sides, both in the miniature and in the drawing. A second light sourceis the heavenly light that the angels emit as they announce Christs birth to theshepherds (g. 8.9). The stable on the right border is glowing because Christwas born there. The saviors heavenly light affects the surroundings the twoshepherds, seen from the back approaching the stable from the left, are thuschapter 8: netherlandish drawing and manuscript illumination 109Figure 8.7Workshop or circle of the Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy. The Holy Family at the Inn. Pen and brush and black inkheightened with white on gray preparedpaper, 11 7.9 cm (438 318 in.).London, British Museum, inv.1883.7.14.78.lit only from the right in the miniature. Their backs are dark. In the drawing,however, the shepherd on the left is highlighted from the back a clear mis-understanding of the original highly rened lighting system, manifest in theVoustre Demeure miniature. In this respect the composition of the upper bor-der with the Annunciation to the Shepherds is even less convincing in theLondon drawing. In the miniature the annunciatory angel is all glowing becausehe is the one who announces the heavenly message. As in the case of the stable,this light affects the shepherds camping on the left side of the upper border. Thedraftsman thus highlights those gures with some white. The reason for theheavenly glow is not clearly indicated, however, as the annunciatory angel him-self is hardly highlighted and does not glow at all.Misunderstandings are also manifest in regard to the spatial construc-tion of the houses of Bethlehem on the left border, where the gables are super-imposed without much understanding of the houses construction and theirplacement in the picture space. The same is true for the diagonally placed housebehind the pregnant Mary, which seems to oat in the air on the lower border. All of these peculiarities distinguish the draftsman as a copyist whosometimes lost track of the composition, probably because he had to trans-late a colored miniature into a black-and-white image.35 The identication ofthe London sheet as a copy helps us to better understand its most striking ele-110 buckment, that is, the exact repetition of the gures of Mary and Joseph in the spacereserved for the text. If they had been drawn by the inventor of the gures, onemight expect some variations in the drapery and posture. An artist who copiedin order to practice, however, might well have repeated a model as exactly aspossible. Thus it seems plausible that the two pairs of gures were executed bydifferent hands,36 and that the artist responsible for drawing the border copiedthe gures that another draftsman had drawn in the center of the sheet as amodel. Although the differences between the gures are minor, they do in factexist. Clearest might be the differently arranged beltlike strip of cloth aroundJosephs waist, which is in fact the long tail the cornette of his hood: in themodel that band falling from the neck to the hip is dynamically drawn, whileit lacks an analogous tension in the border design (g. 8.7). An identication ofthe two draftsmen is difcult to propose; we may only assume that the Londonsheet was produced in the workshop or the circle of the Vienna Master of Maryof Burgundy. The Berlin Fourteen Male Heads (g. 8.10) poses different problemswhen it comes to the question of attribution. There are no signs that indicatethat the sheet is a copy, and here, in contrast to the London drawing, the headsdo not appear in an identical manner in manuscript illuminations. The headsintricate arrangement on the picture plane, the large variety of types, and theFigure 8.8Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy orassistant. The Holy Family at the Innand Annunciation to the Shepherds, in the Voustre Demeure Hours. Madrid,Biblioteca Nacional, Ms. Vit. 255, fol. 68.Figure 8.9The Holy Family at the Inn (detail, g. 8.7). chapter 8: netherlandish drawing and manuscript illumination 111Figure 8.10Master of the First Prayer Book ofMaximilian(?). Fourteen Male Heads. Pen and brush and black ink heightenedwith white, touched with red on gray prepared paper, 7.4 11.1 cm (278 438 in.). Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preuischer Kulturbesitz,Kupferstichkabinett, inv. KdZ 12512. subtlety of the different expressions noted by Kren vividly speak for the draw-ings high quality. Kren suggests an attribution to the Master of the HoughtonMiniatures, whose work is characterized by crisp, precise draftsmanship.37 Theattribution is based on close parallels in type and particular facial features ofvarious heads on the drawing to those in several of the Houghton Mastersminiatures: similar mouths and noses, with lines that run from the nose to themouth, the suggestion of bags under the eyes, strong arches of the brows, andhair drawn with individual wiry curls.Despite these clear similarities, the proposed attribution seems prob-lematic because of a crucial difference in modeling: the miniatures of theHoughton Master appear to be executed in exquisitely thin layers of color andresemble watercolors, even in places where much gray is used.38 The illumina-tor avoided strong, black contour lines but drew in extraordinary thin outlines.The facial features were achieved in the same manner. The modeling was thendone with ne hatching and tiny parallel strokes. Highlighting with white,strong daubs of white on foreheads, on the tips of noses, and so on seems to be completely avoided. This, however, is characteristic for the Berlin heads a good example is the bald, bearded man farthest to the right in the middle row. Considering the heads small sizes, these daubs of white are deft andthickly applied. This might be explained by the reduced color scheme, whichsomehow forced the draftsman to work with white. There was no need toreinforce the ne outlines of the busts and heads, however, as the draftsmandid, for example, in the case of the upper contour of the bald head referred toabove or the thick outline of the neck of the man turned to the left and placedin the drawings center. This initial ne drawing is very similar indeed to thedrawing of the Houghton Master. The broad brushstrokes that lend theheads their nal appearance, however, are different. To my eyes the drawing onthe Berlin sheet in its nal appearance thus has a less subtle character than thatof the miniatures.The modeling, however, seems to be typical for some miniatures bythe Master of the First Prayer Book of Maximilian, to whom I attributed thedrawing in 2001:39 heads like those of Saints Christopher and David of Wales112 buckin the London Hastings Hours from before 148340 show not only the facialcharacteristics cited above as characteristic of the Houghton Masters gures similar mouths and noses, strong arches of the brows, and beards drawn withindividual wiry curls but also the deft modeling with strong highlights andthe reinforcement of outlines. As the judgment as to which similarities outweighthe others seems highly subjective, the attribution of the Berlin drawing isdifcult to resolve purely on the basis of stylistic arguments.Finally, I would like to focus briey on an illumination that belongs tothe group of works that combine fully painted miniatures and drawings on asingle page. In the Hours of Engelbert of Nassau,41 the Vienna Master of Maryof Burgundy depicted a grotesque tournament with animals ghting againstwild men, a scene with an allegorical meaning (g. 8.12).42 This scene differsessentially from all the framed miniatures in that book, which depict biblicalscenes or saints. In the latter miniatures the illuminator created homogeneouspictures in which the gures and their surroundings are painted in the samemanner (g. 8.11). Thus the illuminator interpreted the images as real,authentic depictions of the story documented in the Bible. The mimetic paint-ing that evokes gures and space denes the image clearly and thus pinpointsthe representation as the one particular view that the illuminator chose to offer. Figure 8.11Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy. TheHoly Family at the Inn, in the Hours ofEngelbert of Nassau. Oxford, BodleianLibrary, Ms. Douce 219 20, fol. 115.chapter 8: netherlandish drawing and manuscript illumination 113Figure 8.12Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy.Grotesque Tournament, in the Hours ofEngelbert of Nassau. Oxford, BodleianLibrary, Ms. Douce 219 20 (detail), fol. 132v. The allegorical tournament scene, in contrast, is not placed in such asetting. The gures are executed in paint, and despite being allegorical crea-tures, they are tangible, clearly dened gures. The setting, however, is limitedto a group of leaess trees, not painted but drawn with pen and black ink.Because of its delicateness, this drawing mediates perfectly between the paintedgures and the at, light parchment that serves as a neutral ground.43 On apurely aesthetic level this may explain the combination of drawing and paint-ing. Moreover, the drawing which is not mimetic, as the forms do not appearthree-dimensional and lack the real color and material surface of trees (thetrunks are structured with tiny parallel hatches) enables the viewer to imag-ine the setting. The painted rooks that perch in these trees open up the possi-bility to interpret the trees as real. At the same time a brief look at the illumi-nation on the adjacent page shows that birds may also sit on utterly abstractlines that are part of the manuscript writing and thus do not represent a natu-ral form at all.Because of its nature, drawing, as opposed to painting, has the abilityto suggest reality without pinpointing it.44 Because of this, it is capable of medi-ating between the two essential parts of an illuminated manuscript: the writtentext, which addresses itself to the readers mind and spirit, and painting, whichis experienced visually that is, with the eye and, particularly in the latefteen century, aims to capture the natural world mimetically. On this intellec-tual level the relationship between drawing and manuscript illuminationappears to be particularly interesting. 114 buckchapter 8: netherlandish drawing and manuscript illumination 1151. The most recent introductions to earlyNetherlandish drawings are Stephanie Buck,Die niederlndischen Zeichnungen des 15.Jahrhunderts im Berliner Kupferstichkabinett:Kritischer Katalog (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001),and Fritz Koreny, Early NetherlandishDrawings from Jan van Eyck to HieronymusBosch, exh. cat. (Antwerp: Rubenshuis, 2002)(with bibliographies). See also MasterDrawings 41, no. 3 (2003), dedicated to earlyNetherlandish drawings.2. Hartmann Schedel (1440 1514) is consid-ered as one of the earliest collectors; seeBeatrice Hernad, Die Graphiksammlung desHumanisten Hartmann Schedel (Munich:Prestel, 1990).3. Koreny, Early Netherlandish Drawings, 12,speaks of barely six hundred preservedfteenth-century Netherlandish drawings. 4. For the relationship between drawings andbook illumination in general, see Marc W.Evans, Medieval Drawings (London: Hamlyn,1969); Jonathan J. G. Alexander, MedievalIlluminators and Their Methods of Work(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992);Christopher de Hamel, Scribes andIlluminators (London: British Museum Press,1992); Robert W. Scheller, Exemplum: Model-Book Drawings and the Practice of ArtisticTransmission in the Middle Ages (ca. 900ca. 1470), trans. Michael Hoyle (Amsterdam:Amsterdam University Press, 1995); SusieNash, Imitation, Invention, or Good BusinessSense? The Use of Drawings in a Group ofFifteenth-Century French Books of Hours, inDrawing, 14001600: Invention andInnovation, ed. Stuart Currie (Aldershot:Ashgate, 1998), 1225; Eberhard Knig,How Did Illuminators Draw? SomeFifteenth-Century Examples, Mostly Flemish,in Master Drawings 41, no. 3 (2003): 216 27. 5. See also Knig, How Did IlluminatorsDraw? 219.6. Alexander, Medieval Illuminators, 39.Presumably the most intriguing example of abook illustrated with drawings is the UtrechtPsalter of around 820 (Utrecht, Bibliotheekder Rijksuniversiteit, Ms. 32, Script. Eccl.484), discussed in surveys on early medievaldrawings. See Evans, Medieval Drawings, 8;Koert van der Horst and Jacobus H. A.Engelbregt, Utrecht-Psalter: VollstndigeFaksimile-Ausgabe, trans. Johannes Rathofer(Graz: Akademische Druck- undVerlagsanstalt, 1984).7. Most fteenth-century Netherlandish draw-ings are executed with pen and ink; metal-point is another common medium; see Buck,Niederlndischen Zeichnungen, 3739;Koreny, Early Netherlandish Drawings,1012.8. For examples, see M. S. Frinta,Underdrawings in the Few Late BohemianManuscript Illumination [sic], in Le Dessinsous-jacent et la technologie dans la peinture:Colloque X, 57 septembre 1993: Le Dessinsous-jacent dans le processus de cration, ed.Hlne Verougstraete and Roger van Schoute(Louvain: Collge Erasme, 1995), 43 49;Alexander, Medieval Illuminators, 35 51,62 71; Knig, How Did IlluminatorsDraw? g. 7, n. 21 (with a list of unnishedmanuscript illuminations and bibliography).9. One of the few campaigns devoted to thedocumentation of underdrawings in manu-scripts was dedicated to the Turin-MilanHours; see Anne H. Van Buren, James H.Marrow, and Silvana Pettenati, Heures deTurin-Milan, Inv. No. 47, Museo Civico dArteAntica, Torino: Commentary (Lucerne:Faksimile Verlag, 1996), 247 401; Anne H.Van Buren: The First Campaign for Jean deBerrys Book of Hours, Prayers, and Masses,in Le Dessin sous-jacent et la technologie dansla peinture: Colloque XII, 1113 septembre1997: La Peinture dans les Pays-Bas au 16esicle, ed. Hlne Verougstraete and Roger vanSchoute (Louvain: Collge Erasme, 1999),31730.10. Ms. 78.B.14; see Bodo Brinkmann, DieFlmische Buchmalerei am Ende desBurgunderreichs: Der Meister des DresdenerGebetbuchs und die Miniaturisten seiner Zeit(Turnhout: Brepols, 1997), 3015.11. Buck, Niederlndischen Zeichnungen,2529, 3436; Koreny, Early NetherlandishDrawings, 16 18.12. Cennino Cennini, The CraftsmansHandbook: The Italian Il libro dellarte,trans. Daniel V. Thompson Jr. (1933; NewYork: Dover, 1954), chap. 5.13. Cennini, The Craftsmans Handbook, chap.10. Thompson uses the word style for themore usual stylus. The term clothlets is thetranslation of the original Italian term pez-zuole (i.e., little pieces of cloth); see CenninoCennini, Il libro dellarte, ed. Franco Brunello(Vicenza: N. Pozza, 1971), 12 n. 5 with refer-ences to medieval sources such as theTheophilus from around 950 (An Essay uponVarious Arts by Theophilus . . . called alsoRugerus, trans. Umbruch R. Hendrie [London:John Murray, 1847]), in which the techniqueis described. These pieces of cloth were soakedwith colors, which could be used by touchingthe cloth with a wet brush. 14. Cennini, Craftsmans Handbook, chap. 15.15. Brush in brown heightened with white, on brown prepared paper, 28.4 22.2 cm(1118 834 in.), Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett,KdZ 4290; Hein-Th. Schulze Altcappenberg,Die italienischen Zeichnungen des 14. und 15.Jahrhunderts im Berliner Kupferstichkabinett:Kritischer Katalog (Berlin: G & H Verlag,1995), no. 61.16. Schulze Altcappenberg (Die italienischenZeichnungen, no. 80) suggests a date ofaround 1408/14.17. Schulze Altcappenberg, Die italienischenZeichnungen, no. 81, 42.18. Metalpoint on boxwood, ca. 13 7 cm;New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, M. 346and 346a: Scheller, Exemplum, no. 19,218 25; Philippe Lorentz, Les carnets dedessins, laboratoires de la cration artis-tique, in Paris 1400: Les Arts sous CharlesVI, exh. cat. (Paris: Fayard; Runion desmuses nationaux, 2004), 3046. The bookwas executed in a rst campaign in Francearound the middle of the fourteenth centuryand in a second campaign around 13851400.For early modelbooks see also Ulrike Jenni,The Phenomena of Change in theModelbook Tradition around 1400, inDrawings Dened, ed. Konrad Oberhuber(New York, 1987), 35 47.19. Scheller, Exemplum, no. 21, 233 40;Ulrike Jenni (Das Skizzenbuch des JaquesDaliwe: Kommentar zur Faksimileausgabe desLiber picturatus A74 der DeutschenStaatsbibliothek Berlin/DDR [Leipzig: VCH,1987], 6) dates the drawings between 1400and 1420, as Scheller does.20. Silverpoint, pen, and brush, touches of redand heightened with white on green tintedpaper, glued on maplewood, 9.5 9 cm (334 312 in.); Vienna, KunsthistorischesMuseum, inv. 5003, 5004; Scheller(Exemplum, no. 20, 226 32) dates it around14001410.21. The Travels of Sir John Mandeville: AManuscript in the British Library, introduc-tion by Josef Krsa, trans. Peter Kussi (NewYork: G. Braziller, 1983), esp. 26 30 (tech-nique and style).22. Marta Renger, The WiesbadenDrawings, in Master Drawings 25, no. 4(1987): 390 410; Maurits Smeyers, LArt dela miniature amande du VIII e au XVI e sicle,trans. Monique Verboomen (Tournai:Renaissance du livre, 1998), 178, 209.23. Renger, Wiesbaden Drawings, 391. The reuse and reinterpretation of the draw-ings sometimes involved only the addition oftext and a decorative frame to the existingdrawing.Notes116 buck24. Virgin: 14 7.2 cm (512 278 in.);Melchior: 14 7.1 cm (512 234 in.);Balthasar: 12.8 8.4 cm (5 314 in.);Kaspar: 13.6 6.5 cm (538 212 in.).Renger, Wiesbaden Drawings, no. 10,400 401; Smeyers, Art de la miniatureamande, 209, color ill. 46.25. Rengers attribution shall not be discussedhere.26. During this campaign not only were exist-ing drawings retouched but new illustrationswere also drawn directly onto the manuscriptpages; see Renger, Wiesbaden Drawings,nos. 2737, 40510.27. For examples of grisaille miniatures, seePierre Cockshaw, Miniatures en grisaille:Bibliothque Royale Albert 1er (Brussels:Bibliothque Royale Albert 1er, 1986). For the phenomenon discussed here, see alsoStephanie Buck, The Impact of Hugo van der Goes as a Draftsman, in MasterDrawings 41, no. 3 (2003): 23335.28. Thomas Kren, in Thomas Kren and ScotMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance:The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Paintingin Europe, exh. cat. (Los Angeles: J. PaulGetty Museum, 2003), no. 21, 146 47, 524.29. Buck, Niederlndischen Zeichnungen, no. i.21, 159 63; Kren, in Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,no. 35, 178, 525.30. A. E. Popham, Catalogue of Drawings byDutch and Flemish Artists Preserved in theDepartment of Prints and Drawings in theBritish Museum, vol. 5 (London: BritishMuseum, 1932), no. 13, 6566, pl. xxiii;Otto Pcht, The Master of Mary of Burgundy(London: Faber & Faber, 1948), 70, no. 25,pl. 29a; G. I. Lieftinck, Boekverluchters uit de omgeving van Maria van Bourgondi,c. 1475c. 1485 (Brussels: Paleis derAcademin, 1969), g. 132; Anne H. VanBuren, Master of Mary of Burgundy, inDictionary of Art, ed. Jane Turner (New York:Grove, 1996), vol. 20, 727. 31. Today the oeuvre of the Master of Mary of Burgundy has been divided into severalgroups. Some of the most inventive miniaturesare to be found in the Hours of Mary ofBurgundy in Vienna (sterreichischeNationalbibliothek, Ms. 1857). Their illumi-nator is now called the Vienna Master ofMary of Burgundy; see Kren, in Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,126 27, no. 19.32. Madrid, Biblioteca nacional, Ms. Vit.255, fol. 68; Kren, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 142 46, no. 20,g. 50.33. For the Mayer van den Bergh Breviary, seeMaurits Smeyers and Jan van der Stock, eds.,Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts, 14751550,exh. cat. (Ghent: Ludion Press, 1997), 8081;Brigitte Dekeyzer, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 32429, 528,no. 92; for the book of hours from the work-shop of the Master of James IV of Scotland,Chatsworth, Duke of Devonshire, fol. 39, seeKren, in Kren and McKendrick, Illuminatingthe Renaissance, no. 128, g. 51.34. For a discussion of his oeuvre and the his-tory of attribution, see Anne H. Van Buren,The Master of Mary of Burgundy and HisColleagues: The State of Research andQuestions of Method, in Zeitschrift frKunstgeschichte 38 (1975): 286 309;Eberhard Knig et al., Das BerlinerStundenbuch der Maria von Burgund undKaiser Maximilians: Handschrift 78 B 12 imKupferstichkabinett der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin Preuischer Kulturbesitz (Berlin:Nicolai, 1998); Kren, in Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,126 27.35. Kren, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 147, points outthat the measurements of the Voustre Demeureminiature are remarkably similar to those ofthe drawing. This certainly argues for a veryclose relationship. The drawing most probablydid not function as the preparatory drawingfor that particular miniature, however, as theilluminator did not duplicate mistakes madeby the draftsman.36. This was suggested to me by JamesMarrow. I thank him for sharing his observa-tions with me.37. The eponymous manuscript is theEmerson-White Hours in the HoughtonLibrary (Cambridge, Mass., Typ. 443 443.1);Kren, in Kren and McKendrick, Illuminatingthe Renaissance, 16878, no. 32.38. See, for example, the rocks in the SaintAnthony miniature in the Emerson-WhiteHours (120, g. 32a, detail).39. See Buck, Niederlndischen Zeichnungen,no. i.21, with illustrations from the Master of the First Prayer Book of Maximilian. Forthat master, see Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 190 98,3058, 316 29, no. 41.40. London, British Library, Add. Ms. 54782,fol. 48v; Kren, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, no. 41. For anillustration of the Saint Christopher and SaintDavid of Wales miniatures, see JanetBackhouse, The Hastings Hours (London:British Library, 1996), 6, frontispiece. For a bare face, see Saint Jerome on fol. 278v(Backhouse, The Hastings Hours, 62).41. Oxford, Bodleian Library, Mss. Douce21920; Kren and McKendrick, Illuminatingthe Renaissance, no. 18.42. For an interpretation, see Master of Maryof Burgundy: A Book of Hours for Engelbertof Nassau, Oxford, Bodleian Library, intro-duction and legends by Jonathan J. G. Alexander (New York: G. Braziller,1970), 1820.43. Alexander (Master of Mary of Burgundy,19), refers to much earlier Anglo-Saxon andByzantine psalters in which the actors areportrayed on the blank space of the marginswith no setting, and to the tradition of thegothic marginal drollery starting in the earlythirteenth century.44. By combining painting and drawing, theVienna Master of Mary of Burgundy seems tohave realized this. This view seems plausible,as the illuminators fundamental reection onthe reality levels of the main miniatures, theborder decoration, and the book as a physicalobject is manifest throughout the manuscript;see Alexander, in Book of Hours for Engelbertof Nassau, 1418. As the trees are drawn indark ink, it seems uncertain whether the illu-minator or the scribe, Nicolas Spierinc, wasresponsible for them. That problem does nottouch upon the core of the question discussedhere, however, and thus shall be excluded.At the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenthcentury the production of prestigious manuscripts was a highly complex busi-ness. We know that several illuminators would work together on one manu-script, either simultaneously or in consecutive stages, for the production ofimportant manuscripts was an exceedingly capital- and labor-intensive enter-prise. Moreover, only a limited number of specialized craftsmen were employedin this niche industry, and there was room for no more than a handful of topilluminators. Unquestionably this necessitated an ingenious division of laborand a prudent spreading of the risks. Unfortunately the actual technicalities ofsuch cooperation and collaboration remain a mystery. The archives are silenton the matter. How the actual collaboration and specic labor relations workedremains unclear.This article is organized around a compelling series of archival exam-ples that are either being published here for the rst time or being remarkedupon for the rst time. They offer us insights into the character of collaborationin manuscript production, the organization of production, the often-controversial scholarly practice of localization, and professional relationships.They encourage us to think harder about the subtle nature of collaborationwithin artistic production, the complexity of the organization of production,the mobility required in executing commissions for princely patrons, and theinevitable reality of conict among members of the book trade. S e a rch ing for Hand sWe know, in fact, very little about the actual circumstances in whichworks of art came into being. We know even less about the exact working rela-tionships and ambitions of the various producers. Art historians gladly make ita lifetimes work to classify and identify individual hands on the basis of stylis-tic or technical differences. Nonetheless, in a letter to Emperor Maximilian,dated October 27, 1512, the Antwerp block cutter Joost de Negker set out pre-cisely how he intended to organize his collaboration with two other artists inorder to accomplish a joint project. He guaranteed the emperor that he wouldpersonally oversee the project. He would give the instructions and prepareeverything meticulously. Moreover, de Negker emphasized that he himselfwould complete everything and would add the nishing touch, so that, hestressed, it would seem as if the work was realized by one and the same handand nobody would be able to distinguish several hands.1 Thus, the three artistsagreed to work in a single style under the supervision of one contractor, in suchFlemish Illuminated Manuscripts: Assessing Archival EvidenceJ a n Van der S tockchapter 9a way that nobody could spot the differences. In other words, if someone actu-ally did detect a difference, the agreement would have been breached. Who arewe then, ve hundred years later, to make it the ultimate goal of our researchto try to isolate individual hands? Is it impossible or useless to try to distinguishdifferent artists? Not at all, but the quest for the hands becomes truly engross-ing only if it can lead to a general picture: who worked with whom, when, howoften, and, in the rst place, why? Put another way, it becomes interesting onlyif our goal is the clarication of the global picture of the actual organization of production.S e a rch ing for WorkshopsWhen it comes to the matter of the workshop, we are often pre-sented with a picture of the master who, along with his pupils or less skilledassistants, accepted and executed a commission. This image is apparentlyconrmed by the letter from De Negker quoted above. But there is much moreto it than that. Because of the very high level of specialization and the substan-tial risk-bearing capital involved, it is possible to compare the manuscriptworkshop with other highly specialized production centers, such as theworkshops where altarpieces were made. In the latter case too we can speakof a highly complex labor organization, but in this instance we have a multi-tude of archival documents. If we take it as our basic assumption that the work-ing methods in various types of artists workshops were similar, a whole stringof much more complex collaborations become conceivable.2Between 1475 and 1530 certain members of the Antwerp Guild ofSaint Luke acted as contractors and intermediaries between customers andmanufacturers. Digne Zierix, a fascinating woman of the late fteenth century,was in charge of a studio in which a fellow or unfree master (also called aknape) looked after the execution of the commissions. Another guild member,Dierick Proudekin who was, in my view, one of the greatest contractors ofsculpture of that time managed an exceptionally complex workshop thatmaintained relations with commercial contacts all over Europe. Proudekin nolonger saw the workshop as the workplace in which he supervised a group ofdifferent artists. His company instead embodied a form of cooperation basedon service agreements that did not necessarily entail a xed location or per-manency. Here Proudekin serves as a model of a kind of decentralized butintegrated production. This type of craftsman tended to run a larger, not nec-essarily permanent workshop within a town or a region. In certain cases an adhoc atelier might even be put together.3 The contractor was likely to controlseveral stages of the art production: the need for joinery, carving, and paintingwas an invitation to the vertical integration of successive processes. The integra-tion did not need to take place under the craftsmans own roof. But said crafts-man could control the other processes very carefully, letting out to others thework that was not his own specialty; indeed, his role was comparable to that ofa producer (or, in the case of books, a publisher). The system of subcontract-ing allowed the coordination of the manufacturing of export goods and madean increase in scale feasible; after all, with a credit loan a number of producerswere made dependent, and the producer could then tie several smaller work-shops into one hierarchical network. Thus, they created what we could term a scattered manufacture: a combination of decentralized production and 118 van der stockcentralized management. In any case, I have not found a single document thatsuggests that this form of organization of production would have been inimicalto the guild spirit.4That the operating procedure by which a certain master functioned as contractor for the job and as leader of a exible studio, thus acting the partof publisher, was also applied by producers of manuscripts is important tomy argument. The late fteenth century saw the emergence of booksellers(librariers), bookbinders, and scribes who took on the role of merchandisers,acting as middlemen between patrons and scribes, illuminators and book-binders, receiving commissions for manuscripts and then dealing with a varietyof collaborators in order to piece together the nished product. Several docu-ments show that the Antwerp bookbinder Goswin Bernardus, member of theGuild of Saint Luke in 1492/1493, operated as a kind of contractor and as anintermediary among writers, illuminators, and the customer. In a number ofcases he was closely associated with orders from Averbode Abbey to unspeciedAntwerp illuminators.5 He also performed a similar function for the chapter ofthe Antwerp Church of Our Lady. In 1512 /1513 the Brethren of the CommonLife in Brussels were requested to write a missal. In the course of 1513/1514 thejob was completed.6 When it came to the illumination of the manuscript,Bernardus was called on. The accounts indicate that he acted as go-between and coordinator and that it was not he himself who created the illumi-nations. The phrases int besteden,7 voer den verlichtere,8 inden naemvanden verlichtere,9 and te doen verlichten10 make this clear. The manu-script, which has been lost, must have been of some importance, for the pay-ments run from Christmas 1512 to Christmas 1516.11In none of the cases that I have studied did the guild act as a self-supporting and self-controlled system aimed at preservation of the status quo.The guild system did not stand in the way of a exible operating method and acomplex organization of production. The corporatism of the guild by no meansthwarted a concentration of production in the form of networks of small-scaleworkshops under a central, exible coordinator. It did not hinder the expan-sion of subcontracting at all: many corporate statutes and regulations passedover the phenomenon in silence, and some even clearly consented to it. The Scho l a r ly Pract i ce o f Loc a l i z a t i on and the Ev idence for Mob i l i t yOther documents point to the enormous mobility of artists within theLow Countries to mobility on even a European scale. In August 1490 theking of Portugals factor, Rodriques Fernandes, engaged several Antwerpartists, cooks, and pastry cooks (div[er]se personen van schilders, coken enpasteibakkers). They were told they would be paid for the journey to and fromPortugal and would enter the service of Crown Prince Afonso, King Joao II ofPortugals son, who was about to marry Isabella, daughter of the CatholicMonarchs of Spain.12 They were likewise informed that three of the painters(drie vanden schilders) so clearly there were more than three would alsoreceive remuneration in Portugal. The three were mentioned by name: theAntwerp painter and scribe Jan Casus; the painter Jacob van Lathem, who wasthe son of the illuminator Lieven van Lathem, became a member of the AntwerpGuild of Saint Lukes only in 1493/94, and was later court painter to Philip thechapter 9: assessing archival evidence 119Fair and Charles V; and lastly the otherwise unknown Willem de Hollander (itis tempting to see him as related to the younger Antonio Hollanda).13 Anotherdocument reveals the names of the pastry cooks: Guillaume Le Fran and StevenJanss.14 Some eighteen months later Jan Casus was back in Antwerp, where hesummoned the king of Portugals factor before the courts because the agree-ments had not been fullled. The illuminator Lieven van Lathem, who wasaround fty-four years old at that time (out omtrent liiii jaer), appeared asa witness in the case.15 This is not the place to go into every aspect of this fas-cinating group of documents.16 It is certainly surprising, however, that at theend of the fteenth century, Antwerp artists and pastry cooks were sent toPortugal, probably by ship, to carry out a limited commission connected withthe marriage of the kings son. What did they take with them? Raw materialsor half-nished products? How did they get on with one another? Were theymembers of an ad hoc atelier, or was each of these artists and artisansengaged individually? And what did they actually produce when they got there?These are questions that cannot be answered at present. We know, of course,that in the fteenth century many artists were mobile and established them-selves elsewhere, but archival evidence that they traveled to the other side ofthe Continent to undertake a limited commission for a local customer isextremely rare.Conf l i c t ( and Col l abora t ion? )There are, of course, the regulations of the various guilds that broughttogether the makers of illuminated manuscripts, yet these reveal only a smallpart of the story.17 And there are also accounts and some contracts. But thesedocuments too do not reveal what actually went on. This is why legal practicecould become a fundamental resource. A number of problems arise here as well,however. The relative vagueness of the guilds regulations and the considerablenancial value of illuminated manuscripts must have led to not a few misunder-standings and heated debates between the makers of manuscripts themselvesand between makers and customers or patrons. But because these conicts hadrst to be dealt with by the guilds, only a limited number of documented quar-rels have been preserved. The guilds ofcers usually settled disputes amongcraftsmen, between masters and servants, or between masters and apprentices.Only when the parties could not be reconciled or when the dispute crossed theboundaries of the guild or the city, was the municipal magistrate called uponthe scene. Moreover, when dissension arose between members of the guild andtheir clientele, the magistrate sometimes referred the complaint back to theguilds jurisdiction. Like other artisans organizations, the Guilds of SaintLuke and in Bruges the Confraternity (Ghilde) of Saint John the Evangelist,founded by the book artisans occupied a semiautonomous position withregard to the issuing of rules and the arbitration of disputes. The problem is fur-ther compounded by the fact that justice was usually dispensed verbally. Oftenonly the verdict itself was recorded in writing, and sometimes not even that. Sothe grounds on which particular decisions were based have usually been lost.Occasionally an interim judgment has survived, but these are generally soabridged that their context remains shrouded in mystery.18In this respect, I have found new evidence in the National Archives inBrussels (Brussels Algemeen Rijksarchief) to indicate that the book business in120 van der stockthe late fteenth and early sixteenth century was in any case not always a modelof cozy comradeship. In 1492 /1493 the archives mention a certain Simon theIlluminator (Simon de Verlichtere), who was ned in Antwerp for trying tostab another illuminator with a dagger.19 This could not have been SimonBening, for he was only ten years old at the time. In the same year Damian thebookbinder was convicted for coming to blows with an illuminator by thename of Godevaard (Godevaerde den colurier).20 And in December 1492Gheraert Leeu, the rst Antwerp book printer, was murdered by the punchmaker Hendrick van Symmen, who gave master Gerard a slight stab in thehead (die meester Geraert een klein steekje in zijn hoofd gaf).21 As is typ-ically the case, we have no idea of the circumstances of these disputes, thoughthe archives contain sundry examples of these particularly aggressive forms ofcollaboration. These shocking events remind us that ordinary human pas-sions, undoubtedly including jealousies and rivalries, also informed, eitherdirectly or indirectly, the creation of artistic books from this era.In my view these diverse examples from the archives should encourageus to approach matters of connoisseurship, the role of patronage, the nature ofproduction, and the character of book producers a bit differently and in a morenuanced light. They constitute invaluable evidence that deserves to inform ouranalyses of book production more fully than it has up until now.chapter 9: assessing archival evidence 1211. So will ich daran und darob sein, denzwaien formschneidern alle sachen frordnen,beraiten und zuletst mit meiner aigen handaus- und abfertigen und rain machen, damitdie arbait und stuckwerk alle ainander desschnitz gleich und zuletst von ainer handausgemacht werden auch niemand mer dannain hand daran erkennen muge (Adolf Buff,ed., Rechnungsauszge, Urkunden undUrkundenregesten aus dem AugsburgerStadtarchive: Erster Theil [von 14421519],Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungendes Allerhchsten Kaiserhauses 13 [1892]:xvii).2. Jan Van der Stock, Beeld in veelvoud teAntwerpen (15de eeuw1585): Produktie controle consumptie: Vijf perspectieven, metspeciale aandacht voor houtsnede en koper-gravure (Ph.D. diss., Katholieke UniversiteitLeuven, 1995), 304 420 (Als een meesterschuldig is te doene: Hirarchie en traditie inde organisatie van het Antwerpse beeldbedrijf[1480 1530]). For a summary of a part ofthis study, see Van der Stock, De organisatievan het beeldsnijders- en schildersatelier teAntwerpen: Documenten, 1480 1530, inAntwerpse retabels, 15de16de eeuw, exh.cat., ed. H. Nieuwdorp, vol. 2, Essays(Antwerp: Museum voor Religieuze Kunst,1993), 4753. See also Richard H. Rouse andMary A. Rouse, Manuscripts and TheirMakers: Commercial Book Producers inMedieval Paris, 12001500, 2 vols. (Turnhout:H. Miller, 2000).3. As by the sculptor Cornelis de Gheet, forinstance, who in 1502 hired ve or sixgesellen consteneers to produce new choirstalls for the charterhouse at Kiel in Antwerp.Whether these specialized fellows were inde-pendent masters working as subcontractors orunfree masters cant be established from thedocuments. See Stadsarchief Antwerpen,Schepenregisters 120, fols. 140v141v. Fordetailed analyses of these kinds of documents,see Van der Stock, Beeld in veelvoud teAntwerpen, 31018.4. Compare with C. Lis and H. Soly,Corporatisme, onderaanneming en loonar-beid: Flexibilisering en deregulering van dearbeidsmarkt in Westeuropese steden (veer-tiendeachttiende eeuw), Tijdschrift voorsociale geschiedenis 20 (1994): 388.5. Maurits Smeyers, De liturgische hand-schriften der Abdij van Averbode: Een bijdragetot de studie van de laat-middeleeuwseminiatuurkunst, Arca Lovaniensis 2 (1973):91131.6. Item betaelt eenen broeder van Brueseledie een missael doet scriven voer den hooghenkoor op rekeningheii pond x sc[elling]. . . .// Item betaelt den broeder van Bruesel oprekeninge daermen dmissael vanden hoogenchoor scryft viii pond viii sc[elling] ixd[eniers] (Antwerp, Cathedral Archives,Archieven van het Onze-Lieve-Vrouw Kapittelte Antwerpen [11241801], Rekeningen vande Kerkfabriek, no. 12, accounts forChristmas 1512 Christmas 1513, fols. 24, 26;Item betaelt den fraters van Bruessel die datnieu missael onderhanden hebben ende scrivenvoir den hooghen choor dat noch niet geleverten is op rekeninghe iii pond x sc[elling] ixd[eniers] (ibid., accounts from Christmas1513Christmas 1514, fol. 26v).7. Item betaelt den selven [=GoswinBernardus] van dat hy verleyt heeft int beste-den vanden missale dienende inden hooghenchoor om dat te verlichten viii sc[elling](ibid., accounts from Christmas1513 Christmas 1514, fol. 27).8. Item noch Goesen den boecbyndere voerden verlichtere vanden voirs[creven] missaleinde choor dienende xxiii sc[elling]. . . .Item betaelt den selven [=Goswin Bernardus]voir den verlichtere van allen den letteren testofferene inden voirs[chreven] missaledienende inden hooghen choor xxviiisc[elling] (ibid.).9. Item betaelt noch Goessen den boecbyn-dere inden naem vanden verlichtere die datcruys gemaect heeft voer tcanon in datvoirs[creven] missael op rekeninge xxxvsc[elling] (ibid.).10. Item betaelt Goessen den boeckbynderevoir synen arbeyt dat hy der kerckenbehulpich geweest is om dit missael te doenverlichtenxvi sc[elling] vi d[eniers] (ibid.,fol. 27v).11. Item betaelt Goessen de boecbyndere vandat cruys te stofferene int missael voir tcanoninden hoogen choor xv sc[elling] (ibid., fol. 27; that this illumination was not made byGoswin is clear from note 9 above); Itembetaelt Goessen den boecbyndere de reste aen-gaende den verlichten vanden missale indenhoogen chooriii pond gr[ooten] (ibid.). In 1514 /1515 he received a further 31 shillingsvanden nieuwen missale te binden, te ver-gulden en[de] diverse sollicitacien die hygehadt heeft int maken ende scrivenen vandenselven missale (ibid., accounts for Christmas1514 Christmas 1515, fol. 25v ). In theaccounts of 1515/16 there were two otherpayments in connection with the manuscript:Item betaelt Jacop Vermylen[?] goutsmit van twee silveren slooten aent nieu missaelwegende xii onchen ii 12 Inglen, elc onsexxxi sc. f[aci]t iiii pond xiiii sc[elling].Item betaelt den selven voir dat fatsoen vandenvoors[creven] slooten xviii sc[elling] (ibid.,accounts for Christmas 1515Christmas 1516,fol. 21v).12. Antwerp, Stadsarchief, Vierschaar 1231(Vonnisboek 14881494), fol. 154, andAntwerp, Stadsarchief, Certicatieboeken 2(14881494), fol. 103v. 13. Cornelis de Hollandere was a scribe inAntwerp. It is not clear whether they wererelated to each other. See Antwerp,Stadsarchief, Schepenregisters 95, fol. 192v(1479); Schepenregisters 97, fol. 199v (1491);Schepenregisters 100, fol. 232v (1491);Schepenregisters 105, fol. 196; andSchepenregisters 108, fol. 208. Cornelis deHollandere was inscribed into the AntwerpGuild of Saint Luke in 1492/93.14. Antwerp, Stadsarchief, Vierschaar 1231(Vonnisboek 14881494), fol. 152v (January13, 1492 [n.s.]).15. This means he was born in 1438 or there-abouts.16. See also J. A. Goris, tude sur les coloniesmarchandes mridionales (portugais, espag-nols, italiens) Anvers de 1488 1567(Louvain: Librairie Universitaire, Uystpruyst,1925), 281; L. Van Puyvelde, Les primitivesportugais et la peinture amande, in XVICongrs International dhistoire de lart:Rapports et communications, vol. 1 (Lisbon,1949), 32; Luis Reis-Santos, Obras primas dapintura amenga dos sculos XV e XVI enPortugal (Lisbon, 1953), 41; E. Duverger,Miscellanea, Gentse bijdragen tot de kunst-geschiedenis en de oudheidkunde 31 (1996):291ff.17. The documents concerning the BrugesConfraternity of Saint John have not yet been properly published, let alone studied. At present IlluminareCentre for the Study of the Illuminated Manuscript (KatholiekeUniversiteit Leuven) is preparing a completestudy of these archival materials. See also P. Valvekens, Het ambachtswezen en desocio-economische aspecten van de boekver-luchting in de Nederlanden, hoofdzakelijktijdens de tweede helft der vijftiende eeuw, in Ontsluiting van middeleeuwse hand-schriften in de Nederlanden: Verslag vanstudiedagen gehouden te Nijmegen, 3031maart 1984, ed. A. J. Geurts (Nijmegen: Alfa,1987), 20714, and E. Cornelis, De kunste-naar in het laat-middeleeuwse Gent, pts. 1and 2 Handelingen der maatschappij voorgeschiedenis en oudheidkunde te Gent, n.s., 41 (1987): 97128; n.s., 42 (1988): 95138.18. See Van der Stock, Beeld in veelvoud teAntwerpen, 1920. 19. Van Symon de Verlichtere van dat hygesteken heft eenen ande[re]n verlichte[re]sond[er] te rakenxx sc[elling] gr. (Brussels,Algemeen Rijksarchief [Archives Gnrales du Royaume], Rekenkamers [Chambres descomptes], no. 12904, fol. 174 [1493]).20. Ibid., fol. 267v.21. Charles Ruelens, La Mort de GrardLeeu, Annales du bibliophile belge et hol-landais 1 (186466): 57.122 van der stockNotesPart 3: individual illuminatorsThe Master of Fitzwilliam 268: New Discoveries and New and Revisited HypothesesGre gory T. C l a r kIn essays published in 1992 and 1997, Bodo Brinkmannascribed miniatures in seven manuscriptsthree books of hours and four sec-ular codices to a very distinctive associate of the Master of the DresdenPrayer Book whom Brinkmann named after a book of hours, Ms. 268, in theFitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge.1 As Brinkmann demonstrated, in two ofthose seven codices the Master of Fitzwilliam 268 collaborated with the pre-sumed Simon Marmion and with Willem Vrelant as well as with the Master ofthe Dresden Prayer Book. All four of the secular manuscripts that Brinkmannattributed entirely or in part to the Fitzwilliam Master are dated or datable.One of the four, a collection of works by Virgil now at Holkham Hall inLeicestershire, was written in March of 1473. The other three, all copies of theordinances of Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy, must have been madebetween 1473, when the ordinances were issued, and 1477, the year of thedukes death.Four of Brinkmanns seven codices were included in the exhibitionIlluminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting inEurope in 2003.2 The four were the eponymous manuscript (no. 52); theHolkham Hall Virgil (no. 118); the Ordinances of Charles the Bold in theBritish Library, London (no. 64); and the book of hours in the Victoria andAlbert Museum, London, known from its last private owner as the SaltingHours (no. 53). In the accompanying catalogue, Scot McKendrick secondedBrinkmanns ascriptions to the Fitzwilliam Master. Thomas Kren also added to the Fitzwilliam Masters oeuvre one of the ve manuscripts that Brinkmannhad situated in the circle of the artist, a copy of Petrus Crescentiuss Livre desprofts ruraux in the Morgan Library in New York (no. 65).3 Kren dated theMorgan book around 1470. Whereas Brinkmann had placed the Salting Hours between about1475 and 1480, Kren moved it back to between around 1470 and 1475, andMcKendrick dated Fitzwilliam 268 to about 1475. McKendrick also believedthat the London Ordinances should be identied with the copy made forCharles the Bold himself for which Philippe de Mazerolles, resident of Brugesand court painter and valet de chambre to the duke from 1467, was paid inAugust of 1475. As he still ascribed the frontispiece of the London Ordinancesto the Fitzwilliam Master, however, it is clear that McKendrick agreed withcatalogue cocontributor Catherine Reynolds that payments do not proveauthorship, only responsibility.4chapter 10Although the present writer seconds the ascriptions of Kren andMcKendrick to the Fitzwilliam Master, at least three questions about the art-ist still remain unanswered. First, can the painters style be shown to havedeveloped over time and, if so, over the course of how many years? Second, can we better establish the connections among the Fitzwilliam Master, hiscollaborators, and the artists in his circle? Finally, can we pinpoint more pre-cisely the nature of the relationship between the Fitzwilliam Master andPhilippe de Mazerolles?In an effort both to address these questions and to enlarge our pictureof the artist and his achievements, I would like here to look closely at two books of hours by the Fitzwilliam Master that were not known to Brinkmanntogether with the eponymous manuscript and the Salting Hours. The moresumptuous of the two new horae, attributed to the painter by McKendrick inan endnote in Illuminating the Renaissance, is in the Museu CalousteGulbenkian in Lisbon.5 The more modest of the two, brought to my attentionby Anne-Marie Legar, was auctioned in Paris by the expert ChristianGalantaris in 2003; it was purchased by the antiquarian bookseller HeribertTenschert of Ramsen, Switzerland.6As I believe that the Salting Hours predates Fitzwilliam 268, I willbegin my consideration of the Fitzwilliam Masters development with the for-mer codex.7 Twelve of the eighteen original miniatures in the Salting Hourssurvive.8 Nine of the twelve are the work of the presumed Simon Marmion, twoare by the Fitzwilliam Master, and one is in the style of Willem Vrelant.9Figures by the Fitzwilliam Master, the Vrelant hand, and the Dresden PrayerBook Master also embellish the paired borders that surround both the illumi-nations and the text blocks on the facing rectos.124 clarkFigure 10.1Master of Fitzwilliam 268. HerdsmenTityrus and Meliboeus in a Landscape, in Virgil, Eclogae, Georgica, and Aeneid.Wells-next-to-the-Sea, Holkham Hall, Earl of Leicester, Ms. 311, fol. 9. One of the two miniatures by the Fitzwilliam Master in the SaltingHours, the Annunciation to the Shepherds (g. 10.2), invites comparison withthe same painters depiction of the herdsmen Tityrus and Meliboeus in theVirgil of 1473 (see g. 10.1). The roughhewn male gures are characteristicallysmall and spry, with rather overlarge heads and ushed cheeks. Knobby kneespull at leggings, and prominent heels and protruding ankles stretch leatherboots, the toes of which are sharply pointed. The foregrounds of both illumina-tions are littered with scatterings of stones; cityscapes can just be seen over risesin the distance. The Salting Presentation in the Temple takes place under an eye-catching gilded canopy composed of numerous Gothic pendentive arches (g. 10.3). Equally striking here is the inclusion of a black man just behind thehigh priest. The handmaiden with the taper and basket of doves is typical of theFitzwilliam Masters more rened characters. While the womans cheeks, likethose of the coarser men, are visibly rouged, her facial features are more deli-cately rendered. Her eyes, nose, and mouth are also set closer together to allowfor a larger, more domed forehead, and her chin is brought to a marked pointat the bottom of her wedge-shaped head.The style of the miniatures in the Tenschert Hours resembles that ofthe two Salting miniatures by the Fitzwilliam Master but is drier and slightlyless developed.10 Thirteen of the original fteen full-page miniatures survive; allare by the Fitzwilliam Master. While the gures in the Tenschert Annunciationchapter 10: the master of fitzwilliam 268 125Figure 10.2Master of Fitzwilliam 268. Annunciationto the Shepherds, in the Salting Hours.London, Victoria and Albert Museum,l.23841910 (Salting Ms. 1221), fol. 85v.Figure 10.3Master of Fitzwilliam 268. Presentationin the Temple, in the Salting Hours.London, Victoria and Albert Museum,l.23841910 (Salting Ms. 1221), fol. 97v.to the Shepherds (g. 10.4) appear to be the work of the same artist who pro-duced the Salting miniature of the same subject (see g. 10.2), this and the othertwelve Tenschert miniatures are less richly detailed than the two by theFitzwilliam Master in the Salting manuscript. Gold highlighting is used morestingily on the Tenschert townscapes and greenery, stones are scattered lessgenerously in the landscapes, and most of the physiognomies in the thirteenminiatures are less markedly angular. This last tendency is especially apparentwhen one compares the Virgin in the Tenschert Presentation in the Temple(g. 10.5) with the handmaiden in the Salting Presentation (g. 10.3). Andwhile the chalice-shaped altars in both miniatures are strikingly similar, thegilded architectural superstructure in the Tenschert Presentation lacks thenumerous pendentives that enliven the Salting overhang. If the Tenschert miniatures seem less mature than those in the SaltingHours, the illuminations by the Fitzwilliam Master in the Gulbenkian Hoursare more than the equal of those in the Salting manuscript (gs. 10.6 10.8).11The Gulbenkian Hours was originally decorated with nineteen full-page minia-tures and twenty-four small calendar illustrations. Of the eleven full-pageminiatures that remain, one is by the Dresden Prayer Book Master, four are bythe Fitzwilliam Master, and six are by the Vrelant hand who illustrated the cal-endar.12 Each of the three painters was also responsible for the gures in thepaired borders that enclosed his miniatures and the facing text blocks.At the opening of the Hours of the Virgin at Matins, the FitzwilliamMaster has included the patroness in the outer corners at the bottom of the twofacing borders, a detail not seen on any pages in the Tenschert or Salting Hours.On the verso, beneath the Annunciation (g. 10.8), she reads an opened bookof hours, which competes with a little dog for space on her lap; on the recto,she has closed the book on her lap and looks down at her pet, who now jumpsup against her legs.126 clarkFigure 10.4Master of Fitzwilliam 268. Annunciationto the Shepherds, in a book of hours.Ramsen, Antiquariat Heribert Tenschert,fol. 49v. Figure 10.5Master of Fitzwilliam 268. Presentationin the Temple, in a book of hours.Ramsen, Antiquariat Heribert Tenschert,fol. 59v.Figure 10.6Master of Fitzwilliam 268. Penitent SaintJerome in a Landscape, in a book of hours.Lisbon, Museu Calouste Gulbenkian, Ms.LA 144, fol. 126v. Figure 10.7Master of Fitzwilliam 268. TrinityEnthroned, in a book of hours. Lisbon,Museu Calouste Gulbenkian, Ms. LA 144,fol. 158v. Figure 10.8Master of Fitzwilliam 268. Annunciation,in a book of hours. Lisbon, MuseuCalouste Gulbenkian, Ms. LA 144, fol. 180v. chapter 10: the master of fitzwilliam 268 127The patroness appears in the same location on ve other miniaturepages in the Gulbenkian manuscript. To the left of the Trinity (g. 10.7), theFitzwilliam Master used the design employed for the patroness next to theAnnunciation; only the angle of her head and the positions of her forearms havebeen changed. On the page with the Penitent Saint Jerome in a Landscape(g. 10.6), the sleeping dog has been removed to a fold of its mistresss dress to the right of her lap. For the depictions of the patroness next to TheCoronation of the Virgin (fol. 15v) and The Raising of Lazarus (fol. 52v), thetwo responsible artists the Vrelant painter and Dresden Prayer Book Master,respectively employed the design pressed into service by the FitzwilliamMaster for his page with the Trinity. In contrast, the Vrelant hand used themodel employed by the Fitzwilliam Master to the left of Saint Jerome (g. 10.6)for his representation of the patroness on the page with The Martyrdom ofSaint Catherine (fol. 147v).These seven renditions of the books original owner strongly recall thegure painted by the Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy in the border on folio14v of the celebrated Hours of Mary of Burgundy in the sterreichischeNationalbibliothek.13 The seven Gulbenkian gures are especially remarkablein that no other copies or reections of the Vienna patroness are known to meto exist. Not one of the seven Gulbenkian gures exactly matches the Viennaowner, however: did the three Gulbenkian artists employ other, related designsby the Vienna Mary of Burgundy Master, or vice versa? The four miniatures by the Fitzwilliam Master in the GulbenkianHours are more lavishly detailed and rened than any we have considered thusfar. For example, the citadels in the middle grounds beyond the Tenschert,Holkham Hall, and Salting herdsmen (gs. 10.1, 10.4, 10.2) seem rather mod-est when compared with the elaborately spired one behind the GulbenkianSaint Jerome (g. 10.6). A scattering of structures and outcrops further enlivensthe Lisbon backdrop. The six gilded pendentive arches above the SaltingPresentation (g. 10.3) are no match for the nine that overhang the GulbenkianTrinity (g. 10.7). Finer bosses and a crowning thicket of nials further enrichthe Gulbenkian canopy. The appropriately tripartite Flamboyant Gothic screenbehind the three Gulbenkian gures also provides a more lavish complement tothe superstructure than the sculpted Moses and two leaded-glass panes in theSalting illumination. Finally, no interior in the Tenschert or Salting Hours is asluxurious as the vaulted chapel in which the Gulbenkian Annunciation takesplace (g. 10.8).In Illuminating the Renaissance, McKendrick notes the FitzwilliamMasters debt to Lieven van Lathem.14 To introduce the Gulbenkian suffrage toMichael (fol. 119v), the artist rendered the archangel vanquishing the devileven as that demon and his fellow rebel angels fall from heaven and sink intothe sea. This iconography for Michael had already been used by Van Lathemaround 1470, when he completed the prayer book for Charles the Bold now inthe Getty Museum.15 But while Van Lathem circumscribed his body of waterwith rocky outcrops and a far shore, the lake or sea that swallows up the muchlarger swarm of rebel angels in the Fitzwilliam Masters rendition stretches allthe way to the horizon.128 clarkThe Fitzwilliam Masters debt to Van Lathem is also evident from theGulbenkian Trinity (g. 10.7). That miniatures iconography is unusual in thatit shows Christ as the Man of Sorrows supported by an elderly God the Fatherwearing a papal tiara and the Holy Ghost in the form of a winged gure ratherthan a dove. Once again, the Fitzwilliam Master exploited an iconographicformula employed by Van Lathem for the Prayer Book of Charles the Bold (g. 10.9). Because the Holy Ghost in both miniatures is unbearded, that char-acter appears to be younger than God the Father and Christ. As a consequence,the Getty and Gulbenkian gures also represent the Three Ages of Man. Youth,embodied by God the Holy Spirit, occupies the sinister side from the perspec-tive of the gures within the two miniatures; middle age, represented by Godthe Son, is at the center; and maturity, embodied by God the Father, takes theplace of honor on the dexter side. Turning to Fitzwilliam 268 itself, we nd the Fitzwilliam Master col-laborating with only one other painter, an artist working in the style of Vrelant,whose contribution was conned to the twenty-four calendar illustrations.16Fifteen of the eighteen original full-page miniatures are still in situ. The settingchapter 10: the master of fitzwilliam 268 129Figure 10.9Lieven van Lathem. Trinity Enthroned, in the Prayer Book of Charles the Bold.Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. 37, fol. 14. of the Fitzwilliam 268 Annunciation (g. 10.10) shares many points of similar-ity with that in the Gulbenkian Hours (g. 10.8), even to such details as theuted central column between the gures and the double-headed eagle on thevase of lilies in the immediate foreground. But while the opened rear door inthe Gulbenkian structure reveals a shallow, uninhabited courtyard, the sameembrasure in the Fitzwilliam image lets onto a deeper enclosure with a stand-ing male gure. A comparison between the Penitent Saint Jeromes in the two books(gs. 10.6, 10.12) demonstrates how the greater width of the Fitzwilliam illu-minations allowed the artist to space his shrubbery, crags, habitations, andother props farther apart. When compared with the unprecedented panoramain which the Fitzwilliam Annunciation to the Shepherds is set (g. 10.11), thelandscape settings in the Holkham Hall, Tenschert, Salting, and Gulbenkiancodices (gs. 10.1, 10.4, 10.2, 10.6, respectively) no longer seem especiallyexpansive. There are also no analogs in those four manuscripts for the tinygures that pepper the middle grounds of the Fitzwilliam Annunciation to theShepherds and of ve other miniatures in the same codex.17130 clarkFigure 10.10Master of Fitzwilliam 268. Annunciation,in a book of hours. Cambridge,Fitzwilliam Museum, Ms. 268, fol. 13v. If the Tenschert, Salting, Gulbenkian, and Fitzwilliam Hours were allindeed partly or entirely illuminated by the same artist, they suggest both thatthe Fitzwilliam Masters style matured over time and that dates for that devel-opment can be proposed. Given the close resemblance between the SaltingAnnunciation to the Shepherds (g. 10.2) and the depiction of the two herds-men in the Virgil written in 1473 (g. 10.1), a manufacture between about 1470and 1475 for the Salting codex seems most likely.If that dating is correct, then the slightly less mature Tenschert Hoursshould be situated toward 1470 (gs. 10.4, 10.5), and the more matureGulbenkian Hours around 1475 (gs. 10.6 10.8). A date around 1475 for the Gulbenkian manuscript is further supported by the resemblance betweenthe patronesses in seven of its borders and the same gure on folio 14v of theVienna Hours of Mary of Burgundy, a book that Kren and McKendrick situ-ated between about 1470 and 1475. Given this, a manufacture between about1475 and 1480 for the more expansive Fitzwilliam Hours would seem mostlikely (gs. 10.1010.12).18These proposed dates are supported by the border styles in theTenschert, Salting, Gulbenkian, and Fitzwilliam codices. All four were deco-rated in a manner that was routine for Bruges and Ghent horae of the 1470sand 1480s.19 The full-page miniatures always appear on the versos of leaveswith blank rectos.20 Both the illuminations and the text blocks on the facingrectos are enclosed by matching oral borders.Figure 10.11Master of Fitzwilliam 268. Annunciationto the Shepherds, in a book of hours.Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, Ms. 268, fol. 40v. Figure 10.12Master of Fitzwilliam 268. Penitent SaintJerome in a Landscape, in a book ofhours. Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, Ms. 268, fol. 143v. chapter 10: the master of fitzwilliam 268 131In fourteen of the fteen illustrated Tenschert openings, the borderora and fauna were painted onto the traditional bare parchment; there arecolored grounds in just the rst opening, that for the Hours of the Virgin atMatins. In contrast, the marginal decoration was set against colored grounds infteen of the eighteen Salting openings; bare vellum appears only in the threethat introduce the Salva sancta facies, the Mass of the Virgin, and the Ofce ofthe Virgin at Advent. The border ora and fauna in all nineteen Gulbenkianopenings and in sixteen of the eighteen Fitzwilliam openings are painted oncolored grounds; there are bare-parchment borders in just the openings at theHours of the Cross and Seven Penitential Psalms in the latter manuscript. Asbare-vellum oral borders fell out of fashion in the early 1480s, a date towardor after 1485 for the Fitzwilliam Hours seems unlikely.21My proposed chronology for the four books of hours with miniaturesby the Fitzwilliam Master thus suggests that the artist was active from about1470 to about 1480. I have also shown that the Fitzwilliam Master collaboratedat least twice with the Dresden Prayer Book Master and fully three times withartists working in the style of Willem Vrelant. Can more be said now about theworking relationship between the Fitzwilliam Master and his collaborators?In 1997 I speculated that the uneven quality of the illuminations of the1460s and 1470s in the style of Willem Vrelant might be the consequence ofVrelants having transformed himself by about 1460 into a middleman, orlibraire, who sometimes subcontracted the painting of miniatures to othersadept at approximating his trademark style.22 Vrelant would have paid thesubcontractors individually for their efforts, assembled their contributions, andthen marketed the nished volumes. Thus we might surmise that he oversaw theproduction of the Salting Hours, Gulbenkian Hours, and Fitzwilliam 268.23It is also possible, however, that the Master of Fitzwilliam 268 orches-trated the manufacture of those three books. The payment of 1475 for theaforementioned Ordinances of Charles the Bold makes it clear that Philippe deMazerolles played the role of libraire on at least one occasion.24 Did Mazerollesoversee the making of more manuscripts in the style of the Fitzwilliam Masterthan just the three surviving Ordinances? We know that Mazerolles joined theBruges illuminators guild in 1469 and died in 1479.25 The established dates forthe Holkham Hall Virgil and the London Ordinances and the proposed datesfor the four Bruges books of hours ascribed here to the Fitzwilliam Masterdovetail nicely with the documentary record for Mazerolles. Given the evi-dence, I believe that Mazerolles was both a libraire and an illuminator, and thathe and the Fitzwilliam Master are one and the same. While I have admittedly raised as many questions here as I haveanswered, I believe that I can state with condence that many of the manu-scripts produced in Bruges in the 1470s are the products of a complex systemof manufacture that has yet to be fully understood. If I seem to stress commerceas much as connoisseurship, this should be considered a compliment, for themaking of art is as much a business as it is a calling, and the artisans of 1470sBruges were clearly and admirably adept at both.132 clarkchapter 10: the master of fitzwilliam 268 1331. Bodo Brinkmann, The Contribution ofSimon Marmion to Books of Hours fromGhent and Bruges, in Margaret of York,Simon Marmion, and the Visions of Tondal,ed. Thomas Kren (Malibu, Calif.: J. Paul GettyMuseum, 1992), 18486, 192 n. 17, g. 145;Brinkmann, Die Flmische Buchmalerei amEnde des Burgunderreichs: Der Meister desDresdener Gebetbuchs und die Miniaturistenseiner Zeit (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997),16469, 27174, text gs. 46 49, 76. 2. Thomas Kren and Scot McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe,exh. cat. (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum,2003).3. For the ve codices that Brinkmann placedin the circle of the Fitzwilliam Master, seeBrinkmann, Contribution of SimonMarmion, 192 n. 17, and Brinkmann,Flmische Buchmalerei, 168 69 nn. 66 69.4. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 21.5. Ms. LA 144; Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 218 n. 15.6. For a physical description of the Tenschertbook of hours, see Prcieux manuscrits etlivres XV eXXe sicles, sale cat., piasa(Picard Audap Solanet Velliet), Htel Drouot-Richelieu, Paris, March 12, 2003, 24 27, lot 56, with six illustrations. A monograph on the manuscript by Mara Hofmann and Ina Nettekoven (Philippe de Mazerolles: Einunbekanntes Stundenbuch aus Brgge)appeared in 2004 (after this paper was sub-mitted for publication), published by HeribertTenschert as his catalogue 51 and as number 5in his Illuminationen series. 7. For the texts and miniatures in the SaltingHours, see Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 220 21, withreferences to earlier literature. Like those inthe Tenschert and Gulbenkian Hours and inFitzwilliam 268, the Hours of the Virgin andOfce of the Dead in the Salting manuscriptare written for the universal use of Rome. The Salting calendar does contain two red-letter feasts for Bruges, however, those ofDonatian on October 14 and of Basil theGreat on June 14.8. Although now inserted in front of the Ofce of the Dead, Marmions Last Judgment(fol. 152v) most likely was originally posi-tioned before the Hours of the Holy Spirit,that is, between folios 26 and 27. While it istrue that The Last Judgment does not usuallyintroduce those hours, the subject does involvethe weighing of souls and thus is a perfectlyappropriate introduction to that text. Morecompellingly, the green-ground borders withacanthus and gures by the Dresden PrayerBook Master on folios 27 and 152v perfectlymatch each other, even to the trumpetingangels on both pages.9. Both Brinkmann (Contribution of SimonMarmion, 18586, and FlmischeBuchmalerei, 159 64) and Kren (Illuminatingthe Renaissance, 220) also ascribe to theFitzwilliam Master the Hell and Paradise inthe Salting Hours (fol. 153). That painting isnot enclosed by a oral border and is as largeas the other twelve full-page Salting illumina-tions and their borders combined. In addition,Hell and Paradise is the only full-page minia-ture in the book to appear on a recto;Marmions Raising of Lazarus (fol. 153v)occupies its verso. The breadth of its infernaland paradisiacal landscape panoramas, itsmore subtly graduated atmospheric perspec-tive, its airborne ock of birds, and its cloudformations also separate Hell and Paradisefrom the rest of the Fitzwilliam Mastersoeuvre. All of this suggests to this writer thatHell and Paradise was painted by anotherilluminator onto the blank recto of folio 153,most likely in the early sixteenth century. Itwas probably also at that time that The LastJudgment (fol. 152v) was relocated from itsoriginal position between folios 26 and 27 (see note 8 above).10. For the physical makeup of the TenschertHours, see the bibliography in note 6 above.To judge from its calendar, the Tenschertmanuscript was written to be usable by aNetherlandish, a German, or even an Italianclient. Although the partial calendar containsno strictly local feasts written in red, a numberof those written in black are peculiar to theLow Countries, Germany, and Italy. Thusthere are two saints for Tournai (Eleutherius,February 20; Donatian, October 14); two for Utrecht (Firminus, April 6; Fausta,September 20, also celebrated in Mainz); four for Germany (Godehard, May 4; TenThousand Martyrs, June 22; Gall, October 16,also celebrated in Switzerland; and Victoria,December 23, also celebrated in Utrecht andMilan); and four feasts for Italy that rangegeographically from Verona and Brescia toOstia (Proculus, March 23: Verona;Philastrius, July 17: feasted in Brescia on July 18; Aurea, August 31: octave of feast cele-brated on August 24 in Ostia; and Venerius,September 13: Palmaria, near La Spezia).11. Save the reference in Illuminating theRenaissance, the Gulbenkian Hours is apparently unpublished. 274 vellum leaves(11.7 8.3 cm); 1 column, 15 lines (5.8 4 cm); Latin, in textualis formata; 11 full-pageminiatures, 24 calendar illustrations; gold-tooled red morocco with black moroccoinlays, marbled endpapers, probably nine-teenth century.While the Gulbenkian calendar suggestsonly a destination in the southernNetherlands, the indication in red of Donatianon October 14 and of Basil the Great on June 14 points more specically in the direc-tion of Bruges. The calendar also contains atleast four other red-letter saints celebrated in northern France and Flanders (Eligius, June 25; Remigius, October 1; Bavo, October 1; and Nicasius, December 14).The frequent use throughout theGulbenkian text of the letter c with a cedillarather than z raises the possibility that thebooks scribe was Portuguese. (Three examplesare Laarii on folio 14, eliabeth on folio 44,and laarum on folio 70v.) As the only suffrage in the manuscript is toCatherine (fols. 14849), there is good reasonto suspect that she was the owners patronsaint, if not her namesake. In the lower mar-gin on folio 148 are painted the unidentiedarmorials of either that woman or a laterowner (gules, between two lions rampant or atower argent with a dome azure).12. The four by the Fitzwilliam Master are The Archangel Michael (fol. 119v), SaintJerome (g. 10.6), The Trinity (g. 10.7), andThe Annunciation (g. 10.8). The DresdenPrayer Book Master painted The Raising ofLazarus (fol. 52v); the Vrelant miniatures are The Coronation of the Virgin (fol. 15v),The Last Judgment (fol. 27v), The Virginamong Virgins (fol. 107v), The Martyrdom of Catherine (fol. 147v), The Tree of Jesse(fol. 166v), and The Adoration of the Magi(fol. 229v).13. Ms. 1857; Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 137 41, no. 19,and 229, g. 65.14. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 219.15. Ms. 37, fol. 15v; for the Prayer Book ofCharles the Bold, see Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 12831, no. 16.16. For a physical description of Fitzwilliam268, see Francis Wormald and Phyllis M.Giles, A Descriptive Catalogue of theAdditional Illuminated Manuscripts in theFitzwilliam Museum Acquired between 1895and 1979 (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1982), 21115. The inclusion of theNotes134 clarkmartyr Servatius in the litany and the entry inred of Remigius and Bavo on October 1 in thecalendar suggest a southern Netherlandishdestination for the codex. If the arms ofAragon in the window behind Saint Nicholas(fol. 138v) are original, then the booksSpanish or Italian commissioner was not both-ered by, or perhaps did not even notice, thepresence of those three northern saints.17. The ve other Fitzwilliam 268 landscapeswith middle-ground gures are the Visitation(fol. 27v), Nativity (fol. 36v), Adoration of theMagi (fol. 44v), Raising of Lazarus (fol. 99v),and Martyrdom of Catherine (fol. 140v).18. I would also locate in the second half ofthe 1470s a fth book of hours by theFitzwilliam Master, the codex identied byWormald and Giles (Descriptive Catalogue,213) with seven half-page miniatures formerlyin the collection of Ren Hron de Villefosse(present whereabouts unknown; see RenHron de Villefosse, En marge dun rare livredheures, Connaissance des arts 87 [May1959]: 56 59). The panoramic landscapesbehind the Villefosse David in Prayer(Villefosse, En marge dun rare livredheures, p. 56) and Meeting of the ThreeLiving and Three Dead (Villefosse, En margedun rare livre dheures, p. 59) are sprinkledwith lilliputian middle-ground gures likethose in Fitzwilliam 268.19. Brinkmann, Contribution of SimonMarmion, 18191, and Brinkmann,Flmische Buchmalerei, 149 201.20. McKendrick (Illuminating theRenaissance, 219), states that unusually forFlemish books of hours, all the miniatures [inFitzwilliam 268] are painted on integralleaves. All of the miniatures in the Cambridgemanuscript are, however, on the versos offolios whose rectos are blank and unruled.21. For the eclipse of the bare-vellum border in the rst half of the 1480s, peruse Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,and see Gregory T. Clark, The Chronologyof the Louthe Master and His Identicationwith Simon Marmion, in Kren, ed., Margaretof York, 200, 208 n. 24.22. Gregory T. Clark, The Hours of Isabel la Catlica: The Facsimile EditionCommentary (Madrid: Testimonio; Mnster:Bibliotheca Rara, 1997), 107. For the role ofthe libraire in the contemporary Parisian booktrade, see Richard H. Rouse and Mary A.Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers:Commercial Book Producers in MedievalParis, 12001500, 2 vols. (Turnhout: H.Miller, 2000).23. In this connection, it will be rememberedthat the Gulbenkian and Fitzwilliam 268calendar illustrations were both painted in thestyle of Willem Vrelant. But while the twoseries of twenty-four images frequently employthe same or similar compositions, they are notby the same painter.24. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 252.25. For the biography of Mazerolles, seeBrinkmann, Flmische Buchmalerei, 274.Illuminating the Renaissance was in many ways a dreamexhibition. Going from vitrine to vitrine, visitors may have had a feeling ofexhilaration, as if they were hiking in high mountains. In this raried atmos-phere they were fascinated by an extraordinary landscape of solitary mountainpeaks, rising from an immense sea of clouds. What happened under the whitelayer, in the real world, no longer mattered, so beautiful was this sublimevision. For many, this was a unique aesthetic and emotional experience.The vast majority of them stopped at this point and retained the vistaas a marvelous memory. Unfortunately scholars do not proceed in this manner.They react differently. They cannot resist lifting a corner of the veil. They wantto gaze under the clouds, to understand how the isolated mountaintops relateto one another.While looking at the most rened examples of Ghent-Bruges miniaturepainting, we may have sensed unbridgeable gaps among these peaks and felt atthe same time that they had to be organically connected. In my view, the studyof second-tier works can help us to bridge the gaps, to reconstruct importantnetworks of connections among painters and painting styles, which can lead toa better understanding of the circulation of artistic ideas among the differentilluminators and production centers of the southern Low Countries. I will illus-trate this point by focusing on Jean Markant, a scribe-miniaturist active inTournai, Lille, and Bruges at the turn of the sixteenth century.1The L e S a u v ag e HoursThe reconstruction of Markants oeuvre is based on a book of hoursthat was kindly brought to my attention by Anne Margreet As-Vijvers. Itswhereabouts are currently unknown.2 As far as can be judged from photo-graphs, this manuscript represents a somewhat provincial version of styles asso-ciated with Bruges and Ghent. But the pictorial expression of the cycle illustrat-ing the Hours of the Cross is compelling: in six of the seven illustrations ofChrists Passion, the scenes spill out over the frame into the border.3 In theminiature Christ Nailed to the Cross (g. 11.1), for example, the cross is por-trayed in an emphatic diagonal that extends beyond the ctive space of theminiature and seemingly projects into the realm of the viewer; the treatmentvividly enhances the dramatic and devotional impact of the illustration. The manuscript contains two portraits (g. 11.2), probably those ofthe original owners, painted by a different hand and added at the beginning ofthe codex. The coats of arms above the sitters are those of Jean le Sauvage, lordMarketing Books for Burghers: Jean Markants Activity in Tournai, Lille, and BrugesDomin i que Vanw i j n sbe r ghechapter 11Figure 11.1Jean Markant. Christ Nailed to the Cross,in the Le Sauvage Hours. Whereaboutsunknown.Figure 11.2Anonymous master. Jean le Sauvage,Lord of Escobecques, and Jacqueline deBoulogne, Lady of Le Maisnil, Adoringthe Virgin and Child, in the Le SauvageHours. Whereabouts unknown.of Escobecques, and Jacqueline de Boulogne, lady of Le Maisnil, two prominentcitizens of the Flemish city of Lille around 1500. The sitters are presented to theVirgin and child by their respective patrons, Saints John the Baptist and Jamesthe Greater. Jean le Sauvage was to have an exceptionally successful career inthe service of Philip the Fair and his son, the Holy Roman emperor Charles V.Le Sauvage was born in Lille in 1455 and received a law degree at Louvain.4 In1503 he was appointed president of the Council of Flanders and undertookseveral diplomatic missions for Philip the Fair. With Guillaume de Cro he soonbecame one of the most eminent power brokers of the Hapsburg state. In 1508he was made head of the Great Council in Malines and in 1515 great chancel-lor of Burgundy. The same year, he left for Spain with Charles V and died inSaragossa in 1518.At what stage of le Sauvages brilliant career was the manuscriptmade? An original colophon furnishes us with the date of its completion and this is quite exceptional the name of the artist who wrote and illuminated thecore of the book: Ces heures furent escriptes et illumins par moy a tousindigne serviteur Jennin Markant, lan 1502, le premier jour de mars that isto say, on March 1, 1503 (n.s.), the same year that le Sauvage became presidentof the Council of Flanders.136 vanwijnsbergheThe Markan t GroupThus far I have identied nine other prayer books that are related stylistically to the Le Sauvage Hours.5 Most of them contain internal evidencepointing to Lille as the place of their origin. Since space does not permit me toexamine the stylistic development of Jean Markant from his earliest works, suchas the Hours of Marie Mussart (g. 11.3), to those of the 1530s, such as theHuntington Hours (gs. 11.8, 11.11), I would like instead to focus briey on onesalient aspect of his production: the use and reuse of certain compositions.One of the most striking examples is the Mass of Saint Gregory (gs. 11.3, 11.4), found in ve manuscripts.6 Very characteristic is the arrange-ment of the altar and its ornaments, with the missal on a lectern directed notto the priest but to the reader and placed at right angles to the front part of thealtar; the agellation column with the knotted rope; and the Man of Sorrowsemerging from the tomb. The miniatures of David in prayer (gs. 11.5, 11.6) inseven of the books of hours7 are derived from a common model, as are those ofthe Annunciation8 and Saint John the Baptist.9An analysis of details also reveals common sources: in the BrusselsPresentation (g. 11.7), for example, the twisted column supporting the centraltable appears to have been painted by the same craftsman who portrayed theFigure 11.3Jean Markant. Mass of Saint Gregory, in the Hours of Marie Mussart.Whereabouts unknown (London,Sothebys, December 1, 1987, lot 58, fol. 23).Figure 11.4Jean Markant. Mass of Saint Gregory, in the Le Sauvage Hours. Whereaboutsunknown.chapter 11: marketing books for burghers 137Figure 11.5Jean Markant. David in Prayer, in the LeSauvage Hours. Whereabouts unknown.Figure 11.6Jean Markant. David in Prayer, in a book of hours. Baltimore, Walters ArtMuseum, Ms. W. 435, fol. 107v.column of the falling idols in the Flight into Egypt of the Huntington (g. 11.8)and Baltimore Hours. A comparison with the Madrid Presentation (g. 11.9)shows how the model could be used and reinterpreted. In the Brussels Hours,the pedestal was omitted, so that the slab of the altar and the column appear tooat in the air. The green cloth behind the high priest, with its typical squarepattern of folds underlined in gold, appears in the Annunciation of theHuntington Hours (fol. 31v). The concave moldings of the arches and openingsof these miniatures are also found in, among others, the Madrid hours (gs. 11.7, 11.9).AAn I l l um ina tor in Tourna i and L i l l eThe mention of the illuminators name in the Le Sauvage Hours isexceptional and important, not only because of the rarity of this kind of infor-mation but also, and above all, because it allows us to identify Markants styleand to reconstruct the activity of a group of illuminators who worked aroundhim in Lille, a city that has not previously been famous for its book painters.Archival evidence recently collected and published by Marc Gil has docu-mented the presence of a few book illuminators in Lille at the turn of the six-teenth century,10 but until now no extant works had been connected withnamed painters there.138 vanwijnsbergheFigure 11.7Jean Markant. Presentation, in a book of hours. Brussels, Bibliothque royale de Belgique, Ms. II 7605, fol. 69v.Figure 11.8Jean Markant. Flight into Egypt, in abook of hours. San Marino, Calif.,Huntington Library, Ms. 1149, fol. 72v.Figure 11.9Jean Markant, Presentation, in a book of hours. Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional,Ms. Res. 191, fol. 61v.chapter 11: marketing books for burghers 139No traces of Markant had previously been found in records fromLille,11 although he was known to have worked in the neighboring towns ofTournai and Bruges. In 1489 he was mentioned as an apprentice of JeanCsar,12 probably the most important Tournaisian illuminator of the last quar-ter of the fteenth century, who trained no fewer than ve pupils.13 Csars stylehas not been identied yet, but a manuscript illuminated by Arnould le Peletier,another of his apprentices,14 still exists: a remarkable Vie du Christ-Vengeancede Notre-Seigneur painted in 1496.15 My hope is that the study of the sourcesfor both Markant and Le Peletier may eventually permit us to identify the mostprolic Tournaisian workshop of its time.Thanks to the colophon in the Le Sauvage Hours, we can suggest thatby 1503 Markant had settled in Lille. He appears to have been resident there,since he worked for citizens or institutions in Lille during the rst three decadesof the sixteenth century. Among his patrons were persons connected to the localFranciscan community;16 Marie Mussart, from a well-known Lille family;17Jeanne Martinache, prioress of the hospital at Seclin, south of Lille;18 andLaurence Baillet, widow of Franois Van Hoyqueslot, a native of The Hague,who became a citizen of Lille in 1532.19 From 1522 to 1531 Markant was paidfor calligraphic work for the city council in Lille.20 In 153234 he was still at work for the hospital of Saint Julian in Lille, from which he received pay-ments for calligraphy and illuminations.21 This is the last known record of hisactivity. He may also have trained illuminators, such as the somewhat crudepainter of a book of hours made for a nun at the Hospice Comtesse,22 who wasclearly one of his followers.Markan t and the Mas ter o f Edward IVAs early as 1512 Markant is mentioned in the accounts of theConfraternity of Saint John the Evangelist in Bruges as scrivere te Ryssele(scribe in Lille).23 Markant paid his fees to the guild, not because he had movedto Flemish Flanders, but most probably because he wanted to have access to theourishing Bruges market. The following year, he made a payment in kind:Jan Marcquandt, now designated as verlichter te Rysele, heeft ghegevender ghilde een bardeken van verlichterien van Sint-Anne.24 He gave the guilda panel with a miniature of Saint Anne, probably an illumination on parchmentglued to a wooden board, a type of devotional picture that was mass-producedin Lille by 1510 and sent by the dozen in baskets as far as Paris.25Markants enrollment in the Bruges confraternity was most probablya way to sanction a long-lasting relationship with the Flemish city. In view ofhis later achievements, it is tempting to suggest that, after an apprenticeship inTournai, he probably worked under the supervision of a leading Bruges illumi-nator. Scholars who have discussed some of the works I attribute here toMarkant among them Lilian Randall, Bodo Brinkmann, and Roger Wieckhave noted strong relationships between Markants style and compositions andthose of the Master of Edward IV.26 Randall, for example, points to strikingsimilarities between the Crowning of the Virgin in the Baltimore Hours and aminiature by the Edward Master also in the Walters Art Museum.27In this regard, I would like to stress briey the pivotal role of a bookof hours included in the Los Angeles London exhibition: the Blackburn Hours,painted by the Master of Edward IV and datable to around 1480 90 on140 vanwijnsberghestylistic grounds.28 In some of the marginal illustrations, which extend the cen-tral scenes into the realm of the viewer, we nd a direct source for Markantsimpressive cycle in the Le Sauvage Hours. Some compositions reect commonsources, such as Pentecost (gs. 11.10, 11.11), which, as Scot McKendrick hasshown, is ultimately derived from a model created by the Vienna Master ofMary of Burgundy.29 In other instances, Markant seems to have made use of models by the Master of Edward IV, which he interpreted with his morelimited talent: the Mass of Saint Gregory might be one of these, or the very dis-tinctive Saint John the Baptist.30The Mas ter o f Edward IV in L i l l e ?This brings us to a hypothesis put forward by Brinkmann in his mono-graph on the Master of the Dresden Prayer Book.31 Could it be that, just likethe Dresden Master, the Master of Edward IV was compelled to leave Brugeswhen supporters of the Hapsburgs or at least artists who had worked for thecourt encountered political difculties in Flemish Flanders?32As Brinkmann and McKendrick have noted, the 1480s saw new devel-opments in the style and clientele of the Edward Master.33 In just this period,he worked extensively for patrons from northern France and Hainaut, mostprominent among them Baudouin II of Lannoy and John II of Oettingen.Baudouin had several possessions in the Tournai-Lille region (g. 11.12): he waslord of Molenbaix and Tourcoing and governor of the bailiwick of Lille, Douai,Figure 11.10Master of Edward IV. Pentecost, in the Blackburn Hours. Blackburn,Blackburn Museum and Art Gallery, Hart Ms. 20884, fol. 40v.Figure 11.11Jean Markant. Pentecost, in a book ofhours. San Marino, Huntington Library,Ms. 1149, fol. 23v.chapter 11: marketing books for burghers 141Figure 11.12Map of the Tournai-Lille region.and Orchies. He owned at least six books by the Master of Edward IV.34 As for John of Oettingen, lord of Flobecq, he was married to Isabeau de Cond and was based in Cond, midway between Tournai, Valenciennes, and Mons.35John certainly possessed ve books illustrated by the Edward Master.36 Apsalter made for the Abbey of Saint-Amand, south of Tournai, dates to the sameperiod.37 The origin of the Blackburn Hours (g. 11.10) is not known, but atthe beginning of the seventeenth century it was owned by Eugne de Noyelles,a member of a prominent northern French family.38 Last but not least, theMaster of Edward IV was responsible for the illumination of a missal for theCollegiate Church of Saint Peter at Lille, now in Edinburgh (g. 11.13).39Viewed together, this evidence points to a sojourn of the Master ofEdward IV in the southern part of Flanders, and Lille appears to be the mostlikely center where he would have resided. Lille was at that time a Flemish city,with privileged political and economic ties to the other towns of the county ofFlanders.40 Numerous expatriates from Lille are mentioned in the Brugespoorterboeken (lists of new citizens).41 The Lille scribe Quentin Poulet, thefuture librarian of King Henry VII, is a good case in point. When he enrolled asan apprentice in the Confraternity of Saint John the Evangelist in Bruges in1477,42 Poulet could count on fellow citizens and most probably relatives whohad settled in the city earlier: a Haquinet Poulet from Lille had become aburgher in 1467,43 a Matheus and an Andries Poulet, respectively, in 146944 and1470.45 Moreover, unlike other Flemish cities, Lille chose to remain faithful tothe Hapsburgs and was therefore a safe haven for their supporters.46The two other cities where the Master of Edward IV might conceivablyhave settled Tournai and Valenciennes were not as favorable as Lille. Theordinances of 1480 promulgated in Tournai seem to correspond to a period ofgeneral decline in the city, affecting also the activity of the book trade. This setof strict rules was created primarily to protect declining mtiers and their jeop-ardized members.47 The document itself states that les mtiers taient fortdiminus et journellement se diminuaient en prot et en bons ouvriers, dont les autres villes saugmentaient.48 As for Valenciennes, Simon Marmion dom-inated manuscript illumination in the city until his death in 1489. He estab-lished a very distinctive tradition, epitomized by his follower the Master ofAntoine Rolin,49 and it would have been difcult for any illuminator to haveescaped his inuence. The situation differed in Lille, where a local traditionhardly existed until the 1470s.50 The miniaturists there, unlike those in Tournai142 vanwijnsbergheVALENCIENNESMONSDOUAILILLETOURNAIFlobecqCondSaint-AmandMolenbaixTourcoingEscaubecqueSeclinOrchiesLannoyor Bruges, did not submit to any regulation until 1510, which enabled them towork without constraints.51Whether or not the Master of Edward IV moved from Bruges to Lille,he would not have been the rst to do so. A hitherto unremarked documentindicates that at least one other major illuminator who worked for the dukes ofBurgundy one of the most prolic of his day resided in Lille in 1483 and1484. The city accounts of Valenciennes mention a life rent of 7 pounds paidA Lois Liedet, enlumineur demourant a Lille, a se vie et de Huchon sonfrere.52 Loyset Lidet disappeared from the accounts of the Confraternity ofSaint John in Bruges after 1479,53 not, as has been stated time and again,because he had died,54 but rather because he chose to settle in Lille possibly,considering contemporary political events in Flanders, in the interest of self-preservation.This document sheds interesting light on Huchon Lidet, who is alsomentioned in the accounts of the Bruges Confraternity from 1477 to 1484.55 He was not, as McKendrick recently suggested,56 the son of Loyset, but hisbrother. It is unclear whether, by 1484, Huchon had accompanied Loyset toLille or whether he was still working in Bruges. Whatever the case may be, thebrothers no doubt served as important conduits between the two Flemish cities,fostering contacts and bringing some of the artistic know-how of Bruges toFigure 11.13Master of Edward IV. Crucixion, in a missal for the use of Saint Peter inLille. Edinburgh, University Library, Ms. D. b. iii. ii, fol. 104v.chapter 11: marketing books for burghers 143Figure 11.14Anonymous master. Pentecost, in a bookof hours. Boston, Isabella StewartGardner Museum, Ms. 4, fol. 27v.Lille. Huchon is rst documented in Bruges in 1477. If by 1484 he had settledin Lille, this move to the south would correspond neatly to the route probablyfollowed by the Master of Edward IV. Are Huchon and the Edward Master oneand the same person? The evidence, which is as yet only circumstantial, isweak, but I think that Huchon Lidet should be seriously considered as a pos-sible candidate. In any case, the relationship between Loyset Lidet and theMaster of Edward IV should be explored further.57A last observation in support of the presence of the Master of EdwardIV in Lille is the lasting inuence he had on other miniaturists active there. Abook of hours for Tournai use (g. 11.14), now preserved in the Isabella StewartGardner Museum in Boston,58 appears to be one of these made in Lille man-uscripts, as suggested by the type of border decoration and the generic Tournaicalendar in French. The same hand painted another hours for Tournai use, nowin the library of Tournai Cathedral.59 Both reveal the strong inuence of theMaster of Edward IV. A book of hours for Rome use in the Philadelphia FreeLibrary belongs to another group.60 The inuence of the Master of Edward IVis even more evident here.Much work still has to be done in order to distinguish among thesedifferent hands, and the information that I briey present here is only the pre-liminary result of research in progress.61144 vanwijnsbergheAnother Marke tUnlike the Master of Edward IV, who worked for prestigiouscourtiers, Jean Markant fashioned prayer books primarily for urban patrons a clientele of wealthy burghers in a middle-size city of about ten to twenty thou-sand inhabitants. His manuscripts depend strongly on artistic ideas, textualfeatures, and production methods practiced in Bruges, yet they are not entirelystandardized products resulting from strict divisions of labor among differentcraftsmen. After all, Markant was not only a miniaturist but also sometimestranscribed the texts he illustrated. Among these are the Le Sauvage Hours andthe various ordinances he produced for the city council of Lille.62 A codico-logical analysis of his works shows that he practiced what we might term amixed production method, which allowed him to exercise complete controlof the design and appearance of his books. He often used full-page miniatureson separate folios inserted between quires of text, but not systematically. Insome of his books, full-page miniatures are also parts of bifolios,63 whereas inothers they alternate with half-page illustrations integrated within the text.Even workshop models were not reproduced mechanically but were adapted, aswe have seen, very freely.All this shows that Markant had the production of his books wellunder control, practicing in some cases a form of vertical concentration.64 Ifhe had assistants, they must have worked in close collaboration with him. Healso sometimes sent miniatures to Bruges and perhaps even to Paris.65 Thiscombination of activities reects the limited size of the local market. In largecities such as Bruges or Paris,66 book production was organized by booksellersrather than scribes or illuminators. The fact that Markant was active both as a scribe and an illuminator and also exported his own miniatures is typical of a secondary center, where the scale of production was not sufcient to supportspecialists who practiced only one craft; in smaller centers, craftsmen fre-quently had to diversify their sources of income.Jean Markants oeuvre gives evidence of the diffusion outside Brugesof an inuential mainstream style, centered on the anonymous Master ofEdward IV. Markants work helps us trace some of the pathways along whichartistic practices and ideas moved from one production center to another. Lilleabsorbed impulses from the traditions of both Tournai and Bruges. It benetedfrom its neutral status and safe position in times of political upheaval inFlanders, as well as from the decline of its immediate neighbor and competitor,the French city of Tournai. Lille attracted a prominent miniaturist, LoysetLidet, as early as 1483. Lidets presence in the city may in turn have attractedother colleagues and stimulated a new local tradition, heavily dependent onBruges. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the trade in miniatures in Lillewas sufciently strong as to have provoked a conict with the painters: in 1510they complained of unfair competition from the miniaturists and tried to com-pel them to join their guild if they were to continue producing illuminationsthat could be used as paintings. Pascale Charron, who published the documents related to this conict,aptly observed that the work of these illuminators in Lille still remained to bediscovered.67 Jean Markant is one of them we may hope that others will alsobe identied.chapter 11: marketing books for burghers 145This study owes its completion to a leave ofabsence from the Institut royal du Patrimoineartistique and a grant from the Von HumboldtStiftung. I would like to record here my grati-tude to the director of the Institut royal,Myriam Serck, and to my hostess at theKunsthistorishes Institut of the UniversittHeidelberg, Professor Lieselotte Saurma-Jeltsch. I would also like to take the opportu-nity to thank all the friends and colleagueswho helped me in preparing this paper, gener-ously sharing their time and knowledge: AnneMargreet As-Vijvers, Franois Avril, BernardBousmanne, Brigitte Dekeyzer, Jan De Vroe,Consuelo Dutschke, Marc Gil, JeffreyHamburger, Ilona Hans-Collas, Peter Kidd,Franois Leclercq, Susan Marti, ScotMcKendrick, Ludovic Nys, Pascal Schandel,Geert Van Bockstaele, Pieter van Hooff, ClineVan Horenbeeck, and Lieve Watteeuw. Lastbut not least, I would like to express mygratitude to Christina Currie and Jim Marrowfor editing various drafts of this text and toElizabeth Moodey for taking care of the nalpolish. With his usual generosity, Jim Marrowwas kind enough to provide me with slides ofsome of the manuscripts discussed here.1. A rst biographical sketch was published in:Dominique Vanwijnsberghe, De n or etdazur: Les commanditaires de livres et lemtier de lenluminure Tournai la n duMoyen ge (XIVeXVe sicles) (Louvain:Peeters, 2001), 3012. A provisional handlistof works attributed to Jean Markant includes:(1) Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, Ms. W. 435(see g. 11.6); (2) Brussels, Bibliothque royalede Belgique, Ms. II 7605 (see g. 11.7); (3)Lille, Bibliothque municipale, Ms. A 91(Hours of Jeanne Martinache); (4) locationunknown, Sotheby's, December 1, 1987, lot58 (Hours of Marie Mussart; see g. 11.3); (5) London, British Library, Harley Ms. 2923;(6) Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Res. 191 (theso-called Hours of the Queen of Sweden; seeg. 11.9); (7) New York, Morgan Library, Ms.M. 171; (8) New York, Columbia University,Rare Books and Manuscripts Library, WesternMs. I; (9) San Marino, Huntington Library,Ms. 1149 (Hours of Laurence Baillet; see gs. 11.8, 11.11); (10) location unknown, LeSauvage Hours (see gs. 11.1, 11.2, 11.4, 11.5).2. In 1991 the book was owned by a Dutchcollector. It was presented by B. Van Dyck,acting as an intermediary, to the city councilof Grammont (Geraardsbergen). See: A[lbert]S[chrever], Koopt Geraardsbergen 16de-eeuws manuscript? Het Volk, March 1, 1991.The negotiations ultimately failed, and sincethen it has not been possible to obtain infor-mation concerning the whereabouts of thebook. Cf. Geert Van Bockstaele, Het cultureelerfgoed van de Sint-Adriaansabdij vanGeraardsbergen, 10962002 (Grammont:Stadsbestuur, 2002), 195.3. On the implications of this formal device,see James H. Marrow, The Hours of Margaretof Cleves (Lisbon: Museu CalousteGulbenkian, 1995), 3137.4. On Jean le Sauvage, see Herman VanderLinden, Sauvage (Jean), in Biographienationale, vol. 21 (Brussels: . Bruylant,191113), cols. 441 44; Alida J. M.Kerckhoffs-de Heij, De Grote Raad en zijnfunctionarissen, 14771531: Biograen vande raadsheren (Amsterdam, 1980), 133 36.5. See handlist, note 1.6. Hours of Marie Mussart (handlist no. 4),fol. 23; London Hours (handlist no. 5), fol.30; Madrid Hours (handlist no. 6), fol. 152v;Morgan Hours (handlist no. 7), fol. 41; Le Sauvage Hours (handlist no. 10).7. Baltimore Hours (handlist no. 1), fol. 107v;Martinache Hours (handlist no. 3), fol. 88v;Hours of Marie Mussart (handlist no. 4), fol.73v; London Hours (handlist no. 5), fol. 90v;Madrid Hours (handlist no. 6), fol. 81v;Huntington Hours (handlist no. 9), fol. 103v;Le Sauvage Hours (handlist no. 10).8. Baltimore Hours (handlist no. 1), fol. 43v;Hours of Marie Mussart (handlist no. 4), fol.28v; London Hours (handlist no. 5), fol. 39v;Madrid hours (handlist no. 6), fol. 24v;Morgan Hours (handlist no. 7), fol. 30v;Huntington Hours (handlist no. 9), fol. 31v;Le Sauvage Hours (handlist no. 10).9. Baltimore Hours (handlist no. 1), fol. 161v;Martinache Hours (handlist no. 3), fol. 33;Hours of Marie Mussart (handlist no. 4), fol.19v; Madrid hours (handlist no. 6), fol. 130v;Huntington Hours (handlist no. 9), fol. 187v;Le Sauvage Hours (handlist no. 10).10. Marc Gil, Le mtier de relieur Lille (v. 14001550), suivi dune prosopographiedes artisans du livre lillois, Bulletin du biblio-phile, no. 1 (2002): 7 46.11. Markant is not mentioned in Gils lists (Gil,Le mtier de relieur Lille).12. See Vanwijnsberghe, De n or et dazur,279 80.13. Jean Csar, documented from 1470 to1498, had the following pupils: Jacques Cabry(apprentice in 1470), Simon Ore (apprentice in 1476), Arnould le Peletier (apprentice in1480, master in 1485), Jean Capry (apprenticein 1483), and Jean Markant (apprentice in1489).14. Vanwijnsberghe, De n or et dazur,297 98.15. Ramegnies-Chin, Communaut desreligieuses de Saint-Andr, Ms. 096 /vit. Forthe work of Le Peletier in this manuscript, seeVanwijnsberghe, De n or et dazur, 1718,150, 297 98, ill. 121.16. New York, Morgan Library, Ms. M 171.17. London, Sothebys, December 1, 1987, lot 58. On the Mussart family, see Paul Denisdu Page, Recueil de gnalogies lilloises(Lille: Impr. Lefebvre-Ducrocq, 1906 8), vol. 2, 780 800.18. Lille, Bibliothque municipale, Ms. A 91.On Jeanne Martinache, see ThodoreLeuridan, Histoire de Seclin, vol. 4, Histoirede lhpital Notre-Dame (Roubaix, 1905), 54, 64.19. San Marino, Huntington Library, Ms.1149. On Franois Van Hoyqueslot andLaurence Baillet, see Denis du Page, Recueilde gnalogies lilloises, vol. 4, 1615.20. A Johannes Markant pour avoir gross et escript en deux grandes peaux de vellin lesordonnances des cas privilegiez dont eschevinscongnoissent . . . iiii livres, Au dit Marlierequil a pay a Johannes Markant pour sonsallaire davoir gross les deux tableaux desordonnances des services des curez de cesteville de Lille . . . liii sous (Lille, Archivesmunicipales, Registres aux comptes de lche-vinage, no. 16257 [1522], fol. 81v); Au ditMarliere quil a pay a Johannes Marquandescripvent pour son sallaire davoir gross endeux peaux de vellin les ordonnances et refor-macions des praticiens mises en ung tableau enle halle . . . lx sous (ibid., no. 16258, fol. 94);A Johannes Marcquand escripvent queaccord lui a est par eschevins pour son sal-laire davoir faict et escript toutes les lettres delABC dor oretees dasur mises aux layes dela nouvelle tresorerie . . . lxvi sous (ibid., no.16265, fol. 95v). Published by Alexandre deLa Fons-Mlicocq, Les tablettes de cire, lesjetons, les poinons, les marques, les enseigneset les mesures des chevins et des corps demtiers de la ville de Lille, aux xive, xve etxvie sicles, Bulletin du Comit de laLangue, de lHistoire et des Arts de la France,vol. 3, 18551856 (Paris: ImprimerieImpriale, 1857), 637. With special thanks toPascal Schandel, who generously shared hisoriginal transcriptions.21. Lille, Archives dpartementales du Nord,Archives hospitalires, xviii e 28, fol. 73v.Published by Alexandre de La Fons-Mlicocq,Orfvres, brodeurs, architectes, tailleursdimages, peintres, enlumineurs, etc., des xiveet xve sicles, qui ont orn et dcor les146 vanwijnsbergheNoteschapelles des hospices de Lille, Revue uni-verselle des Arts 13 (1861): 58.22. Cambridge, Trinity College, Ms. B. 13. ii.See Alain Arnould, in Splendours of Flanders:Late Medieval Art in Cambridge Collections,exh. cat. (Cambridge: Fitzwilliam Museum,1993), no. 24, 8283; Vanwijnsberghe, Den or et dazur, 19, nn. 120, 121, g. 122.23. Louis Gilliodts-Van Severen, Loeuvre deJean Brito, prototypographe brugeois,Annales de la Socit dmulation de Bruges47 (1897): 284.24. Gilliodts-Van Severen, Loeuvre de JeanBrito.25. See Pascale Charron, Les peintres, pein-tres verriers et enlumineurs lillois au dbut duxvie sicle daprs les statuts indits de leurcorporation, Revue du Nord 82 (2000: no.37), 73133, 738.26. Lilian M. C. Randall, Medieval andRenaissance Manuscripts in the Walters ArtGallery, vol. 3, Belgium, 12501530(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press in association with the Walters Art Gallery,1997), 44755; Bodo Brinkmann, Diemische Buchmalerei am Ende desBurgunderreichs: Der Meister des DresdenerGebetbuchs und die Miniaturisten seiner Zeit(Turnhout: Brepols, 1997), vol. 1, 374, 397;and Roger S. Wieck, Time Sanctied: TheBook of Hours in Medieval Art and Life (NewYork: George Braziller in association with theWalters Art Gallery, 1988), 132, 217.27. Randall, Medieval and RenaissanceManuscripts, 453.28. Blackburn, Museum and Art Gallery, Ms. Hart 20884. See Thomas Kren and ScotMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance:The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Paintingin Europe, exh. cat. (Los Angeles: J. PaulGetty Museum, 2003), no. 98, 342 43.29. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 26, 156 57.30. Fols. 166 and 188, respectively, in Masterof Edward IV, the Blackburn Hours (see g. 11.10); see notes 6 and 9 above. 31. Brinkmann, Flmische Buchmalerei, 371,374.32. The death of Charles the Bold at Nancy onJanuary 5, 1477, plunged the Low Countriesinto a time of turmoil. The power struggleamong the cities of Flanders, backed by Louis XI and Maximilian of Austria, startedsoon after the latters marriage to Mary ofBurgundy (April 21, 1477). The conict wassparked by Flanderss refusal to recognize the Hapsburg as regent of the Low Countriesafter Marys death on March 27, 1482; it cul-minated in 1488, when the citizens of Brugesheld Maximilian prisoner within their walls,with disastrous and bloody consequences. Onthis episode, see Henri Pirenne, Histoire deBelgique, vol. 3 (Brussels: H. Lamertin, 1907),355.33. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 295 96, esp. n. 13.34. Hanno Wijsman, Gebonden weelde:Productie van gellustreerde handschriften enadellijk boekenbezit in de BourgondischeNederlanden (1400 1550) (Ph.D. diss.,Universiteit Leiden, 2003), 292.35. See Claudine Lemaire, Les manuscrits deJean II, comte dOettingen ou la n dunelgende, in Miscellanea Martin Wittek:Album de codicologie et de palographie offert Martin Wittek, ed. Anny Raman and EugneManning (Louvain: Peeters, 1993), 243 53.36. Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France,Ms. fr. 20096 97 (in two parts) and NewYork, Morgan Library, Ms. M. 894 (threeparts of a Vita Christi by Ludolph of Saxony);Geneva, Bibliothque publique et universitaire,Ms. fr. 76 (Quintus Curtius Rufus, Livre des Fais du grant Alexandre); Brussels,Bibliothque royale de Belgique, Ms. 11073(Xenophon, Cyropdie).37. New York, Collection Scott C. Schwartz,Ms. 24 (olim, London, Sothebys, June 24,1986, lot 97).38. Eugne de Noyelles was probably relatedto Jean de Noyelles (d. 1580), lord of Marlesand Rossignol, a member of a prominentArtois family. On Jean, see: Charles Piot,Noyelles (Jean de), in Biographie nationale,vol. 15 (Brussels: Bruylant, 1899), cols.946 47.39. Edinburgh, University Library, Ms. D. b.iii. See Catherine R. Borland, A DescriptiveCatalogue of the Western MediaevalManuscripts in Edinburgh University Library(Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh, 1916),no. 52, 94 96.40. On the history of Lille in the late MiddleAges, see Histoire de Lille, vol. 1, Des origines lavnement de Charles Quint, ed. LouisTrenard and Guy Fourquin (Lille: Giard,1969), 219 464.41. Published by Remi A. Parmentier, Indicesop de Brugsche poorterboeken (Bruges:Brouwer, 1938); Alfred Jamees, Brugsepoorters opgetekend uit de stadsrekeningen, 4vols. (Handzame: Familia et Patria, 1974 90).42. William H. J. Weale, Documents inditssur les enlumineurs de Bruges, Le Beffroi:Arts, hraldique, archologie 4 (1872 73):297.43. Parmentier, Indices, 65253; Jamees,Brugse poorters, vol. 2.1, 335.44. Jamees, Brugse poorters, vol. 2.1, 344.45. Parmentier, Indices, 65253; Jamees,Brugse poorters, vol. 2.1, 348.46. Before the coming of the Hapsburgs, thecity had submitted to the rule of the dukes ofBurgundy. See Trenard and Fourquin, Histoirede Lille, 22223, 265 66.47. Vanwijnsberghe, De n or et dazur,114 29.48. We see the same phenomenon later inTournai, among the tapestry weavers. In 1492many withdrew to Amiens, where they werewelcomed with open arms. The magistrateenacted regulations intended to assure tapestryworkers a monopoly in their trade. The textexplains that they ed a cause de ce quilz nepooient bonnement gaigner les vie deulx,leurs femmes et enfants, de leurdit mestierterms strangely similar to those of the ordi-nances of 1480. For an edition of the text, seeAlexandre Pinchart, Histoire gnrale de latapisserie, vol. 3, Pays-Bas (Paris, 1884), 78. It must be noted that contemporary politicalconditions were hardly favorable to Tournai.See Gabriel Wymans, Le dclin de Tournaiau xve sicle, Anciens pays et assemblesdtats 22 (1961): 11334.49. Anne-Marie Legar, The Master ofAntoine Rolin: A Hainaut IlluminatorWorking in the Orbit of Simon Marmion, in Margaret of York, Simon Marmion, and the Visions of Tondal, ed. Thomas Kren(Malibu, Calif.: J. Paul Getty Museum, 1992),209 22.50. The production of paper manuscripts withwash drawings has been studied by PascaleCharron and Pascal Schandel; see PascaleCharron, Le Matre du Champion des dames(Paris: cths, 2004); Pascal Schandel, LeMatre de Wavrin et les miniaturistes lillois lpoque de Philippe le Bon et de Charles leTmraire (Ph.D. diss., Universit deStrasbourg, 1997). For a few examples of illu-minated manuscripts on parchment, see MarcGil, Deux nouveaux manuscrits excutspour Jean, btard de Wavrin, chevalier etcrivain bourguignon, et la question delenluminure sur parchemin Lille dans laseconde moiti du xve sicle, Le MuseCond 58 (November 2001): 35 45.51. Charron, Peintres, peintres verriers etenlumineurs lillois.52. Valenciennes, Archives municipales,Comptes de la ville, CC 747, fol. 57v. I wouldlike to thank most warmly my friend LudovicNys for drawing my attention to this excep-tional document, just a by-product of his tire-less explorations in the Valenciennes archives.53. For the last mention in 1479, see Weale,Documents indits, 301. marketing books for burghers 14754. Alexandre Pinchart seems to have been the rst to propose this idea, cautiously, inMiniaturistes, enlumineurs et calligraphesemploys par Philippe le Bon et Charles leTmraire et leurs oeuvres, Bulletin desCommissions royales dart et darchologie 4(1865): 481. Since then, most authors havetreated the hypothesis as an established fact. 55. Weale, Documents indits, 292 (1477),297 (1478), 299 (1479), 302 (1480), 306(1482), 308 (1483), 310 (1484). 56. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 230.57. See Hanno Wijsman, William LordHastings, Les faits de Jacques de Lalaing et leMatre aux inscriptions blanches: propos dumanuscript franais 16830 de la Bibliothquenationale de France, in Als ich can": LiberAmicorum in Memory of Professor Dr.Maurits Smeyers, ed. Bert Cardon, Jan Van derStock, and Dominique Vanwijnsberghe(Louvain: Peeters, 2002), 165155. Thiscontinuity between the production of LoysetLidet and the followers of the Master ofEdward IV can perhaps be explained in partby a shared artistic base, in this case Bruges. It is interesting to note that the Master ofEdward IV and a colleague completed aSpeculum humanae salvationis that had beenbegun near the middle of the century by Jeanle Tavernier (Paris, Bibliothque nationale deFrance, Ms. fr. 6275), a task that, for thelivres non parfaits of the ducal library,usually fell to Lidet. 58. Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum,Ms. 4. I would like to thank JeffreyHamburger for sending me slides of thismanuscript.59. Tournai, Bibliothque de la Cathdrale,Ms. A 19; reproduced in Vanwijnsberghe, Den or et dazur, 428, g. 119 (erroneouslyreferred to as Ms. A 20).60. Philadelphia, Free Library, John FrederickLewis Collection, Ms. 108; reproduced inJames R. Tanis and Jennifer A. Thompson,eds., Leaves of Gold: Manuscript Illuminationfrom Philadelphia Collections, exh. cat.(Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art,2001), 11112, no. 35.61. Another Lille group can be reconstructedaround the Claremont Hours (Claremont,Calif., School of Theology, Ms. I [hours forTournai use with original binding by RobiersPlourins]). It includes Arras, Bibliothquemunicipale, Ms. 540 (hours for Amiens use,only the pasted miniatures on fols. 33, 56, 56v,74v, 106, 106v, 110v , 130v are by theClaremont Master); Brighton, Jubilee Library,inv. no. R61718 (hours for Tournai use, kind-ly brought to my attention by Jim Marrow);Fcamp, Muse Bndictine, without shelf-mark; Lille, Bibliothque municipale, Ms. 705(missal for the use of the Abbey of Loos);Trogen, Kantonsbibliothek, Cod. Membr. 264(hours for Tournai use, with thanks to SusanMarti for providing me with digital photo-graphs); New York, Grolier Club, Ms. 9(hours for Tournai use, with thanks to JimMarrow for providing me with slides). Thislast book has the Claremont borders, whichare characteristic of other Lille hours pro-duced for the Hospice Comtesse: Lille,Bibliothque municipale, Ms. 96 and Ms. 111(original Plourins binding). Other Lille manu-scripts with an original Plourins bindinginclude two books of hours for Tournai use:Douai, Bibliothque municipale, Mss. 185,189 (owned in the sixteenth century by a cer-tain Louise Baillet demourant au marchi depoisson a Lille), as well as two hours illumi-nated around 1890 by the so-called Spanishforger (Les Enluminures, Catalogue 9: Booksof Hours, no. 11, 66 69; Livres anciens,manuscrits et livres dheures, sale, DrouotRichelieu, Paris, February 27, 2003, lot 347). 62. See note 20.63. In the Baltimore Hours, for example, only six out of the twelve full-page miniaturesare inserted. See Randall, Medieval andRenaissance Manuscripts, 447.64. Vertical concentration, an economic con-cept, occurs when a company is responsiblefor most of the stages of production alongwith distribution. This corresponds more orless with L. M. J. Delaisss concept of atel-ier or ofcine.65. See note 25. 66. On the role of the Bruges librariers, seeMaurits Smeyers and Bert Cardon,Merktekens in de Brugse miniatuurkunst, in Merken opmerken: Typologie en methode,ed. Christine Van Vlierden et Maurits Smeyers(Louvain: Peeters, 1990), 45 70. On bookproduction in Paris, see Richard H. Rouse and Mary A. Rouse, Manuscripts and TheirMakers: Commercial Book Producers inMedieval Paris, 12001500, 2 vols. (Turnhout:H. Miller, 2000).67. See note 25. 148 vanwijnsbergheBeginning in the last quarter of the fifteenth century,the explosion of demand for Flemish paintings and manuscripts throughoutEurope produced endless opportunities for narrative and compositional crea-tivity among Flemish artists. A number of these artists turned for inspiration tothe dramatic possibilities inherent in Old Testament stories, such as Bernardvan Orley in his famous Job Altarpiece (Brussels, Muse dArt ancien). In therealm of manuscripts, the Master of James IV of Scotland and his pupils wereamong the most active in incorporating Old Testament iconography into theirworks. Typological pairings abound in the works of the Master of James IV,1and one of his pupils, the Master of the Soane Hours, included two entire suitesof illuminations drawn largely from the Old Testament in a single manuscript.2It is, however, another of the Master of James IVs students, the Master of theDavid Scenes, who exhibited the greatest penchant for Old Testament subjectmatter, a quality that sets him apart from his contemporaries and lends hiswork much of its special appeal. Indeed the artists very name, which reads in full the Master of the David Scenes in the Grimani Breviary, is based on aseries of unusual miniatures concerning King David in one of the most admiredof all Flemish manuscripts. Over the course of a career that probably spannedthe thirty years from around 1490 to 1520, the Master of the David Scenesdemonstrated an increasing interest in rarely depicted stories from the OldTestament and the Golden Legend. An examination of a series of books fromthe height of the artists career that contain some of the most original imageryfound in Flemish devotional manuscripts of the period makes it clear that theMaster of the David Scenes found his niche in creating illustrations for elabo-rate narratives with few if any manuscript precedents in terms of subject mat-ter or composition. In the early part of his career, the Master of the David Scenes was asso-ciated with a workshop that specialized in very small prayer books whoseimagery was drawn almost entirely from a series of patterns.3 In general, thesepattern-based miniatures are characterized by small, undistinctive gures andgeneric backgrounds. The manuscript that stands out from all the workshopproductions of these early years is the Hours of Joanna of Castile (London,British Library, Add. Ms. 18852). Although the artist, perhaps assisted byworkshop members, relied on previously used models for a number of theminiatures, the manuscript also contains some unusual iconography that hintsat the future direction of his work. A full-page miniature of the Temptation ofIconographic Originality in the Oeuvre of the Master of the David ScenesE l i z abe th Morr i sonchapter 12Figure 12.1 Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. Adam and Eve;Speculum Consciencie, in the Hours ofJoanna of Castile. London, BritishLibrary, Add. Ms. 18852, fols. 14v15.Adam and Eve is surrounded by a border into which the artist has cleverlyincorporated a version of the Expulsion.4 The page faces a smaller miniaturedepicting the rare subject of the speculum consciencie, portrayed as a skullreected in a mirror (g. 12.1). As James H. Marrow has noted, this remark-able miniature depicts the reection in the mirror from the standpoint of the viewer, forcing the young Joanna to contemplate her own mortality.5 The fac-ing miniatures acted as a reminder to Joanna that sin was inherited by allhumankind from Adam and Eve and that only constant vigilance and resistanceof temptation would prepare her soul for her inevitable demise. The imagesappropriately introduce a list of the Ten Commandments, those basic laws thatJoanna was enjoined to follow to evade sin. Although the Fall of Adam and Eveis based on a pattern seen elsewhere in the artists work,6 it is used here in ahighly original way and demonstrates the artists emerging interest in OldTestament subjects.While the Hours of Joanna of Castile contains some iconographicallyunusual miniatures, I would consider the so-called Brukenthal Breviary fromthe middle part of the Master of the David Sceness career as a turning point.7The manuscript belongs to the Brukenthal Museum in Sibiu, Romania, andalthough it has long been known as the Brukenthal Breviary, it is really a lav-ish book of hours.8 This little-known manuscript provides important evidenceof the artists penchant for rare Old Testament stories. The full-page miniature150 morrisonthat introduces vespers of the Hours of the Virgin faces a three-quarter-pageillustration of the Massacre of the Innocents. It shows a little-known story from1 Samuel 22, the slaying of the priests of Nob (g. 12.2). The priests were ruth-lessly murdered by order of Saul, who was punishing the servants of the Lordfor having helped David. Saul appears at the right, personally overseeing theslayings, while the distant background shows the beginning of the story, withDavid running for protection to the Shrine of Nob. Although this appropriateOld Testament event appears as a typological pairing with the Massacre of the Innocents in the Biblia Pauperum,9 neither the type nor the antitype wasincluded in the Speculum humanae salvationis, a more common source fortypological imagery in fteenth- and sixteenth-century Flanders.10 The scene israrely represented in manuscript illumination.11Several other unusual Old Testament types are also found in theBrukenthal cycle, such as the Annunciation to Abraham and Sarah, which ispaired with the Annunciation to the Virgin, and the story of Esau and Jacob,paired with the Flight into Egypt.12 The consistency of the cycle13 and the factthat the New Testament scenes are often by a different artist suggest that theMaster of the David Scenes had a personal interest in Old Testament iconog-raphy. He apparently recognized the obscurity of some of the scenes becausetitles were included beneath the Old Testament types along with citations of the biblical chapters and verses from which they are derived. Such uncommonOld Testament imagery would play an increasingly important role in the artists work.Figure 12.2Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. The Slaying of thePriests of Nob, in the BrukenthalBreviary. Sibiu, Romania, MuseuBrukenthal, Ms. 761, p. 316.chapter 12: iconographic originality in the master of the david scenes 151Figure 12.3Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. Saint Andrew and bor-der with Scenes from the Life of Andrew,in a book of hours. Oxford, BodleianLibrary, Ms. Douce 112, fol. 152.Figure 12.4Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. The Ark of theCovenant, in a book of hours. Oxford,Bodleian Library, Ms. Douce 112, fol. 51.We may trace this development in three devotional manuscripts fromthe height of the painters career: a book of hours (Oxford, Bodleian Library,Ms. Douce 112), the Grimani Breviary (Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana,Ms. Lat. I 99), and a prayer book (Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek, Gl. Kgl.Saml. 1605 40). A number of suffrages in the Bodleian manuscript are illus-trated with borders that take their imagery from rarely depicted events from theGolden Legend.14 The border accompanying the suffrage for Saint Andrew (g. 12.3) shows the little-known story of a bishop who venerated SaintAndrew above all others.15 Because the devils envy was aroused by such devo-tion, he took the form of a beautiful woman to deceive the bishop. While thetwo were at dinner, a pilgrim came to the door to beg entrance. Through aseries of questions, the pilgrim revealed the true nature of the beautiful woman,whereupon she disappeared. The pilgrim was, of course, Saint Andrew, who isshown twice in the border wearing the same garb as in the miniature. Thewomans real identity is suggested by the serpentine tail that peeks out beneathher skirt under the table; except for her costume, she is completely transformedas she ies away. The border image is not derived from familiar events of SaintAndrews life but was instead taken directly from the text of the GoldenLegend. This unusual visual narrative not only imparted a clear moral messagebut also encouraged the viewer to consider the saints life anew.152 morrisonFor the Hours of the Virgin in the Bodleian manuscript, the Master ofthe David Scenes returned to Old Testament sources for his imagery. Althoughall of the full-page miniatures of the Hours of the Virgin are missing, the facingthree-quarter-page miniatures and accompanying historiated borders are stillextant.16 The opening for the beginning of Lauds depicts the rarely illustratedevent from 2 Samuel 6 of King Davids servants placing the Ark of the Covenanttemporarily in the house of Obededom (g. 12.4). The upper part of the sur-rounding border shows Zacharius receiving word from an angel that his agedwife Elizabeth would give birth to John the Baptist, and the lower part showsthe birth of the Baptist. The facing full-page miniature would have presumablydepicted the Visitation.17 According to the Golden Legend, the Virgin Maryhad stayed with Elizabeth for the three months from the Visitation until thebirth of John the Baptist.18 In like manner, the Bible recounts that the ark hadbeen safely stored in the home of Obededom for three months before itsremoval to Jerusalem. Since this story would probably have been unfamiliar toreaders in the context of a book of hours, the Master of the David Scenes againsupplied the biblical book and chapter beneath the image. This typologicalpairing appears neither in the Biblia pauperum nor in the Speculum humanaesalvationis and is extremely rare in manuscript illumination; I have yet to ndanother example in the work of any other artist of the period.19The manuscript from around 1515 20 known as the GrimaniBreviary, to which the artist owes his name, is considered by many as the great-est Flemish manuscript of the sixteenth century. Its ambitious program ofillumination, consisting of almost one hundred miniatures, is a result of contri-butions by some of the leading artists of the day, including the Master of JamesIV of Scotland, Gerard David, the Maximilian Master, and Simon Bening. Thevery fact that the Master of the David Scenes was asked to participate in theillumination of the manuscript indicates the high regard in which his work musthave been held at this time. The manuscript is of such complexity and the prob-lems of attribution are so manifold that the miniatures are usually discussedindividually rather than in the context of their place within the program of illu-mination of the manuscript.20 The unusual iconography of the psalter illustra-tions by the Master of the David Scenes has never been treated systematically.21The artist supplied a full-page miniature for each of the rst psalms commenc-ing matins for each day of the week (psalms 1, 26, 38, 68, 80, 97), with an addi-tional miniature to open the psalter as a whole.22 Each full-page miniature is ona verso, with the recto blank, and faces a folio with a full border.23 The minia-tures t into a cohesive, if not readily familiar, pattern. The Master of the DavidScenes could have drawn on a traditional psalter program of iconography, butinstead the illuminations are based on a psalter commentary written byNicholas of Lyra (1270 1349) and related to a program of miniatures in thePembroke Psalter-Hours, made in Flanders around 1465 70.24In a recent article on the Pembroke Psalter-Hours, Marrow notes thatits cycle of psalter illustrations was drawn from the accompanying tituli, writ-ten in red before each psalm. He posits that the tituli are based either directlyor indirectly on Nicholas of Lyras fourteenth-century psalter commentary.25 Incomparing the unusual full-page subjects of the Pembroke Psalter-Hours withthose in the Grimani Breviary, it is evident that the two series are related in sub-ject matter and, in some cases, also compositionally. Psalm 97 in the Grimanichapter 12: iconographic originality in the master of the david scenes 153Figure 12.5Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. Advent, in the GrimaniBreviary. Venice, Biblioteca NazionaleMarciana, Ms. Lat. I 99, fol. 357v.Figure 12.6Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. Advent, in thePembroke Psalter-Hours. PhiladelphiaMuseum of Art, inv. no. 45-65-2, fol. 171v. Breviary is illustrated with a miniature of David and a group of others lookingto a half-length gure of God above, with a cave containing naked gures to theright (g. 12.5). The composition of the miniature introducing the same psalmin the Pembroke Psalter-Hours is closely related (g. 12.6). The subject of bothillustrations is Advent, based on the titulus in the Pembroke Psalter-Hours,Psalmus David de adventus Christi primo in iuditio.26 In several othercasesincluding the miniatures introducing psalms 26, 68, and 80the sub-jects and compositions of the two manuscripts also align.27 What is remarkableabout the Grimani Breviary is that it contains no tituli that could have sug-gested the subjects to the Master of the David Scenes.28 Furthermore, theMaster of the David Scenes could not have personally known the PembrokePsalter-Hours, for not only was it illuminated at a signicantly earlier date butalso, by 1515, the book had likely already been in England for nearly ftyyears.29 The probable conclusion is that there was an independent and rarelydepicted cycle of illustrations based on Nicholass text in Flemish psalter illu-mination, transmitted most likely through workshop drawings.30 The Master ofthe David Scenes based some of his illuminations in the most celebrated manu-script of his time on this uncommon series.The subject of the miniature accompanying psalm 38 in the GrimaniBreviary has long proved puzzling (g. 12.7).31 Armed with knowledge of thetituli in the Pembroke Psalter-Hours and the predilection of the Master of theDavid Scenes for material from the Golden Legend, it becomes possible toidentify the scene correctly for the rst time. In the Pembroke Psalter-Hours,psalm 38 is illustrated with a miniature of the siege of Jerusalem, while psalm154 morrison52 (the one missing a miniature in the Grimani Breviary) is accompanied by ascene of David foreseeing the account in 2 Maccabees 5 and 7 of the taking ofJerusalem and the torment of the seven Maccabee brothers and their mother byAntiochus.32 The Master of the David Scenes has conated the two events fromthe Pembroke Psalter-Hours into one, showing the siege and taking ofJerusalem in the background and the seven Maccabee brothers and their moth-er in the foreground.33 As in the illustration for psalm 38 in the PembrokePsalter-Hours, David is shown lamenting the siege with his eyes closed. Thegure commanding the arrests is familiar from the illustration of psalm 52 inthe Pembroke Psalter-Hours; he is the heathen easterner Antiochus, dressedappropriately in turban and furs. In terms of its composition, the scene has onlya general resonance with the miniatures in the Pembroke Psalter-Hours, but thesimilarity of subject matter is undeniable. It now remains only to nd the sourceof the secondary elements of the image.If the Pembroke Psalter-Hours provides the key for the main subjectof the miniature, the remaining iconography can be identied by looking to theGolden Legend. The account of the siege of Jerusalem by Vespasian and Titus,the same story that was portrayed in a border scene in the Oxford hours, is thesource for this iconography. During the siege, the Golden Legend recounts,the hunger was so acute that people chewed their shoes and a woman stran-gled her child, cooked the body, and . . . robbers, smelling cooked meat, rushedback into the house and threatened the woman with death unless she gave up the food. She uncovered what was left of the infant.34 Because it is knownthat the Master of the David Scenes used the siege in a different context inFigure 12.7Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. Episodes from the Lifeof David, in the Grimani Breviary.Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana,Ms. Lat. I 99, fol. 321v.chapter 12: iconographic originality in the master of the david scenes 155Figure 12.8 Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. The Temptation ofAdam and Eve, in the Grimani Breviary.Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana,Ms. Lat. I 99, fol. 286v.another manuscript (the Oxford hours) and because these elements are not seenin the Pembroke Psalter-Hours, it seems likely that Master of the David Scenesconceived the idea of incorporating them into the miniature.35 Perhaps the art-ist was struck by the vividness of the details given in the Golden Legend anddecided to incorporate those elements into his composition to add visual inter-est to the scene.Other of the miniatures contributed by the Master of the David Scenesto the psalter of the Grimani Breviary are unrelated to Nicholas of Lyras com-mentary. Psalm 1 in the Pembroke Psalter-Hours is accompanied by a depictionof Ezra renewing the law of the Lord, for Nicholas of Lyra had identied Ezraas the author of the rst psalm.36 In the Grimani Breviary, psalm 1 is insteadintroduced by one of the few traditional miniatures in the entire series: Davidstriumphant return with the head of Goliath. This scene, absent from the full-page miniatures of the Pembroke Psalter-Hours and the Nicholas of Lyra com-mentary, is one of the most commonly found openings to psalters in Flemishbreviaries of the period and also often accompanied the Penitential Psalms inbooks of hours.37 The miniature of the Temptation of Adam and Eve that pre-cedes the prologue to the psalter in the Grimani Breviary, however, is a some-what unorthodox choice (g. 12.8). Although the Master of the David Sceneshad an evident afnity for this scene, as shown by the numerous times it156 morrisonappears in his oeuvre,38 this is the only case I know of either in his work or inthat of any other illuminator of the period in which it is associated with thepsalter. The Master of the David Scenes evidently chose this subject based onthe text of the psalter prologue that it introduces. One of the repeated respon-sories in the prologue is Adoremus dominum qui fecit nos (Let us adore God,who has made us), and its rst text is a hymn traditionally ascribed to SaintGregory, beginning Primo deirum omnium quo mundus extat conditus vel quoresurgens conditor nos morte victa liberet (The rst of all days, when theworld was made or, more exactly, when the risen creator liberated us and con-quered death).39 In this context, a depiction of Adam and Eve no doubtappeared as quite an appropriate complement to the psalter prologue. The Master of the David Scenes drew inspiration from a variety ofsources in designing his series for the psalter of the Grimani Breviary: its rareiconographic cycle is based on Nicholas of Lyras commentary, the GoldenLegend, traditional psalter iconography, and elements of the text itself.40 Thepsalter illuminations contain some of the most original contributions to theGrimani Breviary in terms of subject matter, a unique unit in an alreadyremarkable manuscript.The devotional book in Copenhagen dating from around 1515 to 1520represents perhaps the most iconographically innovative work by the Master of the David Scenes. All of the miniatures are by his hand, and they include aseries dedicated to the seven deadly sins whose iconography has few precedentsin manuscript illumination.41 Although Hieronymus Bosch treated the sins inhis famous tabletop now in Madrid and there are tapestry and print seriesdedicated to the subject,42 the series in the Copenhagen book is unrelatediconographically to the aforementioned sets, and I am aware of only one othercomparable series of manuscript illuminations.43The lively miniature that illustrates the sin of lust comes from the OldTestament story of Joseph and Potiphars wife (g. 12.9). The Master of theDavid Scenes faithfully followed the biblical story, including elements such asthe garment snatched off Josephs back by Potiphars wife, but also incorpo-rated new details, such as Joseph wearing an outt at the height of fashion, toenliven the narrative and to make the image a memorable complement to thetext.44 Like the illustration for lust, the image illustrating the sin of sloth alsotakes an Old Testament story and transforms it into a moral lesson (g. 12.10).Unlike the relatively well-known tale of Joseph, however, the story here isobscure, taken from 1 Kings 21. According to this text, King Ahab had wanted the vineyard of a man named Naboth because it was near his house andhe could conveniently make a vegetable garden out of it. When Naboth refusedto part with the inheritance of his forefathers, Ahabs wife, Jezebel, arranged forfalse witness to be brought against Naboth, whereupon he was stoned to deathand the property of the dead criminal was forfeited to the king. Once again, theartist seemed to realize that this scene would not be immediately recognizableto many viewers, so he labeled the body of Naboth, helping the viewer to makethe connection between the sin of sloth and the scene.45 Although the Masterof the David Scenes chose the more familiar stories of Lazarus and Dives toillustrate the sin of gluttony (fol. 28) and Cain and Abel for jealousy (fol. 29),the artist did not derive all the subjects in this cycle from the Old Testament.The sin of pride is illustrated by a woman preening in front of a mirror (fol. 24),chapter 12: iconographic originality in the master of the david scenes 157Figure 12.9 Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. Potiphar's Wife, in apsalter-hours. Copenhagen, KongeligeBibliotek, Ms. 1605 40, fol. 26.avarice takes the form of a man gloating at a table over a pile of money (fol.25), and anger is portrayed through a scene of four men ghting over a gameof cards (fol. 27). The subjects, although clearly related to their correspondingsins, have no biblical source.46 Although the individual compositions have yetto be identied elsewhere, the popularity of the seven deadly sins during thelater Middle Ages indicates that the series by the Master of the David Scenesprobably reects an emerging pictorial tradition.In the catalogue of Illuminating the Renaissance, I suggested that themanuscript is missing an additional series of images for a now-missing Hoursof the Virgin and that the manuscript was in fact once a psalter-hours.47Since the publication of the catalogue, I have been able to locate some of theseminiatures. Bodo Brinkmann had published that the Lindenau-Museum inAltenburg, Germany, owns four miniatures by the Master of the DavidScenes.48 Upon examining them, I realized that the leaves match theCopenhagen manuscript not only in terms of style but also in dimensions.49 In158 morrisonaddition, the secondary decoration of the leaves and the manuscript correspondexactly: architectural borders painted to simulate wood, a border style usedconsistently in the Copenhagen manuscript but not often seen in other worksby the Master of the David Scenes. The four miniatures depict Veronicas Veil,the Annunciation, the Flight into Egypt, and the Massacre of the Innocents (g.12.11). The rst probably originally accompanied the prayer to the Holy Face,while the other three were almost certainly intended for a cycle of the Hours ofthe Virgin. Therefore it seems likely that the Copenhagen manuscript wasindeed originally a psalter-hours and that it lost its Hours of the Virgin and itsPrayer to the Holy Face along with the accompanying miniatures. The psalter-hours was probably intended for the young man depicted in prayer to hisguardian angel found in the suffrages (fol. 46). The unusual iconographythroughout the book, and especially in the catechismal texts intended to teachthe basic precepts of the faith, would no doubt have been forcefully impressedon the young mans mind.Figure 12.10 Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. The Death of Naboth,in a psalter-hours. Copenhagen,Kongelige Bibliotek, Ms. 1605 40, fol. 30.chapter 12: iconographic originality in the master of the david scenes 159Figure 12.11Master of the David Scenes in theGrimani Breviary. The Massacre of the Innocents. Altenburg, Germany,Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, inv. no. 186.In this paper I have frequently invoked words such as rare, obscure,and unusual in an attempt to characterize the work of the Master of the DavidScenes.50 The fact that these uncommon scenes, from both the Bible and theGolden Legend, repeatedly appear in the artists mature works indicates that hewas attracted by the challenge inherent in developing unusual iconography. Hiswork was likely known for this quality and may have even been sought out forit. The Grimani Breviary is a case in point. The series the artist contributed isespecially notable when compared with other pictorial cycles in the GrimaniBreviary, which, with few exceptions, are relatively conventional in theiriconography. In addition, whereas works by the other contributing artistsappear throughout the manuscript, the miniatures by the Master of the DavidScenes all occur within the space of the psalter. It seems likely, then, that theartist known for his capabilities in depicting Old Testament subject matter was asked to contribute a series to illustrate the psalms of King David.Unfortunately, since almost nothing is known about the patrons of any of themanuscripts under discussion, it is difcult to determine who decided thespecic narrative program of the illuminations. One wonders nevertheless howthe novel content of the illuminations was intended to contribute to the patronsunderstanding of and interaction with the text, and how it inuenced theirdecision to acquire a manuscript by this artist. It may be that the unusualiconography that gives the manuscripts of the Master of the David Scenes muchof their allure also contributed to their popularity and became, in fact, theartists trademark.160 morrisonchapter 12: iconographic originality in the master of the david scenes 161I would like to thank Thomas Kren, PeterKidd, Scot McKendrick, Jim Marrow, RogerWieck, and Kate Challis for their thoughtfuldiscussions with me about the iconography ofthe Master of the David Scenes.1. See Thomas Kren and Scot McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe,exh. cat. (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum,2003), nos. 108, 109, 124, 126.2. See Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 138.3. Bodo Brinkmann, Ofzium der Madonna:Vat. Lat. 10293 (Zurich: Belser, 1987).4. For bibliography on the borders developedby the Master of the David Scenes and hisworkshop, see Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 383 n. 8.5. James H. Marrow, In desen speigell: ANew Form of Memento Mori in Fifteenth-century Netherlandish Art, in Essays inNorthern European Art Presented to EgbertHaverkamp-Begemann on His SixtiethBirthday (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1983),156 58, 161.6. For a list of later works in which the pat-tern appears, see note 38 below. 7. Sibiu, Romania, Museu Brukenthal, Ms.761. Anne Margreet As-Vijvers has discoveredthat the Huth Hours (London, British Library,Add. Ms. 38126) served as the model forminiatures and borders in the Brukenthalmanuscript, and further concluded that thelatter predates the Hours of Joanna of Castile[Recycling the Huth Hours: The Master of the David Scenes and the Making of theBrukenthal Breviary, or: The Ghent Associatesand the Contribution of Simon Marmion toGhent-Bruges Manuscript Painting, inBrigitte Dekeyzer and Jan Van der Stock, eds.,Manuscripts in Transition: RecyclingManuscripts, Texts and Images (Louvain:Peeters, 2005), 37990]. Based on theBrukenthal manuscripts greater narrativeambition, level of artistic achievement, andcomplexity of production, I would place itafter the Hours of Joanna of Castile.8. For the contents of the Brukenthal Hours,see As-Vijvers, Randversiering in Gents-Bruges Manuscripten: De Meester van deDavidscnes en andere Verluchters alsSpecialisten in Margedecoratie [Ph.D. diss.,Universiteit van Amsterdam, 2002], 505 13.9. Avril Henry found no precedent or patristicwriting for the slaughter of the priests of Nobas a type for the massacre before the Bibliapauperum (Avril Henry, ed., Biblia pauperum:A Facsimile and Edition [Ithaca, N.Y.: CornellUniversity Press, 1987], 62, 134). Because thecomposition by the Master of the DavidScenes bears no resemblance to those in theBiblia pauperum, it is difcult to determinewhether the artist took the idea from theprinted book or another unknown source.10. Adrian Wilson and Joyce Lancaster Wilsondiscuss the popularity of the Speculum in man-uscript form and its relationship to the Bibliapauperum, in A Medieval Mirror: Speculumhumanae salvationis, 13241500 (Berkeley:University of California Press, 1984), 1012.For a discussion of the Speculum in Flemishhours and breviaries of the period, see KateChallis, Things of Inestimable Value:Deluxe Manuscript Production and theMarketing of Devotion in Late SouthernNetherlandish Illumination (Ph.D. diss.,University of Melbourne, 2002), 16782.11. Although the scene is occasionally depictedin Romanesque Bibles and Gothic psalters (forpsalm 51), I have yet to nd the scene repre-sented as part of a typological pairing in anyother book of hours.12. Other pairings in the series are more com-mon, such as Sext, which features the visit ofthe Queen of Sheba and the Adoration of theMagi, and None, depicting the Presentation ofSamuel and the Presentation of Christ.13. Many of the most famous Flemish Hoursof the Virgin cycles that contain typologicalscenes are inconsistent in their mixing of typo-logical and strictly New Testament narratives(see Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, nos. 33, 93, 109, 124, 138).14. The Oxford book of hours also opens thePrayer to the Holy Face with border scenesfeaturing rarely depicted stories from theGolden Legend related to the subject of themain miniature, which depicts the SalvatorMundi (see Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 441).15. Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend:Readings on the Saints, trans. WilliamGranger Ryan (Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress, 1993), vol. 1, 1820. 16. All the remaining full-page miniatures inthis manuscript are painted on tipped-inleaves, blank on the back. Stubs are still visi-ble at most of the openings for the Hours ofthe Virgin. This manuscript is also without acalendar, suggesting that it was taken at thesame time as the full-page miniatures.17. The Hours of the Virgin in the Oxfordmanuscript, like that in the Brukenthal Hours,was most likely composed of consistent typo-logical pairings, and although some of thesame Old Testament scenes appear in bothmanuscripts, there are differences in subjectmatter as well as composition.18. Voragine, Golden Legend, vol. 1, 330.19. The Visitation in the Brukenthal Hours isalso paired with a scene related to the ark (pp. 24546 [the manuscript is paginated]). In a manuscript of the Speculum humanaein Chantilly by a follower of the Master ofJames IV (Muse Cond, Ms. 139, fol. 37v),the bringing of the ark into Jerusalem (asrecounted in 1 Chronicles 15 and the portionof 2 Samuel 6 following the arks presence inObedodoms house) serves as a type for theCoronation of the Virgin, and its compositionis not related to the Bodleian version.20. For the extensive bibliography on themanuscript, see Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, no. 33.21. See Challis, Things of InestimableValue, 114 16.22. As in most breviaries of the period, thepsalms are arranged according to the weeklyferial secular psalter (see Challis, Things ofInestimable Value, 38). Confusingly in theGrimani Breviary, the rubrics indicate that thepsalms proceed numerically.23. The rst psalm recited at matins onWednesday (psalm 52) has no correspondingfull-page miniature. Folio 330 has a full bor-der and begins with psalm 52, while folio 329has the last text associated with Tuesdaymatins, and folio 329v is blank (see Challis,Things of Inestimable Value, 489 500). It seems probable that there is a missing full-page miniature by the artist that would haveprefaced psalm 52.24. Philadelphia Museum of Art, inv. no. 45-65-2. I am indebted to Jim Marrow for bring-ing both the tituli based on Nicholas of Lyrascommentary and the manuscript to my atten-tion. See James H. Marrow, The PembrokePsalter-Hours, in Als ich can: LiberAmicorum in Memory of Professor Dr.Maurits Smeyers, ed. Bert Cardon, Jan Van derStock, and Dominique Vanwijnsberghe(Louvain: Peeters, 2002), 861 99. There arealso a number of illustrations related toNicholass commentary in the complex cycledevoted to the psalter in the Breviary ofIsabella of Castile (London, British Library,Add. Ms. 18851, fols. 111v112, 124, 139,155v). The actual compositions in the IsabellaBreviary, however, are unrelated to those ineither the Pembroke Psalter-Hours or theGrimani Breviary. For a discussion of theNicholas commentary in relation to theIsabella Breviary, see James McKinnon, TheFifteen Temple Steps and the Gradual Psalms,Imago musicae 1 (1984): 29 49.Notes162 morrison25. Marrow, Pembroke Psalter-Hours,881 82. The text has never been edited, but a facsimile exists: Nicholas of Lyra, Postillasuper totam bibliam (Strasburg, 1492; fac-simile, Frankfurt, 1971), 4 vols. The psaltercommentary, which connects the psalms toboth Old Testament and New Testamentevents, can be found in volume 3.26. Marrow, Pembroke Psalter-Hours, 867.27. The images for psalm 26 in both manu-scripts depict the anointing and crowning ofDavid. Scenes from Christs Passion illustratepsalm 68 in both, and the images for psalm 80depict singing within a church and the har-vesting of grapes without. 28. While it is possible that the artist hadaccess to the commentary itself, there is nodetailed information contained in the com-mentary that would make it likely that twoartists working independently would designsuch similar compositions. 29. Marrow, Pembroke Psalter-Hours, 897. 30. The fact that some images in the psalter ofthe Isabella Breviary (see note 24 above) alsorely on the Nicholas commentary but areunrelated compositionally implies that perhapsthe Nicholas commentary itself was also popu-lar during the period.31. The facsimile commentary of 1971describes it as a rather confused and crowdedscene representing incidents from the secondbook of Samuel (Gian Lorenzo Mellini, inThe Grimani Breviary [London: Thames andHudson, (1972)], pl. 49).32. Marrow, Pembroke Psalter-Hours, 867. 33. Since the illumination for psalm 38 com-bines the imagery for psalms 38 and 52 associ-ated with the Nicholas of Lyra commentary,psalm 52 in the Grimani Breviary was proba-bly illustrated with a scene unconnected to the commentary, as is the case with psalm 1(see below). It is not clear why the artist com-bined the imagery from the two psalms.Perhaps confusion arose from the fact thatthere were no tituli to help guide the artist. 34. Voragine, Golden Legend, vol. 1, 276. 35. Nicholas of Lyra associated psalm 38 withthe Babylonian siege of Jerusalem (Nicholas ofLyra, vol. 3, fol. t iiiv), while the details givenin the Golden Legend relate to the later siegeby Vespasian and Titus. The Babylonian siege,however, was also followed by famine (4 Kings 25.3). It is unknown whether theartist made the connection between the twosieges because they were both followed byfamine or whether the artist was simply toldto represent a siege of Jerusalem.36. Marrow, Pembroke Psalter-Hours, 881.This scene also occurs in the Isabella Breviary(fols. 111v112).37. Kate Challis has identied this pattern inseven contemporary Flemish manuscripts(Things of Inestimable Value, 116 17).38. The Temptation of Adam and Eve appearsin the Oxford hours (fol. 36), the BrukenthalHours (p. 26), and the Hours of Joanna ofCastile (fol. 14v).39. Grimani Breviary, fol. 287.40. The Pembroke Psalter-Hours also mixestraditional iconography with that inspired byNicholas of Lyra (see Marrow, PembrokePsalter-Hours, 86779). Even in the mostluxurious manuscripts of the day, it was notunusual to see a mix of approaches in a givensection of the manuscript (see note 13 above).41. The Joanna Hours also contains an entireseries of catechismal texts similar to those inthe Copenhagen manuscript, including theseven deadly sins, but the Copenhagen series is illustrated throughout, while the JoannaHours contains only an illumination for theTen Commandments.42. I thank Scot McKendrick for bringing tomy attention tapestry sets of the vices. All ofthe series of tapestries and prints of which Iam aware consist of allegorical gures repre-senting the sins, often in conict with thevirtues. See Thomas Campbell, Tapestry in theRenaissance: Art and Magnicence, exh. cat.(New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art;New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002),41016, and Tapisseries bruxelloises de la pr-Renaissance, exh. cat. (Brussels: Muses roy-aux dart et dhistoire, 1976), 100103. Forthe popularity of the seven deadly sins in thelater Middle Ages, see William Voekle,Morgan Manuscript m.1001: The SevenDeadly Sins and the Seven Evil Ones, inMonsters and Demons in the Ancient andMedieval Worlds: Papers Presented in Honorof Edith Porada, ed. Ann E. Farkas, PrudenceO. Harper, and Evelyn B. Harrison (Mainz onRhine: P. von Zabern, 1987): 10114.43. I thank Thomas Kren for bringing to myattention a series of the deadly sins in a Frenchbook of hours, perhaps by Robinet Testard(New York, Morgan Library, Ms. 1001).Although the Testard miniatures are compara-ble to the Copenhagen images in that thegures act out scenes illustrating the sins, itseems the two series are related only distantly,if at all. See Voelkle, Morgan ManuscriptM.1001, pls. xxxviixl.44. A similar scene was represented by theMaster of the Joseph Sequence in a design fora series of stained-glass roundels devoted tothe life of Joseph, including the representationof Joseph in fashionable garb. The roundelsare related to a series originally designed byHugo van der Goes, some of which laterappeared in manuscript illumination (seeTimothy Husband, The Luminous Image:Painted Glass Roundels in the Lowlands,14801569, exh. cat. [New York:Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1995], 56 63).Although there was an increasing interest inrarely seen Old Testament stories in stainedglass of the time, I have yet to nd any directcorrespondences between other media and theworks of the Master of the David Scenes.45. The stoning of Naboth makes an appear-ance in a Biblia pauperum produced inGermany around 1463 as a type for ChristBrought before Pilate. See Albert Schramm,Der Bilderschmuck der Frhdrucke, vol. 11(Leipzig: Deutsches Museum fr Buch undSchrift, 1922), no. 286. I know of no otherBiblia pauperum in which it is included.46. The Copenhagen prayer book contains other catechismal texts in addition to theseven deadly sins, and many of them areillustrated with equally novel images. Thecodicology of the manuscript also indicatesthat fteen full-page illuminations would havedivided the psalter portion of the book intosections of ten psalms each. Stubs of thetipped-in miniatures can be seen opposite full-page borders, and in some cases, cuts can be seen on nearby folios where the knifewas applied.47. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 440 n. 1.48. Mark Evans and Bodo Brinkmann, TheSforza Hours, Add. Ms. 34294 of the BritishLibrary (Lucerne: Faksimile Verlag, 1995), 583.49. The justication measurements in theCopenhagen manuscript are 11.9 7.4 cm.The Altenburg images are unfortunately glueddown, so there is no way to measure thejustication on their rectos, but the width ofthe painted area is 7.4 cm, and the measure-ment from the bottom of the image to thebottom of the arch is 11.6 cm. (There are nofull-page images remaining in the Copenhagenmanuscript to compare with the measurementsof the Altenburg leaves.)50. Even the Master of James IV of Scotland,whom we think of as an artist interested innarrative, usually limited himself to standardsubjects and typology. On the relationshipbetween the former and the Master of theDavid Scenes, see Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 383. The SoaneHours (London, Sir John Soanes Museum,Ms. 4) also makes great use of unusualiconography (both Old and New Testament),and it too was painted by a probable pupil ofthe Master of James IV (Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,444 46).Part 4: directions for further researchScholarship on Flemish Manuscript Illumination of the Renaissance:Remarks on Past, Present, and FutureJ ame s H . M a rrowIn the catalogue that accompanies the exhibitionIlluminating the Renaissance, Scot McKendrick introduces his informativeessay Illustrated Manuscripts of Secular Vernacular Texts, 14671500 bydescribing a well-documented manuscript that provides evidence of the com-plex processes involved in making an imposing copy of a major secular text.1The effort was time-consuming and expensive, involving the collaboration of ahost of highly skilled craftsmen, each a master of his art and all working to thehigh standards expected by members of the discerning elite of the luxury bookmarket. McKendricks example strikes me as an apt analogy for Illuminatingthe Renaissance, which was years in the making, involved considerable per-sonal and institutional investment, and was carried out by an extraordinaryteam of leading scholars, each working to the highest standards of contempo-rary scholarship. The exhibition and its catalogue are milestones in the study of Flemishmanuscript illumination, at once summarizing past scholarship in this eld,rening our knowledge in innumerable areas, and expanding it considerably.The size and scope of the exhibition surpass all previous efforts with respect tothe quantity and quality of the works brought together at its two venues, ofwhich a considerable number were previously unknown or rarely seen by thepublic. This can be credited to the wide knowledge of the exhibitions twoorganizers, Thomas Kren and Scot McKendrick, and the high respect in whichthey are held by the many institutions and private owners who permitted theirtreasures to be studied and exhibited.The catalogue for Illuminating the Renaissance also breaks newground in at least two other ways. First, it is enriched by a series of essays andappendixes by the two organizers and a group of specialists that explore rele-vant historical and thematically dened topics. Second, the catalogue entries are exceptional in their scope and detail, brimming over with new informationand hypotheses. The catalogue is a rarity in the genre, likely to serve as a touch-stone for research for a generation or more as well as to expand the study oflate medieval Flemish illumination in many directions.2Notwithstanding all the welcome accomplishments of Illuminating theRenaissance, I want to focus these comments on broader questions of scholar-ship in the eld and, in particular, on desiderata for future research. To begin,I am concerned by the persistence of approaches to the material centered, aboveall, on such basic and traditional matters as the discernment of different handsin illuminated manuscripts (whether of scribes, decorators, or the painters ofchapter 13miniatures); the compilation of oeuvres; the patterns of collaboration amongcraftsmen; dating, chronology, and localization; and the tracing of composi-tional, iconographic, and stylistic links through and across the tradition. Whileno one should discount the importance of such matters, which provide founda-tions for all further research, they seem to me still rooted in the concerns of thefounding generations of art history and to fall far short of our ultimate goals. Iwould argue that the hold these older approaches maintain on scholarship inthe eld has served as an impediment to the development of fresh and moreexpansive engagements with illuminated manuscripts.Part of the problem lies in the sheer number and complexity of thesedemanding objects, for formidable energies are required merely to track downand describe the extant works and to analyze them along familiar guidelines. In her nely crafted comments on the different installations of Illuminatingthe Renaissance in Los Angeles and London, Catherine Reynolds alluded tothese demands when she observed that manuscript scholars are distinguishedfrom other practitioners of art history primarily through their compulsion tocount and measure.3 The inclination of most practitioners of manuscriptstudies to take refuge in the relative certainties of positivistic, or quasipositiv-istic, research is evident from a number of recent tendencies. These include thepopularity of codicological research, which is concerned with the physicalmakeup of medieval manuscripts; the continuing prominence of connoisseur-ship; renewed attention to the conditions of manuscript production, such asguild structures; and the growing interest in technical analyses, for example,those concerned with pigment studies, binding structures, and underdrawings.But are such approaches capable of doing justice to the objects of our study?Or do they rather, as I believe, deal only with basic issues and divert attentionfrom many different types of historical and interpretive analysis, includingthose likely to contribute to better understanding of the essential character ofilluminated manuscripts and the accomplishments of their leading creators? It is high time, as we enter the twenty-rst century, to move beyondpreliminary levels of engagement with illuminated manuscripts those basedon material description, production techniques, the identication of hands, andthe compilation of lists of presumed derivations and inuences to moresophisticated considerations of the complex design strategies that underliemany of their most audacious and inuential developments. How else to dealadequately with late medieval Flemish manuscripts, some of the most creativeand aesthetically exuberant books ever made, and to appreciate the novel waysthese works elicit interest, structure understanding, and communicate meaning? There are no simple or all-encompassing means of addressing suchtopics, nor is there a single theoretical key, and students of diverse backgroundswill interrogate the material differently. In the hope of stimulating furtherthought and discussion in this regard, I want to consider a few problems thatseem to me either inadequately conceptualized and insufciently studied orsimply overlooked in scholarship on Flemish manuscript illumination of theRenaissance.The rst concerns important differences among certain types of man-uscripts produced in the Low Countries during the late fteenth and the earlysixteenth centuries differences that were highlighted by the two installationsof Illuminating the Renaissance in Los Angeles and London. I am thinking164 marrowabout unexplained differences in the conceptions of some kinds of devotionalbooks, such as books of hours (and occasionally liturgical books, such as bre-viaries), and many genres of historical or didactic works, such as chronicles,other histories, romances, and some allegorical works. While the devotionalcodices were most prominent in the Getty showing of the exhibition, the secu-lar manuscripts were far better represented at the London venue. Why is it thatworks of the rst type seem to have been the primary locus for the cultivationof virtuoso and sometimes extravagant pictorial effects (and other design inno-vations), while works of the second type are apparently much more conserva-tive and restrained in their design? Patrons tastes and budgetary constraints donot account for the differences, since single patrons sometimes commissionedbooks of both genres.Without pretending to exhaust the possibilities, I would like to suggestsome potential explanations for these differences in design. I stress that theseare not mutually exclusive and that each would necessitate different types ofresearch to be evaluated on its own terms or to be weighed for its relativesignicance. Among these I mention:(1) The persistence of different modes for certain kinds of literature,such as a devotional mode, a liturgical mode, and secular modes for chronicles,histories, or romances. Distinguishing and dening these is further complicatedby conventions, both artistic and literary, that attend Latin and vernacularliterature.(2) The books audiences and the situations in which books belongingto these different genres were used. Most devotional books, for example, wereread privately and handheld, whereas some large historical works were used inmore public contexts, such as gatherings of members of the court, or were readaloud to one or more listeners. (3) The specialization of different craftsmen in each of these branchesof book production. Some illuminators, such as Simon Bening and the Masterof Charles V, apparently worked virtually exclusively on devotional books,while others specialized in historical and didactic works. These kinds of divi-sions are mirrored frequently in modern scholarship, with some students spe-cializing primarily in works of religious art and others in secular manuscripts.(Kren and McKendrick, co-organizers of Illuminating the Renaissance, areobvious examples of this kind of specialization in the study of different genresof manuscript books.)(4) Different approaches to the marketing of various types of books.Were devotional works commissioned or sold differently than works of secularsubject matter? (5) The notion that the painters of familiar genres of texts, such asbooks of hours, may have felt a need to cultivate virtuoso pictorial effects to dis-tinguish their products from earlier works of the same type (not to mentionfrom printed books of hours, which came to be produced in large numbers dur-ing precisely the same period treated in Illuminating the Renaissance). In thecase of many historical and didactic works, one assumes, the material wassufciently unfamiliar that painters aimed for narrative and pictorial clarityrather than visual pyrotechnics. (6) Essential differences in the character and function of religious andsecular books. Religious works carry a different burden of meaning than workschapter 13: scholarship on flemish manuscript illumination 165Figure 13.1Anonymous master. The Crucixion, in a book of hours. San Marino, Calif.,Huntington Library, Ms. HM 1174, fol. 14v.of secular content, and accordingly, they elicited different design strategies.Whereas most genres of historical works and some didactic ones are rooted inworldly realities and follow linear patterns of narrative, works of sacred subjectmatter, such as books of hours and liturgical books, were intended to guideviewers beyond the here-and-now, to evoke multiple and alternative levels oftruth, and to effect profound transformations of understanding. As a conse-quence, many of the novel juxtapositions of subject matter and scale, of view-point, and of different kinds of illusionism that we encounter in manuscripts ofreligious subject matter produced in Flanders during the late fteenth and theearly sixteenth centuries may have been intended to defy customary expecta-tions, contravene traditional pictorial conventions, and pose contradictions all in the interest of guiding the users of these books to the leaps of thought andimagination deemed necessary to achieve a deepened appreciation of the char-acter of the sacred and the mysteries of the faith.4The different design characteristics of manuscripts with secular andreligious content suggest important differences in the ways we ought to studythem.5 In the case of manuscripts of secular subject matter containing exposi-tory cycles of illustrations, we ought to consider how their picture cycles aregeared to the linear and narrative structure of their texts.6 While recent166 marrowattention has been directed to certain conventions of pictorialnarrative in illuminated manuscripts, these efforts havebeen focused primarily on works of art from earlierperiods.7 Most such studies are centered either onstandardized techniques through which paintersestablish and maintain narrative impulses intheir picture cycles or on the ways they deneand articulate particular kinds of meaning,which is to say, that they are interpreted pri-marily in relation to questions of iconography.What seems to me to be lacking from manystudies are wider and more complex consider-ations of the shape and dynamics of expositorycycles of illustration. We might better ask: Howdo the picture cycles complement and inectthe texts they accompany? How do they shapetheir content and reception, whether by focus-ing attention in particular ways, helping topace the exposition, augmenting and releasingdramatic tension, or signaling other importantmoments or transformations in the story line?And where, how, and why do some picturecycles fashion discourses that differ in tellingways from those expounded in the texts theyillustrate?8 Although I know of many instancesin which scholars have studied the shape anddynamics of picture cycles in works of reli-gious illumination,9 I dont recall a singleexample of a comparable analysis of a picturecycle in any secular manuscript from the late period of Flemish illumination.Picture cycles accompanying religious texts of pronounced narrativecharacter such as lives of saints, Christ, and Mary, and some Bible his-tories ought sometimes to be analyzed in similar fashion, although in lateFlemish illumination, as I observed previously, many cycles of religious contentare distinctly nonlinear in purpose and structure. As a result, some paintersdevised techniques of grafting antinarrative elements onto traditional subjectsor cycles of illumination so as to guide viewers beyond familiar encounters withthe historical dimensions of depicted events to fresh encounters with theirdeeper meanings. An example of this kind of impulse in late Flemish illumina-tion can be found in a book of hours in the Huntington Library in which anillustration of the Crucixion is situated within a marginal representation of afountain (g. 13.1).10 The juxtaposition evokes the metaphorical association,commonplace at this time, that likened the crucied Christ to the Fountain ofLife or Pity and that generated its own tradition of pictorial treatments.11 Onework from this tradition is a panel painting of the period by Jean Bellegambethat depicts Christ on the Cross emerging from an elaborate fountain in whichsouls desirous of salvation bathe themselves (g. 13.2).12 While Bellegambespainting is purely allegorical in its subject matter, the miniature in theHuntington Hours seems to have it both ways, representing both the historicalFigure 13.2Jean Bellegambe. Fons pietatis (centralpanel of a triptych), oil on panel, 81 58 cm (3178 2278 in.). Lille,Muse des Beaux-Arts.chapter 13: scholarship on flemish manuscript illumination 167Figure 13.3Master of Antoine Rolin. Agony in the Garden of Gethsemane and facingtext page, in the Boussu Hours. Paris,Bibliothque de lArsenal, Ms. 1185, fols. 186v187.Crucixion on Calvary, complete with witnesses, and alluding to the allegoricalmeaning of the event. The Passion cycle of the Boussu Hours in the Bibliothque de lArsenalin Paris displays another means by which conventional narrative illustrationmight be interrupted and transformed by the interposition of depictions of a dif-ferent pictorial order.13 In two openings of the Hours of the Cross, which canserve to illustrate the design principle at work throughout this cycle, we nd a full-page miniature of Christ praying in the Garden of Gethsemane facing apage whose border contains representations of drops of sweat and blood (g. 13.3), and a large miniature of the Carrying of the Cross facing a border ofcrying eyes (g. 13.4). These unusual marginal depictions are derived from theGospel of Saint Luke, in which the account of Christ's prayer in the gardeninforms us, And being in an agony, he prayed the longer, And his sweat becameas drops of blood trickling down upon the ground (Luke 22.43 44), and thatof the Carrying of the Cross, in which Christ addresses the women who followhim, Daughters of Jerusalem, weep not over me but weep for yourselves, andfor your children (Luke 23.28). Through their different scale, the different pic-torial modes employed for their representation, and not least their strangeness,such marginal depictions disrupt the rhythm and sunder the narrative con-tinuity of a traditional cycle of miniatures. They do so in order to capture our attention and draw us more fully into the subjects and meanings of the full-pageillustrations with which they are paired.As these two examples demonstrate, the makers of some late Flemishmanuscripts showed considerable ingenuity in manipulating pictorial forms 168 marrowand modes in order to invest depictions of sacred subjects with expandedframes of reference and to enhance the capacities of the books decoration toengage viewers in imaginative explorations of subject matter and meaning.What especially distinguishes Flemish illumination of this period from works ofearlier date and other regions is the range of pictorial stratagems their makersdevised to these ends and their willingness to deploy them in seemingly limit-less permutations and combinations, whether through cycles of illustration,across different zones of individual pages (miniatures, initials, margins), orwithin individual ones. Given the variety and complexity of the pictorial forms and conceitsfound in works of late Flemish manuscript illumination, we need to developmore diverse and exible conceptual frameworks and more precise ways todiscuss works in this medium. Many scholars, for example, employ such termsas pictorial realism, illusionism, and trompe loeil virtually interchangeably intheir discussions of works of Flemish illumination, without adequately distin-guishing among them or recognizing that they are sometimes used side by side,variously complementing one another or, on the contrary, establishing alterna-tive modes of pictorial expression.14 Above all, we must realize that what wecall pictorial styles, modes, or conceits are means, not ends. Thus, pictorialrealism can be used to evoke our experience of the inhabited world, illusion-ism to alter our consciousness of the nature of works of art and of our rela-tionships to them, and trompe loeil overtly to contradict our logic andexperience, which, in turn, can provoke different orders of consciousness aboutthe meanings of artworks and our attitudes toward them. Figure 13.4Master of Antoine Rolin. Carrying of theCross and facing text page, in the BoussuHours. Paris, Bibliothque de lArsenal,Ms. 1185, fols. 195v196. chapter 13: scholarship on flemish manuscript illumination 169Until we are prepared to undertake closer studies of individual worksof late Flemish illumination, to recognize and discriminate among the widerange of pictorial devices deployed by their makers, and to make the difculteffort to understand how all these various strategies were used to establish andcommunicate particular kinds of meaning, we shall not do justice to the essen-tial character and achievements of these works, nor will we understand eithertheir messages or the novel ways in which their makers delineated them. Thetasks are formidable, if only because of the willingness of leading Flemish illu-minators of the period continually to challenge their audiences. In contrast tothe positivistic bent of research in our eld that I commented on earlier, thiseffort will require us to look and think about works more expansively than hasbeen customary and to acknowledge the full range of wit, playfulness, andinvention demonstrated, sometimes page by page, by their makers. A few otherexamples will suggest something of the breadth of visual imagination mani-fested in major works of late Flemish illumination and the possible insights tobe gained from considering the deeper purposes that underlay some of its vir-tuoso pictorial conceits.I begin with two examples from the Grimani Breviary, one of the best-known and most sumptuous commissions of the period.15 Many of its leavesdisplay colored or gilt panel borders of the type that is a virtual hallmark of lateFlemish illumination, in which painted objects such as owers, jewels, animals,and insects seem to stand in relief, even casting shadows onto the panels. Onone page of the manuscript the illuminator signicantly amplied and playedwith this effect by painting a large, magnicent dragony in the lower marginand showing his transparent wings as if extending over the text, decorated pan-els, and parts of the lower margin (g. 13.5). He thereby added a third layerof depth and illusion to the page, above those of the gilt panel and the still-lifeobjects it supports. This exceptional display of painterly virtuosity honors SaintLuke, the patron saint of painters, shown working at his easel on the same page.While the column miniature at the upper left corner of the leaf refers in a con-ventional manner to Lukes status as an exemplary painter and functionsimplicitly as an emblem of its makers profession, the bravura depiction of thedragony at the opposite corner of the same leaf provides another kind of par-adigm of the craft of painting, this one informed by tropes of artistic prowessknown from antiquity that celebrated artists abilities to create illusion, includ-ing that of objects on or in front of paintings, and thereby fool the eye.16Many other illustrated pages of the Grimani Breviary are enclosed insimulated wooden or gilt frames, complete with what appears to be carvedtracery at the corners. The use of such frames allies the miniatures with monu-mental works of painting (an important source of inuence on late Flemish illu-mination) as well as, in some instances, evoking the ecclesiastical settings andrituals in which many devotional books and paintings were used.17 The minia-ture of the building of the Tower of Babel has an outer frame of this type butalso incorporates a second framed element (g. 13.6): here the miniaturistthought to integrate the text within the ctive world of the picture space by por-traying it on what I take to be one of the rst billboards in history, or at leastin art. Is this striking manner of juxtaposing image and text an instance of mereaesthetic play, or might it not also allude wittily to the purport of the eventdepicted? In the context of an illustration of the event that, after all, ended the170 marrowFigure 13.5Attributed to the Master of the FirstPrayer Book of Maximilian (AlexanderBening?). Saint Luke and painted borderwith dragony, in the Grimani Breviary.Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana,Ms. Lat. I, 99, fol. 781v.chapter 13: scholarship on flemish manuscript illumination 171Figure 13.6Master of James IV of Scotland. TheTower of Babel, in the Grimani Breviary.Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana,Ms. Lat. I, 99, fol. 206.universality of verbal communication, I am inclined to consider that this con-spicuous display of texts on ctive structures located within the picture spacecomments ironically on the meaning of this story.18Flemish illuminators experimented in numerous other ways with theinterrelationship of text and images. Another arresting example occurs in theSpinola Hours, in which the miniaturist suggests that the text commencing theSunday Hours of the Trinity is pinned to the page (g. 13.7).19 The portrayal,which is unlike any other in the same book, mixes elements of illusionism andtrompe loeil in ways that contradict conventional spatial or pictorial logic. (Arewe, for example, to believe that the text is pinned to the heavens?) How are weto understand a depiction like this, in which illusionistic devices are aunted inways that seem both to insist upon the veracity of what the miniaturist repre-sents and to contradict our logic and experience in which the paradoxes ofillusion necessarily elicit from viewers a new range of thoughts and reactions?Jarred by the apparent claims of the image to represent real three-dimensional172 marrowFigure 13.7Master of James IV of Scotland. The HolyTrinity Enthroned, in the Spinola Hours.Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. Ludwig IX 18, fol. 10v.chapter 13: scholarship on flemish manuscript illumination 173forms familiar from our world and by its no less conspicuous ctions, thebeholder must reconsider not merely the subject matter of the image but alsothe implications of its effect that is, the conicting processes of thought andintuition that such a pointedly contradictory image unleashes. Is it coincidentalthat this striking pictorial conceit occurs in a depiction of the Trinity, one of the primary theological concepts of Catholic doctrine that also embodiesconundrums of conventional logic and that served as one of the foundationalmysteries of the faith? I am inclined to view the treatment of this page as animaginative wedding of subject matter and visual language, in which a conspic-uous disjunction between pictorial and textual imagery of the Trinity evokessomething of the unfathomable nature of the Godhead and the inadequacy ofconventional frameworks of experience and understanding to comprehend suchan enigma.As these and numerous other examples make clear, many of thepainted conceits found in religious manuscripts produced in the Flemish LowCountries during the late fteenth and the sixteenth centuries relate in complex,subtle, and sophisticated ways to the subject matter of the leaves on which theyare deployed. They offer new points of entry into the meanings of depictions inhand-painted books and provoke new ways of thinking about them. The noveljuxtapositions, transpositions, and other pictorial manipulations we encounterin these books do more than simply enrich the store of iconographic formulasavailable to painters of the day. Rather, they provide new ways of structuringpictorial meaning and of altering its reception. Innovations in pictorial syntaxare, I believe, some of the most important achievements of Flemish illuminatorsof the late Middle Ages. I understand pictorial syntax here in its deepestsense, that is, as the ways in which the designers of illuminated books used con-trasting forms and modes of pictorial representation to dene and inect thesubjects treated in their works as well as to stimulate exploration of those sub-jects and facilitate understanding. By playing in many of their works with theinherent contradictions and the paradoxical implications of illusionism, thedesigners of these books were able to draw viewers into a lived experience ofthe uneasy juncture between the realities professed by artworks and their essen-tial ctions, which is to say that they engaged their viewers consciousness inorder to press them into radically new relationships with pictorial imagery.20It is to these and other underexplored topics that I hope future stu-dents of the material will turn with passion and energy to inaugurate a newstage in the study of late Flemish illumination. Happily, the achievements ofIlluminating the Renaissance are sufciently far-reaching as to prepare the wayfor new kinds and levels of sympathetic investigations of the material. How bet-ter to honor the extraordinary efforts and accomplishments of the organizersand authors of that exhibition and catalogue?174 marrowThis paper is based on the brief commentary I offered at the conclusion of the one-day sym-posium on Illuminating the Renaissance heldat the Courtauld Institute of Art, London, inFebruary 2004. By design, much of that com-mentary was delivered extemporaneously sothat I might shape my comments in reaction tothe contributions of other speakers. In prepar-ing this paper for publication, I have renedand elaborated some of the ideas I discussed atthe symposium, but I have resisted all tempta-tions to change either its content or character.Then, as now, I have considered only a few,selected problems rather than pretending tooffer a comprehensive view of scholarship onlate Flemish illumination (a task that wouldrequire signicantly more preparation and avery different forum). I have tried also to pre-serve something of the papers original charac-ter as a spoken commentary, restricting boththe number of examples I discuss and biblio-graphical references in footnotes. For addi-tional examples of many of the topics I treathere and fuller bibliography, see James H.Marrow, Pictorial Invention in NetherlandishManuscript Illumination of the Late MiddleAges: The Play of Illusion and Meaning(Louvain: Peeters, 2005). Jeffrey Hamburgerposed some of the questions I treat in thispaper in a discussion session at the earliersymposium accompanying Illuminating theRenaissance, held in September 2003 at the J. Paul Getty Museum in Los Angeles; we pur-sued them in conversation there and have con-tinued to do so in an ongoing dialogue. For an important and wide-ranging considerationof many areas of research and methodologicalissues that seem to have made little impact, as yet, in the study of Flemish manuscript illu-mination (such as questions of authorship,textimage studies, the history of reading, and others), see the discussion and biblio-graphical citations in Jeffrey F. Hamburger,Rewriting History: The Visual and theVernacular in Late Medieval History Bibles,in Retextualisierung in der mittelalterlichenLiteratur, ed. Ursula Peters and JoachimBumke (Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 2005),260307. Along with Jeffrey Hamburger,Gregory Clark and Elizabeth Moodey kindlyread a rst draft of this essay and offered veryuseful suggestions for improvement.1. Scot McKendrick, Reviving the Past:Illustrated Manuscripts of Secular VernacularTexts, 14671500, in Illuminating theRenaissance: The Triumph of FlemishManuscript Painting in Europe, exh. cat., by Thomas Kren and Scot McKendrick (LosAngeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2003), 59.2. Among the few exhibitions that haveachieved comparable inuence, I mention themonumental exhibition of French illuminationby Franois Avril and Nicole Reynaud, LesManuscrits peintures en France, 14401520(Paris: Bibliothque nationale de France,1993), and for Flemish illumination, thatorganized by L. M. J. Delaiss, La Miniatureamande: Le Mcnat de Philippe le Bon(Brussels: Palais des Beaux-Arts, 1959).3. Catherine Reynolds, The Exhibition at the J. Paul Getty Museum and at the RoyalAcademy of Arts (paper presented atIlluminating the Renaissance: TheColloquium, Courtauld Institute of Art,London, February 21, 2004). 4. For related considerations, see MichaelaKrieger, Zum Problem des Illusionismus im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: Ein Deutungs-versuch, Pantheon 54 (1996): 1416. 5. In contrasting works of sacred and secularcontent for the purposes of this discussion, I do not mean to suggest that the genres areneatly or denitively distinguished from eachother. There are also important areas of over-lap between the two and instances of creativecross-fertilization between the traditions, all ofwhich deserves to be studied in its own right.For a recent study of the intersection of scien-tic and biblical illustration, for example, seeBianca Khnel, The End of Time in the Orderof Things: Science and Eschatology in EarlyMedieval Art (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner,2003). 6. There is a vast literature on the structure ofdifferent kinds of secular texts, many of whichdo not follow simple linear schemas of thetype I refer to here, and on the complex waysostensibly narrative texts can protably bestudied. For a representative sample of studiesin these important areas, see Gabrielle M.Spiegel, Genealogy: Form and Function inMedieval Historical Narrative, History andTheory 22 (1983): 43 53; Spiegel, Theoryinto Practice: Reading Medieval Chronicles,in The Medieval Chronicle: Proceedings of the First International Conference on theMedieval Chronicle, ed. Erik Kooper(Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1999), 112; and SylviaHuot, The Romance of the Rose and ItsMedieval Readers: Interpretation, Reception,Manuscript Transmission (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1993). 7. See, for example, Kumiko Maekawa,Narrative and Experience: Innovations inThirteenth-Century Picture Books (Frankfurtam Main: Peter Lang, 2000), or the contribu-tions by C. Grifth Mann and Kelly M.Holbert to The Morgan Picture Bible and the Art of Narrative, in The Book of Kings:Art, War, and the Morgan Librarys MedievalPicture Bible, exh. cat., ed. William Noel andDaniel Weiss (Baltimore: Walters Art Museum,2002), 3967, both with additional bibliog-raphy. For a brief discussion that focuses ongeneral considerations rather than particularcycles of illustration, see Eberhard Knig,Buchmalereieine narrative Kunst, inMittelalterliche Literatur und Kunst imSpannungsfeld von Hof und Kloster:Ergebnisse der Berliner Tagung, 9.11.Oktober 1997, ed. Nigel F. Palmer and Hans-Jochen Schiewer (Tbingen: Niemeyer, 1999),141 48. 8. I employ this abbreviated formulation hereto stand, pars pro toto, for the full range offrequently complicated relationships betweencycles of images and the texts they illustrate.To cite only two studies that focus on aspectsof these interpretive problems in French andGerman traditions, see Stephen G. Nichols,Ekphrasis, Iconoclasm, and Desire, inRethinking the Romance of the Rose: Text,Image, Reception, ed. Kevin Brownlee andSylvia Huot (Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania Press, 1992), 133 66, and Horst Wenzel and Christina Lechtermann,eds., Beweglichkeit der Bilder: Text undImagination in den illustrierten Handschriftendes Welschen Gastes von Thomasin vonZerclaere (Cologne: Bhlau, 2002). 9. See, for example, the analyses of some ofthe picture cycles by the Limbourg brothers in the Belles Heures of Jean de Berry: MillardMeiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry: The Limbourgs and TheirContemporaries, 2 vols. (New York: G.Braziller, 1974), 11234. 10. San Marino, The Huntington Library, HM 1174, for which see C. W. Dutschke,Guide to Medieval and RenaissanceManuscripts in the Huntington Library, 2 vols. (San Marino, Calif.: HuntingtonLibrary, 1989), 526 28, g. 143.11. For the traditions of the Fons pietatis andthe Fons vitae, see Maj-Brit Wadell, Fonspietatis: Eine ikonographische Studie(Gteborg: Elanders, 1969), and Ewald M.Vetter, Die Kupferstiche zur PsalmodiaEucaristica des Melchor Prieto von 1622(Mnster: Aschendorff, 1972), 293340.12. Lille, Muse des Beaux-Arts, inv. no. P 832; see Wadell, Fons pietatis, 49 51, 119,no. 76, pl. 41, and color reproduction inJames H. Marrow, Passion Iconography inNorthern European Art of the Late Middlechapter 13: scholarship on flemish manuscript illumination 175NotesAges and Early Renaissance (Kortrijk: VanGhemmert, 1979), 84, pl. v.13. Paris, Bibliothque de lArsenal, Ms. 1185,for which see Henry Martin, Les Heures deBoussu et leurs bordures symboliques,Gazette des Beaux-Arts 52 (1910): 11538; F. O. Bttner, Ikonographisches Eigengut der Randzier in sptmittelalterlichenHandschriften: Inhalte und Programme,Scriptorium 39 (1985): 21826, pl. 23; andBttner, Sehen versehen erleben: BesondereRedaktionen narrativer Ikonographie imStundengebetbuch, in Images of Cult andDevotion: Function and Reception ofChristian Images in Medieval and Post-Medieval Europe, ed. Sren Kaspersen(Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press,2004), 104 12, 12728, gs. 10 21.14. For the problem, see Krieger, ZumProblem des Illusionismus.15. Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana,Ms. Lat. I, 99, for which see Mario Salmi andGian Lorenzo Mellini, The Grimani Breviary,Reproduced from the Illuminated ManuscriptBelonging to the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice(London: Thames & Hudson, 1972), andKren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, 420 24, no. 126.16. Much of this lore was associated by tradi-tion with such classical artists as Zeuxis,Apelles, and Pheideas and was transmitted by such writers as Pliny, Quintillian, andPlutarch. For a discussion of this topic focusedon early Netherlandish painting, see RudolfPreimesberger, Zu Jan van Eycks Diptychonder Sammlung Thyssen-Bornemisza,Zeitschrift fr Kunstgeschichte 54 (1991):45989. Elizabeth Moodey reminds me thatthis striking example of trompe loeil on thepage with a portrayal of Saint Luke is the onlyinstance of this kind of illusionism found inthe Grimani Breviary. See also a small book of hours illustrated by Simon Bening andassociates in Frankfurt, in which a dragony is similarly portrayed with transparent wingsextending over text, decorated panel borders,and part of the outer margin (Frankfurt,Museum fr Kunsthandwerk, Ms. LM 56, fol. 17). Signicantly, this occurs once againon a page with a miniature of Saint Luke, andit is again the only instance of this kind ofbravura trompe loeil involving text, decoratedborder, and margin in the manuscript in whichit appears; see color reproduction in the cata-logue of the exhibition at the StdelschesKunstinstitut und Stdtische Galerie, Frankfurtam Main: Jochen Sander, Die Entdeckung derKunst: Niederlndische Kunst des 15. und 16.Jahrhunderts in Frankfurt (Mainz: P. vonZabern, 1995), 172, g. 164, 198, no. 25.17. See the discussion of related notions byRobert G. Calkins, Sacred Image and Illusionin Late Flemish Manuscripts, in Essays inMedieval Studies: Proceedings of the IllinoisMedieval Association 6 (1989): 118, esp.9 14.18. For another example of play between textand image that draws on implicit contrastsbetween the two, see the miniature of theAscension of Christ added around 1485 byJean Colombe of Bourges to the Trs RichesHeures of Jean de Berry (Chantilly, MuseCond, Ms. 65 [1284], fol. 184): JeanLongnon, Raymond Cazelles, and MillardMeiss, Les Trs Riches Heures du Duc deBerry (London: Thames & Hudson, 1969), pl. 128. On this page, Colombe contrasted animage of Christ, hovering in the sky anked bya choir of observing angels and above earth-bound, kneeling apostles and other gures,with a depiction of the text describing thesame event. In pointed contrast to Christsgure, the text is portrayed not as self-supporting or miraculously contravening thelaws of this-worldly realities, but as being heldup by supporting gures in the manner of abanner. In other of the miniatures Colombeadded to the same book (fols. 57, 126, 164,201; Les Trs Riches Heures, plates nos. 57,102, 122, 139), he likewise depicted texts onbanners superimposed on miniatures, butwithout supporting gures. Through the juxta-position of visual and textual versions of theAscension on this page, Colombe distinguishedbetween the supernatural character of theevent and the different order of reality embod-ied in its description in mere words. I cite thisFrench parallel to developments in Flemishillumination to stress that the issues I discussin this paper are not unique to the LowCountries. See also Calkins, Sacred Image,5, 9 10, g. 9, who focuses on other aspectsof Colombes illusionism on this page. 19. Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. Ludwig IX 18, for which see Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,414 17, no. 124, and Calkins, SacredImage, 2, 6, 12, 13, 14, g. 12. 20. For related notions, see the importantstudy of Victor I. Stoichita, The Self-AwareImage: An Insight into Early Modern Meta-Painting, trans. Anne-Marie Glasheen(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1997). Stoichita touches on works of lateFlemish illumination but traces developmentsof pictorial reexivity and self-consciousness(what he terms the self-aware image)primarily in works of easel painting of theearly modern era. His study makes the essen-tial point that developments in Flemish manu-script illumination of the type I have discussedin this paper are not self-contained, but belongto broader currents in the history of art.176 marrowWithin the extraordinary expansion of art-historicalstudies as a whole over the last fty years, the growth in the specialized area ofthe study of illuminated manuscripts is especially remarkable. The huge criticaland public success of the exhibition Illuminating the Renaissance at both itsvenues, the J. Paul Getty Museum in Los Angeles and the Royal Academy ofArts in London, and the scholarly achievement of its magnicent catalogue areclear evidence of this. When the Royal Academy put on its great exhibitionFlemish Art, 13001700 in the winter of 1953 54, in the gloomy and impov-erished atmosphere of the aftermath of the Second World War, the manuscriptswere no more than an appendix to the show.1 They were chosen and describedby Otto Pcht (1902 1988), and his extraordinary knowledge of collections inthe British Isles, both public and private, resulted in the showing of many man-uscripts publicly for the rst time that had previously been unknown to schol-arship.2 But a typical entry, even for a manuscript as important as the DouceHours of Engelbert of Nassau in the Bodleian Library, ran to only fteen lines. At that time Pcht had only one scholarly rival in the study of Nether-landish book illumination. That was Friedrich Winkler, whose FlmischeBuchmalerei was published in 1925.3 But Winkler was in the main a scholar ofthe monumental painting of the Netherlands and Germany. Pchts knowledgewas equally great in that area, but he chose in his long career to place the studyof illuminated manuscripts at least on an equal footing. If you look at his bib-liography, manuscript illumination, almost from the beginning, absorbed hismain efforts.4 He liked to point out that for the earlier centuries of the MiddleAges the history of painting could only be written by studying painting inbooks. Throughout his career he sought to demonstrate that in the later MiddleAges, too, illuminated manuscripts could help to ll the gaps caused by the non-survival of monumental artworks, enabling the reconstruction of lost master-pieces and contributing essential information to the study of iconography.5Erwin Panofsky was a pioneer in considering manuscript illumination as partof the broader eld of painting, but in 1953 when he published his NortonLectures, delivered originally in 194748, as Early Netherlandish Paintinghenevertheless saw illumination only as a prelude the soil, as it were, fromwhich panel painting sprung.6For the rst half of the twentieth century the emphasis in manuscriptstudies had been on the early Middle Ages and on Byzantine manuscript illumi-nation. The major scholars in the eld Kurt Weitzmann, Carl Nordenfalk,Hugo Buchthal, and Wilhelm Koehler were all engaged in the main in studyOne Hundred Years of the Study of Netherlandish ManuscriptsJona than J . G . A l ex ande rchapter 14of the early period.7 With the expansion in manuscript studies, that too haschanged. In fact, it is true of the study of medieval art and architecture as awhole that the main emphasis is now on later periods. In manuscript studies an especially inuential gure in this development was L. M. J. Delaiss(1914 1972), a great scholar and charismatic teacher who brought his enthu-siasm to the United States, as a visiting scholar, and to England, where he set-tled in Oxford as a fellow of All Souls College from 1964 to 1972.8 Delaissstarted as a textual scholar in the Bibliothque royale de Belgique in Brussels,with his work on the manuscript tradition of Thomas Kempis, and he con-tributed a highly salutary new direction to manuscript studies as he insisted onthe necessity of studying the book as a whole.9 His slogan archologie dulivre warned art historians of the dangers of treating miniatures as little panelpaintings divorced from their physical and textual context. For Delaiss thecareful description of the physical makeup of a book not only was the essentialprelude to study but also contributed invaluable evidence to help decide prob-lems of date, origin, and attribution. He also, in his famous critique of MillardMeisss aristocratic art history, warned of the dangers of neglecting manu-scripts judged to be of lesser aesthetic quality.10 There could be no peaks in thehigh mountains, as he liked to stress, unless there were lesser foothills tosupport them.I think one could also use the slogan archologie du livre in another sense. Manuscripts are hard to nd and hard to access. They have tobe, as it were, excavated from the shelves and sometimes, to be frank, wrestedfrom the grasp of unwilling custodians. This task of physically nding the mate-rials of our study has also made enormous progress in the last fty years. Thecatalogue of the Bodleian collections, which Otto Pcht wrote in Oxford dur-ing the Second World War and for the publication of which I had the great goodfortune to be employed, was one landmark in that progress. In the last ftyyears the constantly increasing number of exhibitions has played a major partin this excavation of the unknown, as was clear in Illuminating the Renaissance.That is as important a role, in my view, as providing the public with a chanceto see inaccessible masterpieces and scholars with the chance to compare orig-inals at close quarters. Now the next generation of scholars can look forwardto a brave new world of virtual reality as illuminated manuscripts spread outover the World Wide Web, thus offering access to all. Whether there may bedangers as well as benets from this our successors will have to work out. Oneenormous plus is the possibility of color reproduction on a scale so farundreamt of, though that too, if reproductions are not checked against the orig-inals, can be dangerously misleading.11Pcht and the scholars on whose work he built and whom he admired,notably Hermann Julius Hermann in Vienna and Georges Hulin de Loo inBelgium, had the precious gift of a good eye. It may be that that is a naturalgift, just as some are better at sport than others. But without the training of theeye and without the discipline of historical study, the good eye, invaluable asit may be, is limited in its reach. Delaiss was right, in other words, to insist thatart historians of the medieval book must also be masters, or at least rely on themastery of others, in a whole range of specialties, both the wider disciplines,such as medieval history and textual philology, and the more specialized ones,such as paleography, heraldry, and diplomatic and liturgical studies.178 alexanderIlluminating the Renaissance has shown the necessity of that trainingof the eye. I think we might take up for our own special use the concept ofclose looking. It would be analogous to the phrase close reading as usedby our colleagues in literary studies. Pcht in fact liked to insist on the art his-torians greater ability to dene style and to date works of art, pointing to theliterary critics difculty in establishing the canon of Shakespeares works. Butthe two skills are very different, needing different training and expertise. Arthistorians are sometimes put on the defensive by their failures for example,in the matter of fakes or by their uncertainties and disagreements forexample, over the Hubert / Jan van Eyck problem. It may indeed be that certain,even many, art-historical problems are insoluble. Nevertheless we cannot doubtthat we know more about Netherlandish book illumination than was knowneven fty years ago, whatever problems remain.12 That has been the result offty years of close looking by a whole army of researchers. The sense ofcamaraderie in our discipline, the willingness to share information, has been anessential ingredient in our progress. The catalogue of Illuminating theRenaissance was a tribute to as well as a justication of the value of closelooking. It is also admirable in its engagement with the kindred and equallydifcult task of putting what the eye sees into words. I would like to close with a few remarks on future directions, includ-ing what I see as some dangers. I want to stress that future work needs some-thing more than a commitment to interdisciplinary studies, however essentialthat may be. It also needs to forge a theoretical basis for our studies in order tocreate what in 1933 Hans Sedlmayr called a strenge Kunstwissenschaft, a rig-orous art history, as Christopher Wood translates the phrase.13 A resistance totheory an unwillingness, for example, to engage the implications of postmod-ernism can result only in our particular eld being reduced to a provincialbackwater. One danger of the emphasis on codicology, for example, is its pos-itivist tendency to confuse counting and tabulation with analysis and interpre-tation. A noteworthy recent development has been the input of conservation inour eld. Here I am struck by the way a new generation of conservators arefully involved as art historians in controversy and hypothesis and do not takerefuge in a false appeal to science as a higher form of knowledge. Technical aidshave indeed proved of enormous benet to the task of close looking, but theresults still need interpretation.Another danger that needs to be theorized is the pervasive legacy ofnineteenth-century nationalism in our discipline. We have to be very carefulabout essentializing ethnic or racial difference in the past, not just because it ishistorically unjustied but also because that kind of language has played animportant role in modern propaganda. A related danger is the commitment toteleological narratives, with their triumphalist bent, again something with clearconnections to Western imperialism of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.Colleagues in other elds increasingly use the term early modern, while we arthistorians cling to the term Renaissance. The dreaded R word occurs in the titleof the exhibition under discussion, but what is its meaning in the context ofNetherlandish painting? It may have been thought useful in appealing to a gen-eral public, but that seems a patronizing and impoverished reason for using itin our context of manuscript studies.14 Another inherited classication ripe fordeconstruction is surely the distinction between ne and applied art. Many Ichapter 14: one hundred years of the study of netherlandish manuscripts 179have spoken to found the exhibition at each venue totally overwhelming in theextraordinary level of aesthetic quality. In fact, one of the major achievementsof the scholarship in the exhibitions catalogue has been to break down thebarriers between the painters and the illuminators and show them as porous inboth directions.15Examining the relations of panel painters and illuminators bringstogether in an exemplary way two of the skills I have been trying to emphasizeand shows how necessary they are in combination: the discipline of close look-ing, which makes attribution possible, and the historical study of records,which gives us an insight into fteenth-century social and economic organiza-tion. In this context theory also necessarily plays its part. Thanks to the femi-nist movement, with its sophisticated understanding of cultural politics, wehave been forced to recognize our own neglect of women painters, even whenthe evidence was there right in front of our noses.16My last plea is that the project of attribution and classication shouldnot be allowed to take up all our energies and, in particular, that it should notget in the way of the study of content. It is not just that, as Delaiss stressed,these miniatures, borders, and initials embellish texts. That has clearly necessi-tated an openness to reception theory and an inquiry into how manuscripts andtheir illuminations function for the reader, which has been a most valuableaspect of recent manuscript studies. There is also the question of how imagesencapsulate ideologies and aid in the construction of reality for their makersand users. The task of interpretation is fraught with difculty when we seekfrom our vantage point to disentangle the real from the represented, whethermore generally in terms of social or religious practices, for example ormore specicallyfor instance, in the detailed examination of clothing andfashion. Even if such difcult and complex inquiries are, however, in the lastresort, doomed to failure, I still believe they must be undertaken if our projectsare not to become reductive and impoverished.180 alexander1. There were sixty-one manuscripts (nos.555 626). The catalogue was an unassumingpaperback without illustrations and withoutan index of the manuscripts. Thomas Krenand Scot McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance: The Triumph of FlemishManuscript Painting in Europe, exh. cat. (LosAngeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2003), has172 catalogue entries. The entry for the Hoursof Engelbert of Nassau (no. 18) lls two pagesand is accompanied by one black-and-whiteand four color illustrations.2. Signicant loans came from two privatecollectors: C. W. Dyson Perrins, with eightmanuscripts, and Viscount Lee of Fareham,with one. The only lender outside England andScotland was the Bibliothque nationale deFrance in Paris, which lent six manuscripts.3. Friedrich Winkler, Die mischeBuchmalerei des XV. und XVI. Jahrhunderts:Knstler und Werke von den Brdern vanEyck bis zu Simon Bening (Leipzig: E. A.Seemann, 1925).4. Jonathan J. G. Alexander, Otto Pcht,19021988, Proceedings of the BritishAcademy (1991 Lectures and Memoirs) 80(1993): 453 72. An incomplete bibliographyof Pchts writings can be found in hisFestschrift: Artur Rosenauer and GeroldWeber, eds., Kunsthistorische Forschungen:Otto Pcht zu seinem 70. Geburtstag(Salzburg: Residenz, 1972).5. Otto Pcht, Knstlerische Originalitt undikonographische Erneuerung, in Stil undberlieferung in der Kunst des Abendlandes(Berlin: Mann, 1967), 26271.6. Panofsky and Pcht were friends and corre-spondents. I have no doubt that Panofsky sawthe 1953 54 exhibition in London.7. The two issues of the Gazette des beaux-arts, 6e pr., 62 (1963), edited by Otto Pchtand Carl Nordenfalk in honor of Jean Porcher,provide in effect a roll call of major scholarsworking on manuscripts at the time. In addi-tion to those already mentioned, it includedHans Swarzenski, Otto Homburger, FlorentineMtherich, Francis Wormald, and MillardMeiss.8. Lon Gilissen, In Memoriam L. M. J.Delaiss (1914 1972), Quaerendo 2, no. 2(1972): 82 86. Gloria K. Fiero, L. M. J.Delaiss (1914 1972): An Appreciation,Quaerendo 9, no. 1 (1979): 69 78. Delaisssexhibition La Miniature amande: Le Mcnatde Philippe le Bon: Exposition organise loccasion du 400e anniversaire de la fonda-tion de la Bibliothque royale de Philipp II le12 avril 1559 (Brussels, 1959) was anotherepoch-making show. It contained 274 manu-scripts borrowed from libraries throughoutEurope and the United States. It was crucialfor its new geographical mapping of the man-uscript production of the southernNetherlands and for its application of the termofcine to producers of manuscripts of certaintexts, for example, David Aubert. Delaissswell-known insistence on the greater icono-graphical originality of illuminated manu-scripts from the northern Netherlands camelater; see L. M. J. Delaiss, A Century ofDutch Manuscript Illumination (Berkeley:University of California Press, 1968).9. See L. M. J. Delaiss, James Marrow, andJohn de Wit, introduction to IlluminatedManuscripts: The James A. de RothschildCollection at Waddesdon Manor (Fribourg:Published for the National Trust by Ofce duLivre, 1977), 1320. L. M. J. Delaiss,Towards a History of the Medieval Book,Divinitas 11 (1967): 42336.10. Review of Millard Meiss, French Paintingin the Time of Jean de Berry, pt. 1, The LateFourteenth Century and the Patronage of theDuke (London, 1967), in Art Bulletin 52(1970): 206 12.11. Some form of policing to ensure acceptablestandards of color reproduction is highly desir-able. Moreover, I do not see how a propercodicological examination will ever be possiblewithout examining the manuscript itself. And I doubt that such recent crucial discoveries asthose of John Lowden in the Bibles moralisesor Michelle Brown in the Lindisfarne Gospelscould have been made through access to aWeb site. See John Lowden, The Making ofthe Bibles Moralises (University Park:Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000),and Michelle P. Brown, The LindisfarneGospels: Society, Spirituality, and the Scribe(London: British Museum, 2003).12. The extent of our progress in attributionwas strikingly shown at the recent exhibitionat the Muse du Louvre, Paris, Primitifsfranais: Dcouvertes et redcouvertes (2004).13. Christopher Wood, The Vienna SchoolReader: Politics and Art Historical Method inthe 1930s (New York: Zone Books, 2000),132 79, reprints the text in English transla-tion. Sedlmayr begins by noting that theantitheoretical scholar . . . overlooks the factthat he too theorizes implicitly.14. I plead guilty to a similar title in my exhi-bition The Painted Page: Italian RenaissanceBook Illumination, 14501550 (RoyalAcademy of Arts, London, 1994). But in Italythe term has a meaning in terms of the recov-ery of the antique, which was clear in the con-tents of the exhibition and in the text of thecatalogue. For a defense of the use of the termRenaissance in the context of northernEuropean art of the fteenth century seeMarina Belozerskaya, Rethinking theRenaissance: Burgundian Arts across Europe(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,2002). It is, however, not so much the prob-lem of extending the term geographically thatworries me. I have more in mind the problemsof periodicity that have been raised againrecently by Fredric Jameson, in A SingularModernity: Essay on the Ontology of thePresent (London: Verso, 2002), referring tothe dialectic of the break and the period(33) and to the historicizing, narrative tropeof for the rst time (35). Jameson retains theterm Renaissance, however. I thank my col-league Jonathan Hay for referring me toJamesons book.15. See the articles in Illuminating theRenaissance by Thomas Kren and MaryanAinsworth, Artistic Exchanges andInterrelationships, and by CatherineReynolds, Illuminators and the PaintersGuilds. See also Maryan Ainsworth,Diverse Patterns Pertaining to the Crafts ofPainters and Illuminators: Gerard David andthe Bening Workshop, in Master Drawings41, no. 3 (2003): 240 65.16. Alain Arnould, De la production de minia-tures de Cornelia van Wulfschkercke au cou-vent des carmelites de Sion Bruges (Brussels:Vicariat Gnral des Dominicains, 1998). Seealso Jeffrey Hamburgers work in Nuns asArtists: The Visual Culture of a MedievalConvent (Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress, 1997), and in Krone und Schleier: Kunst aus mittelalterlichen Frauenklstern,exh. cat. (Munich: Hirmer; Bonn: Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der BundesrepublikDeutschland; Essen: Ruhrlandmuseum, 2005),which accompanied the pathbreaking exhibi-tion organized by Hamburger and RobertSuckale. chapter 14: one hundred years of the study of netherlandish manuscripts 181NotesFigure A.1Thierion Anseau, scribe. Vie, passion,et vengeance de nostre seigneur JhesuChrist, ca. 1486 93. Paris, Bibliothquede lArsenal (Ms. 5206), fol. 174.Figure A.2Etienne de Lale, scribe. Hours of BonaSforza, leaves, Milan, ca. 1490, andGhent, ca. 151721. London, BritishLibrary (Add. Ms. 34294), fol. 61v.182 appendix: scribe biographiesThe biographies of Flemish scribes included here are meant to supple-ment those appearing in the appendix of Illuminating the Renaissance: TheTriumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe. It is hoped that this bodyof vitae will provide the impetus for a more systematic study of Flemish scribesof the period from around 1467 to 1560, leading in turn to a better understand-ing of their place in book production. Thierion Anseau (active ca. 148693)The only known manuscript by Thierion Anseau is a collection of reli-gious texts commissioned by Baudouin II de Lannoy (Paris, Bibliothque delArsenal, Mss. 5205, 5206). Illuminated by the Master of Edward IV in Brugesaround 1486 93, the manuscript, which was rebound in two volumes in theeighteenth century, includes texts by Jacob van Gruytrode and SaintBonaventure, as well as Jean Mansels compilation based on the Vita Christi.1The prologue of the manuscript states that Lannoy ordered the workand that Thierion Anseau, son [Lannoys] trs humble et petit serviteur etescripvain, a dilliganment gross ce prsent livre, appell Vita Christ, faicte etcompille par notable clerc nomm Jehan Mansel, homme lay, lors demouranta Hesdin en Artois.2 It continues by explaining that other devotional textswere added.Anseaus elegant bastarda is pleasing to the eye and contains someinteresting characteristics (g. a.1). The vertical strokes of his s and f thatdescend below the line are noticeably his broadest or thickest strokes. His let-ter l and the ascenders on his b and h frequently form distinct bows. The hascender at times loops downward to the right and back upon itself, creating abow that echoes the angle of the downward stoke of the letters hump, whichdescends below the line and toward the left. Infrequently but distinctively whenlocated at the beginning of a word, the bow of the letter d remains extremelyopen, the lower left stroke being nearly horizontal. Moreover, the addition of ahairline stroke extends the open bow below the line. Overall the precise use oflead-in and hairline strokes creates a regular appearance that remains legiblewithout difculty. Etienne de Lale (active ca. 1517)The household accounts of Margaret of Austria (14801530) recordpayment on July 14, 1517, to Etienne de Lale for having written several parch-ment leaves to complete an Italian book of hours once belonging to the lateScribe BiographiesR i ch a rd GayappendixFigure A.3Gratianus, scribe. Book of Hours, 1533.New York, Morgan Library, Ms. M.491,fol. 36.Bonne de Millan.3 That book is now identied as the Hours of BonaSforza.4 Approximately two years later Gerard Horenbout was hired tocomplete the manuscripts decoration, and by 1521 he had engaged anunnamed scribe in Brussels to supplement the book further.5From the household account we learn that de Lale was a servantto Jehan Lalemand, Margarets secretary, and that he received 20 livres forhis work, which included rewriting missing pages and perhaps collatingthe manuscript. He also received 3 livres 10 solz as reimbursement forparchment and other supplies. Bodo Brinkmann, in his discussion of themanuscripts campaigns, notes that de Lales work appears to be that of achancellery clerk struggling with the formal script.6 Indeed, the texts onthe reverse of miniatures by Horenbout often lack the rhythmic spacingand condent line expected of one procient with the script (g. a.2).These qualities might perhaps also be the result of the scribe striving tomatch the Italianate script already present in the manuscript.7Gratian (Gratianus; active ca. 1533) Inscriptional evidence indicates that F. Gratian of Brussels tran-scribed a book of hours for Emperor Charles V now in the MorganLibrary: F. Gratianus Brux: Cap[ellanus]: haec scripsit.8 Illuminated bythe Master of Morgan m.491 and the circle of the Master of Charles V,the manuscript is dated 15339 and perhaps was transcribed from theprayer book made for Charles V that is now in Vienna (sterreichischeNationalbibliothek, Ms. 1895). The manuscripts contain almost identicaltexts in a nearly identical sequence.10 The even and somewhat rounded letter-forms of the hybrida found in the Morgan manuscript provide a visually attrac-tive yet easily readable script (g. a.3). Notable is the rather small ascender ofthe letter d.The manuscript includes an alleged portrait of Charles Vs chaplain(fol. 35v).11 It is assumed that Charles presented the manuscript to his chaplainas a gift and that his portrait, shown in devotion opposite an image of theVirgin and child enthroned, may have been added as an afterthought.12 Sincethe inscription in M.491 uses an abbreviated form of the word capellanus, indi-cating that Gratian was a cleric working in the royal chapel in Brussels,13 itseems possible that the depicted chaplain could actually be the books scribe.Further examination of Charless correspondence may allow for more preciseidentication of the scribe.14Nothing further is known about Gratian. It is interesting, however,that Philip II (15271598), the son and heir of Charles V, had a secretarynamed Gracian. In a letter dated February 24, 1577, to Philip from Juan de Zuniga in Rome, Gracian is mentioned has having sent information to Zuniga.15 One might conclude that Charles Vs book of hours is an earlywork by the man who later became Philips secretary or perhaps by one of his relatives. 184 appendix: scribe biographiesThin Descender Scribe (active ca. 15001520)Named after a distinguishing element of his elegant bastardascript,16 this anonymous scribe was active early in the sixteenth centu-ry. His work is identiable by characteristic letterforms; his v, d, and gare distinctive (g. a.4).17 The rst two have gracefully arching ele-ments: the initial stoke of the letter v (particularly when it begins a wordbut inconsistently applied) and the somewhat pronounced and leftward-arching diagonal ascender of the d. The descender of the g provides theelegantly thin and somewhat horizontal and lengthy stroke for whichthe scribe is named. Of the three letters, the g most consistently displaysits distinctive trait. It is the combination of the three letterforms, how-ever, that signals the scribes work, since these letterforms, especially thev and the d, appear in scripts by other sixteenth-century scribes.The scribes oeuvre consists of manuscripts associated with thescript of a book of hours illuminated by the Master of the David Scenesin the Grimani Breviary produced around 151520 (Oxford, BodleianLibrary, Ms. Douce 112). Leslie Macfarlane attributed ve other manu-scripts to the scribe of that manuscript, and Brinkmann six, but theyagree on only three: Ms. Douce 112; Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, Ms.78 B 15; and Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, Ms. 1058-1975.18 Thesemanuscripts are indeed by the same hand, and to them can be added, asrightly noted by Macfarlane,19 the Hours of James the IV of Scotland(Vienna, sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ms. 1897).20Current scholarship indicates that the scribes actual name maysoon be conrmed. Macfarlane identied him as Iohannes de Bomalia, thename written at the end of a prayer commemorating All Saints in the Hours ofJames IV of Scotland.21 Confusion has arisen because of the existence of twoindividuals of that name: an inquisitor and Dominican professor in Louvainwho died in 1477, well before the production of that manuscript around15023,22 and a Dominican priest active in Bruges between 1489 and 1499.23The latter is a possible candidate for the Thin Descender Scribe. Recently Lievede Kesel proposed a different identication for the scribe in her work on BerlinMs. 78 B 15, which MacFarlane, Brinkmann, and I attribute to the scribe underdiscussion here.24 De Kesel implies that a Bruges scribe, Hanskin de Bomalia, aDominican who signed two books of hours (The Hague, Museum Meermanno-Westreenianum, Ms. 10 E 3, and another formerly in the Rodocanachi collec-tion), might be the scribe of Berlin Ms. 78 B 15.25 She recognizes small differ-ences between the Berlin and Oxford manuscripts and acknowledges thatfurther study may permit the identication of the scribe of Berlin Ms. 78 B 15with greater certainty.26A localization of the scribe also presents challenges, but he was mostlikely active in Ghent or Bruges, given that manuscripts by him were illumi-nated by artists linked with those cities. The Master of James IV, who illu-minated the kings hours now in Vienna, is associated with Ghent. His likelypupil, the Master of the David Scenes, can be linked to both cities,27 while theMaster of the Prayer Books of around 1500, the artist of Berlin Ms. 78 B 15, isassociated with Bruges. Bruges, however, seems the most likely locale given that both Jan de Bomalia and Hanskin de Bomalia have been localized to that city.28Figure A.4Thin Descender Scribe. Book of Hours.Berlin, Staatliche Museen PreuischerKulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett Ms. 78B 15, fol. 77.appendix: scribe biographies 185Figure A.5Francis Weert, scribe. Psalter andAntiphonary, 1522. London, BritishLibrary, Add. Ms. 15426, fol. 53.Francis Weert (active ca. 152039)Active in Louvain, the professional scribe Francis Weertproduced manuscripts for a number of inuential patrons, includ-ing Marcus Cruyt, abbot of Saint-Bernard-sur-lEscaut inHemiksem, near Antwerp. Around 1524 he transcribed for Cruytthe luxurious Arenberg Missal, which is written in an elegant tex-tura script and illuminated by an artist most likely active inAntwerp, the associate of the Master of Cardinal Wolsey (privatecollection).29 Around the same time, Weert also produced a prayerbook for the abbots personal use, which includes a portrait ofCruyt and the abbots coat of arms (Bornem, Sint-Bernardusabdij,Ms. 9). That prayer book, along with another manuscript, is men-tioned in the abbeys chronicle as having been written by Franciscusvan Weert of Louvain around 1524.30Weert also worked for at least two Premonstratensianabbeys. For the rst, the Abbey of Tongerloo in Brabant, he pro-duced in 1522 a two-volume Latin psalter and antiphonary(London, British Library, Add. Ms. 15426 27; g. a.5).31 Aninscription identies the patron, Abbot Anthonius Tsgrooten deOesterwck (d. 1530), and informs us that Weert resided inLouvain.32 A few years later, in 1525, he transcribed and signed aprocessional for the Premonstratensian Abbey of Parc, nearLouvain.33 According to Jonathan Alexander and Elzbieta Temple,Weert also transcribed for the abbey an epistolary (Oxford, Ms. Douce 200)whose eighteenth-century binding displays the abbeys arms, albeit virtuallyerased.34 For the abbeys twenty-fth abbot, Ambrosius de Angelis, a native ofLouvain, where Weert resided in 1522, the scribe produced at least three man-uscripts: a missal dated 1521 (Oxford, Wadham College, Ms. A.7.8);35 a psalter(Brussels, Bibliothque royale de Belgique, Ms. 11556);36 and a missal dated1539 that may have been produced in Brabant (Brussels, Bibliothque royale,Ms. II 2347).37The colophon of the 1539 missal gives the scribes name asFranciscum Montfordium a Weert.38 Today Ambt Montfort is a town eigh-teen miles southeast of Weert, both located in Limburg province, theNetherlands. The scribe may have been from Montfort originally but relocatedand adopted the name of the larger city. The reference to Montfort appearsonly in the 1539 inscription, however, suggesting that the scribes associationwith that town may have occurred later in life, after he had lived in Louvain in 1522.39His evenly spaced textura is easily readable, with distinct separationbetween words (see g. a.5). The letterforms, however, retain rather Gothiccharacteristics, such as the rhythmic repetition of feet; broad, somewhat heavystrokes; and an angularity in the letters with bows. This conservatism appliedto varying degrees seems appropriate given his clientele. It appears that Weertspecialized in works for religious houses that turned to professional scribes; allof his identied manuscripts were produced for abbeys or for personal use bytheir abbots.186 appendix: scribe biographiesSince the publication of Nicolas Spierinc'sbiography in Thomas Kren and ScotMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance:The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Paintingin Europe, exh. cat. (Los Angeles: J. PaulGetty Museum, 2003), 52021, another man-uscript by his hand has been identied byCatherine Reynolds: a book of hours whoseillumination was inuenced by both Lievenvan Lathem and Simon Marmion (Christie's,London, June 2, 2004, lot 14). The authorwould like to thank Scot McKendrick,Elizabeth Morrison, and Thomas Kren for their guidance and assistance with bibliography.1. For more on the manuscripts contents, seeScot McKendrick, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 340 41, no. 97;Henry Martin, Catalogue des manuscrits de laBibliothque de lArsenal, vol. 5 (Paris, 1889),15254.2. Paris, Bibliothque de lArsenal, Ms. 5205,fol. F, as cited in Martin, Catalogue des man-uscrits, vol. 5, 154.3. Matre Jehan de Marnix . . . nous vousordonnons que payez . . . a Etienne de Lale,serviteur de nostre scrtaire maistre JehanLalemand, la somme de xx livres . . . pourpayement et rcompense de sy payne et labeurdavoir . . . escript plusieurs fuilletz enperchemin, servant nos heures, faictes a lamode et a painctures ytaliques que avons eude feue madame Bonne de Millan. . . . Et payezaussi au dict Estienne la somme de trois livres10 solz quil nous a afferm avoir desbourspour le parchemin servant ausdicts fuilletz,pour la reiglure et coppure diceulx commeappartenoit . . . Marguerite (Lille, Archivesdpartementales du Nord, srie B 19617, nos.4406364). The transcription here is abridgedfrom Mark L. Evans and Bodo Brinkmann,The Sforza Hours, Add. Ms. 34294 of theBritish Library, London (Lucerne: FaksimileVerlag, 1995), 83435. An excerpt of theaccount was published by R. Flower,Margaret of Austria and the Sforza Book,British Museum Quarterly 10 (193536):100102. Flower credits Paul Wescher withrst noting the domestic accounts associatedwith the Sforza Hours.4. Kren and McKendrick, Illuminating theRenaissance, no. 129.5. Brinkmann, in Evans and Brinkmann,Sforza Hours, 52122, 836. 6. Brinkmann, in Evans and Brinkmann,Sforza Hours, 522.7. I thank Scot McKendrick for this observation. 8. New York, Morgan Library, Ms. M.491, fol. 266v; Kren and McKendrick, Illuminatingthe Renaissance, no. 166.9. The manuscript is dated on folio 18v. 10. On the connections between the two man-uscripts, see Elizabeth Morrison, in Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,49598.11. See Morrison, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 498 n. 9. Theidentication of the cleric with a member ofthe Pot family has been questioned.12. Morrison, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 498.13. See Capellanus, in J. F. Niermayer,Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus:Abbreviationes et index fontium (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1993), 13132.14. Suggested by Scot McKendrick.15. The link to the secretary Gracian is sug-gested in the notes on the manuscript held atthe Morgan Library. In the letter, Juan deZuniga mentions Despues que el secretarioGracian me embio las cartas y papeles sobre lodel tabernaculo, que ciertos mercaderes aquihizieron por un designo de Michael Angelo.For a complete transcription, see Rudolf Beer,cten, Regesten und Inventare aus demArchivo General zu Simancas, Jahrbuch derKunsthistorischen Sammlungen desAllerhchsten Kaiserhauses 12 (1891): cxcvii. 16. Morrison, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 371.17. Leslie Macfarlane, The Book of Hours ofJames IV and Margaret Tudor, Innes Review11 (1960): 16; Bodo Brinkmann, DieFlmische Buchmalerei am Ende desBurgunderreichs: Der Meister des DresdenerGebetbuchs und die Miniaturisten seiner Zeit(Turnhout: Brepols, 1997), 323. NeitherMacfarlane nor Brinkmann identify the scribeas the Thin Descender Scribe.18. Macfarlane, Book of Hours, 16.Macfarlane attributed to the scribe: Hours ofJames IV of Scotland (Vienna, sterreichischeNationalbibliothek, Ms. 1897); four otherbooks of hours (Oxford, Bodleian Library,Ms. Douce 112; Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett,Ms. 78 B 15; Dyson Perrins Ms. 105 [nowCambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, Ms. 1058-1975]; and another one formerly in theDurrieu collection [Paul Durrieu, LaMiniature amande au temps de la cour deBourgogne (14151530), 2nd ed. (Paris: G.van Oest, 1927), pl. lxxxvii]). Brinkmann, onthe other hand, associates seven manuscriptswith the scribe: three books of hours (Oxford,Bodleian Library, Ms. Douce 112; Berlin,Staatsbibliothek, Ms. 78 B 15; andCambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, Ms. 1058-1975); the Prayer Book of Charles V (Vienna,sterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ms.1859); Brussels, Bibliothque royale deBelgique, Ms. IV 280; a manuscript that soldat Sothebys in 1952; and Neuchtel,Bibliothque publique et universitaire, Ms.A.F.A.28 (Brinkmann, Flmische Buchmalerei,text vol., 323). 19. Macfarlane, Book of Hours, 16. 20. Unfortunately I cannot make furtherassessments of MacFarlane's and Brinkmann'sattributions, having no access to the manu-scripts under discussion. 21. Macfarlane, Book of Hours, 16. OttoPcht and Jonathan J. G. Alexander(Illuminated Manuscripts in the BodleianLibrary, Oxford [Oxford: Clarendon Press,1966], vol. 1, no. 396) perpetuated this notionand identied the scribe of Douce 112 asJohannes de Bomalia as well.22. Franz Unterkircher, Das Gebetbuch JakobsIV. von Schottland und seiner Gemahlin,Margaret Tudor: Vollstndige Faksimile-ausgabe im Originalformat des Codex 1897der sterreichischen Nationalbibliothek Wien: Kommentarband (Vienna: AkademischeDruck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1987), 25; and Lievede Kesel, Almost Restored: The Hours ofArchduchess Isabella Clara Eugenia, Berlin,Kupferstichkabinett, 78 B 15, Jahrbuch derBerliner Museen 43 (2001): 114. I thank ScotMcKendrick for informing me of de Keselswork on Bomalia. Unterkircher was unawarethat a second Bomalia was located in Brugesand refuted MacFarlanes attribution.23. Broeder Jan van Bomale, Heer IanBommalia, and Heer Ian Bomalia, arefound in the Bruges records of 1489, 1492,and 1499 (see W. H. James Weale,Documents indits sur les enlumineurs deBruges, Le Beffroi 4 [187273]: 318, 322,329, 332). These records are cited in detail inde Kesel, Almost Restored, 113, no. 28. 24. De Kesel, Almost Restored, 113. DeKesel refers to the scribe not as the ThinDescender Scribe, but as the scribe respon-sible for the group of manuscripts underdiscussion here. 25. De Kesel, Almost Restored, 113. AlfonsW. Biermann (Die Miniaturen-Handscriftendes Kardinals Albrecht von Brandenburg[15141545], Aachener Kunstbltter 46[1975]: 37, n. 147) identies Hanskin deBomalia as a Dominican located in Bruges.26. De Kesel, Almost Restored, 113. DeKesel also notes that similarities between thescripts of Berlin Ms. 78 B 15 and of BrusselsMs. IV 280 are obvious and numerous. appendix: scribe biographies 187NotesI have not had the opportunity to study theBrussels manuscript. 27. See Thomas Kren, in Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,366 76, and Morrison, Kren andMcKendrick, Illuminating the Renaissance,38384.28. Biermann, Miniaturen-Handscriften, 37, 26869 n. 147. See also de Kesel, AlmostRestored, 113 n. 28.29. See Morrison, in Kren and McKendrick,Illuminating the Renaissance, 50910, andThe Jaime Ortiz-Patio Collection ofImportant Books and Manuscripts, sale cat.,Sothebys, New York, April 21, 1998, lot 186.30. Bornem, Archief van de Abdif, Ms. 228, p. 52, and Ms. 229, pp. 78. See M. Sabbe,M. Lamberigts, and F. Gistelinck, eds.,Bernardus en de Cistercinzerfamilie in Belgi,10901990, exh. cat. (Louvain: Bibliotheekvan de Faculteit der Godgeleerdheid, 1990),46062; Maurits Smeyers and Jan Van derStock, eds., Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts,14751550, exh. cat. (Ghent: Ludion Press,1996), no. 15; and Jaime Ortiz-PatioCollection, lot 186.31. I thank Scot McKendrick for bringing thismanuscript to my attention. For an example ofthe books illumination, see Scot McKendrick,Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts, 14001550(London: British Library, 2003), 142 43. See also Andrew G. Watson, Catalogue ofDated and Datable Manuscripts c. 7001600in the Department of Manuscripts, the BritishMuseum (London: British Library, 1979), vol. 1, 43, no. 130, vol. 2, pl. 907; JohnWilliam Bradley, Dictionary of Miniaturists,Illuminators, Calligraphers, and Copyists withReferences to Their Works and Notices ofTheir Patrons from the Establishment ofChristianity to the Eighteenth Century (NewYork: Franklin, 1958), vol. 3, 4045; and theBritish Library Manuscript Catalogue athttp://www.bl.uk /catalogues/manuscripts/HITS0001.ASP?VPath=c!/inetpub/wwwroot /mss/data/msscat /html /12991.htm&Search=Add.+15426.&Highlight=F. 32. . . . istud Psalterium scribi fecitReverendus Pater Dns Anthonius Tsgrooten,de Oesterwyck Abbas modernus hijus monas-terii Tongerlensis ordinis premonstratensis. Per franciscum weert scriptorem lovaniiresidentem. Anno verbi incarnate mcccccxxii. Mensis martii die xxii nit feliciter. Ascited in Bradley, Dictionary of Miniaturists,vol. 3, 405. 33. Brussels, Bibliothque royale, Ms. IV 1253.See Jaime Ortiz-Patio Collection, lot 186(this manuscript was not part of the sale but iscited in the catalogue). The processional soldat Sothebys, London, July 3, 1984, lot 53.34. Jonathan J. G. Alexander and ElzbietaTemple, Illuminated Manuscripts in OxfordCollege Libraries, the University Archives, andthe Taylor Institution (Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1985), 82, no. 826. See also Pcht andAlexander, Illuminated Manuscripts, vol. 1,29, no. 391. The erasure of the arms probablyhappened in 1829, when the abbeys librarywas sold in Louvain. See also E. VanBalberghe, Les Critres de provenance desmanuscrits de Parc, in Contribution lhis-toire des bibliothques et de la lecture auxPays-Bas avant 1600 (Brussels: Bibliothqueroyale, 1974).35. Alexander and Temple, IlluminatedManuscripts, 82, no. 826. There seems to besome confusion about the manuscripts shelfmark. It may be A.14.12 per les on record inthe Manuscript Department, J. Paul GettyMuseum.36. Bernard Bousmanne, in Smeyers and Vander Stock, Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts,177.37. Bousmanne, in Smeyers and Van der Stock,Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts, 176 77, no. 27.38. Hanc missalis hiemalis partem scribi fecitreverendus pater dominus Ambrosius deAngelis, abbas huius monasterij Parchensis.Per Franciscum Montfordium a Weert. Annoxvc xxxix (Brussels, Bibliothque royale,Ms. II 2347, fol. 1), as cited by Bousmanne, in Smeyers and Van der Stock, FlemishIlluminated Manuscripts, 176. Bousmannenotes that the scribes name also appears fre-quently in the archives.39. Scot McKendrick kindly informed me that a Thomas Kempis manuscript in theSotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge sale catalogue of May 18, 1874 (lot 3153), associates Weertwith Monfort: Thomas a Kempis DeImitatione Christi: et S. Bonaventurae LiberAureus De Vita Christi, Scripti per FranciscumMontfordiae de Weert, Lovanii, 153031Devotissimus Libellus de Vita et BeneciisSalvatoris Jesu Christi cum Meditationibus etGratiarum Actione, completus per meFranciscum de Weert, 1555De Modo pre-liandi contra octo Vicia principaliaArsMoriendiCarmen in Laudem gloriosaeVirginis MariaeCarmen de venerabiliSacramento. Manuscript with name of scribeand date, calf extra, g.e. in the old style. Small4to. Saec. xvi (153055). McKendrick sus-pects that the date 1555 was a misreading of1535, but the manuscripts current location isunfortunately unknown.188 appendix: scribe biographies189Jonathan Alexander is Sherman Fairchild Professor of Fine Arts at the Institute ofFine Arts, New York University, where he teaches medieval art history. His specialarea of interest is manuscript illumination of the Middle Ages and Renaissance.His most recent books are Studies in Italian Manuscript Illumination (2002) and The Towneley Lectionary Illuminated for Cardinal Alessandro Farnese byGiulio Clovio (1997). He is now working on a book tentatively titled ItalianRenaissance Illumination c. 14501600.Chystle Blondeau received her Ph.D. in the history of art from the University ofParis X (Nanterre) in 2003 with a dissertation on representations of Alexander theGreat at the Burgundian court. She specializes in secular iconography, issues ofpatronage, and the links between art and power. She teaches medieval art historyat the University of Paris X (Nanterre) and elsewhere.Stephanie Buck received her Ph.D. from the Freie Universitt Berlin in 2000, andis currently adjunct professor at FU-BEST, Berlin, and a Getty fellow at the Friedrich-Alexander Universitt Erlangen-Nrnberg. She has contributed to a critical cata-logue of fifteenth-century Netherlandish drawings in the Kupferstichkabinett,Berlin (2001), and to an exhibition of fteenth- and sixteenth-century Germandrawings at the Graphische Sammlung, Stdel, Frankfurt am Main (2004).Lorne Campbell is George Beaumont Senior Research Curator at the NationalGallery, London. His many publications include National Gallery Catalogues: TheFifteenth Century Netherlandish Schools (1998) and Renaissance Portraits (1990).Gregory T. Clark is professor of art history at the University of the South inSewanee, Tennessee. He has published numerous studies on French and southernNetherlandish manuscript illumination of the fifteenth century. His most recentbook is The Spitz Master: A Parisian Book of Hours (2003).Richard Gay is assistant professor of art history at the University of NorthCarolina, Pembroke. Formerly assistant curator of manuscripts at the J. Paul GettyMuseum, he helped prepare the exhibition and contributed to the publication ofIlluminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting inEurope (2003). His special interest is French manuscript illumination, and he haspublished previously on Flemish scribes.James H. Marrow is professor emeritus of art history at Princeton University, senior research associate at the Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books at the Walters Art Museum in Baltimore, and Honorary Keeper of IlluminatedManuscripts at The Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge. He has worked exten-sively on the art of the Low Countries and Germany during the late Middle Ages,with particular focus on illuminated manuscripts and questions of meaning inworks of religious art.About the ContributorsElizabeth Morrison is associate curator in the Department of Manuscripts atthe J. Paul Getty Museum. She is a specialist in French Gothic and FlemishRenaissance manuscript illumination, has curated numerous exhibitions at theGetty Museum, and is a contributor to Illuminating the Renaissance. She is cur-rently working on French history manuscripts in the vernacular.Catherine Reynolds, formerly a lecturer in art history at the universities ofReading and London, is currently a consultant on manuscripts for Christies,London. Her publications include contributions to Illuminating the Renaissanceand to other books on Robert Campin, Jan van Eyck, and Hans Memling.Margaret Scott first studied classics at the University of Glasgow, and then thehistory of dress at the Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London, whereshe specialized in dress in northern Europe in the fifteenth century. Between1999 and 2004 she taught at the Courtauld; she now works freelance. She has published books and articles on late medieval dress, and has recently com-pleted a book for the British Library on dress in illuminated manuscripts.Nancy K. Turner is associate conservator of manuscripts in the Department ofPaper Conservation at the J. Paul Getty Museum, where she has cared for thecollection since 1984. Her areas of special interest include the technical studyof painting techniques and materials of Western illuminated medieval andRenaissance manuscripts. Among her publications is an essay on the paintingtechniques of Jean Bourdichon in A Masterpiece Reconstructed: The Hours ofLouis XII (2005).Jan Van der Stock is director of Illuminare: Centre for the Study of theIlluminated Manuscript at the Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium. He hasorganized several major exhibitions on manuscript illumination, includingFlemish Illuminated Manuscripts 1475-1550 (St. Petersburg, Florence, andAntwerp, 1996 97) and Medieval Mastery: Book Illumination fromCharlemagne to Charles the Bold (8001475) (Leuven, 2002). His publicationsfocus primarily on printmaking.Dominique Vanwijnsberghe is project leader at the Royal Institute for CulturalHeritage in Brussels and a member of Illuminare Center for the Study of theIlluminated Manuscript (Leuven). He is a specialist of late medieval art in theSouthern Netherlands. His book on miniature painting in Tournai at the timeof Robert Campin (13801430) is in press.Lieve Watteeuw is scientific collaborator in the conservation graphic documentsat the Royal Institute for the Study and Conservation of Belgiums ArtisticHeritage, Brussels; and Illuminare: Centre for the Study of the IlluminatedManuscript, Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium.190Note: Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations.Abel, 157acrostics, 1Afonso (prince of Portugal), 119 20Ahab, 157Aimon de Varennes, 28Alexander the Great, 2739dress of, 48in Faicts et conquestes, 28, 30, 3137, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37in Philip the Goods collections, 2729religious views of, 35, 38, 42n.58in tapestries, 27, 29, 31, 31, 38, 38 39, 39, 41n.28Altenburg, Germany, Staatliches Lindenau-Museum:inv. no. 186 (miniature from a book of hours), 158, 159, 160Amiens, 147n.48Andrew, Saint, 35, 41n.51, 152, 152Angelis, Ambrosius de, 186animalsin Chroniques de Hainaut, 94, 95, 96fur of, in clothing, 48, 51, 52in Hours of Engelbert of Nassau, 113 14skins of, for parchment, 75 76, 83n.5Annales Hannoniae (Guise), 32Anseau, Thierion, 182, 183Anthony of Burgundy, 15Antiochus, 155Antipater, 31Antwerp, Museum Mayer van den Bergh:inv. 946 (Mayer van den Bergh Breviary), 76, 79, 80, 81archival sourceson collaboration, 11721on drawing, 105, 107on materials preparation, 78on restoration, 79 82Arenberg Missal, 186Arthurian legends, 2728attributioncollaboration and, 11718of drawings, 109 13focus of research on, 179, 180Aubert, David, 14, 16 17, 28, 40n.8Aurispa, Giovanni, 29Averbode Abbey, 119Baillet, Laurence, 140Baltimore, Walters Art Museum:Ms. w.172 (Hours of Jan Eggert), 13Ms. w.435 (book of hours), 137, 138Banquet of the Peacock, 36, 37Banquet of the Pheasant, 35Beauneveu, Andr, 108Belle, Catharina, 7n.11Belle, Yolande, 1Bellegambe, Jean, 167, 167Bening, Simon, 69, 70, 71, 77, 78in Grimani Breviary, 153in Hennessy Hours, 76 77, 77, 78materials used by, 76 77in Munich-Montserrat Hours, 70, 71in Prayer Book of Cardinal Albrecht, 68 71, 69vs. Simon the Illuminator, 121technique of, 57, 68 72Berlaymont Hours, 63, 63Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preuischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett:Ms. 78 b 12 (Hours of Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian), 53, 53Ms. 78 b 14 (book of hours), 104, 104 5Ms. 78 b 15 (book of hours), 185, 185 86Fourteen Male Heads (Master of the First Prayer Book of Maximilian [?]), 108, 11113, 112The Visitation (Lorenzo Monaco), 105, 106Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preuischer Kulturbesitz, Staatsbibliothek:Ms. a 74 (Liber Picturatus), 106, 107Bernardus, Goswin, 119Berthe, 88Berthoz, Hippolyte de, 4, 5BibleHours of Engelbert of Nassau and, 113Master of the David Scenes and, 149 60restoration of, 81Biblia Pauperum, 151, 162n.45bindings, restoration of, 79 81Blackburn, Blackburn Museum and Art Gallery:Hart Ms. 20884 (Blackburn Hours), 140 41, 141Bomalia, Hanskin de, 185, 186, 187n.25Bomalia, Iohannes de, 185Bomalia, Jan de, 186Bonaventure, Saint, 183books of hours. See also specic booksparchment used for, 75 76restoration of, 79with undecorated margins, 13 14Borluut family, 5Bosch, Hieronymus, 157Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum:Ms. 4 (book of hours), 144, 144Boulogne, Hue de, 87Boulogne, Jacqueline de, 136, 136Boulogne, Jean de, 87Boussu Hours, 168, 168, 169Bouts, Dirk, 5Brethren of the Common Life, 119breviaries. See also specic breviariesparchment used for, 75 76restoration of, 79Brievere, Anne de, 1brocading, 45, 54n.11BrugesConfraternity of Saint John in, 120, 140, 142, 143Markant in, 135, 140, 145Master of Edward IV in, 141, 143, 144Thin Descender Scribe in, 18586Bruges, Cathedral of the Holy Savior:Saint Hippolytus Triptych (Goes), 4, 5Brukenthal Breviary, 15051, 151, 161n.78brush strokesby Bening, 69, 71by David, 64by Eyck (Jan van), 58 59by Marmion, 62 63by Master of James IV, 66materials and, 77by Weyden, 95 96Brusselsplan of, 100Weyden in, 87 88Brussels, Bibliothque royale de Belgique:Ms. 7 (Histoire de Charles Martel), 14, 14, 15 16Ms. 9242 (Chroniques de Hainaut), 88, 88, 89, 89 100, 90, 91, 93, 94, 96191I n d exMs. 9243 (Chroniques de Hainaut), 9, 10, 14 15Ms. 9392 (Epistre dOtha), 16, 17, 18Ms. 10958 (Vie et miracles de Saint Josse), 11, 11, 16, 19Ms. ii 158 (Hennessy Hours), 76 77, 77, 78, 84n.15Ms. ii 7605 (book of hours), 13738, 139, 146n.1Brussels, Muse dArt ancien:Job Altarpiece (Orley), 149Bryde, Joos, 1Bryde, Roeland, 1, 7n.9Cain, 157Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum:Ms. 268 (book of hours), 123, 130, 130, 131, 13132Campin, Robert, 87Candace (queen of Macedon), 31Casus, Jan, 119, 120Catalogus abbatum Bertiniensium, 12, 13Cennini, Cennino, 105, 107Csar, Jean, 140, 146n.13chalk, 76, 83n.6Chapter of Our Lady (Antwerp), 81Charlemagne, 16, 27Charles V (Holy Roman emperor), 120, 136, 184Charles the Bold (duke of Burgundy)Alexander the Great and, 27in Chroniques de Hainaut, 89, 90, 92, 95, 96, 96death of, 147n.32dress in image of, 43 53marriage of, 3, 51Military Ordinance of Charles the Bold, 4850, 49, 52, 123, 132Prayer Book of Charles the Bold, 7n.24, 19, 21, 45, 128 29, 129Scaghe (Jan van der) and, 5undecorated margins and, 9, 14, 15, 26n.37Chastellain, Georges, 50chemists, 7778Chevrot, Jean, 89, 92, 93, 93, 95Christine de Pizan, 16, 17, 1719Chroniques de Hainautcloths of gold in, 45margins of, 9, 10, 25n.37materials used in, 76, 83n.12Weyden (Rogier van der) in, 88, 88, 89, 89 100, 90, 91, 93, 94, 96Chroniques de Jrusalem, 81, 88 89Church of Our Lady (Antwerp), 79, 119Church of Sainte Marguerite (Tournai), 87Church of Saint James (Brussels), 87 88Church of Saint James (Ghent), 81clothes. See dresscloths of gold, 45 52coats of arms, 1, 3, 7n.6codicology, 164, 179collaborationarchival sources on, 11721by Markant, 145by Master of Fitzwilliam 268, 123, 132Colombe, Jean, 176n.18colorsavailability of, 7778in images of dress, 48 50, 51in technique, 58, 60, 61 62, 66, 69undecorated margins and, 13 14in work of Weyden (Rogier van der), 92Commynes, Philippe de, 43, 48, 52Confraternity of the Holy Cross, 87 88Confraternity of Saint John the Evangelist, 120, 140, 142, 143conservationarchival sources on, 75 82and modern research, 179Constantinople, fall of, 35Contentio de presidentia (Aurispa), 29Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliotek:Ms. Gl. Kgl. Saml. 1605 4 (book of hours), 15759, 158, 159Ms. Gl. Kgl. Saml. 1612 4 (book of hours), 43 44, 44Cornelis de costere, 81Cotteron, Philippe, 81Crescentius, Petrus, 123Cro, Guillaume de, 136Cro, Jean de, 15Cro, Philippe de, 15Crusade, 33, 35, 39Cruyt, Marcus, 186Curtius Rufus, Quintus, 48, 49, 51Daliwe, Jaques, 106, 107damask, 45, 54n.11Damian (bookbinder), 121Daret, Jacques, 87David, Gerard, 64, 65in Grimani Breviary, 153in Hours of Margaretha van Bergen, 64, 6465, 65technique of, 57, 64 65, 69, 72, 74n.27The Virgin and Child (oil), 64 65, 65Desbat dhonneur (Milot), 29, 39Le Dialogue de la duchesse de Bourgogne Jsus Christ (Finet), 45, 45Dialogue of the Dead, 29dogs, 94, 95, 96Donche, Jacques, 14 15doublets, 48drapery, 58 60, 62, 64, 66, 109drawing (technique), 103 14meanings of term, 103underdrawing, 60 61, 103, 104 5drawings, 103 14attribution of, 109 13combined with illuminations, 104, 113 14as illuminations, 104, 105 8as models, 104, 108 13preservation of, 103techniques of, 103dresscost of, 43, 51gold in, 44 53in image of Charles the Bold, 43 53du Clercq, Jacques, 48du Pret, Eleuthre, 87Edinburgh, University Library:Ms. d. b. iii. ii (missal), 142, 143Edward IV (king of England), 15Eeckhoute, Jean d, 23egg white, 76, 79, 95Elizabeth (biblical gure), 153embroidery, 48, 55n.19Enseignements paternels (Lannoy), 45, 46Epistre dOtha (Christine de Pizan), 15 18, 17Epitaphier de Flandre, 3, 3epitaphs, 3, 3Eyck, Hubert van, 19, 20Eyck, Jan van, 20, 59, 60, 61Arnolni Portrait, 67Ghent Altarpiece, 19, 20192 indexSaint Francis Receiving the Stigmata, 58 60, 59, 60technique of, 57 61, 67, 72Ezra, 156fabricscost of, 43, 51gold in, 44 53Faicts et conquestes dAlexandre le Grand(Wauquelin), 28, 30, 3137, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37feminism, 180Fernandes, Rodriques, 119Fillastre, Guillaume, 47Finet, Nicolas, 45Fitzwilliam Master. See Master of Fitzwilliam 268aking, 79, 92Fleur des histoires (Mansel), 32Florimont, 28Fort Carbonnire, 3132, 32fountains, 167 68Frederick III (Holy Roman emperor), 52 53fur, 48, 51, 52Gast, Jan, 85n.27Gavere, Antoine de, 79 80, 85n.26Gavere, Guillaume de, 85n.26Genova, Palazzo del Principe:Alexander tapestries, 31, 31, 38, 3839, 39geometry, 92Gheet, Cornelis de, 122n.3Ghent, 1, 5, 185Ghent, Museum voor Schone Kunsten:Portrait of Livina de Steelant (Master of James IV), 67, 68Ghent, St-Baafskathedraal:Ghent Altarpiece (Hubert and Jan van Eyck), 19, 20Ghent, Universiteitsbibliotheek:Ms. g. 12925 (Epitaphier de Flandre), 3, 3Ghent Associates of the Master of Mary of Burgundy, 2, 6, 53gilding, restoration of, 79 81, 85n.27, 85n.32Giovanni da Milano, 105Girart de Roussillon, 50, 51, 88 89glair, 95glazes, 60, 63, 64 65, 71, 74n.26Godevaard (illuminator), 121Goes, Hugo van der, 4, 5Gog, 34, 35goldin clothing, 44 53in Master of Fitzwilliam 268s works, 126undecorated margins and, 13Golden Fleece, Order of the. See Order of theGolden FleeceGolden Legend, 149, 152 57, 160Gratian, F. (Gratianus), 184, 184Gregory, Saint, 157Grenier, Pasquier, 29Grimani BreviaryMaster of the David Scenes in, 153 57, 154, 155, 156, 160Master of the First Prayer Book of Maximilian in, 170, 171Master of James IV in, 153, 170, 172pictorial devices in, 170 72, 171, 172grisaille, 13 14groundapplication of, 76degradation of, 83n.10for drawing, 105, 108Gruutere, Jacob de, 5Gruytrode, Jacob van, 183Guild of Saint Luke, 118 19guilds, 118 19, 120, 140Guillaume de Deguileville, 11, 80Guillaume de Hainaut, 28Guise, Jacques de, 10, 32gum arabic, 74n.37, 76, 78, 79, 95gypsum, 76The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek:Ms. 76 f 2 (Hours of Philip the Good), 12, 13, 16hangings. See tapestriesHannibal, 29Hapsburgs, 141Hastings Hours (London), 113hatching, 60 61, 64, 66, 95, 96hats, 52, 53, 55n.26Hemsbrouck, Margaretha van, 5Hennecart, Jean, 45, 46Hennessy Hours, 76 77, 77, 78, 84n.15Henry VII (king of England), 142Hermann, Hermann Julius, 178Hesdin, Jacquemart de, 107Histoire dAlexandre, 39Histoire de Charles Martel (Aubert), 14, 27Histoire de la Toison dOr (Fillastre), 47Hollanda, Antonio, 120Hollander, Willem de, 120Hollandere, Cornelis de, 122n.13Holy Ghost, 129Horenbout, Gerard, 84n.22, 184Hospice Comtesse, 140Hours of Bona Sforza, 182, 184Hours of Engelbert of Nassau, 113, 113 14, 114, 181n.1Hours of James the IV of Scotland, 185Hours of Jan Eggert, 13Hours of Jan van der Scaghe and Anne de Memere, 1 6, 2Hours of Joanna of Castile, 149 50, 150, 161n.7, 162n.41Hours of Kaetzart van Zaers, 13Hours of Margaretha van Bergen, 64, 64 65, 65Hours of Marie Mussart, 137, 137Hours of Mary of Burgundy, 18, 19, 46, 47, 128, 131Hours of Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian, 53, 53Hours of Philip the Good, 12, 13Hoyqueslot, Franois Van, 140Hugheyns, Elisabeth, 4, 5Huth Hours, 161n.7illusionism, 169, 172, 174infrared analysis, 60 61, 61, 104, 104 5Inghelsche, Jehan d, 5initials, 9, 13, 19inscriptions, 87Isabeau de Cond, 142Isabella of Aragon, 119Isabella of Bourbon, 44, 44Isabella Breviary, 161n.24, 162n.30Janss, Steven, 120Le Jardin de vertueuse consolation, 45, 50Jean, Dreux, 13, 45, 8789Jean le Nevelon, 31Jerusalem, siege of, 154 56, 162n.35jewels, on clothing, 51, 52, 53Jezebel, 157Joanna of Castile, 14950index 193Joao II (king of Portugal), 119 20Joes, Gillis, 92, 102n.29John the Baptist, Saint, 153John of Burgundy, 28John the Fearless (duke of Burgundy), 27, 31John II of Oettingen, 141 42Joseph (biblical gure), 157Jouffroy, Jean, 87knives, 76La Baume, Guillaume de, 5Lale, Etienne de, 182, 18384Lalemand, Jehan, 184La Marche, Olivier de, 48, 51Lannoy, Baudouin II de, 15, 141 42, 183Lannoy, Guillebert de, 46Lathem, Jacob van, 119 20Lathem, Lieven van, 21, 37, 45, 129age of, 120, 122n.15Alexander the Great and, 28, 37in Faicts et conquestes dAlexandre, 37, 37margins in works of, 15Master of Fitzwilliam 268 and, 128 29in Prayer Book of Charles the Bold, 7n.24, 19, 21, 45, 45, 128 29, 129son of, 119 20Lazarus, 157lead white, 76 77Le Duc, Louis, 87Lee, Joos van, 85n.27Leeu, Gheraert, 121Le Fvre, Roland, 8n.32Le Fran, Guillaume, 120Leiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek:Ms. bpl 224 (Hours of Kaetzart van Zaers), 13le Peletier, Arnould, 140le Rue, Jean de, 87le Sauvage, Jean, 135 36, 136Le Sauvage Hours, 135 40, 136, 137, 138,145, 146n.2Liber Floridus, 11Liber Picturatus, 106librariers, 79 80, 84n.21, 132Libro dellarte (Cennini), 105Lidet, Huchon, 143 44Lidet, Loyset, 14, 17, 49dress in works of, 48, 49in Lille, 143 44, 145Master of Edward IV and, 143 44, 148n.57restoration by, 85n.32undecorated margins of, 9, 14, 14, 15, 17LilleBanquet of the Pheasant in, 35 37Lidet (Loyset) in, 143 44, 145map of, 142Markant in, 135 45Master of Edward IV in, 141 44Lille, Muse des Beaux-Arts:Fons pietatis (Bellegambe), 167, 167Liroppe, 31, 32Lisbon, Museu Calouste Gulbenkian:Ms. la 144 (book of hours), 124, 126, 127, 128 32Livre des fais dAlexandre le grant (Quintus Curtius Rufus), 14, 48, 49Livre des profts ruraux (Crescentius), 123localization, 117, 119 20London, British Library:Add. Ms. 7970 (Le Dialogue de la duchesse de Bourgogne Jsus Christ), 45, 45Add. Ms. 15426 27 (psalter and antiphonary), 186, 186Add. Ms. 18851 (Isabella Breviary), 161n.24, 162n.30Add. Ms. 18852 (Hours of Joanna of Castile), 149 50, 150Add. Ms. 24189 (The Travels of John Mandeville), 107, 107Add. Ms. 34294 (Hours of Bona Sforza), 182, 183 84Add. Ms. 36619 (Military Ordinance of Charles the Bold), 48 50, 49, 52, 123, 132Add. Ms. 38126 (Huth Hours), 161n.7Add. Ms. 54782 (London Hastings Hours), 113London, British Museum:The Holy Family at the Inn (Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy), 108 11, 110, 111London, National Gallery:The Magdalene Reading (Weyden), 87, 95, 96 97, 97, 98, 99London, Sir John Soanes Museum:Ms. 4 (Soane Hours), 19, 21, 149, 161n.2London, Sothebys, Dec. 1, 1987, lot 58 (Hours of Marie Mussart), 137, 137London, Victoria and Albert Museum:Salting Ms. 1221 (Salting Hours), 123 26, 125, 126, 130 32Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum:Ms. 3 (Munich-Montserrat Hours), 70, 71Ms. 30 (Les Visions du chevalier Tondal), 62, 62 63Ms. 37 (Prayer Book of Charles the Bold), 7n.24, 19, 21, 45, 45, 128 29, 129Ms. 67 (miniature from the Turin-Milan Hours), 58 61, 59, 60, 61Ms. Ludwig ix 18 (Spinola Hours), 66, 66 68, 67, 172 74, 173Ms. Ludwig ix 19 (Prayer Book of Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg), 68 71, 69Louis XI (king of France), 39Louis of Gruuthuse, 15Louis of Male, tomb of, 88Loyet, Grard, 5, 55n.26Lucena, Vasco da, 14, 49Lucian of Samosata, 29Luke, Saint, 170, 176n.16Madien of Babylon, 28Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional:Ms. Res. 191 (book of hours), 138, 139Ms. Vit. 25-5 (Voustre Demeure Hours), 110 11, 111Madrid, Patrimonio Nacional:The Crucixion (Weyden), 92, 97, 100Magog, 34, 35Mansel, Jean, 32, 183Margaret of Austria, 183 84Margaret of York, 3, 15, 48, 51Markant, Jean, 135 45, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141in Le Sauvage Hours, 135 40, 136, 137, 138, 145Master of Edward IV and, 140 45production method of, 145Marmion, Simon, 62, 63in Berlaymont Hours, 63, 63inuence in Valenciennes, 142The Lamentation (oil), 62, 62 63, 63margins in works of, 13Master of Fitzwilliam 268 and, 123in Salting Hours, 124, 133n.8194 indextechnique of, 57, 61 63in Les Visions du chevalier Tondal, 62, 62 63Martinache, Jeanne, 140Mary of Burgundy, 46, 47, 53, 147n.32Master of Antoine Rolin, 142, 168, 169Master of the Berlin Crucixion, 58 61, 59, 60, 61Master of Cardinal Wolsey, 186Master of Charles V, 19, 184Master of the David Scenes, 149 60, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160in Brukenthal Breviary, 150 51, 151in Grimani Breviary, 153 57, 154, 155, 156, 160in Hours of Joanna of Castile, 149 50, 150Thin Descender Scribe and, 185Master of the Dresden Prayer Book, 104Master of Edward IV and, 141Master of Fitzwilliam 268 and, 123 24, 126, 128, 132underdrawing by, 104, 104 5Master of Edward IV, 23, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142Anseau and, 183identity of, 144Lidet (Loyset) and, 142 44, 148n.57margins in works of, 15Markant and, 140 45in Le Second Mariage et espousement, 23Master of the First Prayer Book of Maximilian, 112, 112 13, 153, 170, 171Master of Fitzwilliam 268, 123 32, 124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 131collaboration by, 123, 132dating of works of, 13132Lathem (Lieven van) and, 128 29Marmion (Simon) and, 123Master of the Dresden Prayer Book and, 123 24, 126, 128, 132Master of Margaret of York and, 50in Military Ordinance of Charles the Bold, 49, 50, 123, 132origin of name, 123Vrelant (Willem) and, 123, 124, 126, 128Master of 1482, 15, 26n.37Master of the Ghent Privileges, 13Master of Girart de Roussillon, 50, 51, 88 89Master of the Golden Fleece, 47, 47Master of the Houghton Miniatures, 112 13Master of James IV of Scotland, 66, 67, 68, 172, 173Bible stories used by, 149in Grimani Breviary, 153, 170, 172Portrait of Livina de Steelant, 67, 68in Spinola Hours, 66, 66, 67, 67, 172 74, 173technique of, 57, 65 68, 69, 7172Thin Descender Scribe and, 185Master of Jean de Wavrin, 28Master of the Joseph Sequence, 162n.44Master of Margaret of York, 45, 50Master of Mary of Burgundy, 109, 116n.31. See also Vienna Master of Mary of BurgundyMaster of Morgan m.491, 184Master of the Prayer Books, 185Master of the Soane Hours, 19, 21, 149Master of Wauquelins Alexander, 28, 30, 31, 32, 32, 33, 33 35, 34, 36, 37Master of Wavrin, 11Maximilian of Austria, 5, 8n.32, 117, 147n.32Mayer van den Bergh Breviaryattribution of, 84n.22condition of, 79, 80, 81materials used in, 76Mazerolles, Philippe de, 123, 124, 132mediaof panel vs. manuscript painting, 57in work of Eyck (Jan van), 58in work of Weyden (Rogier van der), 95meerseniers (merceniers), 77, 84n.17Memere, Adriaan de, 3Memere, Anne de, 1 6, 2, 3Memere, Catharina de, 3Memere, Jan de, 1Memere, Marie de, 3metalin clothing, 52restoration of, 79, 84n.24, 85n.27metalpoint drawing, 105Michael (archangel), 128Milot, Jeanon Alexander the Great, 29, 39margins in works of, 16 19Vie et miracles de Saint Josse, 11, 11, 16Military Ordinance of Charles the Bold,48 50, 49, 52, 123, 132Minos, 29minutes (trials), 16 17, 28, 40n.8Miracles de Nostre Dame, 13, 16Miscellanea Alchemica XII, 78, 84n.20mobility, of artists, 119 20models, drawings as, 104, 108 13Molinet, Jean, 50Monaco, LorenzoThe Visitation, 105, 106Munich-Montserrat Hours, 70, 71Mussart, Marie, 140Naboth, 157, 159, 162n.45nationalism, 179Negker, Joost de, 11718New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art:The Lamentation (Marmion), 62, 62 63, 63The Virgin and Child (Bening), 71, 71New York, Morgan Library:Ms. m.232 (Livre des profts ruraux), 123Ms. m.491, 184, 184Nicholas of Lyra, 153, 154, 156, 157, 162n.30, 162n.35Nockart, Simon, 32Nov Rse Hours, 1 6, 2Nov Rse, Premonstratensian Abbey of Nov Rse:Ms. 10 (Hours of Jan van der Scaghe and Anne de Memere), 1 6, 2Noyelles, Eugne de, 142, 147n.38Noyelles, Jean de, 147n.38Obededom, 153Oesterwck, Anthonius Tsgrooten de, 186Old Testament, and Master of the David Scenes, 149 60Olympia, 28, 31Order of the Golden Fleece, 5dress and, 47, 47, 51, 52Philip the Good in, 39in work of Weyden (Rogier van der), 89, 91, 92 93Orley, Bernard vanJob Altarpiece, 149Oxford, Bodleian Library:Ms. Douce 112 (book of hours), 152, 152, 153, 155, 156, 161n.14, 161n.17index 195Ms. Douce 21920 (Hours of Engelbert of Nassau), 113, 113 14, 114painting techniques, 5772of Bening, 68 72of David, 64 65, 69, 72, 74n.27vs. drawing, 103of Eyck (Jan van), 57 61, 67, 72of Marmion, 61 63of Master of James IV, 65 68, 69, 7172materials in, 76 77panel paintingtechniques of, 5772and undecorated margins, 19 22Panigarola, Johanne Pietro, 52parchmentdrawing on, 105vs. paper, for manuscripts, 11production of, 75 76, 83n.6, 83n.14Paris, Bibliothque de lArsenal:Ms. 1185 (Boussu Hours), 168, 168, 169Ms. 348394 (Perceforest), 28, 40n.7 8Ms. 5104 (Enseignements paternels), 45, 46Ms. 5205, 5206 (collection of religious texts), 182, 183Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France:Ms. fr. 1026 (Le Jardin de vertueuse conso-lation), 45, 50, 54n.7Ms. fr. 9342 (Faicts et conquestes dAlexandre), 30, 31, 32, 32, 33, 33 35, 34, 36, 37Ms. fr. 22547 (Livre des fais dAlexandre le grant), 48, 49Ms. nouv. acq. fr. 16251 (Picture Book of Madame Marie), 11Paris, Muse du Petit-Palais:Ms. Dutuit 456 (Faicts et conquestes dAlexandre), 30, 31, 36, 37, 37Paston, John, III, 43patterns, in textiles, 44Pausanias, 31, 31peacock, 36, 37, 37Plerinage de la vie humaine (Guillaume de Deguileville), 11, 80Pembroke Psalter-Hours, 153 56, 154Perceforest, 2728, 32, 40n.8pheasant, 35Philadelphia, Philadelphia Free Library:Ms. 108, 144, 148n.60Philadelphia, Philadelphia Museum of Art:inv. no. 45-65-2 (Pembroke Psalter-Hours), 153 56, 154Saint Francis Receiving the Stigmata (Jan van Eyck), 58 60, 59, 60Philip II (king of Spain and Portugal), 184Philip the Bold (duke of Burgundy), 27Philip of Cleves, 15, 17Philip the Fair, 119 20, 136Philip the Good (duke of Burgundy), 3Alexander the Great under, 2739on Bryde (Roeland), 1dress of, 45Hours of, 12, 13restoration under, 84n.25Ruple (Guilbert de) and, 3undecorated margins and, 9, 11, 13 16, 25n.37in work of Weyden (Rogier van der), 89 90, 92, 93, 94, 100Philip II of Macedon, 28, 31pictorial devices, 169 74pictorial realism, 169pictorial syntax, 174Picture Book of Madame Marie, 11pigments, preparation of, 7778Poitiers, Alinor de, 51, 52Portinari, Tommaso, 51Portugal, 119 20Pots, Peter, 81Poulet, Andries, 142Poulet, Haquinet, 142Poulet, Matheus, 142Poulet, Quentin, 142Prayer Book of Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg, 68 71, 69Prayer Book of Charles the Bold, 7n.24, 19, 21, 45, 45, 128 29, 129printed books, margins of, 22Private collection (Arenberg Missal), 186Proudekin, Dierick, 118Provoost, Jan, 84n.22pumice, 76, 83n.6Pythagorean ratio, 92Ramsen, Antiquariat Heribert Tenschert:(book of hours), 124 26, 126, 128, 130 32realism, 95, 114, 116n.44, 169rebinding, 79 81receivers, 3, 5 6regilding, 79 81, 85n.27, 85n.32restoration, during fteenth and sixteenth centuries, 79 82Roi Modus et reine Ratio, 25n.37Rolin, Nicolas, 89, 93, 93, 95Roman dAlexandre, 38, 41n.28Roman de Florimont, 28Ruple, Guilbert de, 3, 3, 5, 6, 7n.15Saint-Bertin, chronicles of, 12, 13Saint-Omer, Bibliothque de lAgglomration:Ms. 755 (Catalogus abbatum Bertiniensium), 12, 13San Marino, The Huntington Library:Ms. 1149 (book of hours), 138, 139, 141, 141Ms. hm 1131 (Hours of Margaretha van Bergen), 64, 64 65, 65Ms. hm 1173 (Berlaymont Hours), 63, 63Ms. hm 1174 (book of hours), 166, 167 68Saul, 151Scaghe, Elisabeth van der, 5Scaghe, Jan van der (father), 5Scaghe, Jan van der (son), 1 6, 2Scipio, 29scribesbiographies of, 183 86and undecorated margins, 16 17scumbling, 62 63Sebilla, 28Le Second Mariage et espousement(Eeckhoute), 23semigrisaille, 13Sforza, Francesco, 29Sforza family, 29sgrafto, 95shading, 58, 64, 66Sibiu, Romania, Museu Brukenthal:Ms. 761 (Brukenthal Breviary), 150 51, 151, 161n.78silver, in clothing, 52silverpoint drawing, 105, 108Simon the Illuminator, 121sins, seven deadly, 15758skins, animal, 75 76, 83n.5sleeves, 48, 51196 indexSoane Hours, 19, 21, 149, 161n.2Spierinc, Nicolas, 9, 17, 18, 116n.44Spinola Hourspainting techniques in, 66, 66 68, 67pictorial devices in, 172 74, 173stained glass, 9, 162n.44Steene, Henric Vanden, 81Stuyvaert, Lievin, 81, 85n.34subcontracting, 118 19, 132support, in drawing vs. illumination, 103Symmen, Hendrick van, 121Tailly, Martin de, 100tann, 47, 50, 54n.14tannins, 75tapestriesAlexander the Great in, 27, 29, 31, 31, 38, 38 39, 39, 41n.28industry in Tournai, 147n.48Tavernier, Jean, 12, 13techniques, drawing, 103. See also paintingtechniquestempera, 75, 78textrelationship between image and, 166 74in Weydens works, 87Thin Descender Scribe, 185, 185 86Thomas Kempis, 178Titus, 155tools, in drawing vs. illumination, 103Tournaimap of, 142Markant in, 135, 140, 145Master of Edward IV in, 141 42, 144tapestry industry in, 147n.48Tournai Cathedral, 144trade, international, 75, 7778, 83n.1The Travels of John Mandeville, 107, 107Trier, 48, 52Triomphe des dames, 24n.2trompe loeil, 169, 172, 176n.16Turin-Milan Hours, 58 61unblended technique, 58 59underdrawing, 60 61, 103, 104 5Utenhove family, 5Vademecum, 107Valencia, Spain, Serra Algaza Collection:The Virgin and Child (David), 64 65, 65Valenciennes, 142Valenciennes, Bibliothque municipale:Ms. 243 (Le Second Mariage et espouse-ment), 15, 22, 23vellum. See parchmentvelvet, 45, 47, 48, 50Vengeance Alixandre (Jean le Nevelon), 31Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana:Ms. Lat. i 99 (Grimani Breviary), 153 57, 154, 155, 156, 160, 170, 171, 172, 185vermilion, 76 77Vespasian, 155Vie du Christ-Vengeance de Notre-Seigneur(le Peletier), 140Vie et miracles de Saint Josse (Milot), 11, 11, 16, 18Vienna, Albertina:Saint Paul (after Jan van Eyck), 60, 61Vienna, sterreichische Nationalbibliothek:Ms. 1857 (Hours of Mary of Burgundy), 18, 19, 46, 47, 128, 131Ms. 1897 (Hours of James the IV of Scotland), 185Ms. 2549 (Girart de Roussillon), 50, 51Vienna, sterreichisches Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv:Ms. 2 (Histoire de la Toison dOr), 47, 47Vienna Master of Mary of Burgundy, 46, 109, 111, 113, 114Ghent Associates of, 2, 6The Holy Family at the Inn (drawing), 108 11, 110, 111in Hours of Engelbert of Nassau, 113, 113 14, 114, 116n.44in Hours of Mary of Burgundy, 46, 116n.31, 128Master of Edward IV and, 141in Voustre Demeure Hours, 109 11, 111Virgil, collected works of, 123, 124, 125, 128, 130 32Les Visions du chevalier Tondal (Marmion), 62, 62 63Voeux du Paon, 37Voustre Demeure Hours, 109 11, 111Vrelant, Willem, 10, 30, 36, 44Alexander the Great and, 28 29, 30, 31, 41n.21collaboration by, 123, 132dress in works of, 36, 37, 43 44, 44in Fitzwilliam Hours, 129in Gulbenkian Hours, 126, 128Master of Fitzwilliam 268 and, 123 24, 126, 128, 130undecorated margins of, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15Waddesdon Manor:Ms. 8 (Epistre dOtha), 16, 16 17Wale, Christiaan de, 3, 7n.11, 7n.12washes, 67Wauquelin, JeanChroniques de Hainaut, 90Faicts et conquestes, 28, 30, 3137, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37Girart de Roussillon, 50, 51Weert, Francis, 186, 186Wells-next-to-the-Sea, Holkham Hall, Earl of Leicester:Ms. 311 (Eclogae, Georica, and Aeneid), 123, 124, 125, 128, 130 32Weyden, Rogier van der, 87100, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100Bladelin Triptych, 92Braque Triptych, 87brush strokes of, 95 96in Chroniques de Hainaut, 88, 88, 89, 89 100, 90, 91, 93, 94, 96Columba Triptych, 93The Crucixion (oil), 92, 97, 100The Magdalene Reading (oil), 87, 95, 96 97, 97, 98, 99The Virgin and Child with Six Saints, 92 93, 100Wiesbaden, Hauptstaatsarchiv:Ms. 3004 b 10 (miscellany of religious texts), 108, 108workshops, collaboration in, 118 19writing. See textWyncle, Jacqueline van de, 5X-ray uorescence (xrf), 58, 59, 73n.9, 76,83n.12Ypres, 13Zacharius, 153Zaers, Kaetzart van, 13Zierix, Digne, 118Zuniga, Juan de, 184, 187n.15index 197Most of the photographs in this book wereprovided by the institutions cited in the captions. Additional photograph credits are as follows.Altenburg, Germany, Staatliches Lindenau-Museum: g. 12.11Antwerp, Belgium, Museum Mayer van denBergh, Antwerpen collectiebeleid: g. 6.3Baltimore, The Walters Art Museum: g. 11.6Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Kupferstichkabinett/ Art Resource, Inc.: g. 4.10Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum:g. 11.14Brussels, Bibliotque royale de Belgique,Bruxelles: gs. 2.1, 2.2; Brussels, Muse dela Ville de Bruxelles-Maison du Roi: g. 7.26Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, Universityof Cambridge: Figs. 10.1010.12Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek,Fotogrask Atelier: gs. 4.1, 12.9, 12.10Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Library,Division of Special Collections: g. 11.13Ghent, Museum of Fine Arts: g. 5.24: Saint-Baafs Cathedral. Photo ReproductiefondsVlaamse Musea NV: g. 2.9Lisbon, Calouste Gulbenkian Museum. Photoby Catarine G. Ferriere, 1999: gs.10.6 10.8London, The British Library: gs. 8.05, 12.1,a.2, a.5; The Trustees of Sir John SoanesMuseum: g. 2.11; Conway Library,Courtauld Institute of Art: g. 11.3;Trustees of the Victoria & Albert Museum:gs. 10.210.5, National Gallery: g. 7.18Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum. Photosby Christopher Foster, 2002: gs. 2.10, 4.2,5.18, 5.2022, 5.25, 10.9, 13.7Madrid, Laboratorio Fotograco de BibliotecaNacional: gs. 8.8, 11.9; PatrimonioNacional: g. 7.18New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,The Friedsam Collection, Bequest ofMichael Friedsam, 1931: g. 5.31.Photograph 1988; The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, Robert Lehman Collection.Photograph 1982: g. 5.9Norfolk, Collection of the Earl of Leicester,Holkham Hall, Norfolk: g. 10.1Oxford, Bodleian Library, University ofOxford: gs. 8.11, 8.12, 12.3, 12.4Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France: gs.3.1, 3.43.8, 4.7; Photothque des musesde la ville: gs. 3.2, 3.9, 3.10Philadelphia Museum of Art, John G. JohnsonCollection, 1917. Photo by LynnRosenthal: gs. 5.3, 5.4; PhiladelphiaMuseum of Art: The Philip S. CollinsCollection. Gift of Mrs. Philip S. Collins inmemory of her husband. Photo by GraydonWood, 2000: g. 12.6Rome, Arti Doria Pamphilj SRL: gs. 3.11,3.12San Marino, Calif., Henry E. HuntingtonLibrary and Art Gallery: gs. 5.11, 5.13,11.8Valenciennes, France, Bibliothque municipalede Valenciennes. Photo by F. Leclercq: g. 2.12Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana: g. 12.5, 12.7, 12.8, 13.5, 13.6. Vienna, Albertina: g. 5.6; A.N.L., PictureArchives: gs. 4.5, 4.9 Waddesdon Manor, James A. de RothschildCollection, The National Trust. Photo byMike Fear: g. 2.6Photograph Credits198CoverContentsPrefacePart 1: Illuminated Manuscripts in the Burgundian CourtCHAPTER 1. Jan van der Scaghe and Anne de Memere, the First Owners of the Hours of 1480 in the Abbey Library at Nov RseCHAPTER 2. The Undecorated Margin: The Fashion for Luxury Books without BordersCHAPTER 3. A Very Burgundian Hero: The Figure of Alexander the Great under the Rule of Philip the GoodCHAPTER 4. The Role of Dress in the Image of Charles the Bold, Duke of BurgundyPart 2: Techniques, Media, and the Organization of ProductionCHAPTER 5. The Suggestive Brush: Painting Techniques in Flemish Manuscripts from the Collections of the J. Paul Getty Museum and the Huntington LibraryCHAPTER 6. Flemish Manuscript Production, Care, and Repair: Fifteenth-Century SourcesCHAPTER 7. Rogier van der Weyden and Manuscript IlluminationCHAPTER 8. On Relationships between Netherlandish Drawing and Manuscript Illumination in the Fifteenth CenturyCHAPTER 9. Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts: Assessing Archival EvidencePart 3: Individual IlluminatorsCHAPTER 10. The Master of Fitzwilliam 268: New Discoveries and New and Revisited HypothesesCHAPTER 11. Marketing Books for Burghers: Jean Markants Activity in Tournai, Lille, and BrugesCHAPTER 12. Iconographic Originality in the Oeuvre of the Master of the David ScenesPart 4: Directions for Further ResearchCHAPTER 13. Scholarship on Flemish Manuscript Illumination of the Renaissance: Remarks on Past, Present, and FutureCHAPTER 14. One Hundred Years of the Study of Netherlandish ManuscriptsAppendix: Scribe BiographiesAbout the ContributorsIndexABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPRSTUVWXYZPhotograph Credits


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