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Environmental Protest and Ecological Culture. A Comparative Analysis Roberto Biorcio Facoltà di Sociologia Università degli Studi di Milano - Bicocca Viale Sarca, 202 - U7 20126 Milano Italy e-mail [email protected] phone: ++39 02 64487547 fax: ++39 02 644875 Prepared for presentation at the ECPR joint sessions in the workshop ”Environmental Protest in Comparative Perspective,” Mannheim, 26-31 March 1999. (Draft version, not yet revised by a native speaker)

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Environmental Protest and Ecological Culture.

A Comparative Analysis

Roberto Biorcio

Facoltà di Sociologia

Università degli Studi di Milano - Bicocca

Viale Sarca, 202 - U7

20126 Milano

Italy

e-mail [email protected]

phone: ++39 02 64487547

fax: ++39 02 644875

Prepared for presentation at the ECPR joint sessions in the workshop ”Environmental Protest in

Comparative Perspective,” Mannheim, 26-31 March 1999.

(Draft version, not yet revised by a native speaker)

In this paper we make a comparative study of the factors which influenced participation in environmental

protest campaign in the early nineties. Our attention will be centred on individual participation in

mobilizations on environmental questions, an issue which is different from, although obviously linked to,

that of the formation and development of movements and the promotion of specific protest events

(McAdam et al. 1988).

Our attention will focus above all on the role taken by elements of a cultural and cognitive type which have

influenced individual participation. It is well known that partecipants in new social movements are not

motivated by narrow selfish interests, but by ideologicala goals and pursuite of collective goods (Dalton et

al. 1990, 12). On the other hand the social movements themselves are source of meaning. The new belief

systems they eleaborate "make visible to a society as a whole that new conflicts and issues have amerged"

and foster "commitment from activists and sympathizers" (Diani and Eyerman 1992, 9).

Mobilization in the defence of the natural habitat refers to values, feelings and needs which are

widespread and rooted in tradition. Concern about pollution and the need for environmental protection are

widespread in the population of industrialised countries, but, due to their low level of saliency, they

frequently do not provide sufficient impetus either for institutional action or protest initiatives. In order to

identify the mobilization potential of the environmental movement, we may refer to the segment of

population which shares its goals, as well as the specific means adopted to carry them out (Klandermans

1984, Klandermans and Oegma 1987). But environmental movements propose different goals and the

sectors of the population sharing these goals are also different. Above all the frames of intepretation in

which they are set may also widely differ. Environmental movements and associations therefore carry out

an important activity of frame alignment which provides for the production of ideas, meanings and

interpretation of related events, aimed at persuading potential militants and supporters to action, and at

influencing public opinion in general (Snow et al. 1986, Snow and Benford 1988). Other social actors, on

the other hand, also play a role in defining environmental issues: journalists, intellectuals, politicians,

scientists, experts, institutions, industries and organisations of various kinds who find space in the media

system. Ecological themes have also entered the consumer sphere, and influence the design and advertising

campaigns of many products. The perception and assessment of emergencies and environmental questions

thus take on complex forms, differentiated in public opinion. Environmental organisations and leaders

promoting mobilization seek to link, to make consistent and complementary, the interpretative frames

present in society and those proposed by the movement. Environmental issues and emergencies are brought

back to interpretative frames which favour support of mobilization.

In order to study the relations between the forms of ecological culture and individual participation in

environmental mobilization, we have used the data of a survey carried out in 19 countries as part of the

International Social Survey Programme (Issp) on attitudes and behaviours relating to the environmental

question. The survey was made between 1993 and 1994 in seven countries in Western Europe, in six

countries in Eastern Europe and another six countries in America, Asia and Oceania. Six of the seven

nations with the world's highest industrial development are part of the research field: the United States,

Germany, Great Britain, Japan, Canada and Italy. In two of these countries, Germany and Great Britain, a

separate analysis was made on two different samples dealing with the specific nature of East Germany and

Northern Ireland.

In this paper we present first results of our study.

Environmental mobilization

Comparative research cannot analyse the complexity and specificity of every protest episode, which only

an accurate case study may shed light on. And local factors and the real dynamics which have led to

participation in a single protest event or a specific campaign cannot be examined in detail (Lowe and

Ruedig 1986, 524). But only a comparative research may examine a series of generalisations and verify

the limits of their validity (Sartori 1971 and 1990).

The analysis of environmental mobilization in a comparative research study may clearly not refer to

participation in a single protest event or a specific campaign. To avoid overestimating the effects of

particular situations and events, it does not suit our purposes to refer to a too limited time span. Various

actions supporting the environmenal mobilisazion in the five years preceeding the survey have therefore

been studied: the signing of petitions for an environmental issue, donation of money to support campaigns

carried out by environmental associations, personal participation in environmentalist protests or

demonstrations. The length of the time period considered makes it more likely that those interviewed may

have encountered some stimulus to take part in campaigns and initiatives for the defence of the

environment. The estimate of levels reached by environmental mobilization in various countries thus

appears more reliable than evaluations based on shorter periods. The Issp survey also shows the

membership of those interviewed in an environmental association at the time the survey was made.

Table 1 gives a picture of environmental participation in the nineteen countries. We can verify the

cross-national influence of environmental movements (Della Porta and Diani 1997, 281). In syntony with

the growth of awareness of environmental problems in public opinion, environmentalist participation has

progressively spread in all the sample countries. They are naturally more likely to be forms of action which

demand less personal commitment. Over a fifth of those interviewed had in the previous five years signed

petitions regarding ecological issues. The number of interviewees making some kind of financial

contribution for campaigns promoted by environmentalist associations was slightly lower. Personal

participation in demonstrations was of course lower, and involved just under a twentieth of those

interviewed, with highest levels in Germany and Italy. This kind of action is however widespread in all the

countries considered and involved considerable shares of the population. Overall almost a third of those

interviewed (31%) has taken part in some form of action for the protection of the environment.

Table 1 - Participation in environmental mobilisation and association membership

_____________________________________________________________________________________

demostration sign finacial association (N.)

and protest petition contribution menbership

action

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Great Britain 2,8 34,0 27,2 5,2 1261

Northern Ireland 3,1 23,7 28,9 3,8 767

Ireland 4,3 20,5 22,6 4,0 957

Italy 6,7 23,7 13,6 4,7 1000

Spain 5,5 15,0 10,0 2,4 1208

Norway 3,6 17,8 28,1 5,0 1414

Netherlands 4,6 22,9 43,5 16,7 1852

Germany-West 8,3 30,7 18,9 5,5 1014

Germany-East 8,6 27,9 9,3 2,9 1092

Czech Republic 5,8 14,5 5,9 3,2 1005

Slovenia 5,6 10,5 7,8 3,7 1032

Poland 3,7 9,9 17,7 3,5 1641

Bulgaria 6,0 8,7 3,8 1,9 1183

Russia 3,9 10,6 9,9 2,4 1931

Hungary 1,5 5,2 4,3 3,0 1167

United States 2,6 29,3 ,0 10,0 1557

Canada 5,9 42,2 38,3 6,5 1467

New Zealand 3,8 51,8 45,9 17,3 1271

Israel 4,5 14,9 7,8 5,6 1198

Philippines 5,0 6,3 15,3 11,3 1200

Japan 2,7 24,7 10,7 2,1 1305

TOTALE 4,6 21,2 18,2 6,1 26522

_____________________________________________________________________________________

The spread of the network of environmentalist associations supporting campaigns and protest events

appears highly differentiated in national contexts. In some countries (United States, Netherlands, New

Zealand and the Philippines), environmentalist associations have involved over a tenth of the population. In

these contexts, association membership is much more widely spread than participation in protest

demonstrations over the five-year period. The environmentalist association network however is more

limited in Eastern Europe, Japan and Spain. It is interesting to observe that in several of the countries

studied (Germany, Italy, Spain and almost all Eastern European countries), the spread of participation in

protest initiatives is higher than membership of environmentalist associations. The varying importance of

association networks and the spread of protest demonstrations indicates two kinds of environmentalist

action: in some national contexts the role of mediation and lobbying by environmentalist associations

seems to play a greater role, while in other situations open conflict appears more widespread (1).

1 ) We don't present in this paper our findings about the differerence between explanatory factors of

association membership and explanatory factors of individual partecipation in environmental mobilization.

It is known that the environmentalist movement is not linked to the defence of interests of particular social

groups, and has the support of various sectors in society which share its goals. But many research studies

have highlighted the fact that the call to mobilization is felt above all by the sectors of the new middle

class. Youth and the high level of education characterises many militants active in the new movements

(Della Porta and Diani 1997, 66-68). We may verify the validity limits of these theses in the countries

studied in the Issp survey. Table 2 makes it possible to identify the social sectors in which environmentalist

protest has been most successful. Table 3 gives an estimate of the percentage of environmentalist

association membership in various social classes. The social group which has most frequently responded to

the call to environmentalist mobilization are students in most of the countries. Japan, Netherlands and a

few countries in Eastern Europe are exceptions to this rule.

High participation in environmentalist protest is however recorded also among state employees with a

medium-high level of education. Greater resistance to participation is found among self-employed workers,

pensioners and housewives.

A similar picture emerges from the analysis of association membership in various social sectors, with some

important differences. Environmentalist association networks in many countries receive support above all

from state employees with the highest levels of education.

Table 2 - Partecipation in demostrations and protest actions by employemnt status

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Work in: Public sector Private Self Student Retired Housew. Total

higher lower sector employed

educ. educ.

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Great Britain 6,9 2,4 1,4 ,7 14,3 1,9 1,2 2,8

Northern Ir. 3,5 3,5 2,0 1,3 9,5 1,2 3,6 3,1

Ireland 14,6 3,6 4,1 3,4 10,5 3,5 3,3 4,3

Italy 6,1 6,8 9,0 6,3 23,9 2,4 2,1 6,7

Spain 21,1 7,5 6,5 7,8 10,1 1,2 2,3 5,5

Norway 5,9 1,3 2,5 2,7 9,3 2,3 5,1 3,6

Netherlands 9,5 5,2 4,2 6,1 4,2 4,0 2,3 4,6

Germany-West 10,0 5,9 8,2 6,0 26,1 4,6 7,3 8,3

Germany-East 19,0 10,0 10,0 1,6 23,2 5,0 ,0 8,6

Czech Rep. 10,9 6,2 5,4 5,6 21,4 1,6 4,7 5,8

Slovenia 9,7 4,4 7,5 5,3 13,3 2,3 7,1 5,6

Poland 3,7 4,3 6,3 2,9 5,3 1,5 3,0 3,7

Bulgaria 14,3 5,0 5,6 7,9 4,2 4,6 7,7 6,0

Russia 5,4 3,0 6,5 6,9 ,0 4,7 3,0 3,9

Hungary 3,6 1,4 ,5 1,8 3,4 1,2 ,0 1,5

United States 3,4 3,8 2,8 1,7 7,3 1,2 1,7 2,6

Canada 4,5 6,0 4,3 7,4 16,4 5,9 1,8 5,9

New Zealand 4,7 2,5 2,5 5,0 12,2 3,2 3,4 3,8

Israel 3,4 5,6 4,0 3,9 7,0 4,2 1,8 4,5

Philippines 10,7 4,3 8,1 3,3 7,7 9,4 3,5 5,0

Japan 20,0 4,8 2,6 1,6 ,0 ,0 3,4 2,7

TOTAL 6,9 3,9 4,5 3,9 10,1 3,1 3,0 4,6

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Table 3 - Association membership by employemnt status

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Work in: Public sector Private Self Student Retired Housew. Total

higher lower sector employed

educ. educ.

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Great Britain 12,9 4,3 4,0 7,9 14,3 1,9 2,4 5,2

Northern Ir. 14,0 2,8 4,6 2,6 4,8 1,2 ,0 3,8

Ireland 12,2 7,2 2,1 5,1 15,8 4,7 2,2 4,0

Italy 8,1 6,8 5,2 2,3 14,1 2,4 2,1 4,7

Spain 5,3 5,7 4,0 4,9 2,8 ,0 ,9 2,4

Norway 12,8 2,1 3,7 3,5 7,5 4,6 1,7 5,0

Netherlands 30,2 23,7 14,5 13,6 10,9 18,3 14,3 16,7

Germany-West 13,3 8,2 5,1 4,5 8,7 4,1 4,8 5,5

Germany-East 9,5 2,2 3,5 1,6 8,9 2,4 ,0 2,9

Czech Rep. 4,3 3,1 3,6 2,8 ,0 4,0 2,3 3,2

Slovenia 4,9 4,1 3,2 1,8 2,2 2,3 ,0 3,7

Poland 3,7 5,3 3,5 4,3 7,0 2,1 1,0 3,5

Bulgaria 4,2 2,5 2,8 1,6 ,0 ,9 ,0 1,9

Russia 4,8 2,2 3,2 3,4 ,9 ,9 1,5 2,4

Hungary 11,8 1,7 3,1 3,6 3,4 1,2 2,4 3,0

United States 25,9 7,7 10,6 9,7 17,1 9,3 7,6 10,0

Canada 12,1 3,2 5,4 6,8 10,9 5,0 3,5 6,5

New Zealand 27,3 14,3 13,2 26,7 28,6 11,4 19,3 17,3

Israel 11,7 7,3 5,0 6,5 3,9 1,7 3,7 5,6

Philippines 17,9 17,4 12,8 9,7 23,1 18,8 9,4 11,3

Japan 8,0 ,0 1,3 3,7 ,0 2,2 3,4 2,1

TOTAL 11,6 4,9 6,4 7,4 8,1 3,8 5,4 6,1

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Different environmental frames

Ecologist culture sprang from the cultural elaboration of environmentalist groups and associations which,

together with the media and certain intellectuals and scientists, have guided public opinion and redefined

multiple issues in reference to a unitary concept of environment. Ecologist literature emphasises the need

for a global approach to the environmental question and public opinion itself has also to a certain extent

acquired familarity with a general concept of environment. The issues relating to the society/nature

relationship may be represented and assessed according to very differentiated perspectives and there are

still significant divergencies in the ways environmentalist issues are presented. The different aspects of

ecology may supply the basis both for conservative attitudes, in pure defence of the existing, and for

approaches supporting social transformation. Certain aspects of environmentalism may mainly inspire the

transformation of everyday habits, others may favour mobilization and political initiatives. The varying

positions existing in public opinion have a very different influence also on voting for the candidates

presented by ecologist movements.

In the attitudes of public opinion to environmental issues may be seen the signs of the different

environmental frames which have different roles in favouring ecologist mobilization. A series of

explorative factorial analyses of the opinions revealed in the Issp survey have highlighted five separate

dimensions which, as we shall see, have different relationships with individual participation in

environmentalist mobilization. The five dimensions are the expression of five different ecological frames.

a) Romantic ecology: the desire to conserve nature from any human intervention. In most industrialised

societies the romantic idea of ecology is widespread in common thinking: what appears ”natural" is seen as

positive, in contrast to what appears to be manipulated by human activity. The defence of the natural

environment and all living beings is felt as a value in itself, beyond the immediate interests of society.

Various surveys have shown that in collective imagery ecology belongs to a value area in which ethical

imperatives, and the sense of the sacred are present. Ecology appears to common sense as conception

equipped with a significant moral content, from which obligations for individuals and society arise.

b) Animal rights: the extension of solidarity and of human rights to animals. Animal rights must not in any

way be sacrificed to human needs.

c) The environmental crisis as a threat. Since the seventies at least, a subtle alarmism about the

degradation of the natural environment has become part of common thinking. Demoscopic surveys in all

the countries in question record very high levels of consensus for all propositions expressing concern for

the effects of pollution brought about by industrial development and the processes of urbanisation. Concern

for environmental pollution appears strongly linked to widespread fears about some potential threats to the

security of individual and social living conditions (corruption, crime, violence, drugs). Fears about

environmental degradation are linked in collective imagery to a potential crisis of security regarding the

fulfillment of the most elemental needs of social life.

d) Anti-industrialism: the idea of a radical opposition between economic and industrial development and

defence of the natural environment. Current transformations in advanced industrial societies in the ways of

perceiving and the social defining of reality have been interpreted as the effects of a struggle between the

dominant industrialist paradigm and an emerging environmentalist paradigm (Milbrath 1984). The

dominant paradigm in industrial societies seems unsatisfactory because it is unable to correctly focus and

impose the resolution of serious problems emerging in the man/nature relationship (pollution, depletion of

resources, irreversible deterioration of the biosphere). The industrialist paradigm may consequently be

challenged by a radically alternative paradigm which focusses attention on these issues. From this

perspective an interpretative frame emerges of ecological issues favorable to the development of a potential

radical conflict. Public opinion often finds itself halfway between industrialist and environmentalist

paradigms, sharing part of the beliefs of both.

e) Ecological civicness: willingness to bear the necessary costs for the defence of the natural enviroment.

This view frames the ecological question by re-elaborating the concept of civicness and of the duties of

social solidarity. The spread of ecological culture has brought about an extension of social solidarity for

humankind to nature and all living beings. The need to protect the natural environment and willingness to

bear the necessary costs are therefore part of civic duties.

In order to assess the importance of these five environmental frames on public opinion, to evaluate their

congruency and influence on action, we constructed five indices on the basis of the findings of the Issp

survey.

Belief in the romantic idea of ecology may be shown by an index (romantic ecology) which relates to

positions which underline the harmony of nature and have a negative view of any change in the natural

environment brought about by human intervention (2).

The animal rights index was constructed by taking into account opinions in favour of the extension of

human rights to animals and the degree of disagreement with the statement "it is right to use animals for

medical experiments even if this may save human lives".

The index which indicates attitudes of environmental concern (environmental risk) takes into account the

level of danger attributed to: air pollution caused by vehicles and industries, pollution of rivers and lakes,

the effects of the use of chemical products and pesticides in agriculture, nuclear power stations.

In order to reveal the spread of the idea of a radical counterposition between environmental defence and

industrial development, an index (anti-industrialism) was constructed relating to degree of disagreement

with propositions demanding the non sacrifice of economic growth for environmental protection (3)..

We lastly constructed the ecological civicness index based on the subjective willingness to accept price

increases, higher taxes and a reduction in the standard of living to support greater protection of the

environment.

We shall show below that each of the dimensions of ecologist awareness exercises a specific influence on

personal commitment in environmentalist mobization. The five indices may be useful in assessing, in a

preliminary stage, the importance of the various ecologist frames within public opinion in the 19 countries.

The indices are constructed on a scale from 0 to 100. Scores higher than 50 indicate a tendential consensus

for the content expressed by the index. Table 4 shows the percentages of those interviewed who are

tendentially in favour of the content of each index ("agree" or "strongly agree").

2) The romantic ecology index is constructed according to the degree of agreement with the items:

“nature would be at peace and in harmony if only human beings would leave it alone"; “any change

humans cause in nature — no matter how scientific — is likely to make things worse"; “almost everything

we do in modern life harms the environment"; “economic growth always harms the environment". 3) The anti-industrialism index is constructed referring to the degree of disagreement with the items: “people worry too much about human progress harming the environment"; “we worry too much about the future of the environment and not enough about prices and jobs today"; “in order to protect the environment, our country needs economic growth".

Table 4 - Agreement with environmental frames

____________________________________________________________________________________

environmental romantic animal anti- ecological Congruency

risk ecology rights industrial.civicness measure

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Great Britain 74,4% 38,3% 35,7% 27,8% 31,3% 1,56

Northern Ir. 79,4% 39,2% 29,9% 23,5% 24,8% 1,53

Ireland 84,7% 40,4% 29,9% 18,4% 20,6% 1,20

Italy 90,3% 62,2% 38,6% 29,1% 39,4% 1,12

Spain 91,1% 50,5% 16,9% 22,3% 42,0% 0,76

Norway 71,4% 29,6% 21,8% 37,6% 35,9% 2,08

Netherlands 65,7% 22,1% 27,5% 33,5% 48,1% 1,37

Germany-West 87,8% 59,0% 37,4% 41,2% 38,3% 2,52

Germany-East 83,7% 45,6% 26,8% 30,3% 21,7% 2,03

Czech Rep. 86,1% 43,8% 18,8% 16,3% 16,0% 1,14

Slovenia 87,2% 52,5% 17,2% 12,1% 30,1% 0,83

Poland 87,9% 43,9% 26,7% 11,6% 26,3% 0,50

Bulgaria 79,5% 60,4% 11,6% 10,6% 34,4% 0,44

Russia 91,1% 55,5% 26,4% 11,4% 37,1% 0,40

Hungary 72,4% 50,9% 11,0% 3,7% 14,1% 0,16

United States 75,1% 29,8% 22,4% 26,2% 33,4% 1,80

Canada 86,0% 25,6% 27,9% 42,8% 37,3% 2,01

New Zealand 78,9% 29,5% 28,1% 38,7% 31,4% 2,17

Israel 80,8% 37,5% 20,0% 25,1% 36,6% 1,04

Philippines 88,8% 40,6% 19,1% 4,8% 22,9% -0,13

Japan 83,0% 57,9% 63,4% 30,7% 34,1% 1,58

TOTAL 81,8% 42,7% 26,5% 23,8% 32,1%

_____________________________________________________________________________________

The recognition of risk regarding environmental degradation is naturally widespread in all the countries in

question, and it is recognised by over eight out of ten interviewed in the sample. Less widespread and

more differentiated according to national contexts is support for a romantic conception of ecology. The

intransigent defence of animal rights finds consensus in a quarter of those interviewed. This position is

shared by a majority only in Japan.

Levels of support for the setting of the environmental question in a frame of an anti-industrial kind vary

greatly. It finds very limited consensus especially in Eastern European countries. It is however shared by

about a third of those interviewed in Western Germany, Netherlands, Norway, Canada and New Zealand.

It may be seen that the different indices of environmental frames do not have a very high correlation in the

countries in question. It is therefore not possible to infer from them the existence of a single underlying

dimension. In order to analyse in greater depth the penetration and sedimentation of ecologist culture in

public opinion, it may be useful to assess the congruency between the various environmentalist indices

within each national context. A simple congruency measurement may be constructed between the five

indixes by adding the values of their coefficients of correlation (table 4).

Considerable differences may be observed between the various countries. In some countries (above all

Germany, New Zealand, Norway and Canada), the different conceptions of ecology appear more correlated.

In other countries (former Communist countries, Spain and the Philippines), the different ways of seeing

the environmentalist issue do not appear very congruent: ecologist orientations, although present in public

opinion, have not had time or the opportunity to mature and sediment.

We can argue that the unification of different themes, problems and frames related to the environmental

question, considered as distinct and irreducible compared with other typical issues in industrial society,

increases its importance on a political ground.

Determinants of individual participation

In order to make a synthetic study of the factors influencing environmentalist participation, we have

constructed an overall synthetic index. The various forms of action have been considered, taking into

account the different personal commitment demanded. We identified four levels of participation in

environmentalist mobilization (4). On the lowest level, the action of indirect support giving a financial

contribution to the associations' campaigns. On the second level, the action of those merely signing a

petition. On the third level, the participation of those committed to both these forms of action. On the

highest level, personal participation in demonstrations and protest actions (5).

Making use, for the sake of simplicity, of the analysis of linear correlation, we may first of all assess the

possible influence of social and demographic conditions at the levels of participation in environmentalist

mobilization (cfr. table 5).

The youngest interviewees are more willing to take part in initiatives on environmental issues. The variable

which most affects the levels of ecologist participation is however that of education. All the indicators of

environmentalist participation strongly increase at higher levels of education (6). Exceptions to these

findings may however be seen in Russia and, limited to age, in Japan and the Philippines. With few

exceptions, significant relations between environmentalist participation and gender do however not

emerge.

Environmentalist participation is also significantly related in several countries to two indicators of social

position: an estimate of income and the subjective evaluation of one's own social class(7).

4) There are of course several strategies to assess and combine the various kinds of action in order tu build

an index.. The different types of environmentalist participation indices which may be constructed according

to reasonable assumptions appear highly correlated (pearson correlation above .95) and interchangeable in

the study of the relations with other variables we have used.

5) We have built in this way only an ordinal variable of five levels for the measurement of the individula

commitment in environmental mobilization. This ordinal variable is considered a discrete realization of an

unmeasured continous variable. We use for semplicity correlationa and multiple regression analysis. For a

discussion of problems about this approach see Winship and Mare (1984) and Bohrnsted and Knoke

(1994). 6 ) Our findings confirm the result of many reaserches about partecipation in protest action (Dalton 1988,

69-70).

7) Income estimate was constructed by combining indications of personal and family income. Personal

evaluation of class position involved a scale ranging from “lower class", “working class", “upper working

class", “lower middle class", “upper middle class" and “upper class".

This relationship is not markedly seen in the cases of Germany, Japan, Canada and Russia. The positive

correlation with income and social position indicators confirms the greatest sympathy for environmentalist

mobilization in subjects who, due to their personal or family position, belong to the middle and upper

classes, compared to those who are part of the working class or lower class.

Table 6 - Correlation between index of participazion and sociodemographic variables

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Gender Age Education Income Social position

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Great Britain -.04 -.24** .19** .11** .

Northern Ir. -.04 -.23** .24** .22** .

Ireland -.00 -.16** .30** .22** .14**

Italy -.01 -.17** .31** .12** .11**

Spain -.06* -.23** .33** .24** -.07*

Norway .03 -.15** .17** .06* .12**

Netherlands .05* -.10** .21** .13** .16**

Germany-West .02 -.20** .23** .00 .07*

Germany-East .03 -.16** .12** .06 .08*

Czech Rep. -.03 -.16** .10** .11** .08*

Slovenia -.01 -.09** .17** .09** .11**

Poland -.09** -.12** .11** .09** .

Bulgaria -.06* -.06* .26** .13** .16**

Russia .06** .01 .03 -.02 -.01

Hungary .03 -.08** .13** .06 .12**

United States -.02 -.14** .23** .14** .13**

Canada .01 -.12** .14** .04 .03

New Zealand .10** -.26** .22** .12** .11**

Israel -.04 -.08** .10** .07* .07*

Philippines -.02 -.06* .19** . -.12**

Japan .03 .05 .11** .07* -.05

_____________________________________________________________________________________

*p < .05; **p < .01

The new movements refer not so much to cleavages between social groups, as to cleavages related to

values and specific issues (Dalton et al. 1990). The growth of interest in environmental problems in

industrial societies has interwoven with general processes of change in values, culture and political forms

(Nas 1995). These transformations have influenced both support for ecologistic culture and the

development of individual and collective initiatives on environmental issues. Inglehart has set these

transformations in the context of the “silent revolution" which has affected industrial societies, with a shift

of interest from economic and security values to other values described as “postmaterialistic" (Inglehart

1977;1990). Environmentalist and anti-nuclear actions have been interpreted as a reflection of the clash

between the materialist and post-materialist vision of the world (Inglehart 1981). In this perspective, the

growing importance of ecology in advanced industrial societies depends not only on the progressive

degradation of the natural environment, but above all on the basic change underlying the value priorities on

an individual level. In Inglehart's view, we may expect a greater interest in ecological issues in social

classes in which post-materialist values are most spread: the educated, younger generations belonging to

the new middle classes.

We may see in table 6 that the postmaterial trends appear significantly linked to ecologist participation in

most of the countries examined. The relationship appears weak and of little significance in Russia, Israel,

the Philippines and Canada. The role of postmaterial trends appears strong especially in West Germany and

in Netherlands. In other countries it is less important than the role played by the level of education.

It may be asked whether significant relationships have been established between the environmentalist

movement and political ideologies. We may refer on the one hand to a positioning on the traditional

left-right dimension, on the other to support for neo-liberalism which appears to dominate in the age of

globalisation (8).

In several countries significant relationships appear between environmentalist mobilization and left-wing

(or liberal) sympathies, especially in Netherlands, Germany, the United States, New Zealand and Norway.

In these countries the role of personal left-wing sympathies for environmentalist mobilization appears

similar to that of postmaterial orientations.

Table 6 - Correlation between index of participazion and ideological orientations

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Postmaterialism Left orientation Neo-liberism

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Great Britain .15** .09** -.03

Northern Ireland .13** .12** .03

Ireland .16** .07 -.01

Italy .18** .03 .01

Spain .14** .07 .03

Norway .15** .13** -.05

Netherlands .23** .22** -.03

Germany-West .26** .14** -.08*

Germany-East .15** .24** -.00

Czech Republic .12** . -.01

Slovenia .18** -.02 .16**

Poland .17** -.01 .13**

Bulgaria .13** . .12**

Russia .02 . .07**

Hungary .09** . .11**

United States .11** .15** .04

Canada .05 .08** -.02

New Zealand .16** .14** -.04

Israel .05 .09** .04

Philippines .05 . .02

Japan .07** .11** .01

_____________________________________________________________________________________

*p < .05; **p < .01

The link between neo-liberalism and environmentalist participation appears weaker and partially

contradictory. In the former Communist countries, those actively involved in environmental issues tend to

hold neo-libelism to a greater extent (9). An opposite trend is seen however in West Germany.

8) For the position on the right-left dimension, five levels were considered: “right", “center-right", “center",

center-left", “left". For the neo-liberalism scale we used consensus levels for the statement: “Private

enterprise is the best way to solvee economic problems in our country" and degree of disagreement with the

statement: “It is the task of the Government to reduce the differences in people's income".

9) East Germany and the Czech Republic are exceptions.

These findings highlight the different forms of links which have been established between ideological

sympathies and environmentalist mobilization.

In some countries, such as Germany, Netherlands, New Zealand and the United States, environmentalist

mobilization is mainly linked to postmaterialist orientations and to left-wing (or liberal) positions. Great

Britain draws near to this model, although the link between left-wing sympathies and environmentalist

action seems less important.

In other countries, such as Italy, Spain and Ireland, environmentalist activity does not show significant

links with the traditional left-right wing orientation.

In former Communist countries, environmentalist activity appears linked to neo-liberalism which is at

times connected to postmaterialist trends. In Eastern European countries where it has appeared, the

left-right wing position seems extraneous to environmental mobilization.

The various ways of environmentalist frames have very different relations with mobilization. Table 7

shows the coefficients of correlation of the five indices which we have constructed with the index of

participation. Romantic ecology has a weak, contradictory relation with environmentalist mobilization. In

Germany those sharing this view are more likely to take part in some kind of action, while in Italy and

Ireland the opposite is true.

Table 7 - Correlation between index of participazion and indices of

environmental frames

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Romantic Animal Environmental Anti- Eclogical

ecology rights risk industrialism civicness

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Great Britain -.03 .08** .28** .35** .31**

Northern Ireland -.06 .02 .25** .30** .30**

Ireland -.09** .02 .21** .29** .28**

Italy -.13** .03 .07* .20** .28**

Spain .00 .03 .07* .14** .16**

Norway .04* .06* .15** .28** .23**

Netherlands .03 .08** .25** .28** .26**

Germany-West .13** .07* .22** .26** .25**

Germany-East -.02 .03 .18** .08** .23**

Czech Republic .02 .10** .10** .12** .08**

Slovenia -.03 .07* .12** .06* .17**

Poland -.01 .04 .08** .04 .23**

Bulgaria -.03 .08** .14** .01 .23**

Russia -.02 .01 .02 .03 .14**

Hungary -.01 .02 .05 .02 .16**

United States -.05* .00 .19** .31** .25**

Canada .06* .08** .19** .23** .24**

New Zealand .01 .15** .32** .33** .28**

Israel .05 .11** .06* .12** .20**

Philippines .08** -.03 .06* -.06* .08**

Japan .01 .05 .14** .07* .20**

_____________________________________________________________________________________

*p < .05; **p < .01

Support for animal rights has little relationship with environmentalist activity. The correlation appears

significant only in certain situations (New Zealand, Israel, Czech Republic). Animal rights and romantic

ecology have been often incorporated into common thinking, and have influenced habits and advertising.

Agreement with these ideas is in many cases a passive belief in current ideas and is not very likely to

favour participation in any environmentalist initiative.

The role of the other three environmental frames appears different and more important.

Ecological civicness, the willingness to personally bear the costs of environmental protection everywhere

appears linked signifiantly to participation in ecological mobilization. This type of frame, which sharply

divides those interviewed, is in all the contexts examined an expression of genuine belief in the cause of

environmental protection. The willingness to bear personal costs may on the other hand be an important

subjective premise to overcome difficulties in taking part in initiatives.

Concern for environmental degradation and anti-industrialism also assume an important role in

mobilization. But in several national contexts their link with mobilization appears weak or inexistant. The

role of anti-industrialism in environmentalist activities appears negligible in former Communist countries,

in the Philippines and Japan. The level of concern for environmental degradation does not appear very

relevant for participation in various situations (Russia, Hungary, Italy, Spain, Israel, the Philippines).

We may identify different typologies of frames shared which differentiate those taking part in

environmentalist initiatives from those not taking part.

In one group of countries (West Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Netherlands, New Zealand), those taking

part in initiatives link the frame of ecological civicness to anti-industrial attitudes and to a higher concern

for the risks from environmental degradation. Similar conceptions characterise those taking part in

mobilization in the United States, Canada and Norway.

Those taking part in initiatives in Italy and Spain differentiate from this model in the minor role played by

fear about environmental risks: in these countries the statement of this kind of concern seems to have

become such a widespread attitude that it does not in any way represent a favourable attitude to

mobilization.

The picture of orientations associated with environmentalist mobilization is very different in Eastern

European countries. Ecological civicness appears determinant everywhere, whereas the other ecologist

frames appear absent or less important.

Japan constitutes a particular situation, as participation there appears linked only to ecological civicness

and to more marked evaluations of the risks coming from the environmental crisis.

Predicting individual participation in environmental mobilization

We have found several variables wich have significant relations with individual participation in

environmentalist mobilization. The variables which may partially account for participation are however

interlinked in a complex way. The indicators of the different interpretations of the environmental question

often have significant relationships with both cultural and ideological variables and with some

sociodemographic variables (above all with the level of education). Spurious relationships with political

participation may therefore thus be determined which only accurate checks may identify.

For simplicity’s sake (10), we made the same kind of analysis for all the countries in question, with three

types of multiple regressions. In all the analyses the index of individual participation in environmentalist

mobilization was taken as a dependent variable.

For the first series of regressions we used the sociodemographic characteristics of those interviewed (age,

gender (11), education, income, social position) as independent variables.

In the second series we added three ideological orientation variables (postmaterialism, left orientation,

neo-liberism) to the preceeding independent variables.

In the third series of regressions we added the five indices of different ecological frames to the preceeding

independent variables.

Table 8 provides a picture of the variance accounted by the three sets of independent variables in the

different countries. The amount of variance accounted in not very high because we can't consider the effect

on mibilization of local environmental problems and of the well known NIMBY factor (Not In My Back

Yard). Table 9 shows the standardised regression coefficients (beta) which entered a overall step-wise

regression (p < 0.5).

We may firstly observe that in some countries (Spain, Italy, Ireland, New Zealand, Northern Ireland, West

Germany), a good share of the variance is accounted for solely by the sociodemographic variables.

Sociodemographic variables play an important role in accounting for individual participation in

environmentalist mobilization also in the United States, Germany, Great Britain, Bulgaria and Netherlands.

In these countries a high level of education and young age considerably favour individual participation in

environmentalist mobilization. In other countries - Canada, Japan, Israel, the Philippines and almost all

Eastern European countries - the influence of these variables appears slight.

10)A more accurate analysis would demand the construction for each country of a specific linear-structural

equation model, to be analysed using the Lisrel program (Saris and Stronkhorst 1984).

11) The gender variable is obvisously dichotomic, with 0 value for males and 1 for females. The use of

dichotomic variables in multiple regressions may be acceptable, attributing a particular interpretation to the

coefficients (Fox 1988).

The ideological variables do not greatly increase the variance accounted. Only in some situations

(Netherlands and Germany) do postmaterialism and left-wing orientation give a substantial contribution to

participation in environmentalist action.

Table 8 - Variance accounted (R square) of the partipation index

by diffrent tipes of multiple regressions

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Sociodemographic Sociodemographic Sociodemographic.

variables and ideological ideological and

variables environmental frames

variables

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Great Britain 7.2 9.2 (+2.0) 23.8 (+14.6)

Northern Ir. 10.5 12.2 (+1.7) 21.5 (+9.3)

Ireland 10.3 11.8 (+1.5) 19.6 (+7.8)

Italy 9.9 11.4 (+1.5) 16.8 (+5.4)

Spain 12.8 13.4 (+0.6) 15.4 (+2.0)

Norway 4.6 7.6 (+2.0) 12.5 (+4.9)

Netherlands 6.4 11.5 (+6.1) 18.5 (+7.0)

Germany-West 8.7 12.7 (+4.0) 18.2 (+5.5)

Germany-East 3.7 7.3 (+3.6) 12.3 (+5.0)

Czech Rep. 3.4 4.4 (+1.0) 6.4 (+2.0)

Slovenia 3.4 6.4 (+3.0) 8.6 (+2.2)

Poland 3.0 4.1 (+1.1) 7.7 (+3.6)

Bulgaria 7.9 8.1 (+0.2) 11.2 (+3.1)

Russia 0.1 1.2 (+1.1) 3.3 (+2.1)

Hungary 2.6 3.8 (+1.2) 4.9 (+1.1)

United States 7.1 9.7 (+2.6) 17.0 (+7.3)

Canada 2.7 3.4 (+0.7) 11.6 (+8.2)

New Zealand 10.5 14.9 (+4.4) 24.6 (+9.5)

Israel 1.9 2.4 (+0.5) 6.7 (+4.3)

Philippines 3.9 4.2 (+0.3) 4.8 (+0.6)

Japan 2.8 3.7 (+0.9) 7.6 (+3.9)

_____________________________________________________________________________________

The contribution of ideological orientations to environmental mobilization is greatly reduced in almost all

the countries considered if sociodemographic variables are kept under control. The literature emphasising

the role of change in values, and in particular of postmaterial orientations in participation in the

environmentalist movement has either unduly generalised the findings obtained in particular countries, or

overestimated a component which in many situations is weak or spurious.

The predictive role played by indicators expressing the level of personal support to ecologist frames is

very different and more important. Even keeping all the other independent variables under control, these

indicators almost everywhere show a considerable contribution in predicting personal participation in

mobilization. The contribution appears important above all in Great Britain, Northern Ireland, Canada and

New Zealand. But also in other countries (the United States, Germany, Netherlands, Italy, Norway), the

specific contribution supplied by these variables appears significant. It is above all the indices for

ecological civicness, antiindustrialism and environmental risk which give the most significant contribution

to predicting individual participation in environmentalist mobilization. In almost all Eastern European

countries, where it is difficult to account for participation in environmentalist mobilization, the level of

ecological civicness often gives a significant contribution to the prediction of individual behaviour.

It is not easy to determine the actual causal importance of the different ecological frames. Personal support

for a conception of the ecological question may sometimes be a consequence, rather than a premise, for

participation in mobilization: the movements have important cultural effects on their members (Dalla Porta

Diani 1996, 282). But it is certain that, due to the activity carried out by different various actors and

organizations in the movement, an important link has been established between certain interpretation

frames and environmentalist mobilization. This link profoundly connotates the type of past action. And on

the other hand, we may argue that “Participation in past action campaigns probably is the strongest possible

indicator or a commitment to a movement's cause" (Kriesi 1992, 25).

Table 9 - Standardized regression coefficients (beta) of multiple regression of the partipation index

by Sociodemographic, ideological and environmental frames variables.

__________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Indep. var.: gender age education income social postmat. left neo-lib romantic animal environm. anti- ecol.

(male=0) posit. orient. ecology rights risk idustr. civic.

__________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Great Britain . -.12 .08 . . .07 . . -.08 .07 .20 .19 .17

Northern Ir. . -.09 .13 .09 . . .08 . . . .14 .16 .16

Ireland . . .15 .12 . .10 . -.09 . . .14 .15 .14

Italy . . .21 . . .10 . . . . . .13 .19

Spain . -.08 .22 .11 . . .07 . . . .07 .07 .08

Norway . -.09 .09 . . .07 .07 . . . .06 .15 .12

Netherlands . . .10 .10 . .10 .10 . .05 .06 .13 .13 .12

Germany-West . -.11 .15 . . .10 . -.09 . . .10 .12 .13

Germany-East . -.11 . . . .07 .17 . . . .12 . .15

Czech Rep. . -.10 . .08 . .08 . -.06 . .08 .07 .08 .

Slovenia . . .09 . . .10 . .10 . . .09 . .10

Poland -.06 -.05 . . . .07 . .07 . . . . .20

Bulgaria . .07 .21 .07 . . . . . . .06 . .15

Russia -.08 . . . . . . .06 . . . . .14

Hungary . . .08 . . .06 . .07 . . . . .11

United States . -.06 .13 . 0.8 .06 .08 . . . .09 .17 .12

Canada . -.07 .10 . . . . . . . .12 .13 .16

New Zealand -.15 .09 . 0.7 .10 .08 . . . .19 .14 .13

Israel . -.05 . . . . . . . .07 . .07 .18

Philippines . . .18 . . . . . .06 . . . .

Japan .06 .10 .10 . -0.6 . .06 . . . .09 . .17

__________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Standardized coefficints of all varables entered in the stepwise regression ( p < 0.05)

1

Conclusions

At this stage in our research we can draw some partial conclusions about the typical relationship between

participation in enironmenta mobilization an its premises.

Our analyses enable us to identify four types of environmentalist mobilization, which are sharply

differentiated according to the related premises of the action. Findings of research and studies carried out

in relation to each of them may not easily be generalised with the others.

The first type is seen in West Germany, Netherlands and New Zealand. In these countries

environmentalist mobilization is significantly influenced both by sociodemographic variables and by

ideological variables and by personal support for some ecological frames. The subjects taking part in

mobilization are often among the educated young in the new middle clases, as seen in many research

studies on the militants of new social movements. But the dominant feature seems to be the close

relationship between environmentalist mobilization and an integrated cultural whole which includes some

ecological frames (ecological civicness, anti-industrialism and environmental risk, postmaterialism and

left political orientations). In these countries environmentalism seems to take on the importance of a new

cleavage orienting mobilization and influencing the political arena. In Netherlands and New Zealand

environmentalist mobilization may count on an association network which gathers large membership and

support. In Germany, where ecological associations gather less support, the tendential integration between

the various interpretations of ecology (cf. table 4) favours the politicization of the issue.

A second type of mobilization is found in the United States, Great Britain, Northern Ireland, Ireland and

with some difference in Canada. In these countries, if sociodemographic variables are kept under control,

the contribution of ideological variables in accounting for participation in environmentalist mobilization

is found to be very slight. Personal support for some environmental frames, on the other hand, take on

great importance in predicting participation in action. This type of mobilization appears little linked to

political and ideological values, and more linked to particular conceptions of environmental issues.

The third type of environmentalist mobilization is found in Italy and Spain. In this case sociodemographic

variables above all play a central role for the prediction of individual participation. A lesser role is played

by idelogical variables. The different conceptions of the environental issue, although formally accepted by

many of those interviewed, have a low level of coherence. In these countries environmentalism does not

seem to be greatly considered as a specific cultural area and does not appear as an important cleavage on

the ground of political confrontation. Environmentalist mobilization tends to assume an occasional

character, involving those subjects who for sociodemographical conditions are more likely to participate

(Verba et al. 1978).

2

A fourth type of environmentalist mobilization is found in almost all the former Communist countries

examined (12). The different variables we have analysed on the whole give a fairly low level of prediction

for individual participation.This marks the existence in these countries of logics different from those

normally found in the Western European countries studied to account for participation in environmentalist

mobilization.

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