environmental health challenges in south africa: policy lessons from case studies
TRANSCRIPT
Health & Place 8 (2002) 251–261
Environmental health challenges in South Africa: policylessons from case studies
E.P. Thomas*, J.R. Seager, A. Mathee
Health and Development Research Group, Medical Research Council, South Africa
Accepted 1 November 2001
Abstract
In South Africa, the challenges of economic growth, job creation and effective service delivery are regarded as key to
the long-term development of the country. The provision of basic environmental health services is acknowledged as an
important factor impacting on the quality of living environments and the health of communities. This paper outlines the
environmental health challenges faced by local authorities in the context of national policy, the wider local government
development framework and the backlog in the provision of basic services. Using South African examples, the paper
concludes with a synopsis of the gaps in policy and delivery drawing on the policy framework of the World Health
Organisation, Health for All in the 21st Century. Many of the insights highlighted are likely to parallel the experiences
in other developing countries.
r 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Environmental health; South Africa; Health for All in the 21st Century; Integrated; Planning; Delivery; Local
Introduction
The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of
environmental health challenges facing South Africa, a
country in transition. The national context of change,
which includes a new focus on development, a redefined
role for local government and an accelerated effort to
address the imbalances and legacy of apartheid, is
outlined. The context within which the environmental
health challenges are discussed is illustrated using
material from a number of case studies. A framework
of the goals of the World Health Organisation’s (WHO)
Health for All in the 21st Century, is used to structure
the discussion. The paper concludes with an assessment
of the effectiveness of policies in the light of the
challenges and indicates gaps, which need to be
addressed.
Methodology
Drawing from a range of experiences in policy,
research and implementation, the paper reflects on the
South African local, provincial and national situation in
terms of the international environmental health context.
The case studies represent work in which the authors
have been directly involved. They include work on
access to basic services (Seager et al., 1999; Genthe et al.,
1997), intra-urban disparity in access to basic services
and health in Port Elizabeth (Thomas et al., 1999;
Seager et al., 1999), the impact of specific pollutants
such as blood lead and asbestos (Mathee et al., 1996;
Mathee et al., 1999; Mathee et al., 2000a) and state of
the environment reports for specific low-income com-
munities, Cato Manor: Durban (Thomas, 2000) and
Alexandra: Johannesburg (Mathee et al., 2000b).
Background
Rooted in the apartheid era, South Africa today faces
the environment and health consequences of poverty
*Corresponding author. Health and Development Research
Group, MRC, Centre for Health Policy, University of
Witwatersrand, PO Box 1038, Johannesburg, South Africa.
E-mail address: [email protected] (E.P. Thomas).
1353-8292/02/$ - see front matter r 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
PII: S 1 3 5 3 - 8 2 9 2 ( 0 2 ) 0 0 0 0 6 - 0
and inequity. The national population is growing, and a
process of rapid unplanned urbanisation, underway in
recent decades, has given rise to the formation of
sprawling informal settlements on the periphery of cities
and towns. In inner city areas, a shortage of housing has
led to overcrowding, in some instances extreme such as
Hillbrow and Betrams in Johannesburg (Mathee et al.,
1997). In addition, rapid and inadequately managed
industrial development has given rise to industrial
pollution. These forces, together with factors such as
poor economic growth and low levels of scientific
development, have contributed to environmental
pollution, and threats to health, in large parts of the
country.
A national census undertaken in 1996, determined the
population of South Africa to be 40.6 million people,
distributed into just over 9 million households. Fifty-
four percent of the population lived in urban areas.
Eleven percent was under the age of 5 yr. Amongst that
portion of the population aged 20 yr or more, 19% had
no schooling, whilst 6% had a tertiary qualification.
Only 66% of those aged 15–65 yr were economically
active (Statistics South Africa, 1998). In 1995, it was
estimated that 44% of the South African population
were ‘‘poor’’1 (May, 1998). There is a clear urban–rural
divide in terms of poverty. Rural areas house 46% of the
population (Statistics South Africa, 1998) but 75% of
the poor.
It has been useful, in South Africa, to use the
classification of ‘‘traditional’’ and ‘‘modern’’ environ-
mental health hazards. Traditional environmental health
hazards describe environmental risks associated with,
for example, a lack of access to safe shelter, water
supplies, sanitation and waste disposal services, and
indoor air pollution from the use of polluting fuels for
cooking, lighting and space heating. Modern environ-
mental health hazards on the other hand, may emanate
from industrial pollution and vehicular emissions. Some
communities, such as those living in informal settle-
ments located in close proximity to industrial sites,
experience exposure to traditional and modern environ-
mental health hazards simultaneously.
Access to basic environmental health services
Inequities in access to basic environmental health
services are evident by population group and province,
as well as across the urban–rural divide in South Africa.
As can be seen from Table 1, which gives a breakdown
of those living in poverty, those households without
access to basic environmental health services, and basic
health indicators by population group, large proportions
of the population, mainly black, remain without access
to adequate housing and associated environmental
health services.
The disparities across the spatial boundaries of the
nine provinces are strongly correlated with the level of
urbanisation. The majority of the poor live in rural areas
(and in largely rural provinces) and are further
disadvantaged by a lower level of services in these
regions.
Fig. 1 shows the wide diversity in access to basic
services between urban and rural communities.
The higher cost of service provision in rural areas
means that the provision of services is likely to continue
to lag behind that of urban areas. Four out of five poor
households were without piped water at home (80%), no
modern toilets (90%) or electricity (85%) (Friedman,
1999, p. 3). Alongside the disparities in rural areas,
inequities also occur in access to basic services and
health within urban areas. In some urban settings,
especially those with extremely high population density,
environmental health conditions may be worse than in
rural areas. One aspect, which highlights the disparity in
Table 1
Disparity in household poverty, access to basic services and health indicators by population group
African/
Black
Coloured Indian/
Asian
White Total
Percentage living in poverty (1995) 61 38 5 1 50
Percentage living in informal dwellings/shacks 15.3 0.6 0.02 0.05 16
Percentage with neither flush nor chemical toilet 23 12 0 0 18
Percentage with an indoor tap 27 72 97 96 44
Infant mortality ratea 1994 (per 1000) 49 23 9 8 41
TBb rate 1995 (per 100,000) 179 671 69 16 212c
a Infant mortality rate per 1000 live births (1998). Source Health Systems Trust, 1999, p. 401.b Reported cases of TB per 100,000 (1998). Source Health Systems Trust, 1999, p. 401.c 212 per 100,000 in 1996. Source SATCI Survey, reported by Department of Health, Strides and Struggles in TB Control, National
TB Control Programme.
1 ‘Poor ’ refers to the households who were unable to attain a
minimal standard of living measured in terms of basic
consumption needs or the income required to satisfy them.
E.P. Thomas et al. / Health & Place 8 (2002) 251–261252
access to basic services between urban and rural areas
and within urban areas, is that of types of fuel used.
Exposure to air pollution
Electricity is the main fuel used for cooking (around
47% of households in South Africa used electricity in
1996) with a further 23% and 22%, respectively using
mainly wood and paraffin for cooking purposes, as
shown in Fig. 2 (Statistics South Africa, 1998). Access to
energy for cooking is highly differentiated by race with
98% whites and 42% of Africans using electricity as the
main fuel for cooking. The use of solid, and to a lesser
extent liquid fuels, indoors, has been shown to
contribute to elevated levels of indoor air pollution,
and respiratory ill health. The risk of burns and
poisoning, especially amongst young children is also
associated with these fuel use patterns.
With contributions from industry, vehicular emissions
and domestic fuel use, ambient urban air pollution has
been of increasing co ncern in South African cities. For
example, in certain parts of Johannesburg, ambient
levels of suspended particulate matter were as high as
150 and 50mg/m3 during the winter and summer,
respectively of 1999 (Annegarn and Sithole, 1999). The
winter level is well in excess of both WHO and South
African particulate guidelines. Levels of nitrogen diox-
ide and ozone, associated with photochemical smog,
have also been increasing steadily in Johannesburg, and
are expected to regularly exceed international guidelines
by 2005 (Johannesburg City Council, 1993/4). Of
particular concern is the finding by the United Nations
Environment Programme (UNEP) that air quality
management capabilities in Johannesburg are limited
(UNEP/WHO, 1996).
Exposure to elevated levels of lead has been associated
with a wide range of detrimental health effects, especially
amongst young children (Needleman and Bellinger,
1994). These include damage to soft organs such as the
heart, liver and lungs, anaemia, deficits in intelligence
quotients, hyperactivity, and shortened concentration
spans. Studies undertaken in Cape Town and Johannes-
burg have shown that large proportions of children may
have elevated levels of lead in their blood (von Schirnding
et al., 1991a; Mathee, 1996). In certain parts of Cape
Town and Johannesburg around 90% and 80%, respec-
tively, of children had blood lead levels, which exceeded
the international guideline of 10mg/dl. Lead in petrol, and
in paint peeling from older housing, have been identified
amongst a range of risk factors for raised childhood
blood lead levels (Von Schirnding et al., 1991b).
In terms of industrial pollution, poorly managed
industrial processes have led, for example, to increased
exposure to asbestos in a number of South African
asbestos mining towns, associated with an increased
incidence of asbestos-related diseases such as TB and
asbestosis. In addition, concern has been expressed about
the potential for community exposure to asbestos from
degrading low-cost housing projects (Mathee, 2000b).
Environmental health status at the city level
The City of Port Elizabeth may be considered a
microcosm of environmental health status inequity in
South Africa. As indicated in Table 2, which gives
household access to services by wealth category in Port
Elizabeth, the poor have the worst service coverage and
experience a higher exposure to a range of environ-
mental health hazards in the living environment. The
study by Thomas et al. (1999) shows, amongst children
under the age of 6 yr, an inverse correlation between
acute respiratory infection (ARI) symptoms (two week
recall period) and wealth category (p ¼ 0:017). Similarly,
children living in overcrowded conditions were more
Fig. 1. Household access to services in urban and rural areas,
1995. Source: HST Rural/Urban Inequity, Equity Report.
http://hst.org.za/hlink/equity.asp.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
Electricity Wood Paraffin Coal Other
TYPE OF FUEL
% o
f H
OU
SE
HO
LD
S
Fig. 2. Fuel used for cooking in South Africa (1996). Source:
Statistics South Africa (1998).
E.P. Thomas et al. / Health & Place 8 (2002) 251–261 253
likely to suffer from ARI symptoms than those living in
less crowded conditions (p ¼ 0:001). Sharing a tap
(p ¼ 0:032) or a toilet (p ¼ 0:049) predisposed house-
holds to elevated levels of diarrhoea. The study also
found that children reliant on communal water sources
were additionally exposed to a number of environmental
risks, morbidity and mortality from water-related
diseases (Thomas et al., 1999, p. 65). The disadvantages
of not having a standpipe close to home were found to
be borne mainly by women and girl children who were,
mainly responsible for the task of collecting water from
communal standpipes. This highlights the need for
gender-sensitive development policies.
The above review highlights the wide disparity in
living conditions between rich and poor, between
population groups, within urban areas and between
urban and rural areas. Addressing these disparities is a
national priority and is core to the environmental health
challenges facing the country.
Environmental health challenges in South Africa
Delivery of basic2 environmental health services
Considerable progress has been made in delivery of
basic environmental health services in South Africa. For
example, a piped water supply has been provided to 3.5
million people in the period of 1994–1999 (South
African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR), 2000, p.
149) and in recent years, Eskom, the South African
electricity utility company has been providing electricity
to around 450,000 dwellings each year. The Department
of Housing has provided subsidies, which have led to
over one million new formal dwellings being built in the
past 6 yr. However, in light of the shortfall to start with,
as well as the cost of major service delivery programmes,
much work remains to be done to ensure the provision
of basic services to all. Estimates near the end of 1999
were that 7.5 million people (19%) had no access to
running water and 21 million people (52%) had no
sanitation (South African Institute of Race Relations,
2000). The housing shortage was estimated to be 2.1
million units at the end of June 1998 (South African
Institute of Race Relations, 2000). The cholera epi-
demic, which initially mainly affected Kwa Zulu Natal
during 2000, has spread to other parts of the country,
underscoring the importance of adequate basic environ-
mental health services. In addition, the provision of
readily accessible safe water supplies as well as safe
sanitation becomes especially important with an increas-
ing proportion of people living in South Africa who will
be immuno-compromised due to the Human Immuno-
deficiency Virus (HIV). Estimates from the end of 2000
are that one in nine South Africans are infected with
HIV, constituting 12% of the total population (4.7
million people infected) and 24.5% of all pregnant
women attending public ante natal clinics (Department
of Health, 2001).3
Lack of integrated development linking health with
development
With political demand for accelerated service delivery,
as well as cost considerations, opportunities may have
been missed to ensure that the planning, design and
implementation phases of service delivery optimize
health gains. Housing policy has failed to prescribe
minimum building standards for health. For example, in
some housing projects, consideration has not been given
to the use of air bricks to promote ventilation, damp
proofing, or careful orientation of dwellings to maximize
energy efficiency.
Table 2
Distribution of a selection of socio-environmental factors by wealth category in Port Elizabeth
Proportion of households in each wealth group which
experience the following conditions:
Level of wealtha
Low Lower
middle
Middle Upper
middle
High
Head of household has tertiary education (%) 1 2 5 11 18
Access to piped water indoors (%) 11 27 57 82 98
Indoor toilet (%) 13 19 38 72 97
Rats/mice seen during past 24 h (%) 55 46 22 10 1
Electricity used for cooking (%) 19 36 84 94 100
Dampness in the home (%) 75 71 44 29 16
Problem with outdoor air pollution (%) 85 70 54 33 18
Own the land they live on (%) 33 40 65 69 89
2 ‘‘Basic services’’ refer to access to water, sanitation, energy
and housing as prerequisites for urban living.
3 The situation is particularly severe in South Africa due to
the unaffordability of anti-retrieval drugs to those infected.
E.P. Thomas et al. / Health & Place 8 (2002) 251–261254
In respect of communal water supply schemes in
certain areas, soak-away facilities have not been
installed, with the potential for elevated transmission
of disease associated with pools of stagnant water. Users
are also not always educated in the safe handling,
storage and disposal of water, despite evidence from
several quarters of rapid deterioration of water quality
between the supply point and end use (Thomas et al.,
1999; Genthe et al., 1997). While water supplies are
regularly tested for contamination in urban areas, in
some cities those involved in the testing concentrate on
the quality of the water in the pipes rather than the
quality of the water actually consumed by the end user.
A study in Port Elizabeth found that an important issue
in informal areas was the deterioration of the water
between the standpipe and the drinking cup, presumably
due to unhygienic water collection points and the further
deterioration of water quality during storage (Seager
et al., 1999; Thomas et al., 1999) The quality of the
water supplied was generally good, with about 99% of
routine samples from sterilised taps conforming to
national water quality guidelines. However, the samples
from unsterilised taps, containers and cups showed
extensive contamination. In general, water samples
collected from the tap were much cleaner than those
from containers and cups. The two highest levels of
contamination found were, according to the national
water quality guidelines (Anon., 1998), likely to cause
‘‘clinical infections, even with once-off consumption’’,
and ‘‘serious health effects in all users’’, respectively.
Contrary to expectations, there were numerous samples
from fully serviced areas, which had high levels of
contamination as well, indicating a need for health and
hygiene promotion in addition to the mere provision of
infrastructure (Seager et al., 1999).
Ongoing local government transformation
The legacy of apartheid necessitated major restructur-
ing of local government. A three-phase transition was
implemented in 1993. The December 2000 local govern-
ment elections paved the way for the final stage of
implementation of the new system. The transition has
involved the revision of the local government powers
and functions, the approach to local governance as well
as the re-demarcation of boundaries. The main differ-
ence is that of approach, where local government is
required to play a stronger developmental role in
achieving equity. New functions include local economic
development, co-ordination, facilitating community
participation in decision-making and integrated devel-
opment planning.
Revised boundary demarcations have resulted in a
major reduction in the number of local municipalities
across the country with the establishment of 284 new
local ‘wall-to-wall’ municipalities with many urban areas
and rural areas being combined. The rationale was
designed to improve service delivery, by increasing cost
efficiency and allowing cost sharing between rich and
poor areas. There has also been a major thrust to
eliminate the duplication and fragmentation of service
delivery characteristic of the Apartheid era. The
implications of the re-demarcation of boundaries for
health service provision are complex (Barron, 2000, p. 2)
and far-reaching. Examples include the reallocation of
functions between primary and tertiary health facilities,
cross subsidisation between central and local govern-
ment and the implementation of the district health
system.
Lack of an integrated approach to local level health
services
The ongoing local government transformation, which
has occurred since 1994, has impacted on the imple-
mentation of an integrated approach to primary health
care. A lack of clarity regarding the policy of who
should be providing what (health) services at a local
level, the mismatch of the boundaries between the health
districts and local municipalities, as well as the
fragmentation of services, are some of the problems,
which have been experienced. The new local government
structures were being set up during 2001. Environmental
health services will constitute a core component of the
district health team although they are currently located
at municipal offices.
The provision of environmental health services by
Environmental Health Officers
Environmental Health Officers (EHOs) are seen as the
main cadre of professionals responsible for environ-
mental health in South Africa, and are appointed mainly
at the level of local government. The scope of practice of
EHOs relates to, for example, water supplies, waste-
water management, waste management, land pollution,
food hygiene and safety, air quality, noise, environ-
mental impact assessment, research and surveillance,
disease outbreaks, and injury prevention. Amongst the
human resource challenges having an impact on
optimisation of environmental health status in South
Africa, are included an acknowledged shortage of EHOs
in the country (pers. Com. Mr T Pule, Department of
Health), the lack of an appropriate environmental
health policy and strategy for action, the lack of sound
information for priority setting and planning, the
absence of a suitable set of environment and health
indicators, and the lack of an appropriate performance
indicator system.
There is a shortage of EHOs country-wide, with only
around half the national ideal EHOs: population ratio
of 1:10,000 currently being in place. EHOs are also
E.P. Thomas et al. / Health & Place 8 (2002) 251–261 255
inequitably distributed in relation to prevailing environ-
mental health challenges. For example, the lowest levels
of coverage occur in the North West and Eastern Cape
provinces, where the most pressing environmental health
challenges also occur. Key settings, for example rural
areas, informal and squatter settlements, urban black
townships and inner city areas are also well known to be
under-provided with EHOs. For example, the EHO:
population ratio in Cato Manor, Durban, a major urban
area of informal settlements and new low-income
development, was found to be approximately 1:50,000
(Thomas, 2000). There is a recognised need to re-
orient the training curricula of EHOs, long designed to
address the concerns mainly of the white minority, to
suit current priorities and emerging concerns in the
country.
Importance and difficulty of sustaining inter-sectoral
initiatives
In many parts of the world, the importance of inter-
sectoral collaboration for environment and health has
been recognised, but progress has been slow (WHO,
1997). At a time of rapid change in South Africa,
opportunities to maximise benefits for the environment
and health have been heightened, but simultaneously,
inter-sectoral collaboration has been particularly chal-
lenging to achieve success. In many respects, at the
national level, the opportunity for the environmental
health sector to guide the development of policies, and
provide guidelines in relation to, water supply, housing
delivery, sanitation, energy and township planning, have
in part, been missed. Similarly, at the local level, there is
a particular need to develop appropriate mechanisms for
environmental health input into priority setting and
planning of living and working conditions, to ensure
health promotion and protection against ill health and
injury. Many of the reasons for the lack of progress on
inter-sectoral collaboration between the environmental
health and other sectors are discussed elsewhere in this
paper (sections 4.2–4.5), and relate to, for example,
inadequate training of EHOs, insufficient personnel,
rapid and extensive change in the policy and manage-
ment arenas and the sectoral nature of departments.
This problem is further compounded by the narrow
discipline-focus of built environment development pro-
fessionals (such as engineers, planners and housing
specialists) based on a limited understanding of the
linkages between a range of development issues and
health.
Various initiatives have been established which
endeavour to promote inter-sectoral action around
health and development. Two of these are the World
Health Organisation’s Healthy Cities project and the
Local Agenda 21 programme, which is a local imple-
mentation framework for sustainable development,
which arose out of the Rio Earth Summit in 1992. In
development work, stakeholders frequently accept the
importance of inter-sectoral co-operation but existing
structures often make this co-operation difficult. In
many cases, particular departments are legally con-
strained in terms of which areas they may address and
therefore substantial changes in the way local authorities
operate may be necessary for effective inter-sectoral
action to be possible. In developed countries, there are
more than a 1000 Healthy Cities projects, some of which
have been operating for over 10 yr (Dooris, 1999). These
provide a model for inter-sectoral collaboration around
the common good of health.
Lack of environment and health data
As experienced in other countries, there is often a lack
of suitable data at appropriate levels of aggregation for
policy making. Research studies usually generate issue
and settlement specific data. Few comprehensive studies
have been undertaken which highlight the linkages
between environmental hazards and health outcomes
although there are a number of issue-focussed studies
(Genthe, 1997; Mathee, 2000a; Von Schirnding,
1991a, b; Terblanche et al., 1992). Data highlighting
health and environment variations within cities is
seldom available. The data presented often ‘‘describes
health and environment problems in broad, integrated
ways, with little reference for example, to environment
and health problems among high risk groups, or
marginalised groups’’ (Von Schirnding, 1999, p. 61).
An exception is the Household Environment, Health
and Wealth study undertaken in Port Elizabeth by
Thomas et al. (1999), which highlights variations in
intra-urban living conditions, wealth and health differ-
ences and priorities for intervention. Unfortunately this
level of detailed data is seldom obtainable. Three recent
reviews of environment and health issues in Johannes-
burg and Durban (Mathee, 2000a; Thomas, 2000;
Mathee and Rohman, 1997) highlight the paucity of
environment and health data available for assessing the
spectrum and severity of environment health risks. The
studies were all carried out in urban areas, two of which
are the focus of considerable upgrading and develop-
ment investment. Despite the massive infrastructure
investment, health and environmental data had not been
collected in any comprehensive way to inform the
development policies and process. The lack of data
being collected on a regular basis in these high
profile areas suggests a dearth of environment and
health linked data in most settlements countrywide. The
Department of Health collects and publishes noticeable
disease information, but the data is ‘‘disease’’ focussed
rather than linked to it socio-economic and spatial
contexts.
E.P. Thomas et al. / Health & Place 8 (2002) 251–261256
Summary of environmental health challenges in
South Africa
The overview highlights the great disparity in access
to basic services between groups, within cities, across
urban and rural areas and between provinces. Both
poverty and socio-economic driving forces underpin the
disparities. The restructuring process of local govern-
ment during the 1990s has undermined the attempts to
address the health and development linkages as well as
limited the response of the environmental health cadre
to the challenges. A lack of data linking health and
development issues further limits the extent to which the
linkages can be highlighted. There is a need to ensure
that development policy and services implemented are
health promoting, especially for vulnerable groups.
Development professionals are sometimes inadequately
informed about the health impacts and links between
health and development issues. As a result, these issues
are not adequately addressed in development policies.
There is a need for policies to be informed by research
that highlights the linkages between environment and
health. Integrated approaches to health and environ-
ment issues are required at a local level. Ongoing efforts
to promote inter-sectoral action are needed. There is a
new opportunity with refocused developmental local
government now in place.
Given the difficulty being experienced in South
Africa in responding to the scale and range of
environmental health challenges, it is appropriate to
review and assess the international and local policy
responses.
International policy responses to environmental health
concerns
In reflecting on the progress made in the 5 yr after the
Rio Earth Summit, the then Director General of the
WHO, Nakajima noted that: ‘‘The basic human need for
a safe environmentFone which provides clean water,
and adequate food and shelter, and in which different
people can live together in peaceFis the same for all of
usy . The dreams and aspirations of a healthy future
for the next generation can be accomplished only if we
use our current knowledge wisely and take action in
solidarity’’ (Nakajima,1997).
The WHO has recently committed itself to the Health
for All in the 21st century policy recognizing the
principle of the enjoyment of highest attainable standard
of health as one of the fundamental rights of every
human being (WHO, 1998a). The Health for All in the
21st century policy was informed by a series of major
world conferences held in the 1990s. One of the first, the
Rio Conference (1992) resulted in recognition by world
leaders of the importance of people’s health and
environment as a precondition for sustainable develop-
ment (WHO, 1998b). Some of the initiatives arising
from these discussions include:
* Local Agenda 21 initiatives that have been launched
incorporating inter-sectoral committees for national
planning and follow up.* National Environmental Health Action Plans (NE-
HAP) which have been formed and adopted by
various countries in response to the Helsinki con-
ference on Environment and Health in 1994, while in
other regions, environment and health considerations
have been taken forward through health planning,
regional planning, political commitments, etc.* Healthy Cities Movement of WHO.* Sustainable Cities Movement of UNCHS.* Model Communities Programme of the International
Council for Local Environmental Initiatives (Von
Schirnding, 1999b).
The priorities for a new development agenda, which
supports the attainment of Health for All, were
informed by the priorities which emerged from the
series of development related conferences held during
the 1990s. Some of these principles that relate to
environmental health include:
* Development should be centred on human beings.* Central goals of development include the eradication
of poverty, the fulfillment of the basic needs of all
people and the protection of human rights.* Investments in health, education and training are
critical to the development of human resources.* The improvement of the status of women, including
their empowerment, is central to all efforts to reach
sustainable development in all of its economic, social
and environmental dimensions.* Diversion of resources away from social priorities
should be avoided (WHO, 1998b).
The Health for All in the 21st Century framework
makes explicit three goals. These are:
* An increase in the life expectancy and improvement
in the quality of life for all.* Improved equity in health between and within
countries.* Access for all to sustainable health systems and
services (WHO, 1998b).
Two policy objectives are highlighted as needing
to be realised for the Health for All goals to be met.
These are:
* Making health central to human development and* Developing sustainable health systems to meet the
needs of people (WHO, 1998b).
E.P. Thomas et al. / Health & Place 8 (2002) 251–261 257
In terms of Health for All in the 21st Century, the
central role of health in development is based on an
understanding that ‘good health is both a resource for,
and an aim of development’ and that the health of
people is an indicator of the soundness of development
policies (WHO, 1998b). Community participation in
policy development is also considered, inter alia, a
component of a sustainable health system.
Health for All in the 21st Century policy proposes a
series of actions needed to make health central to
development. These are described as aiming to combat
poverty, promote health in all settings, align sectoral
policies for health and include health planning in
sustainable development (WHO, 1998b). While not
encompassing all the actions, environmental health falls
clearly in the interface between health and development
and is therefore critical to the goal of ‘‘making health
central to human development.’’ The policy recognises
that achieving rights and Health for All is a process
rather than being an endpoint as the goals and
challenges are enormous.
The South African environment and health policy is
now reviewed.
African and South African environment and health policy
initiatives
The South African Constitution, adopted in 1996
contains within it a Bill of Rights, including specific
mention of health and environmental rights. The Bill of
Rights states that ‘yeveryone has the right to an
environment that is not harmful to their health or well
being,4 and to have the environment protectedy‘The
health section states that everyone has the right of access
to health care services, sufficient food and water, and
inter alia that the state must take reasonable legislative
and other measures, within its available resources to
achieve the progressive realization of these rights.5 A
range of policies, guided by the principles in the
Reconstruction and Development Program (African
National Congress, 1994) have been developed in post-
apartheid South Africa to enable the meeting of the
above rights. Many policies impact directly and or
indirectly on environmental health. These include
policies which deal with access to basic services, (water,
sanitation, housing, pollution, waste services), and local
government restructuring, (primary health care, district
health, etc.). The White paper on Transformation of the
Health System in South Africa (Department of Health,
1997) identifies primary health care as the means of
providing caring and effective services to promote and
monitor the health of all the people in South Africa.
Environmental health is seen as part of the primary care
package and leading from the White Paper, its vision is
to create ‘‘A sustainably healthy and safe environment
for all South Africans [in which] to live, work and
recreate.’’ (Department of Health, undated). Specific
environmental health conceptual frameworks and ap-
proaches used in South Africa are outlined below.
Pretoria declaration on health and environment
in Africa
In Southern Africa, one of the responses to the
challenges of health and environment post the Rio
Conference, was the adoption of the Pretoria Declara-
tion of Health and Environment in Africa. This took
place in September 1997 at the International Conference
on Health and Environment in Africa in Pretoria
(Thomas, 1997). The Conference proposed that an
African Charter on Health and Environment be adopted
by an African conference of Ministers of Health,
Environment and other sectors. Since the conference,
the WHO has given the declaration of its support and
circulated copies to African countries.6
In South Africa, the Pretoria declaration has provided
the framework for environmental health policy and
action. While the declaration provides the broad
principles, such as participatory approaches, inter-
sectoral action, partnerships, sharing of best practice,
etc. in terms of which the Environmental Health
Directorate of the National Department of Health is
working, a more specific document has been prepared.
The draft South African Environmental Implementation
Strategy for 2000–2004 has been given in principle
approval as an interim policy document and is currently
being reviewed regarding its resource implications (see
footnote 4).
WHO-AFRO healthy cities initiative
Although the WHO healthy cities movement has been
widely implemented elsewhere, the African Region has
lagged behind, with formal adoption of the programme
only just getting started in many countries. There are,
however, several established Healthy Cities projects,
including Johannesburg and Cape Town, in the region.
The WHO African Region now subscribes to the
views of the WHO Global Management Development
Committee but recognises the fact that the structured
programme has to be implemented somewhat differently
in the Region due to the unique characteristic of the
African setting. Healthy Cities are thus perceived not as4 Environmental Rights in South Africa are set out in Section
24 of the SA Constitution and the health rights in Section 25.5 Environmental Rights in South Africa are set out in Section
24 of the SA Constitution and the health rights in Section 25.
6 Mr T Pule, Department of Health, pers. commun., January
2001.
E.P. Thomas et al. / Health & Place 8 (2002) 251–261258
ends in themselves but as processes involving specific
sets of actions that any city can undertake to achieve
healthy living conditions.
The WHO Regional Office for Africa has decided to
systematically promote the healthy cities concept and
included four healthy cities workshops in its 1998–1999
Programme Budget. All the 46 countries of the WHO
African Region are actively reorganising and preparing
healthy cities plans of action.
Inter-sectoral action in South Africa
Several South African cities have initiated inter-
sectoral health-related initiatives. These include Healthy
Cities projects, (Cape Town and Johannesburg) and
Local Agenda 21 (Durban and Cape Town) initiatives.
State of the Environment Reports have also been
prepared for the Eastern Metropolitan Sub-Structure
(Johannesburg), Alexandra (Johannesburg) and Cato
Manor (Durban), in which the inter-sectoral linkages are
highlighted. The experience of the authors is that inter-
sectoral initiatives are focussed in major centres and are
often difficult to sustain.
Integrated development planning
Each local authority is required in terms of legislation
to prepare an integrated development plan (IDP) ‘‘which
links, integrates and co-ordinates plans for the develop-
ment of the municipality; aligns the resources and
capacity of the municipality for the implementation of
the plan; forms the policy on which annual budgets must
be based; and inter alia is compatible with national and
provincial development planning requirements binding
on the municipality in terms of legislation.’’7 All the 284
new local councils will be required to prepare IDPs
during 2001. The Integrated Development Planning
process provides an ideal opportunity for health issues
to be raised and addressed in an integrated way in plans,
resource allocation and budgets.
Environmental health research to inform policy
The Medical Research Council identified Health and
Development as one of its priority research thrusts some
years ago and has recently established a Health and
Development Research Group, which includes environ-
mental health, multi disciplinary and inter-sectoral
approaches. The WHO Collaborating Centre for Urban
Health, a partnership involving the MRC, University of
the Witwatersrand and the Johannesburg Metropolitan
Council, also conducts research and provides training in
urban environmental health and development. Some of
the Technikons8 have also begun to promote integrated
health and development training and raised research
funds from international agencies.
Discussion
The Health for All9 policy framework provides goals
(WHO, 1998b, p. 26), objectives and actions. The
realisation of the goals and objectives is sought through
a series of actions. This section will assess the ways in
which the approach being taken to environmental health
issues in South Africa compares with that put forward in
the Health for All policy. As with all goals, the Health
for All goals provide the broad-brush approach to be
followed and do not set targets.
A key component of the policy is contained in one of
the objectives of Health for All that, with its associated
actions will be used for the purposes of analysis. The key
policy objective relating to environmental health is:
‘‘making health central to human development’’ (WHO,
1998b, p. 33). Four actions needed to ‘make health
central to development’ are described in the policy.
These are: aiming to combat poverty; promote health in
all settings; align sectoral policies for health and include
health planning in sustainable development. Each will be
considered in turn in relation to the extent to which
‘‘making health central to development’’, the Health for
All objective, has been achieved in South Africa.
* Aiming to combat poverty
Addressing underlying socio-economic injustice and
access to basic services is a critical area but this needs to
go beyond the mere description of the injustices to
addressing them. The South African Constitution sets
out the environmental and health rights and there are a
number of extensive initiatives aimed at addressing
both economic poverty as well as the inequitable
access to basic services. Nevertheless, in view of the
enormous backlogs inherited by the democratic govern-
ment in 1994 and the high levels of unemployment,
there is a long way to go in addressing basic needs.
Combating poverty will need to remain a central
activity in the future especially due to the anticipated
severe impact of HIV/AIDS on poor household’s
resources.
* Promotion of health in all settings including aligning
sectoral policies for health
Health for All highlights the importance of policies
for all sectors that directly or indirectly affect health
7 South African Municipal Systems Act 2000 (Section 23).
8 Technical tertiary educational colleges.9 ‘Health for All’ hereafter refers to the Health for All in the
Twenty First Century WHO policy.
E.P. Thomas et al. / Health & Place 8 (2002) 251–261 259
needs to be analysed and aligned to maximize opportu-
nities for health promotion and protection. This extends
to the importance of multidisciplinary research being
undertaken to identify new opportunities for health
promotion and protection through inter-sectoral action.
The Pretoria Declaration endorses this approach in its
framework but there has been minimal national
guidance or strategy to support the principle. The
inter-sectoral activities under the auspices of Agenda
21 and the Healthy Cities programme remain limited to
major urban areas only. While there is an increasing
range of activities being undertaken by the MRC’s
Health and Development programme to focus attention
on the health aspects/implications of development
policy, there is little research and policy expertise in
the country bringing together the health and develop-
ment sectors.10 There is an important role for health-
sensitive development actors to play in the policy
formation process at all levels of government and to
pioneer the debate around the moral, political and
economic arguments for improved infrastructure (San-
ders et al., 1996). The integrated development planning
process provides an ideal opportunity for health and
development issues to be addressed at a local level.
* Including health planning for sustainable develop-
ment
Health for All suggests that health considerations
need to receive the highest priority in sustainable
development plans. Health professionals are seen as
being important players in making sure that the links
between the health and other sectors are made. Further,
the introduction of health indicators is seen as being an
important contribution to improve decision making in
Environmental Impact Assessments. Although this is
important, it is a new and growing field and in the
development phase. Work by Lerer (1999), on Health
Impact Assessment (Lerer, 1999), suggests appropriate
methodologies to take this forward. In addition, the
new Integrated Development Plans, the preparation of
which is a legal requirement for all local authorities,
makes provision for wide public consultation to identify
key issues to be addressed. It is anticipated that District
Health Officials will also play a role in making sure that
health issues are integrated into the planning and
budgeting process at a local authority level.
The above brief analysis has shown that there are
some gaps in the way in which health and development
is linked in South Africa that will need to be addressed.
Some of the issues raised in the Health for All analysis
highlight the need for more concerted action regarding
implementation of basic services and in addressing the
underlying poverty. In addition, further policy and
planning-linked inter-sectoral understanding is needed
to promote development policies that are in fact health
promoting.
Conclusion
The South African Constitution provides an en-
trenched commitment to wide reaching environment
and health rights. Poverty, an economic injustice, is a
major factor impacting on the health of the nation and
must be addressed. The large proportion of the South
African population with inadequate access to basic
services provides a major challenge to those responsible
for the delivery of these services. Policy makers and
decision-makers must be kept aware of the health
rationale and importance of basic service delivery. The
Health for All policy framework focuses on the
importance of ‘‘making health central to human
development.’’ This objective and its concomitant
actions highlight the need for South African policy to
promote inter-sectoral action and consider health in its
broader developmental context. These insights are also
of relevance in other developing country contexts. The
new refocused developmental local government in South
Africa, with a strong emphasis on local level integrated
planning, provides an opportunity for meeting the
challenge of Health for All.
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