enhancing tax revenues (1)
TRANSCRIPT
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Enhancing Tax RevenuesA Global Priority
Jomo Kwame Sundaram
Jomo Kwame Sundaram ([email protected])
is UN Assistant Director-General, Economic
and Social Development Department, Foodand Agriculture Organisation of the United
Nations, headquartered in Rome.
Drawing on global experiences
and comparisons, this article
argues for the need to increase
cooperation between countries
to plug tax loopholes and bring
in systems which enhance the
tax to GDP ratio without hurting
investments. Increasing this
ratio is the only way to improve
development spending while
avoiding fiscal difficulties.
The ability to pursue developmental
policies depends crucially on avail-
able fiscal space, which relies
mostly on domestic revenues, especially
taxes. However, tax revenues in most low
and middle income developing countries
are low. The average tax-GDP (gross
domestic product) ratios in low-income
and lower-middle income countries are
around 15% and 19%, respectively.
Although non-tax revenues may add
significantly to total revenues in some
countries, these ratios are typically low
compared to the Organisation for Econom-
ic Cooperation and Development (OECD)
average of over 35%. Low- and lower-
middle income countries should take steps
to increase their revenues after consider-
ing various options for doing so.
This is necessary because the main
approach in recent decades has been to
increase tax rates only if unavoidable. It
was presumed that lower rates wouldensure better compliance with tax laws,
and thus raise revenue as the tax to GDP
ratio was supposed to rise.
The prevailing tax wisdom also favo-
ured broadening the tax base even when
revenue collection capacities are modest.
Thus, indirect taxation has tended to
increase while direct taxation of corpo-
rations and individuals has tended to
decline. The latter was supposed to be
good for investment and growth although
the empirical basis for this presumption
is dubious.
In the vast majority of countries in
sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America,
the tax to GDP ratio has actually stagnated
or declined (Mehrotra 1996), as inter-
national trade taxes accounted for the
largest share of tax revenue. As tariffs
and export duties declined with trade
liberalisation, the share of trade taxes
was bound to fall.
Unfortunately, other taxes have notgrown to compensate for the falling contri-
bution of trade taxes. India experienced
a 2% decline in the central governments
tax to GDP ratio in the 1990s after the
economic reforms due to lower trade
taxes alone (Rao 2000). There is an
urgent need to reverse this trend, with
greater commitment to revenue genera-
tion in order to improve social protection,
create employment and otherwise con-tribute to sustained economic recovery.
For many developing countries, total tax
revenues were mainly derived from three
sources: domestic taxes on goods and
services (general sales tax, excises), foreign
trade taxes (mostly import duties), and
direct taxes (mostly from corporations,
rather than individuals).1 Wealth/prop-
erty taxes and social security contributions
continue to make modest contributions.
For rich countries, however, income
taxes (mostly from individuals) make the
largest contribution (around 36%), with
domestic taxes on goods and services
and social security contributions ac-
counting for slightly over a quarter each
of total tax revenue, and trade taxes
quite insignificant.
With different economic circumstances,
it does not make sense for developing
countries to simply mimic developed
economies in trying to generate revenue.
Even among developing countries, thereis no one size that fits all. And certainly not
for all time, as tax systems must evolve
with changing economic circumstances.
A key question is: which taxes are most
likely to meet the requirements of imple-
mentability, buoyancy and stability?
Domestic Taxes: Direct or Indirect?
Inter alia, the revenue to GDP ratio can
rise in the following ways: the tax base
is widened; tax avoidance and evasion
are reduced; and new sources of inter-
national taxation are found.
According to the International Mone-
tary Fund (IMF), In view of the high share
of agriculture and informal economic
activity in many countries, corporate and
personal income taxes are unlikely to be
a major source of domestic revenues in
the short to medium term (IMF 2004).
But there is no reason to be overly pessi-
mistic about direct taxation as tax reform
has significantly improved the contribu-tion of direct taxes to overall revenue in
many countries (Burgess and Stern 1993).
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It is certainly possible to enhance tax
revenues by increasing the share of
direct taxation of the wealthy through
more progressive income taxes in devel-
oping countries. However, greater effort
should also be given to increase govern-
ment revenue substantially by ensuring
better compliance with, and higher col-lection of, existing taxes.
For instance, as part of a comprehensive
reform of its tax administration during
1988-92, the Mexican system awarded
generous bonuses to collectors. As a result
the number of, and yield from, audits
increased almost overnight. The share
of additional revenue due to these
audits increased from 38% in 1988 to
90% in 1990.
Limiting the discretionary authority
of tax officials could also help improve
compliance and reduce evasion. Compu-
terisation of tax administration can
help limit corruption, as it makes it
harder to tamper with records.2 Improved
tax administration also increased the
share of personal income tax in total tax
revenue. A number of innovations ac-
counted for this shift. Expansion of the
scope of tax deduction at source has been
very effective in reaching the hard-to-
tax group. Moreover, every individualliving in large cities who is a house
owner, vehicle owner, club member,
credit card holder, passport, driving
licence or identity card holder and tele-
phone subscriber can be required to file
a tax return.
Excise taxes are another important
source of revenue in developing coun-
tries. They are particularly levied on a
few products such as alcohol, tobacco,
petroleum, vehicles and spare parts. From
a revenue perspective, they are convenient,
involving few producers, large sales vol-
umes, relatively inelastic demand and
easy observability. Excises may be levied
on quantities leaving the factory or
arriving at ports, thus simplifying meas-
urement and collection, ensuring cover-
age, limiting evasion and improving
monitoring. Excise taxes currently amount
to less than 2% of GDP in low-income
countries, compared to about 3% in
high-income countries. They have abuoyant base and can be administered
at low cost.
Revenue losses due to globalisation
need to be addressed. There are three main
reasons for revenue losses: first, capital
movements increase opportunities for
tax evasion because of the limited capa-
city that any tax authority has to check
the overseas incomes of its residents;
evasion is enabled as some governmentsand financial institutions systematically
conceal relevant information.
International Tax Evasion
Where dividends, interest payments,
royalties, and management fees are not
taxed in the country in which they are
paid, they more easily escape notice in
the countries where they live. There
have been large non-resident aliens
bank deposits in some countries like the
United States that impose no taxes on
interest from such deposits.3
Second, avoidance (not evasion) may
increase, given the international differ-
ences in tax rules and rates, because of
the choice of tax regime that inter-
national tax treatment of enterprise
income commonly offers. This is more
likely for taxation of profits from corpo-
rations international operations. Transfer
pricing for goods, services and resources
moving among branches or subsidiariesof a company provides opportunities for
shifting income to minimise tax liability.4
Third, international competition for
inward foreign direct investment may
lead governments to reduce tax rates and
increase concessions for foreign investors.
Income tax rates have fallen sharply since
the late 1970s. There is evidence of sudden
capital outflows in response to certain
tax policy changes (Tanzi 1996).
The tax rates governments can impose
are thus constrained by international
competition. Hence, they are reluctant
to raise rates or to tax dividend and
interest income for fear of capital flight.
Yet, it has long been known that direct
tax concessions have little or no effect in
diverting international investment, let
alone in attracting such flows. Hence,
such tax concessions constitute an un-
necessary loss of revenue.
Beggar-thy-neighbour policies will lead
to losses of revenue for all developingcountries in a larger race-to-the-bottom,
also involving labour and environmental
standards and conditions. This also un-
dermines the possibility of balanced, in-
clusive and sustainable development.
Finance ministries and tax authorities
in developing countries need to cooper-
ate among themselves and with their
counterparts in the OECD economies to
learn from one another and to close ex-isting loopholes in their mutual interest.
With the huge and growing size of public
debts and the real and imagined fiscal
constraints to sustained global economic
recovery, such cooperation is more urgent
than ever.
Notes
1 IMF (2004) notes that lower income countries (LICs) 14% tax to GDP ratio is accounted for byforeign trade taxes (4.2%), excises (1.8%), gen-
eral sales tax (3.1%), and social security (1.8%).For lower-middle income countries (LMICs),their 18.5% tax/GDP ratio is accounted for by alower share for foreign trade (3.4%), and highershares of excises (2.3%), general sales tax(4.9%), and social security taxes (3.7%). Forupper-middle income countries (UMICs), their23% tax/GDP ratio has even lower shares forforeign trade taxes (3.1%), and higher sharesfor excises (2.5%), general sales tax (5 .9%) andsocial security (6.4%).
2 In developing countries, a large proportion ofthose not in organised formal manufacturingactivities are in agriculture and the informalsector. However, tax administration in manycountries is either unable or unwilling to cope
with this sector of largely untaxed incomes.
There is also a need to motivate high-level offi-cials to evaluate the performance of their sub-ordinates. Autonomy over budgets, personnel,and controlled increases in tax administrationreforms in Argentina, Colombia, Ghana, Jamaica,and Peru. In some cases, budgets have beenlinked to revenues collected while some coun-tries have contracted out tax collection opera-tions to the private sector (Das-Gupta andMookherjee 1997)
3 Some suggest ions based on the following prin-ciples have been made to deal with theseproblems. First, withholding-taxes on interest,dividends, royalties and management fees,if these payments are to cross borders, shouldbe collected universally, at uniform rates agreedto internationally. Second, there should be a
single international code system for identify-ing payers of individual and corporate incometax, so that tax authorities can share informa-tion about taxpayers without revealing theinformation to others. Third, a tax-return toany tax authority of the income of a corpora-tion or other enterprise should be requiredto give information relating to its total worldincome.
4 Tax havens provide the possibil ity of avoidanceby forming holding companies and shiftingostensible residence (Tanzi 1995).
References
Burgess, R and Nicholas Stern (1993): Taxationand Development,Journal of Economic Litera-ture, 31 (2): 762-830.
Das-Gupta, A and D Mookherjee (1997): Designand Enforcement of Personal Income Taxes in
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India in Das-Gupta and Mookherjee (1998),Incentives and Institutional Reform in TaxEnforcement: An Analysis of Developing Countr yExper ience (New Delhi: Oxford UniversityPress).
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