economic adaptation of refugees in canada: experience of a quarter century

11
Economic Adaptation of Refugees in Canada: Experience of a Quarter Century BY T.J. SAMUEL* The refugee has been with us ever since the beginning of history and the magnitude of the refugee problem has not diminished with the progress of time. The twentieth century has been called the ‘Century of the Refugee’, since to date it has seen the uprooting and displacement of over 60 million refugees, the greatest forced migration in the history of mankind. Canada has been host to over 400,000 refugees (1) since the Second World War. Numerically significant groups that settled in Canada were : the Displaced Persons (DP’s), Hungarians, Czechoslovaks, Uganda Asians, Chileans and the Indochinese. In the following paper the economic adaptation of refugees in Canada during the last quarter century will be examined. The economic adaptation is looked at with reference to employment and income. These indices of economic adaptation were chosen since they are measurable and they have an all-pervasive influence on the life of the refugees in their new country. Ability to be employed demonstrates the refugees’ success in making a contribution that is valued in modern society. Earnings, on the other hand, gives them the power to participate in almost every aspect of society - as consumers, investors, taxpayers and the like. Table I shows the principal refugee groups who came to Canada, their numbers, the period of their arriva1,and the economic climate in the country as indicated by the prevailing unemployment rate. Table 1 Unemployment Rate in Canada Period of During Period Number Refugee Group Arrived Arrival of Arrival Displaced persons 242,212 1947-67 n.a. Hungarians Czechoslovaks 37,189 1956-57 11,153 1968-69 4-5% 5% Uganda Asians 7 , 000 1972 6-7% Chileans 5 , 608 1975-77 7-8% Indochinese 68,000 1979-81 7.5 to 8.5% *Chief, Immigration and Demographic Analysis Division, Employment and Immigration Ca- nada. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author only and do not necessarily represent those of Employment and Immigration Canada. 45

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Economic Adaptation of Refugees in Canada: Experience of a Quarter Century

BY T.J. SAMUEL*

The refugee has been with us ever since the beginning of history and the magnitude of the refugee problem has not diminished with the progress of time. The twentieth century has been called the ‘Century of the Refugee’, since to date it has seen the uprooting and displacement of over 60 million refugees, the greatest forced migration in the history of mankind.

Canada has been host to over 400,000 refugees (1) since the Second World War. Numerically significant groups that settled in Canada were : the Displaced Persons (DP’s), Hungarians, Czechoslovaks, Uganda Asians, Chileans and the Indochinese.

In the following paper the economic adaptation of refugees in Canada during the last quarter century will be examined. The economic adaptation is looked at with reference to employment and income. These indices of economic adaptation were chosen since they are measurable and they have an all-pervasive influence on the life of the refugees in their new country. Ability to be employed demonstrates the refugees’ success in making a contribution that is valued in modern society. Earnings, on the other hand, gives them the power to participate in almost every aspect of society - as consumers, investors, taxpayers and the like. Table I shows the principal refugee groups who came to Canada, their numbers, the period of their arriva1,and the economic climate in the country as indicated by the prevailing unemployment rate.

Table 1 Unemployment

Rate in Canada Period of During Period Number

Refugee Group Arrived Arrival of Arrival

Displaced persons 242,212 1947-67 n.a. Hungarians

Czechoslovaks 37,189 1956-57 11,153 1968-69

4-5%

5% Uganda Asians 7 , 000 1972 6-7% Chileans 5 , 608 1975-77 7-8% Indochinese 68,000 1979-81 7.5 to 8.5%

*Chief, Immigration and Demographic Analysis Division, Employment and Immigration Ca- nada.

The views expressed in this paper are those of the author only and do not necessarily represent those of Employment and Immigration Canada.

45

Some surveys are available on these refugee groups and their adaptation (2 ) . The available information from these will be compared to obtain a picture of the ease or difficulty with which these refugee groups settled in Canada.

No systematic survey was conducted on Displaced Persons, though some earnings figures collected several years later, on the immigrants who came during the period 1947-67 are available. The survey on Hungarian refugees by Klaus Weiermair was con- ducted more than a decade after their arrival. Czechoslovak, Uganda Asian, Chilean and Indochinese refugees have been surveyed longitudinally by mail by Employment and Immigration Canada. The survey on the last mentioned group is currently in progress.

Employment

The employment aspect of the refugees’ economic adaptation is discussed with reference to the ease or difficulty with which they found their first job, their unemployment experiences, the wives’ employment, the job search technique used and the occupations in which the refugees were found.

First Job. The central concern ofa refugee, as well as of a regular immigrant, on arrival in a new country is to explore the possibility of landing a job. The relative ease or difficulty with which a job is located is determined largely by the labour market conditions, the occupational background and linguistic skill level ofthe refugee, making the relatively safe assumption that the refugee is willing, if not always ready, to accept employment at the earliest possible opportunity.

As may be expected, when the economic climate is favourable, even refugees with poor proficiency in Canada’s official languages find jobs without much difficulty as seen from the experience of Hungarian and Czechoslovak refugees. The Hungarian refugees who came in 1957-58 found it relatively easy to find jobs; 55 per cent found a job in less than one month, (Table 2 on page 53.) despite their poor knowledge of English. In comparison the Czechoslovak refugees who amved in 1968-69 had greater difficulty in starting on a job; only 30 per cent found employment in less than a month. The regular immigrants who arrived in 1969, mostly selected under the immigration selection criteria, which included an occupational demand factor, started working much earlier. Fourth-fifths of all immi- gants selected primarily on an occupational demand basis and more than two-thirds ofall immigrants who came with the help of a relative’s sponsorship, were at work within one month of their arrival. The Indochinese refugees who came in the latter half of 1979, however, took an average of 16-20 weeks to start on their first job. The best explanation for this rather long waiting period appears to be the unfavourable economic climate and the lack of language fluency of the group. Only less than one-tenth of them rated their proficiency in English or French as being ‘fluent, good or fair’ after 18 months in Canada.

Unemployment

The findings of all refugee studies show,not surprisingly, that initially refugees had a higher unemployment rate than for the Canadian labour force as a whole. Also the refugees had higher unemployment rates than regular immigrants who came at the same time, except in the case of Uganda Asian expellees whose 6.7 per cent unemployment rate after one year in Canada was below the regular immigrants’ unemployment rate of 9.7 per cent! In most cases the unemployment rate of refugees dropped drastically in the first few years. Similarly the average duration of unemployment per annum decreased as refugees lived longer in Canada.

46

TABL

E 2

UNEW

LOYM

ENT

EXPERIENCE O

F RE

FUGE

ES

Aver

age Du

rati

on o

f Unemployment

Period o

f Arrival

Period U

ntil

Found

First

Job

Ra

te o

f Unemployment

1.

Regu

lar

Immi

gran

ts

1969-71

4 to 7

wee

ks

10-15% a

fter

6 mon

ths

7-9% after

1 year

4-5% after

3 ye

ars

2 we

eks

in 1st

year

3-4

week

s in 2

nd y

ear

3 we

eks

in 3

rd y

ear

61% had

less

tha

n 4

week

s of t

otal

un-

employment in 1

958

2.

Hung

aria

n Re

fuge

es

1957-58

551

found

jobs

in

less

than

a mo

nth

NlA

3.

Czec

hosl

ovak

Ref

ugee

s 19

69

16 weeks.

29%

found

jobs

in

less

than

4 weeks.

7.8% af

ter 1

year

9.1% af

ter 2

year

s 8.3%

afte

r 3

years

7 we

eks

in 1st y

ear

5 we

eks

in 2

nd y

ear

4 we

eks

in 3

rd y

ear

9.1

week

s in t

he

1st

year

NIA

13.7%

afte

r 6 mon

ths

6.7%

afte

r 1

year

4.

Ugan

dan

Expe

llee

s 19

72

5.

Tibe

tan

Refu

gees

6.

Chil

ean Re

fuge

es

1971-72

1973-75

NIA

NIA

8.0% in S

eptember 1974

NIA

12.5%

in 1

975

56% had

less

than 4

week

s of tota

l un-

employment in t

he

1st

year

7.

Indoch

inese

1979

16 t

o 20

wee

ks

10.4%

in 1

981

18.3 we

eks

duri

ng the

first

15 mon

ths

Sources:

Rese

arch Pr

ojec

ts Gro

up,

Cze

cho

slo

va

kld

n Ref

ugee

Study,

Depdrtmcnt of

Man

powe

r and

Immigration, O

ttawa. 1975

Wciermair, Klaus. "Economic

Adjustment of

Krf

ugee

s in

Canad.1:

A Case S

tudy".

Intc

mntl

onal

Hi&ratlon.

Vo

l.

IX,

No.

1/2. 1971

Rese

arch Pr

ojec

ts Group,

Uganda A

sian E

xpellees:

The

First

Twel

ve Mon

ths

in C

anada. Department of Man

powe

r an

d higration, O

ttawa, 19

74

Marsden, Lo

rna

R. Ch

ilea

n Re

fuge

e Ho

useh

olds

in

Canada,

Mimeo, Toronto. 19

76

Rese

arch Pr

ojec

ts Group,

Tibe

tan Re

fuge

e Study, Department of M

anpower

and

Immigration, Ottawa,

1976

P

rogr

am Ev

alua

tion

Branch. Evaluation of the 1

979-80 Indochinese

Refu

gee

Program. Department of

Employment

and

Immigration, Ottawa.

1982

Depa

rtment of

Man

powe

r and

Immigration. M

easu

res of 1-igrant

Adap

tati

on of

Succ

essl

ve Waves o

f Immigrants W

ho Arrived

1969-71,

Mimeo. Ottawa,

1975

It is well known that initially refugees and regular immigrants have higher rates of unemployment than the native born population. This is not surprising given the new- comer’s unfamiliarity with the Canadian labour market, problems related to recognition of qualifications and lack of proficiency in one or both of the official languages. However, after a period of three years, immigrants who came during the 1969-7 1 period had a lower rate of unemployment than for the native born. The unemployment rates for refugee groups on whom studies are available are seen in (Table 3 on page 55).

The Hungarian refugees were absorbed quite rapidly into the Canadian labour force, thanks to a relatively buoyant labour market. Also important were: ( I ) the public support ofthe Canadian refugee resettlement program (as seen in the observation: ‘Not only had many possible sources of help been mobilized, but the overall public sympathy with the Hungarian refugee movement and the federal and provincial governments’ appeal to private and public organizations to employ refugees had obviously given many refugees employment over other immigrants or Canadian job-seekers’. (3), (2) The presence of a large and verly closely organized Hungarian community. (‘These Hungarian organizations not only performed their role as a splendid job information channel, ... but also provided a large number of Hungarian-born employers who were willing to hire the refugees’. (4) and (3) The refugees’ willingness to accept almost any type of employment.

The Czechoslovak refugees experienced a relatively higher level of unemployment (higher than those for both regular immigrants and a cross-section of Canadian society surveyed) during 1969-7 1. Czechoslovak refugees in the age group, 25 - 44, the better educated and those in professional and technical occupations, experienced a lower level of unemploy- ment. Regionally, the provinces to obtain employment easily were Ontario and Quebec. Proficiency in English was identified as a very significant variable related to employment. The chances of being unemployed were eight times as high among those without any knowledge of English compared to those who were not.

Average duration of unemployment for these refugees shrunk from seven weeks per annum in the first year to four weeks in the third year. Strangely enough, this was better than the experience of better qualified regular immigrants who had an average duration of nine weeks unemployment in the first year, which rose to fourteen weeeks in the third year. It seems Czechoslovak refugees were particularly adept in keeping their jobs.

The next major group, the Uganda Asian expellees who arrived in Canada in 1972 halved their unemployment rate between the first six months and one year - probably a new record for lowering the unemployment rate by any refugee group in Canada. Their easy economic adaptability was aided by their knowledge of English and strong motivation to grow roots in their new country.

While the Uganda Asians were the ones to most easily adapt to their new country in terms of employment, the Tibetan refugees were the least easily adapted. Despite special measures to help them settle, due to cultural, linguistic, educational and health factors, the Tibetans did not have an easy time in settling down in Canada. The Tibetan Refugee Study showed that this group of refugees, after about three years in Canada had an unemploy- ment rate of eight per cent.

Partly, due to the unfavourable labour market conditions during their arrival and partly due to their poor knowledge of English, the Chilean refugees had a relatively difficult time in adaptingeconomically. When the Canadian unemployment rate was in the range of 6 to 7 per cent the unemployment rate of Chilean refugees in the initial years hovered around 1 1 to 12 per cent though, the majority of those who found jobs reported having less than

48

TABLE

3

REASONS FOR

NOT BEING

IN INTENDED OCCUPATION

IMMIGRANTS

REFUGEES

1969-71 Arrivals

1976 Arrivals

Czechoslovaks

Uganda Asians

Chileans

(One Year

Later)

(One Year

Later)

(Three Years L

ater)

(One Year

Later)

(One Year

Later)

Male

Female

Z Z

Z -

x Z

x

Not

in Intended

Occupation

31-36

52.6

73.8

58.0

57.0

n.a.

Intended Job Not

Available

19-20

21.8

22.6

24.0

20.1

7.0

Non-Recognition of

Qualifications

14.0

12.6

6.0

12-17

) ) 14.3

25.6

Non-Acceptance of

Quelificationa

5-7

) ) 13.0

10.8

3.0

No C

anadian

Experience

19

8-13

24.6

23.9

14.3

8.2

18.0

18.0

31.4

5.9

10.0

36.0

Language Problems

Chose Different

Occupation

20-22

8-11

10.3

10.1

14.7

9.6

13.0

6.0

9.6

9.6

3.0

n.a.

Other

Sources: Department

of Manpower and

Immigration. M

easures of Im

igra

nt Adaptation of Successive Waves of

Imig

rant

s Uho Arrived

1969-71.

Table

5. Mimeo.

Ottawa,

1975.

Ornstein.

Michael

D and R

aghubar

D. Sharma.

Adjustment and

Economic Experience of I

mmigrants in Canada: 1

975 Longitudinal Survey

of Imi

gran

ts.

Institute for Behavioural Research.

York University. 1981,

p. 28.

four weeks of unemployment in the first year, compared to 7 weeks for Czechoslovaks and 9.1 weeks for Uganda Asians.

The IndoChinese refugees who came in 1979 reported an Unemployment rate of eighteen months after arrival while the Canadian unemployment rate had reached 8.5 F r cent and was rising. Comparing with most of the previous groups of refugees and taking into account the hard economic times as indicated by the Canadian Unemployment rate and the relatively lower skill level of Indochinese refugees, this group Seems to have done well in terms of being employed. The tremendous goodwill that existed for them in Canada, especially after the media reports of their sad plight on leaky boats in the high seas, might have been a factor in this regard.

In short, the employment/unemployment experiences of refugees were very much influenced by the prevailing labour market conditions, the refugees’ proficiency in the country’s official languages (especially English), the amount of sympathy evoked by the media reports on the plight of refugees,the avai\abt\ity of people of the same ethiic ofigh already well settled in the country and the adaptabihty of the refugees themselves.

Wives Employment The economic adjustment of a refugee family very often entails both the husband and the wife accepting paid employment so as to earn enough to speed up the process of settle- ment. Therefore, it is necessary to examine the labour market experiences of wives as well.

As found in the Longitudinal Study of Immigrants (1969-71), immigrant wives had a participation rate that exceeded the rate for married native-born women in Canada. The proportion of working wives of immigrants increased from 44 per cent at the end of six months to 52 per cent at the end of three years,the highest proportion being in clerical and sales jobs. In comparison among the wives of Uganda Asian expellees 30 per cent were employed after six months and 48 per cent after one year. Taking into account those who were looking for work, the participation rate for Uganda Asian wives appears to have been no less than 61 per cent after six months, compared to 36 per cent for married Canadian women. The majority of Uganda Asian wives worked in clerical, sales and service occu- pations.

In the case of the wives of Czechoslovak refugees 53 per cent were found to be working at the end of the first year and 5 1 per cent by the end of their third year. This was higher by 10 percentage points when compared to regular immigrants. The wives of Czechoslovak refugees in all types of occupations shared in the phenomenon of wives’ participation in the labour force.

The percentage of working wives was even higher for Chilean refugees. In 1975 - 76, over 68 per cent of them worked. The females among the Indochinese refugees, eighteen months after being in Canada, had a labour force participation rate of 82.4 per cent higher than the Canadian national female participation rate,

The conclusion that could be drawn from the above is that wives of refugees have a much higher participation rate than for married immigrant women or for mamed Canadian- born women.The refugee movement being what is is, the dearth of resources for reset- tlement might have strongly motivated many wives of refugees to obtain employment. Refugee resettlement work, therefore, should take cognizance of this fact.

50

Job Search Channels

The refugees used numerous job search channels to locate employment. Five ofthe studies reviewed here throw some light on the job search techniques used. They are the Hun- garian, Czechoslovak, Tibetan, Chilean and Indochinese studies.

The federal government’s employment service was an important job search channel for most refugee groups. The most significant job search channel for the first job for Hun- garians, Tibetans (one-third each) and Indochinese (46 per cent) was the Canada Employ- ment Centre (CEC). CEC‘s ranked second as a job search channel for the Czechoslovaks. However, this source, becoming less important in later years, is in conformity with the job search pattern demonstrated by the Canadian population in general.

Informal channels of employment such as ‘word of mouth’ or ‘friends and relatives’ have been an equally important job search technique used to find the first job. Chileans found that friends and relatives were the most effective job search channel for themselves and their spouses while for Hungarians and Indochinese it ranked second.

Occupations

The immigrant in general faces difficulties in entering the profession or trade, for which he has been trained (intended occupation) when he arrives in the new country; the refugee’s plight is often much worse.

After a year in Canada, 61 per cent of immigrants who came in 1969-71 were in their intended occupation; this rose to 69 per cent after three years. The 1976 arrivals, as seen in Table 3,fared much worse especially the females. Examining the reasons why they were not in their intended occupations during the first year in Canada one-tenth of the 1969-7 1 arrivals said they chose to enter another occupation. The proportion who responded this way doubled, while those who cited language difficulties halved after three years, During the same period the proportion who mentioned obstacles such as ’intended job not available’, ‘qualifications were not recognized or accepted’ and ‘lack of Canadian experi- ence’ remained constant.

Among the refugees, the Hungarians improved their position in professional, technical and managerial sectors over a period of 10 years. By 1969, 35 per cent were in such occupations, compared to 30 per cent before arrival in Canada. The proportion of semi and unskilled workers among them showed very little increase. However, the first occu- pations of these refugees showed that they experienced the same initial difficulties in entering their intended occupations as those who came later.

Among Czechoslovak refugees 42 per cent found themselves in their intended occu- pation after three years. It was easier for those in professional and technical occupations to enter their intended occupation; by the end of their third year three out of five were in such occupations. After three years in Canada two-fifths of Czechoslovaks (compared to one- third at the end of one year) with intended occupations as craftsmen or in related occu- pations were actually found in such occupations.

Apart from the tightness of the labour market, lack of acceptable qualifications and dearth of Canadian experience were given as the main reasons why many Czechoslovak refugees were not in their intended occupation. At the end of three years in Canada these reasons were cited by a third of the refugees who could not enter their chosen occupation. It is worth mentioning that language as a factor preventing their entry into the intended occupation declined steadily in importance from 40 per cent in the first year to 18 per cent in the third year. Also, as was the case with regular immigrants, over one-tenth had changed occupations voluntarily.

The Uganda Asians had a roughly similar experience. After one year in Canada, 43 per

5 1

cent were in their intended occupation. Non-recognition or non-acceptance, of qualifi- cations and lack ofCanadian experience were mentioned by more than half ofthem for not being in their intended occupation. Language problems were cited by 6 per cent, while about 10 per cent voluntarily chose another occupation.

The major impediment that prevented the Chileans from being in their intended occupation was lack ofability in Canada’s official languages. Only 3 per cent of them chose another occupation while one out of ten stated lack of Canadian experience was the major factor.

Occupationally, the Indochinese refugees in their first 18 months fared worst among the refugee groups compared here. Though a quarter of them had listed their occupation as professional, technical and managerial, only less than 4 per cent were found to be in such occupations in Canada in their first year. Up to 85 per cent of all Indochinese refugees worked in an occupation other than their former one.

There are certain findings which are common to all of the refugee groups. First a significant proportion ofrefugees were unable to enter the occupation for which they were trained in their former countries. Second, except for the Chileans, factors relating to qualifications and experience were the most significant reasons why the refugees were not in their intended occupations. Lack of language proficiency was the main impediment for the Chileans. Except the Chileans, about one-tenth of the refugees used their transplan- tation to Canada as an opportunity to move into a new area of work. However, available evidence points to the urgent need to help refugees to update their qualifications and experience.

Income

The level of income a refugee has attained is a generally accepted indicator of the success or failure of the economic adaptation of refugees as it is with regular immigrants. A sufficient level of income is a necessary condition for successful adaptation economically, though not a sufficient condition. As a working hypothesis one might suggest that suc- cessful economic adaptation will be achieved when refugees earn enough to support themselves and their families in reasonable comfort. In this area however, comparisons between different refugee groups are not easily to make due to (a) methodological differ- ences in the studies examined, (b) differences in measurement periods and (c) the effect of rising prices on money as compared to real income.

The following groups on whom information is available will be discussed: Hungarians, Czechoslovaks, Uganda Asians, Chileans, and Indochinese.

Hungarians. As seen in (Table 4, on page 5 9) in 196 1 the Hungarian refugees in Toronto had an average income of $4,964 which increased 52 per cent by 1969. In 1969 the professionals among the Hungarian refugees earned an average of $12,733 compared to $7,989 by those in clerical and sales occupations and $6,323 by skilled workers - the three most numerous among the Hungarian refugees.

Czechoslovaks. The average annual income of Czechoslovak refugees increased by 40 per cent between the first and third years. As may be expected the refugees in professional and technical occupations earned $9,780 per year in 1971-1972. compared to $8,266 by craftsmen and those in related occupations.

Uganda Asians. Comparing income levels after six months and one year, almost two- thirds of Uganda Asians earned $6,000 or less after six months compared to only less than two-fifths being at that income level after one year. Between the two periods above (i.e.,

52

wl

W

Gro

up

Hun

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lean

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1977

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Sou

rces

: S

tati

sti

cs

Can

ada,

In

com

e D

istr

ibu

tio

n b

y S

ize

in C

anad

a,

1972

-80,

O

ttaw

a.

Dep

t.

of

Man

pow

er a

nd

Inrn

igra

tion

. R

esea

rch

Pro

ject

s G

roup

, C

zech

oslo

vak

Ref

ugee

S

tudy

, O

ttaw

a,

1975

, an

d U

gand

an A

sian

Ex

ell

ee

s:

The

Fir

st

Twel

ve M

onth

s in

Can

ada,

-9

74.

Can

adia

n l

mn

ig

ra

~a

nd

an

ad

a.

O

ttaw

a,

1974

. M

arsd

en,

Lorn

a R.

, F

ina

l R

epor

t:

Chi

lean

Ref

ugee

Hou

seho

lds

in C

anad

a,

Tor

onto

, 19

76

Wei

erm

air,

K

ldU

S,

"Eco

nom

ic

Adj

ustm

ent

of

Ref

ugee

s in

Can

ada:

A

Cas

e S

tudy

",

Inte

rnd

tio

na

l M

igra

tion

, V

ol.

IX,

No.

112,

19

71

Empl

oyni

ent

and

lnm

iigra

tion

Can

ada,

P

rogr

am E

valu

atio

n B

ull

eti

n,

Ott

awa,

M

ime

om

2.

within six months) mean earnings increased by I8 per cent. A comparison with regular immigrants showed that Uganda Asians showed a greater propensity to move into higher income groups. By 1973 the average annual income of Uganda Asians had exceeded that of all Canadians!

Chileans. As other refugee groups most Chileans experienced an increase in income during the first few years. Two out of five Chileans earned $100 or less a week in their first job while only one out of seven remained at that level of income in 1975. Despite all the handicaps these refugees faced in terms of non-recognition of qualifications, lack of language proficiency, being not too familiar with the ‘Canadian way oflife’, etc., they were no worse off than most Canadian families at the lowest rank of the economic ladder.

Indochinese. With an average annual income of $10,557 the Indochinese refugees did not do too badly in their first year especially in view of their lack of proficiency in the official languages as demonstrated by the findings that over 85 per cent had no capability in either language.

Refugees like regular immigrants had a lower than average level of income in the initial years of their settlement in Canada. However, the rate at which their income rose in those years has been remarkable. As seen from the incomes of all foreign-born compared to all Canadian born after the initial years of difficulties the refugees and regular immigrants were able to earn more than the Canadian born. Since the refugees (especially women) have a higher labour force participation rate than the native born population, the difference in family incomes between these groups in the long run, is likely to be even more marked.

To sum up, the vast majority of refugee groups that came to Canada during the last quarter century seem to have adjusted well economically as seen from their employmenthnem- ployment experiences and levels of income, despite having had difficulty in entering the occupations they intended to join.

ADAPTATION ECONOMIQUE DES REFUGIES AU CANADA EXP~RIENCE D’ UN QUART DE SIECLE

L‘adaptation economique des refugies au Canada au cours du dernier quart de siecle fait I’objet d’une etude de M. T. JSamuel. I1 observe l’adaptation Cconomique par rapport a I’emploi et au revenu. L‘emploi - ou le ch6mage - du rtfugie depend dans une large mesure de la situation du marche du travail, de la connaissance qu’il a de la langue officielle du pays, notamment de I’anglais, de la sympathie qui se degage des rapports des media sur le sort des refugies, de I’ttablissement prkalable de personnes de meme origine ethnique dans le pays et de la capacite d’adaptation du refugit hi-meme.

Nombreux sont les refugies qui sont incapables d‘ exercer la profession pour laquelle ils ont ett formes dans leur pays pour des raisons qui tiennent principalement a leurs qua- lifications, leur experience et leur connaissance des langues.

Les refugies, en tant qu’immigrants reguliers, ont eu dans les premieres annees de leur installation au Canada un revenu inferieur a la moyenne. Mais le rythme auquel leur revenu a augmente au cours de ces annees a t te remarquable.

54

ADAPTACION ECONOMICA DE LOS REFUGIADOS EN EL CANADA EXPERIENCIA DE UN CUARTO DE SIGLO

T. J. Samuel examina en este trabajo la adaptacion de 10s refugiados en el Canada durante 10s ultimos 25 aiios. A1 hacerlo, encara la adaptacion economica en terminos de empleo y de ingreso. Las respectivas experiencias de 10s refugiados en materia de empleo y desem- pleo han sido muy influidas por las condiciones prevalecientes en el mercado del trabajo, el dominio, por parte de 10s refugiados, de 10s idiomas oficiales del pais (especialmente del ingles), el grado de simpatia expresado por 10s medios de informacion publica con res- pecto a 10s problemas de 10s refugiados, la proximidad de personas del mismo origen etnico ya bien asentadas en el pais y la adaptabilidad de 10s propios refugiados.

Una proporcion considerable de 10s refugiados se vieron impedidos de desempeiiar las ocupaciones para las cuales habian sido formados en sus paises de origen, principalmente a consecuencia de factores relativos a sus calificaciones, experiencia y facilidad idioma- tica.

Los refugiados, a1 igual que 10s inmigrantes ordinarios, tuvieron ingresos inferiores a1 promedio nacional durante 10s primeros aiios de su instalacion en el Canada; no obstante, la tasa de aumento de sus ingresos durante esos aiios ha sido notable.

FOOTNOTES

(1) The word ‘refugee’ here is defined broadly to include persons who were known as ‘expellees’ (e.g., Uganda Asians).

(2) The studies available are:

- Research Projects Group, Czechoslovakian Refugee Study,Mimeo, Department of Manpower and Immigration, Ottawa, 1975.

- Weiermair, Klaus, ‘Economic Adjustment of Refugees in Canada: A Case Study’, International Migration, Vol. IX, No. 112, 1971.

- Research Projects Group, Uganda Asian Expellees: The First Twelve Months in Canada, Mimeo, Department of Manpower and Immigration, Ottawa, 1974.

- Marsden, Lorna R., Chilean Refugee Households in Canada, Mimeo, Toronto, 1976.

- Program Evaluation Branch, Evaluation of the 1979-80 Indochinese Refugee Program, Department of Employment and Immigration, Ottawa, 1982.

- Department of Manpower and Immigration, Measures of Immigrant Adaptation of Successive Waves of Immigrants Who Arrived 1969-71. Ottawa, Mimeo, 1975.

- Omstein, Michael D., and Raghubar D., Sharma, Adjuslmenf and Economic Experience oflmmi- grants in Canada : I976 Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants, Institute of Behavioural Research, Toronto, 1981.

(3) Weiermair, Klaus, ‘Economic Adjustment of Refugees in Canada’, International Migration, Vol. 15, No. 1/2 1981, P. 10.

(4) Ibid.