dussardier on the barricades: history and fiction in "l'Éducation sentimentale"

18
Dussardier on the Barricades: History and Fiction in "L'Éducation sentimentale" Author(s): TONY WILLIAMS Source: Nineteenth-Century French Studies, Vol. 28, No. 3/4 (SPRING-SUMMER 2000), pp. 284- 300 Published by: University of Nebraska Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23538227 . Accessed: 18/06/2014 16:14 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . University of Nebraska Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Nineteenth-Century French Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 195.34.79.15 on Wed, 18 Jun 2014 16:14:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

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Page 1: Dussardier on the Barricades: History and Fiction in "L'Éducation sentimentale"

Dussardier on the Barricades: History and Fiction in "L'Éducation sentimentale"Author(s): TONY WILLIAMSSource: Nineteenth-Century French Studies, Vol. 28, No. 3/4 (SPRING-SUMMER 2000), pp. 284-300Published by: University of Nebraska PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23538227 .

Accessed: 18/06/2014 16:14

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

University of Nebraska Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access toNineteenth-Century French Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

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Page 2: Dussardier on the Barricades: History and Fiction in "L'Éducation sentimentale"

Dussardier on the Barricades: History and Fiction in L'Éducation sentimentale

TONY WILLIAMS

The June Days represent one of the most problematical moments in French

history. In contrast to the February Revolution of 1848, in which workers and

bourgeois, joining forces to overthrow a common enemy, met with

comparatively little resistance and rapidly achieved their objective (the overthrow of Louis-Philippe and the establishment of a Republic), the June

Days turned into a sustained urban battle, in which 40 to 50, 000 insurgents,

many from the National Workshops, fought over 25,000 troops, 12,000 Mobile

Guards and 20,000 National Guards, resulting in around 10,000 casualties from

around 100,000 participants.' Battle lines in February were clearly drawn, but

in June the lines of conflict were much less clear. Most of those who mounted

the barricades were workers, many incensed by the decision to close the

National Workshops which had been set up to provide work for the large body of 150,000 unemployed men in Paris. They were opposed not only by the

predominantly middle-class National Guard but also by the Mobile Guard

which recruited its members from the proletariat. Many Republicans and

workers in June were uncertain how to act: some joined the rebels on the

grounds that the Republic had betrayed its promises, others sought to repress the insurrection, which they saw as an attack upon the Republic. At the time, the June Days were interpreted as a kind of class war.2 Such a view may seem to

oversimplify the complexity of the historical situation but, although the nature

of the battle that was fought is no longer viewed in such stark terms, modern

historians still see the June days as a turning-point of French history in which

the fundamental divisions and alliances of modern French society were firmly established.3

The literary response to what Sartre memorably described as "le péché

originel de la bourgeoisie" was not as muted as has often been claimed (L'Idiot de la famille 3:401). Dolf Oehler asserts in his recent study, Le Spleen contre

l'oubli. Juin 1848, that "l'intensité du débat littéraire sur le traumatisme de Juin n'a cessé de croître entre 1848 et 1871," arguing that, although there may have

284 Tony Williams

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been a tendency in some quarters to repress the memory of June, socialists and

republicans fought to keep it alive and a number of writers—Flaubert and

Baudelaire, in particular—attempted to gain a purchase on the insurrection and the savage repression that followed (19). A reasonable expectation would be that L'Éducation sentimentale, in which Flaubert sets out to recount the story of the men of his generation, would contain a full-scale depiction of the June

Days. The novel represents the February Revolution mainly from the vantage point of Frédéric, an enthusiastic witness of the events, if not an actual

participant. The account we are given may at times be problematic but at least Flaubert has ensured that Frédéric has stumbled on to the stage of history and is present at the major events—the storming of the Château d'Eau, the

occupation of the Tuileries and the ransacking of the Palais Royal. In the case of the June Days, however, where we might expect a similar approach, Flaubert makes what might appear to be a perverse compositional choice: on the eve of the insurrection, Frédéric leaves Paris with Rosanette for Fontainebleau and whilst the violent fighting is taking place, engages in a kitsch idyll, communing with "nature," steeping himself in "history" and embarking upon a kind of

honeymoon with Rosanette. Michelet was shocked, commenting on Flaubert's treatment: "Émeute de Juin très froide, il visite Fontainebleau avec une fille

publique."4 It is an astonishing decision on Flaubert's part to make Frédéric leave Paris at this particular juncture, leading to one of the major ellisions of the novel. Instead of a full-scale depiction of fighting on the barricades, already attempted by Hugo in Les Misérables, we are offered an extended description of Frédéric's evasion of the historical moment as he visits the Palais Royal or drives

through the forest. Of course, the insurrection cannot be completely ignored: "des roulements de tambour" in the surrounding villages calling people to the defense of Paris, prompt Frédéric into a scornful reaction: "«Ah! tiens! l'émeute!» disait Frédéric avec une pitié dédaigneuse, toute cette agitation lui

apparaissant misérable à côté de leur amour et de la nature éternelle" (330).5It has also been suggested that the comparison of the huge interlocking Oak trees to "un groupe de Titans immobilisés dans leur colère" (328) serves "to remind the two lovers who have escaped from the city that a terrible and crucial battle is being fought there at that very moment" (Victor Brombert, The Hidden

Reader 134). There is no escaping from the fact, however, that Flaubert has ducked the opportunity to do for the June Days what he does for the February Revolution.

This is not to say, however, that Flaubert has simply evacuated the June Days from the novel. The June Days make themselves felt in absentia, casting a dark

shadow over the Fontainebleau idyll. The whole structure of Part III, Chapter I, rests on an opposition between the "beautiful" revolution of February and the

Nineteenth-Century French Studies 2&, Nos. 3 & 4 Summer 2000 285

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"ugly" counter-revolution of June. The pursuit of the ideal, in politics as in

other spheres, is inevitably followed by the reassertion of the reality principle: the divinisation of "le peuple" and the Utopian dreams of February of necessity

give way to the most primitive fear of the mob and the collapse of any real hope that the Republic will change society for the better. Flaubert may not depict the

street fighting directly, but he does describe both the build-up and the

aftermath, framing as it were an absent picture. It would also be difficult to

maintain that the account given is non-partisan: the description of Roque's

shooting of a defenseless prisoner is a savage indictment of the brutality of the

reaction, allowing Flaubert, as he put it, to rub his bourgeois readers' noses in

their turpitude.6 It is also easy to overlook a further element in the novel. When

Frédéric learns that Dussardier has been wounded, he returns with some

difficulty to Paris, makes his way across the insurrection-torn city and finally finds his friend being looked after by La Vatnaz. We are then given a

retrospective account of Dussardier's involvement in the June Days:

Elle emmena Frédéric à l'écart, et lui apprit comment Dussardier avait reçu sa

blessure.

Le samedi, au haut d'une barricade, dans la rue Lafayette, un gamin enveloppé

d'un drapeau tricolore criait aux gardes nationaux: «Allez-vous tirer contre vos

frères!» Comme ils s'avançaient, Dussardier avait jeté bas son fusil, écarté les autres,

bondi sur la barricade, et, d'un coup de savate, abattu l'insurgé en lui arrachant le

drapeau. On l'avait retrouvé sous les décombres, la cuisse percée d'un lingot de

cuivre. Il avait fallu débrider la plaie, extraire le projectile. M"c Vatnaz était arrivée le

soir même, et, depuis ce temps-là, ne le quittait plus.

Elle préparait avec intelligence tout ce qu'il fallait pour les pansements, l'aidait à

boire, épiait ses moindres désirs, allait et venait plus légère qu'une mouche, et le

contemplait avec des yeux tendres.

Frédéric, pendant deux semaines, ne manqua pas de revenir tous les matins. Un

jour qu'il parlait du dévouement de la Vatnaz, Dussardier haussa les épaules.

— Eh non ! C'est par intérêt! — Tu crois?

Il reprit: — J'en suis sur ! sans vouloir s'expliquer davantage.

Elle le comblait de prévenances, jusqu'à lui apporter les journaux où l'on exaltait

sa belle action. Ces hommages paraissaient l'importuner. Il avoua même à Frédéric

l'embarras de sa conscience.

Peut-être qu'il aurait dû se mettre de l'autre bord, avec les blouses; car enfin on

leur avait promis un tas de choses qu'on n'avait pas tenues. Leurs vainqueurs

détestaient la République; et puis, on s'était montré bien dur pour eux! Ils avaient

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tort, sans doute, pas tout à fait, cependant; et le brave garçon était torturé par cette

idée qu'il pouvait avoir combattu la justice.

This episode, which might be regarded as an example of the return of the

repressed, is central to the novel's interpretation of the June Days. Firstly, it is worth stressing that Dussardier, the naïve Republican with a big-heart, "un peu

gobe-mouche,"7 has chosen to fight as a member of the National Guard against the insurgents, out of a determination to defend the Republic. Dussardier's track record in the novel is impeccable: he instinctively rises to the defence of

the down-trodden and longs for a social system which will remove injustice.8 In

February, having fought for forty-eight hours, he is convinced that a new era of

universal happiness and brotherhood is about to dawn. Dussardier takes

considerable personal risks in defence of what he believes in: in Part I, he is

arrested for attacking a policeman who had brutalised a passer-by; in February he has received a bayonette wound but carries on fighting, in June he is shot in

the leg, and in 1851, he is killed by Sénécal, after shouting "Vive la République." All heart, he contrasts with Sénécal who is all head in his approach to politics. Dussardier's action in June is paradoxical: he is fighting to preserve order but

intercedes—without his rifle—to save the life of a "gamin" who is challenging the National Guard with the telling words: "Allez-voux tirer contre vos frères!" The result of Dussardier's action is that the barricade is taken but its primary purpose was to save life. Dussardier, unlike the dogmatic Sénécal, is full of

doubt about the Tightness of his action. He now wonders whether he should

have fought on the other side, with the workers, who have been betrayed and

harshly treated by the victors of June. The character most concerned with

justice or equity—which for Flaubert was the cardinal political principle—now fears that by fighting on the wrong side he may have undermined everything that he believes in. This is a clear rejection of a black-and-white approach to

political action and reflects an awareness of the complexity of choice that faced

those on the left in June 1848, giving the lie to the view that the June Days constituted outright class war.

The episode also has an important structural function, bridging the gap between two moments of potential or actual aggression with "Œdipal" overtones. The June Days are flanked by two violent confrontations the first

between Frédéric and Arnoux in the guardroom, the second between Roque and the defenceless prisoner in the "terrasse du bord de l'eau." Sandwiched

between these two examples of generational conflict is the reference to

Dussardier's heroic behavior in June. The three inter-related episodes are close

in time and textual space and take the place of the full-scale depiction of the

June Days. In the guardroom the confrontation is personal. Increasingly frustrated at having to share Rosanette with Arnoux, Frédéric entertains

Nineteenth-Century French Studies28, Nos. 3 & 4 Summer 2000 287

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aggressive fantasies entailing the "accidental" firing of the rifle held by the

sleeping figure of Arnoux. The scene has strong "Œdipal" overtones, since

Arnoux is the father Frédéric never had and he fantasises a life of bliss with

Madame Arnoux, the "mother-figure" who dominates his life in Paris. The

aggression against the father is, however, defused. When Arnoux wakes up the

two go off for a meal, their "épaulettes" touching "fraternellement."9 In the

"terrasse du bord de l'eau" scene Roque, angered both by the damage done to

his Parisian property during the June Days and the flouting of his authority by a starving prisoner, shoots the defenceless young man who has asked him for

bread. We might interpret this episode as the political father wreaking revenge on the son in the shape of a representative of "le peuple," who, contrary to the

known historical facts, is made a young man.10 The Dussardier episode combines elements of both these violent confrontations. As a potential

aggressor, Dussardier is linked with Frédéric, with whom he shares a common

devotion to a sentimental ideal. As the recipient of the rifle wound, he is linked

with the prisoner, with whom he shares the same mass of fair hair. Dussardier

throws down his rifle, Frédéric cannot bring himself to make Arnoux's rifle go off, whilst Roque fires his rifle at a defenceless prisoner, blowing his brains out.

Flaubert adjusts the ages of the adversaries to suggest generational conflict.

Dussardier is in the position of the older man in relation to the "gamin," whose

life he saves, whilst Frédéric is in the position of the younger man in relation to

Arnoux, whose life he threatens. The violence of the "son" against the "father"

fizzles out in the guardroom: the retaliatory violence of the "father" against the

"son" on the barricades is defused, before finally being expressed in Roque's

shooting of the defenceless prisoner. Each episode is marked by a different

degree of moral or political uncertainty. Frédéric's hallucinated vision of a life

of bliss with Madame Arnoux leads to the evaporation of all his scruples

("sentant avec effroi ses scrupules disparaître"); Dussardier is tortured by doubts over whether he had fought on the right side; Roque has a turn and tells

his daughter "Je suis trop sensible." There are, then, strong structural links

between the three episodes: Flaubert is ringing the changes on generational conflict in both the private and the public spheres. Dussardier's role may, in

fact, be dictated as much by the need for an episode which forms a transition

between two violent confrontations, allowing the first to be transformed into

the second and events in the political sphere are possibly being manipulated in

order to allow the resolution of "Œdipal" tensions which are first felt in the

private sphere. Does this mean, then, that historical truth is subordinated to the

demands of fiction? In order to answer this question it is necessary to chart its

development through the various stages of the elaborate literary production of

the novel.

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The numerous plans, scenarios and résumés for L'Éducation sentimentale

reveal how carefully the novel was planned and mapped out before the actual

composition of the novel began." Dussardier does not figure in the earliest

outline for the novel,12 but he is present in the earliest scenarios covering the

novel as a whole, representing a counterpart in the sphere of politics to Frédéric

in the private sphere. In the first "scénario d'ensemble" Flaubert indicated that

Dussardier would be killed in June 1848 but his death is soon deferred to the

coup d'état of 1851,13 in order to make the fullest use of him to convey the

political message of the novel.14 In the more detailed plans for each part of the

novel, Flaubert retained the idea of Dussardier being wounded rather than

killed in the June Days, adding the reference to La Vatnaz looking after him:

"Pendant ce temps-là, on s'égorge dans les rues de Paris. L'émeute de Juin a

éclaté, blessure de Dussardier. la Mle retient Frédéric, il part le 3ème jour, et

soigne Dussardier. <La Vatnas est auprès de lui>."'5

By the time he came to draft detailed plans for the chapter, probably in 1868,

Flaubert has begun to think about the circumstances in which Dussardier will

receive his wound: "Émeute de juin a éclaté, on s'égorge à Paris. <Héroïsmeet>

Blessure de Dussardier. la Mle retient Frédéric qui part le 3ème jour. La Vatnas est

établie près de Dussardier.—Sénécal prisonnier— déporté."16 At this stage neither the precise nature of his heroism or the side on which he fights is

indicated. In the final chapter plan, however, Flaubert develops the opposition between Dussardier and Sénécal and postulates an element of doubt in

Dussardier's mind over whether the forces for which he has fought have right on their side: "<il a la conscience torturée, car il ne sait pas s'il a défendu la justice de quel côté est le droit.... >"17 Already, therefore, Flaubert is moving away from

the idea that the political situation was clear and choice of action

straighforward.

By the time he had drafted the last chapter plan, Flaubert had already

completed much of his documentation of the major events of 1848.18 For this

chapter of the novel in particular, Flaubert sought to document himself fully,

reading all the accounts of 1848 available, consulting eye-witnesses and

generally proceeding in much the same was as a historian would do, although the full extent of this documentation is not always apparent in the final

account.19 When he makes fictional characters become involved in historical

events, Flaubert generally starts from an attested incident.20 FJaving decided

that Dussardier was to display heroism on the barricades, he set about locating

examples of heroism upon which he could base his account. The extensive

documentary notes for the novel contain references to a number of examples of

heroism but none of these exactly corresponds to Dussardier's heroic

intervention. Whereas Dussardier's participation in the events of February is

Nineteenth-Century French Studies 28, Nos. 3 & 4 Summer 2000 289

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consistent with historically attested events, his dramatic intervention in June is not so solidly grounded in historical actuality. In the earlier drafts of this

episode the impact of Dussardier's action is compared with that of other heroic

interventions:—"[Son action d'éclat a fait grand bruit.] [<avec tel et tel.. .>] <Mr Leclerc, les frères D. Jeanson. le tambour Chatel et des mobiles.>" but none of these incidents involve an attempt to save the life of an insurrectionist fighting on the barricades (NAF. 17607. f°174).21 However, there is one incident, which is referred to in the documentary notes that does appear to have a close

connection with the fictional episode. In Une Année de Révolution, the Marquis de Normanby recounts how a national guard, Monsieur de la Ferté, finding a

young "garde mobile" who has been wounded in the fighting, helps him to

achieve his objective, the seizure of the flag that is flying over the barricade:

Il prend alors l'enfant doucement dans les bras, le place sur ses épaules, s'élance vers

le sommet de la barricade, et, sous le feu général de ceux qui la défendaient, encourage

le blessé à étendre sa main avide de saisir le drapeau rouge, et à l'agiter au-dessus de

sa tête avec un sentiment d'orgueil qui, dans le moment, lui faisait oublier sa douleur

et sa faiblesse. Ils redescendirent ensuite sans autre accident; M. de la Ferté, chargé

toujours de son intéressant fardeau, le transporta à l'arrière du détachement pour lui

faire donner les secours nécessaires, et le héros enfant conserva le trophée qu'ils

avaient conquis ensemble et qu'il tenait serré dans ses mains.22

As will be seen, this historically attested incident involving the seizing of a

flag provides the most likely starting-point for Flaubert's elaboration of Dussardier's heroic intervention.

The way in which Flaubert shapes the episode can be studied in a series of three sketches in which the rough outline of the final chapter plan undergoes considerable expansion. In the first sketch, having posed the question "quelle a été l'action d'éclat de Dussardier?", he outlines a brief reply in which the main elements of the episode are established (See Fig. 1.1. [f° 177] ).23 A number of crucial changes to the original incident are made. The humanitarian impulse directed by Monsieur de la Ferté at the young "garde mobile" on his own side is transferred to the "insurgé" who is fighting on the other side. In addition, it is Dussardier rather than the "garde mobile" who is wounded and who becomes the hero. It is established from the outset that "La Réaction le cite comme un de ses héros" but the act of heroism which is celebrated has been made to differ from the typical acts of heroism lauded at the time whose purpose was less mixed (f° 177). Dussardier's action is heroic, but the implication is that he is celebrated as a hero not so much for attempting to save the life of an insurgent, but for risking life and limb to overcome the barricade. Dussardier is a victim not just of the shooting but also of a process of myth-making which involves his

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genuinely heroic intervention being appropriated by "La Réaction" and

transformed into a simple attempt to defend order. There is no suggestion, either, that Monsieur de la Ferté had any doubts about the Tightness of his

action, whilst Flaubert insists that Dussardier has an uneasy conscience: "Il ne sait pas s'il a réellement défendu la justice, de quel côté est le droit"(P 177). From a very early stage, then, Flaubert was determined to highlight the

complexity of the political choices that had to be made in June. The very rough outline of the first sketch is then expanded and integrated in

the second sketch. The episode on the barricade is now described in greater detail (See Fig. 1.2. [P 106v] ). Flaubert here adds some telling dialogue—"Allez vous tirer sur vos frères"—stressing the idea that it was one section of the urban

proletariat which was fighting another. This provides a new context for

Dussardier's intervention: it is not just any life he wishes to save, but that of a

fellow revolutionary from February. It has been said that Frédéric is not the

only person who is elsewhere in June: Dussardier is elsewhere, too, that is to say he is behaving in the June Days as if he was still in the February Revolution.24 There is also the suggestion that, caught in a contradictory situation he only half

understands, he can square the circle only by forcibly removing the insurgent, both saving his life and allowing the barricade to be taken. Dussardier's action

is now presented as more energetic through the succession of verbs, "jeté son

fusil, <bondi sur la barricade> bousculé l'insurgé arraché le drapeau." It is also

specified that the shot that wounds him had "parti d'en bas," i.e. that he is shot

by an insurgent. Characteristically, Flaubert is moving away from a direct

omniscient presentation, indicating in a marginal addition that Dussardier's

action is to be relayed by La Vatnaz: "La Vatnas lui apprend comment il a reçu sa blessure" and that the account that follows will be a summary of what she has

said. This sketch also establishes the nature of the obligation La Vatnaz is under

to Dussardier: Dussardier's less than generous reaction to La Vatnaz's devotion

is perhaps meant to make him more human, by virtue of the fact that he

compromises himself in an imperfect relationship. This is a far cry from the

idealised love of Marius for Cosette in Les Misérables.

The third sketch, which extends over two folios, gives an even more detailed

account and makes a number of significant additions (See Fig. 1.3. [P 170]).The location of the action—la barrière Rochechouart—is specified , as are the way Dussardier breaks out of ranks ("Sortant hors des rangs") and the way he

knocks the insurgent down in order to seize the flag. Once again the action

becomes obscured—"tout avait disparu dans un nuage de fumée"—in a kind of

blur and opening up the possibility of a typical Flaubertian ellipsis (of Dussardier's sensations on being hit). Flaubert's way with revolutionary action

comes very close to challenging the conventions of historical narration: there is

Nineteenth-Century French Studies 28, Nos. 3 & 4 Summer 2000 291

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a predilection for smoke and mist in the novel, both of which blot out visibility. As Prendergast notes, when the action is glimpsed through smoke it is undone and dispersed the very moment it comes into vision, closing down the narrative

potential of the incident which is being depicted. On the other hand, there is an

attempt to clarify in this sketch the nature of Dussardier's doubts and

misgivings about his intervention (See Fig. 1.4. [f° 176]). The listing of his criticisms of the victors of June opens the indictment which is continued in the rest of the chapter. Finally, in a marginal addition, the comment is made that "il ne pouvait pas exprimer son opinion car elle n'était pas nette," allowing Dussardier to join the select band of those who cannot articulate their ideas—

always a potentially positive sign in Flaubert's fictional world and a good example of the way in which history is being coated with a fictional wash.

Having sketched out in considerable detail the precise nature of Dussardier's "héroïsme" and the doubts it provokes, Flaubert set about elaborating in a series of rough drafts a definitive account of the incident on the barricade, the wound received by Dussardier, the way the event is interpreted by the papers, and the doubts by which Dussardier is plagued. The first detailed description of the incident on the barricade is close to the last sketch (See Fig. 1.5. [P 172]). Here Flaubert is primarily concerned with making his account as concise as

possible. There is some hesitation over how much emphasis should be given to the insurgent's words. "Malgré le défi," which had been added in the last sketch, is finally excised in favour of the more neutral "et comme la masse s'avanç [ait]

"

In the second rough draft there is a significant change: the insurgent, who in the

previous rough draft was "un homme" is now described as "un gamin" (See Fig. 1.6. [P 180v]). Since Delacroix's painting of Liberty leading the people and

Hugo's invention of Gavroche, the "gamin" had become part of the stock-in trade of any description of revolutionary action, and wheeling him on may be

part of the ironic exposure of clichés and stereotypes which runs through all of Flaubert's work. The sudden lowering of the age of the insurgent may, however, owe something to the desire to make this episode function as a bridge between the two adjacent confrontations that we have discussed. The change is clearly not made in the interests of historical accuracy but in response to internal

structural pressures.

The final rough draft is close to the final version (See Fig. 1.7. [P 176]). Anew indication of location "dans la rue Lafayette" replaces "à la barrière

Rouchechouart" for reasons that are obscure. The preposition "contre"

replaces "sur" perhaps to strengthen the idea of a violation of fraternity. Essentially, however, Flaubert has knocked the account of Dussardier's intervention into its definitive shape.

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There is one aspect of the episode, however, which caused him considerable

trouble, the nature of the wound received by Dussardier. This goes through a

total of five rough drafts. In the first we are told that he is "trouvé sous les

<décombres> - blessé au genou - <avec une> la balle" (fi 176). In the second

"On l'avait retrouvé sous les décombres sous les morts, la cuisse blessée

<percée> d'un lingot <balle>" (fi 172). In the third "On l'avait retrouvé sous les

décombres, [avec les morts] la cuisse <droite> percée d'un lingot" (fi 180v). In

the fourth "On l'avait <retrouvé> [sous les] <sous les> décombres, la cuisse

droite [percéed'un lingot] <? d'une balle>" (fi 173). In thefinal rough draft "on

l'avait retrouvé sous les décombres; la cuisse [traversée d'une balle II avait fallu]

<percéed'un lingot de cuivre>" (fi 163v). The change from knee to thigh and the

hesitation between "une balle" and "un lingot de cuivre" show that Flaubert is

not attempting to base his account of the wound received by Dussardier on any one particular source.25

As far as the reference to similar examples of heroism is concerned Flaubert

at first retained the reference in the first two rough drafts but removed it in the

final rough draft which simply refers to "les journaux où l'on exaltait sa belle

action" (fi 175, fi 180v). The reference resurfaces, in a modified form, however, in the next chapter but the impact of the insistence on the representative nature

of Dussardier's action is lessened by its deferral.26 The last element to undergo revision in the rough drafts is the precise nature of Dussardier's doubts about

the Tightness of his action. The first version starts with the direct speech of the

last sketch and turns into free indirect style (fi 175). The hesitations of his

thinking are consolidated but the explicit analysis of his lack of clarity— "comme il ne pouvait préciser sa pensée, car elle n'était pas nette"—is deleted,

perhaps because it detracted from the anguish provoked by the thought that he

had fought on the wrong side. In two further rough drafts the summary of what

he tells Frédéric, in style indirect libre, is tidied up, with his mental anguish being

emphasized by the substitution of "était torturé par l'idée que" for "il se

demandait avec angoisse" (fi 178v). The final rough draft (fi 176) is virtually identical to the final version. Precision in the evocation of imprecise thoughts is achieved only with a good deal of effort, as these various rough drafts show.

What does the analysis of the "avant-texte" add to our understanding of the

novel? More particularly, in what way does it alter our perception of the

relationship between history and fiction in the final version? Flaubert criticism

long ago abandoned the idea that the novel can be read as a straightforward historical account. The final version does indeed often seem opaque and shies

away from a clear account of historical events, preferring to show how they

impinge upon the sensibilities of those involved in them. The retrospective account of Dussardier's involvement in the June Days could have provided a

Nineteenth-Century French Studies 28, Nos. 3 & 4 Summer 2000 293

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Page 12: Dussardier on the Barricades: History and Fiction in "L'Éducation sentimentale"

clearer and more authoritative omniscient summary of what had happened in

Paris during Frédéric's absence and said more about the significance of the

particular incident in which Dussardier is wounded. Instead, Flaubert offers a

minimalist account of Dussardier's intervention, shorn of contextualisation,

pared down to essentials, leaving numerous inferences to be made by the

reader. In the last sketch the account is arguably clearer and one realises that the

characteristic blurring of the novel is a carefully contrived effect, achieved by

systematically attenuating any statement that is too clear or direct. It is difficult

to know from the final version alone whether Dussardier's experience is in any

way representative. The "avant-texte" reveals, however, that Flaubert carefully

documented various examples of "heroism" on the part of those who fought the

insurgents and that at one stage explicit reference was made to them. The

"avant-texte" also throws into greater relief the concision of the final version.27

Flaubert clearly engages in a kind of word-crunching, compressing and

condensing his account, until it becomes terse, lapidary, dense, and at times

opaque. Although the final version is more sparse and elliptic than earlier

versions, it remains a striking piece of writing which is not without historical

significance: Dussardier's action, amongst other things, restores one's faith in

certain fundamental features of human nature: idealism, altruism, dedication

to a transpersonal ideal, whilst at the same time making one aware of the way such admirable characteristics can be appropriated and manipulated. The

difficulty of knowing what is the "right" course of action in a particular stage of

the revolutionary process is stressed. It is profoundly ironic that the most

selfless figure in the novel should aid and abet the counter-revolutionary

process. Part of what Flaubert is saying is that it is not enough to have a big heart: one also needs to have a shrewd political head.

Department of French

University of Hull

Hull

HU 6 7RX

UNITED KINGDOM

NOTES

'Charles Tilley and Lynn H. Lees, "The People of June, 1848."

2De Tocqueville wrote of "la plus grande et la plus singulière [insurrection] qui ait eu lieu

dans notre histoire" that "[E]lie ne fut pas une lutte politique [...] mais un combat de

classes" (Souvenirs 212), whilst Marx described the June Days as "a gigantic

insurrection, in which the first great battle was fought between the two great classes

which divide modern society" ("Class Struggles in France" 58). Marx argues that the

294 Tony Williams

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Page 13: Dussardier on the Barricades: History and Fiction in "L'Éducation sentimentale"

Parisian proletariat was forced into the June insurrection by the bourgeoisie and that the

Republic was revealed in its true colours as "the state whose avowed purpose it is to

perpetuate the rule of capital and the slavery of labour" ("Class Struggles in France" 61).

"See R. Price, "The June Insurrection."

4Journal 4:182 (Quoted D. Oehler 367).

5All references will be to the Gamier edition.

6See "J'écris maintenant trois pages sur les abominations de la garde nationale en 1848,

qui me feront très bien voir des bourgeois. Je leur écrase le nez dans leur turpitude, tant

que je peux" (Correspondance 3:805).

7See NAF 17611. f1 109v: "enfant naturel, constitution athlétique, douceur d'agneau

grosse chevelure blonde sanguin, excellent <n'a pas fait d'études> soigne Frédéric dans

une maladie— intelligence médiocre, cœur de héros affamé de justice, un peu gobe

mouche. très pauvre.—fait la paire avec Sénécal comme de leur côté Frédéric et

Deslauriers.—[ <se marie à une petite ouvrière pour laquelle il s'exténue et qui le plante

là)>". The following conventions are used in the linearised transcription of manuscript

material: [...] = Suppressed passage; <...> = Additional material (in italics); [<...>] =

Passage added then suppressed; {...) = Editorial comments; (? = illegible material). In

addition accents have been restored and abbreviated words given in full but Flaubert's

punctuation and underlining have been retained. Linearised transcriptions have been

prepared by Dr Maureen Ramsden with the support of funding from the Leverhulme

Trust.

8For a discussion of Dussardier's role in the novel see R. Dénommé, "From Innocence to

Experience. A Retrospective View of Dussardier in L'Éducation sentimentale."

'See my "The Guardroom Episode in L'Éducation sentimentale: a genetic study."

'"See my "From Document to Text: the "terrasse du bord de l'eau" episode in

L'Éducation sentimentale."

' 'See the "Préface" to my edition L'Éducation sentimentale. Les Scénarios.

12See Mmt Moreau (Roman) in the Carnet 19 (Carnets de Travail 286-96). '""

[ Juin éclate]. Pendant ce temps-là bataille dans Paris,—[mort de Dussardier] < -juin - blessure de Dussardier>. la M1' veut le retenir. Frédéric à la fois content et [vexé]

<vexé>. Frédéric part le 3'jour" (Scénario IV, NAF. 17607. f 117).

,4See my "A Missing Section of a scenario for L'Éducation sentimentale."

'"Scénario X, NAF. 17611. f3 45.

'"Scénario XXXI, NAF. 17611. f 47.

''Scénario XXXII, NAF. 17611. f> 48.

1 "In a letter dated 1 April 1867, Flaubert wrote: "Je bûche la Révolution de 48 avec fureur.

Sais-tu combien j'ai lu et annoté de volumes depuis six semaines? Vingt-sept, mon bon."

(Corr. 3:624). 1 'The bulk of Flaubert's extensive documentary notes for the novel was transferred to the

dossier for Bouvard et Pécuchet. They can be found in the Bibliothèque Municipale in

Rouen (MS g 226 4 ) and have been analysed by A. Cento.

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Page 14: Dussardier on the Barricades: History and Fiction in "L'Éducation sentimentale"

"When Frédéric wanders around Paris during the February Revolution the events he

witnesses are all based upon incidents fully documented by Flaubert.

2'There is, however, one incident involving a Colonel de Vernon who saved the lives of

insurgents hiding at the back of "la boutique d'un marchand de vin," to which Flaubert

refers in his notes ("<Vernon sauve des insurgés vaincus dans un cabaret. (66.) est ensuite

blessé.> ", MS g 2264. ? 179). This note is based on pages 65-66 of Histoire de la Garde

Républicaine by Alphonse Balleydier. The various possible sources for the Dussardier

episode are discussed in greater detail in "Dussardier sur les barricades: naissance d'un

«héros de Juin»", submitted to Revue d'histoire littéraire de la France.

"Marquis de Normanby, Une Année de Révolution 2.145. Flaubert refers to this episode

in his notes in the following way: "Héroïsme de Monsieur de la Ferté, qui porte un

mobile par {sic} son dos, pour lui faire prendre un drapeau rouge sur une barricade"

(Msg 2264. f 199). 23The diplomatie transcriptions of manuscript material reproduce the layout of the

words on the page as well as Flaubert's spelling, including his abbreviations and

omission of accents. Diplomatic transcriptions have been prepared by Alan Brunt, with

the support of funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Board.

24Dolf Oehler 355.

"See P.M. Wetherill's note 670 in his edition of the novel, where it is suggested that

Dussardier's wound may be based on the one received by Du Camp, as recounted in his

Souvenirs de l'année 1848.

26"Le brave commis était maintenant un héros, comme Sallesse, les frères Jeanson, la

femme Péquillet, etc.," L'Éducation sentimentale 346.

27The first sketch contains 136 words, the second 364 words, and the third 626 words.

The first rough draft contains 609 words, the final rough draft 378 words. The final

version contains 276 words.

WORKS CITED

Balleydier, Alphonse. Histoire de la Garde Républicaine. Paris: Martinon-Ledoyen et

Giret, 1848.

Brombert, Victor. The Hidden Reader: Stendhal, Balzac, Hugo, Baudelaire, Flaubert.

Cambridge, Massachussets: Harvard UP, 1988.

Cento, Alberto. Il realismo documentario nell 'Éducation sentimentale. Naples: Liguori,

1967.

Dénommé, Robert T. "From innocence to experience. A retrospective view of

Dussardier in L'Éducation sentimentale" Nineteenth-Century French Studies, 18

(1989-1990): 424-36.

De Tocqueville. Souvenirs Paris: Gallimard, 1964.

Flaubert, Gustave. Carnets de Travail. Ed. P.M. de Biasi. Paris: Balland, 1988.

—. Correspondance. 4 vols. Ed. J. Bruneau. Paris: Gallimard, 1973-98.

296 Tony Williams

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Page 15: Dussardier on the Barricades: History and Fiction in "L'Éducation sentimentale"

—. L'Éducation sentimentale. Ed. P.M.Wetherill. Paris: Garnier 1984.

—. L'Éducation sentimentale. Les scénarios. Ed. Tony Williams. Paris: José Corti, 1992.

Marx, Karl. "Class Struggles in France: 1848 to 1850." Surveys from Exile.

Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1973.

Normanby, Marquis de. Une Année de Révolution. 2 vols. Paris: Pion, 1858.

Price, Roger. "The June Insurrection." Revolution and Reaction. Ed. R. Price. London:

Croom Helm, 1975.

Oehler, Dolf. Le Spleen contre l'oubli. Juin 1848. Paris: Payot, 1996.

Prendergast, Christopher. Paris and the Nineteenth Century. Oxford: Blackwell, 1992.

Sartre, Jean-Paul. L'Idiot de la famille. 3 vols. Paris: Gallimard, 1972.

Tilley, Charles and Lees, Lynn H. "The People of June, 1848." In Revolution and

Reaction, 1848 and the Second French Republic. Ed. R. Price. London: Croom Helm,

1975.

Williams, Tony. "From Document to Text: the 'terrasse du bord de l'eau' episode in

L'Éducation sentimentale," French Studies, 47 (1993): 156-71.

—. "A Missing Section of a scenario for L'Éducation sentimentale," French Studies

Bulletin, 6 (Autumn 1995): 12-5.

—. The Guardroom Episode in L'Éducation sentimentale: a genetic study," Modern

Language Review 93 (1998): 23-34.

Nineteenth-Century French Studies 28, Nos. 3 & 4 Summer 2000 297

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Page 16: Dussardier on the Barricades: History and Fiction in "L'Éducation sentimentale"

Fig. 1.1. Transcription of NAF. 17607. f° 177 (Extract)

le h d'une barricade'

v|t un insur^e^enveloppant d'un drapeau tricolore Dussardier a retenu ses

compagnons cc /fut

s'est elance, l'a bouscule (sans armes) - coup de fusil au genou, la barrica<3e\ prise

Fig. 1.2. Transcription of NAF. 17607. f°106v (Extract)

Un insurge sur le h' d'une barricade s'enveloppe d'un drapeau

tricolore avait s'etait eerie «Allez-vous tirer sur vos fferes!» les garde allaient tirer-—Mai§j=.

Nationaux leur tiraient^dessus. 'H/Duss. les avait ecartes, avait jete son

bondi sur la barricade-,

fusil, ^bouscule l'insurge arrache le drapeau. - xxx Wess coup de feu

(- il etait^

parti d'en bas ^ tombe a les g. nationaux^ au genour Mais NJerriere lui^xxx^avaient pris la barricade,

l'avait atteint

Fig. 1.3. Transcription of NAF. 17607. F170 (Extract)

C'etait le samedi a la barriere Rochechouarf^> ^Sur le h' d'une barricade un nsurgc enveloppe d'un drapeau tricolore tricolorc avait crie aux gardes nationaux «allez-vous tirer sur vos

et malgre le defi ils—C malgre le defi> i pnt w freres» Les gardes—nationaux s'avan^aient allaient tirer

basx

tout a coup Dussardier avait xxxx qet^son fusil, ecarte d'un geste

mais'Bttss—avait sortanl hers-- des rangs. avait v tout i coup ?

ceux de ses camaradesy xwi rawase Cd'un coun de savatS> en lui

jete le sienfbondi sur la barricade, bouscule 1'insurgc'ee^arrache/ant le

Puis tout avait disparu dans un nuage de fumee^ drapeau. un coup de feu parti (Tgr^JbaG -^Pavait bles sse au genou

derriere lui qui) il etait tombe. x les garde nationaux, dorriore—lui ^avaient pris

xxxxxxxxxx x retrouve sous les morts...

la barricade-l'avaient rcleve,—blesse au genou blesse au genou.

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Fig. 1.4. Transcription of NAF. 17607. F174 (Extract)

J'aurais peut-etre du etre de I'autre cote. - car enfin

XXXXit x un tas de chosesN

'/leur avait promis le droit au travail "'qu'on nsTTeur avait

le'gouvernement provisoire

pas accordees - on avait ete bien dur p^ettx il etait evident eusoent its tort

que leurs vainqueurs detestaient la Republique.-^on avait ete

Sans doute, ils avaient eu tort,Imais"? bien durs pr eux. II ne savait pas s'iI avait reollcment

defendu la Justice? de quel cote etait le droit. -

Fig. 1.5. Transcription ofNAF. 17607. F172 (Extract)

C'etait le samedi, a la barriere Rochechouart. - sur le haut d'une barricade homme 1' de loin /

Un insurge s'enveloppe/ant d'un drapeau tricolore avait avaitfcrie aux garde-nationaux

malgre le defi oc corame la masse cela

«allez-vous tirer sur vos freres» ee ils s'avan?aient malgre—le—defi oc quand tout a coup

Dussardier 'sortant—des—rangs avait

jete bas son fusil, ecarte d'un geste ceux de ses camarades, bondi sur

(2) (1) la barricade, renverse l'insurge d'un coup de savatte en lui arrachant le

Puis tout avait disparu

son drapeau.

Fig. 1.6. Transcription of NAF. 17607. f°180v (Extract)

un gamim

Le samedi a la barriere Rochechouart, sur le haut d'une barricade,'"enveloppc criait de loin

dans un drapeau tricolore avait crie aux garde-nationaux «allez

vous tirer sur vos freres», oc corame ils s'avancjaient, Dussardier bas les autres

avait jete tout a coup, son fusil - ecarte d'un goste ccux de ses—camarados abattu

bondi sur la barricade cc d'un coup de savatte, renverse Finsurge

en lui arrachant le drapeau

Nineteenth-Century French Studies 28, Nos. 3 & 4 Summer 2000 299

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Fig. 1.7. Transcription of NAF. 17607. f 176 (Extract)

sur dans la rue LafayetteJ ~au-h' tPuna au-h a-una —-—

Le samediralabarriere Rochechouart sur lo hautbarricadeSin gamin, enveloppe d' dp 1 Ain UC lUllrv.

dans un drapeau tricolore, criait "aux garde nationaux «allez-vous tirer

contre

sur vos freres» x comme ils s'avamjaient Dussardier avait jete bas son

fusil, ecarte les autres, bondi sur la barricade, oc d'un coup de savatte son

abattu l'insurge, en lui arrachant le drapeau.

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