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Why did the Russian Provisional Government fail
in 1917?
The Russian Provisional Government failed in 1917 for a variety of reasons. Perhaps most
importantly, they refused to end the countrys involvement in World War One. Due to the
governments preoccupation with winning that War, many economic and social problems were
overlooked or ignored. Institutions known collectively as The Soviet were also attempting to gain
more power. They didnt want to run the government, but they did want greater autonomy for the
workers. In effect, they sucked power away from the Provisional Government. These issues and
several others led to the failure of the Provisional Government and the seizure of power by the
Bolsheviks in October of 1917.
The Russian Provisional Government was formed in the aftermath of Tsar Nicholas IIs abdication
from the throne on March 2, 1917. After Nicholas departure, the Duma was the only real legal
authority left to run the country. Out of this body the Provisional Government was formed by a
coalition of various Duma parties. It was intended to be an interim body to hold power until the
Constituent Assembly could be called and a constitution could be written.[1] Headed first by Prince
G. E. Lvov, the new government saw as its primary task as winning the War, only then would other
issues be dealt with.
Massive economic and social problems, inefficient decision making by the Tsar, as well as Russias
high casualty rate in World War One had led to the collapse of autocracy. The Duma, which had
pressed for gradual liberalization of the country, was headed mostly by the Octobrists and the
Kadets, the center-right political parties. This was by design, as the electorate had been severely
restricted so that only those two parties could win a majority. They were tasked with preparing the
country for national elections and the Constituent Assembly. This would require granting full
freedom of speech, press, assembly, and religion, and equality to all citizens.[2]
However, there was another body claiming power as well, the Soviet. They claimed to represent the
peasants and workers interests. They provided services for workers and sailors. This Dual Power
created a complex system of authority that did not function efficiently. The Provisional Government
might have had authority, but it was unclear whether or not they had power. Whether or not the
population would follow them was not known. The Soviet, on the other hand, held true sway with
the workers and peasants.
The soviets were formed as workers councils, and were made up of both common people and the
intelligentsia. They worked to secure rights for workers and after March 1917, they sought to
protect the gains made by the first Revolution. The Petrograd Soviet was the head of a nationwide
network of soviets that were located throughout Russia. Far more radical than the Duma, they were
composed mostly of Socialist Revolutionaries and Social-Democrats.[3] The Petrograd Soviet also
included many of the soldiers stationed in the citys garrison and sailors stationed at the nearby
naval base of Kronstadt.
At first the soviets and the Provisional Government coexisted rather peacefully and the Petrograd
Soviet approved of the new governments policies. However, as time went on, they began to fight
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for control over the military and foreign policy. Order Number 1, issued by the Petrograd Soviets
army section, authorized army units to elect soldiers to represent them in the soviets. It also stated
that army units did not have to obey orders given by the Government unless those orders were
approved by the Soviet first.[4]
In 1917 the majority of the Russian Army was made up of peasants, who were confused as to what
exactly they were fighting for. With no clear motivation to fight or stake in victory, they made a poor
fighting force. While many of the soldiers continued to fight on the Front, they were more loyal to
the soviets than the Provisional Government. This was because the soviets were calling for the
nationalization of land. It seemed to most of the peasantry that the soviets were fighting for their
interests while the Provisional Government was simply continuing the policies of autocracy.
The new government felt it had to fulfill its obligations to the Allies and continue the war and fight
for lasting peace through victory. The Provisional Government was immediately recognized by the
Allied forces. Secret treaties signed by the government implemented a new expansionist war policy,
hoping to gain territory in the Ukraine and Austria-Hungary. The soviets protested this by calling for
the European workers to overthrow their governments and achieve a just and democratic peace
without annexations and indemnities. [5]
In April of 1917 Vladimir Lenin, leader of the Bolsheviks, returned to Russia from exile in Switzerland.
His new tactic was no confidence or support to the new government, primarily because they were
continuing the War. In time, he would sway most of the Bolshevik leadership to his line of thinking.
In his April Theses, published shortly after his return, he denounced any cooperation with the new
government. Lenin states, the war on Russias part remains a predatory imperialist war.[6] Due
to this fact, the soviets must not support the ongoing war and must completely break off any
support for the Provisional Government.
Later in the Theses, Lenin explains, It must be explained to the masses that the Soviet of Workers
Deputies is the only possible form of revolutionary governmenttherefore, our task is, while this
government is submitting to the influence of the bourgeoisie, to present apersistent analysis of its
errors and tactics[7] No support for the Provisional Government and All Power to The Soviets!
were the two principles of the April Theses. While not a majority in the Soviet yet, the Bolsheviks
were gaining influence.
While the Provisional Government was preoccupied with winning the War, the countrys economic
and social problems began to grow worse. In three [domestic] areas in particular the governmentsresponse was found wanting: the nationality question, the agrarian crisis, and industrial relations.
Russia had been a large, multiethnic empire and now the various nationalities were demanding
autonomy. Disagreements about how to handle the nationality question led to the fall of Lvovs
government on July 15. [8]
The second pressing domestic issue, the agrarian crisis, was growing worse with time. Immediately
after the Tsars abdication, and in the power vacuum that followed, peasants began seizing the land
of nobles in the countryside. Many peasant soldiers deserted their posts to go back home and
participate in the land grabbing. The Provisional Government, fearful of even more peasants
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deserting the army, refused to implement any sort of land reform. Their inaction made the problem
worse because now the peasantry had no reason to support the new government.
The third domestic issue was that of industrial relations which had been an ongoing problem for
some time. As Russia began to industrialize in the early 1900s, the population of industrial workers,
especially in Petrograd and Moscow, exploded. Most of the manufacturing was centered on these
two cities. Low wages, inflation, lack of work, lack of adequate housing and food was making life
increasingly harsh for the factory workers. In industry workers began to organize factory
committees to defend themselves and to keep the factories open in the fact of economic disruption
and lockouts.[9]
One reason that the Provisional Government did not settle many of these domestic issues was
because they wanted to wait for the Constituent Assembly. Realizing that most of the people would
only accept the legitimacy of a government elected by that assembly, they put off many issues until
it could be convened. It was scheduled to open in January 1918.
Alexander Kerensky emerged as the new leader of the Provisional Government after Lvovs exit.
Kerensky was a moderate socialist who believed that the goal of the new government was to finish
the agenda set by autocracy.[10] He was the only person to be involved in both the leadership of the
soviet and the Provisional Government and it put him in a precarious position. While the Soviet had
forbid any of its members in participating in the new government, they made an exception for
Kerensky.
In July 1917, a failed Bolshevik uprising led to the imprisonment of most of the partys leadership
and Lenin once again fled the country, this time to Finland. It appeared as though the Bolsheviks
were now eliminated as a threat to the Provisional Government. However, a chain of events wouldsoon see them released.
On August 26 General L.G. Kornilov of the military high command called for the surrender of the
Provisional Government. In place of that government he planned to install a military
dictatorship.[11] It is unclear whether or not Kornilov himself would have headed this government,
but it was a threat nonetheless. He threatened to have his troops march on Petrograd, if the
Provisional Government did not surrender.
Kerensky, frightened that the capital might be seized by Kornilovs forces, asked the Petrograd Soviet
for help. The Soviet agrees on the condition that all their comrades are freed, including the
Bolsheviks. The workers of the Soviet were armed and made into units of Red Guards. Kornilov
was moving his troops by rail, and since the Bolsheviks had influence with the railway workers, they
simply had the trains stopped so that Kornilov and his men could be arrested.
The Bolsheviks were seen as heroes after this incident and it further weakened Kerenskys
government.[12] In September they finally gained a majority in the Soviet and Lenin, finally back
from Finland, realized that the time to seize power was close at hand. He pushed the leadership in
Petrograd to seize power immediately. By October, it was clear that Kerenskys attempts to form a
third coalition and maintain power were failing. There were too many political parties and they
could not agree on any policies moving forward.[13]
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The continuing devastation of the War and the Provisional Governments refusal to end it was the
key issue in bringing about its collapse. They had tried to shift tactics in war propaganda, now billing
the conflict as a struggle against German autocracy. The soldiers, however, didnt buy it. In the
industrial centers of the country, Moscow and Petrograd, unrest over the War was steadily growing
just as it had earlier that year in February. The situation was growing from bad to worse. Kerenskys
offensive had failed; the Germans were gaining more ground by the day. This further eroded any
support the government might have had left. It was clear that they were ineffective on both foreign
and domestic issues.
This ineffectiveness left the door open for a new force to gain power. The only coherent policy
alternatives being offered were those of the Bolsheviks. On the night of November 6, they made
their move and soldiers from the Petrograd garrison seized government buildings and stormed the
headquarters of the Provisional Government at the Winter Palace.[14] This would end the freest
period in Russias history and lead to a dictatorship of epic consequences.
In the end, it was the continuation of an unpopular, offensive and expansionist war that led to the
Provisional Governments failure. Instead of trying to forge a new road ahead following the March
Revolution, the new government instead went on with business as usual. They did not implement
the reforms necessary to win the support of the population. They thought that overnight, after the
first revolution, Russia had been transformed and an era of democracy would ensue. Without a
government willing to actually change policy, it was perhaps doomed from the beginning.