Transcript
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URBAN AGE INDIA

MUMBAIDELHI

KOLKATABANGALORE

LONDONNEW YORK

BERLINJOHANNESBURG

Summary Report

INTEGRATED CITY MAKINGGovernance, planning and transport

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leftThe extensive use of street space for multiple activities is common in most Indian cities and has great implications for the movement of people and goods. Chirodeep Chaudhuri

coverMumbai’s dense urban fabric with JJ flyoverChirodeep Chaudhuri

Urban Age is a worldwide investigation into the future of cities.

Organised by the Cities Programme at the London School of Economics and Political

Science and the Alfred Herrhausen Society, the International Forum of Deutsche Bank.

Urban Age Programme The London School of Economics

and Political Science Houghton Street

London WC2A 2AE United Kingdom

T +44 (0)20 7955 7706 [email protected]

www.urban-age.net

Alfred Herrhausen Society Deutsche Bank

Unter den Linden 13/15 10117 Berlin

Germany

T +49 (0)30 3407 4201 [email protected]

www.alfred-herrhausen-gesellschaft.de

INTEGRATED CITY MAKINGGovernance, planning and transport

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Urban Age would like to thank the key stakeholders and experts in Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata, Bangalore, London, Berlin, New York and Johannesburg who contributed their ideas and time to this report (see list on page 26).

The detailed report and a complete listing of data sources is available at www.urban-age.net.

Research DirectorPhilipp Rode

Research Team Julie WagnerRichard BrownRit ChandraJayaraj SundaresanChristos KonstantinouNatznet TesfayPriya Shankar

Supported byStephanie KotinCaroline KihatoSilke UrschelMiguel KanaiNirija ShuklaDolan Chatterjee

Mapping and data research Kay KitazawaRichard Simpson

AdvisersTony Travers, LSERicky Burdett, LSEAndy Altman, Brookings InstitutionBruce Katz, Brookings Institution

London, June 2008

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Integrated City Making is a report by the Urban Age Programme at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). Urban Age is a joint initiative of LSE and Deutsche Bank’s Alfred Herrhausen Society investigating the future of cities.The research for this report was prepared from November 2006 to February 2008 and represents the annual Urban Age research focus 2007, part of the Urban Age India investigation.

This report is intended as a basis for discussion. While every effort has been made to ensure the accuracy of the material in this report, the authors and/ or the Urban Age Programme will not be liable for any loss or damage incurred through the use of this report.

Published by the Urban Age Programme, London School of Economics and Political Science, 2008.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ExECUTIvE SUMMARY

1 INTRODUCTION1.1 Urban India and city growth

1.2 The Urban Age

1.3 India and urban planning

1.4 Future years

2 CONTExT AND CHALLENGES2.1 India’s cities

2.2 Urban governance

2.3 Urban visions and challenges

3 CITY SHAPING IN PRACTICE3.1 The Indian experience

3.2 International examples

4 IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY4.1 Strategic planning

4.2 Management and governance

LIST OF INTERvIEWS

APPENDIxTransport and density

Governance structures

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44

4

7

7

88

10

12

1616

20

2222

23

26

2727

30

The detailed report is available at www.urban-age.net

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2 INTEGRATED CITY MAKING

ExECUTIvE SUMMARY

India’s cities are at the forefront of a global shift to an urban society. In recent decades, their growth has been dramatic, and is set within the context of one of the fastest developing economies in the world.

In 2007, the Urban Age, a joint initiative of the London School of Economics and Political Science and Deutsche Bank’s Alfred Herrhausen Society, undertook a research programme in four Indian cities (Mumbai, Kolkata, Delhi and Bangalore) followed by a conference in Mumbai, to understand and assess how these cities are responding to the challenges of growth, and to compare these approaches to those adopted in other cities throughout the world.

The four Indian cities studied have a population of almost 35 million people (nearly 78 million including wider metropolitan regions, and Delhi’s National Capital Region), and an economy valued at nearly $360 billion within their agglomerations.

The growth of these cities was explosive in the last decades of the Twentieth Century, largely driven by people moving from the countryside to work in rapidly industrialising cities. This growth has slowed in recent years, but it has left the cities with intense strains on infrastructure. Roads that were not designed for cars are choked with traffic, with consequences that include increased local pollution, reduced economic efficiency, and a contribution to the global challenge of climate change. Drainage and sewage systems are also overloaded, leading to considerable fatality rates from floods and disease (especially as weather patterns change as a result of global warming).

After decades of rapid change, these cities today occupy the cusp between the globalised world economy and the dislocations that follow in its wake: leading IT industries sit alongside low levels of literacy, new condominium developments overlook informal slum developments. Densities vary, but tend to be highest in the poorest areas: in Greater Mumbai, more than fifty per cent of the population lives in slums occupying eight per cent of land.

Cities are rising up India’s political agenda. Recent constitutional reforms seek to codify and standardise patterns of urban governance that in many cases have been handed down from colonial times.

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Each of the cities studied by the Urban Age is seeking to use land-use and transport planning to secure a more integrated and efficient form of urban development, but all face systemic and behavioural challenges:

Rapid urban growth has overtaken the planning process, resulting • in reactive and often outdated plans;

Enforcement is weak and the planning profession is seen as lacking • capacity, leading to loss of credibility;

Land-use and transport planning are conducted as separate • exercises, leading to new development without transport, and transport infrastructure that fails to further cities’ long term visions;

Responsibility for land-use and transport planning is fragmented • between different agencies and different tiers of government, despite recent constitutional changes aimed at rationalising local government structures.

Discussions with experts, both from India and from other Urban Age cities, identify some implications for future policy development. These include:

Make sure that plans balance ambition and realism, and • combine a long-term view with the ability to respond to changing circumstances;

Rationalise governance structures, creating a single transport • authority and, where possible, integrating this with land-use planning;

Make sure that integration of land-use and transport planning is • led from the top of organisations, and accorded political as well as managerial priority;

Ensure implementation through balancing enforcement and • negotiation;

Create incentives for better integration through funding and • political systems; and

Use urban design as the glue for creating better buildings, better • neighbourhoods and better cities.

Through harnessing the dynamism of urban development in India, city leaders can make a difference. With organisational reform, and the creation of new governance structures that recognise cities’ role, they can put their cities at the forefront of sustainable growth.

ExECUTIvE SUMMARY

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4 INTEGRATED CITY MAKING

1.2 THE URBAN AGE

The Urban Age is an international programme of research projects and conferences investigating the future of cities. The programme, a joint initiative of the London School of Economics and Political Science, and Deutsche Bank’s Alfred Herrhausen Society, takes an explicitly inter-disciplinary approach to considering the future of cities, and aims to develop and foster dialogue between academics, politicians, policy makers and those responsible for shaping and managing our cities from day to day.

Beginning in New York in 2005, and travelling to Shanghai, London, Johannesburg, Mexico City and Berlin, the Urban Age has explored – through international and interdisciplinary conferences, through data analysis, and through interviews with leading urban experts and city managers – some of the world’s most important cities – both those that have relatively stable populations, and those that are experiencing or dealing with the aftermath of exponential growth.

1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 URBAN INDIA AND CITY GROWTH

In 2007, the majority of this planet’s residents lived in cities: for the first time, our world became a predominantly urban one. The cities of India, the largest democracy and one of the fastest-growing countries in the world, are at the forefront of this change. This report addresses how Indian cities are responding to this rapid pace of growth, and how civic governments are using transport and land-use planning to manage its impacts.

But India’s experiences raise wider issues too: issues of slum development, of overloaded infrastructure, of environmental sustainability. The growth of the world’s cities – often unplanned, sometimes chaotic – challenges policy makers and planners in every continent. What will our urban future be? How can infrastructure – from mass transit to drainage systems – cope with unprecedented growth rates? How can cities realise the goals of sustainability – allowing for growth and prosperity today, without mortgaging the prospects of future generations? Can social justice and cohesion be achieved, or is polarisation intrinsic to the modern urban condition?

0

5

10

15

20

25

BerlinJohannesburgLondon

New York

Bangalore

Kolkata

Delhi

Mumbai

2020201020001990198019701960195019401930192019101900

Popu

latio

nm

illio

ns

DelhiMumbai

Bangalore

New York

Kolkata

London

JohannesburgBerlin

Population over time in selected Urban Age cities

Cities across the world are growing following occasional decline in the mid-20th century. All figures refer to the administrative area of each city. The dotted lines represent projections.Sources: Multiple datasets including Census of India (2001) and city specific sources, see detailed report

rightA footpath in Versova, a suburb of Mumbai, is converted into an open school and is run by one of the city’s 2,900 NGOs to supplement the educational curriculum of government run schools.Rajesh Vora

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North America

AsiaEurope

Oceania

Africa

South America

-0.5%

-0.1%

0.1%

1%

2%

5%

10%

0%

Population [millions]2005

Ave

rage

ann

ual p

opul

atio

n gr

owth

1985

-200

5

3 5 10 15 20 3525 30

Johannesburg Bangalore

Kolkata

Delhi

Mumbai

BerlinLondon New York-Newark

City size and population growth

The graph shows the size and population change for all cities with more than three million residents (2005). The numbers for each city are based on UN calculations for urban agglomerations. Indian cities are among the largest, and fastest-growing, in the world. Source: UN World Urbanization Prospects, 2007 Revision

AfricaAsia

North AmericaLatin America

Europe

INTRODUCTION

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1.3 INDIA AND URBAN PLANNING

In 2007, the Urban Age entered a new phase, and focused more closely on one set of cities and on one set of challenges. During this year, our research focused on India, and on the challenges of urban planning and governance against a backdrop of rapid growth. Members of the Urban Age team conducted interviews with more than 50 experts from every level of Indian government and from civil society, and the process culminated in a conference in November 2007.

Cities grow in different ways in different places and at different times. The impact and meaning of ‘urban planning’ vary too. At the extremes, some cities have been formally planned, while others have emerged organically, with little state intervention, from the aggregated decisions and choices of individuals and developers. Most mix these two forms of development, with attempts to plan for infrastructure and effective land-use in perpetual tension with the unbridled energy of a growing city.

The cities of India – and particularly larger cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Kokata, and Bangalore – have mixed planned and informal development throughout their history, and have experienced unprecedented rates of population growth in recent decades. These conditions made them

perfect places to explore the complex relationship between land-use planning, transport planning and urban governance.

Integrated City Making draws together the key findings from this research programme, seen in the light of previous Urban Age conferences and research programmes. It compares the four Indian cities with four other Urban Age cities – London, New York, Berlin and Johannesburg – to draw out similarities and differences, and implications that might inform policy development in cities at all stages of their development cycle.

Integrated City Making is accompanied by a detailed research report, which contains more detailed quotations from interviews and some of the extensive data analysis that underpins these findings. Except where indicated otherwise, all data and quotations are drawn from that research report.

1.4 FUTURE YEARS

In 2008, the Urban Age will focus on the cities of South America, and on the issues of inequality, violence, mobility and the public-private relationship in cities. In following years, the programme will extend to Istanbul in 2009, and will then finish in Berlin in 2010.

47%‘Planning’

41%‘Transport’

32%‘Governance’

24%‘Infrastructure’

growth overtakes planning, outdated plans and laws, weak enforcement, implementation de�cit, insu�cient planning skills, shortage of professional planners, land use and transport synchronisation, in�ation of plans and strategy documents, master plan hypocrisy, inability to address informal developments

12%‘Inequality’

18%‘Housing’

12%‘Environment’

18%‘Migration’

lack of ownership, coordination gaps, non-accountability, con�icting assignments, in�ation of agencies, central vs. local agencies, con�icting executive and political power, struggle for inclusive visions

lack of street space, �yovers and ring roads bias, political neglect of walking, public transport overcrowding, low service quality, ine�cient bus operations, under-utilized suburban rail, car growth choking the city

income disparities, a�ordabil-ity of services, urban poor

stress on power and water infrastructure, drainage and sewage system

continous growth of urban populations, city size, unchecked population �ows, �oating population

substandard housing, housing shortage, a�ordable housing

fresh water, pollution, climate change, waste

Urban India: Key Challenges

Stakeholders in Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata and Bangalore were asked about the three biggest challenges their city is currently facing. The diagram shows the percentage of interviewees that referred to each key challenge. Planning, transport and governance stand out as key themes.Source: Urban Age research

left The eight Urban Age cities featured in this report. From the top-left to bottom right, Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata, Bangalore, London, New York, Berlin and Johannesburg.Chirodeep Chaudhuri (Mumbai)Philipp Rode (others)

INTRODUCTION

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8 INTEGRATED CITY MAKING

cent, Bangalore’s by 38 per cent, Mumbai’s by 21 per cent and Kolkata’s by 4 per cent. This pattern of growth, which was driven by migration from countryside to rapidly industrialising cities as well as by natural growth, has left a huge legacy of informal slum development and homelessness, leading in turn to strain on infrastructure and increased pressure on the urban system. However, it is also worth noting that growth has slowed in recent years partly as a result of increasing dispersal of industrial development and informal slum development from urban centres.4

Of the four cities, Mumbai is by far the most densely populated: its location on a peninsula has generated a population density of around 27,000 people per square kilometre – three times the density of New York, and around five times that of London or Berlin. With 6.5 million slum dwellers, over 50% of the city’s population lives in informal settlements. In slum neighbourhoods, density rises to 100,000 people per square kilometre (around twice that of the densest parts of New York). Mumbai has established a position as India’s leading financial and entertainment centre, contributing 40 per cent of national income tax and 60 per cent of customs duty. However, it is also the city with the largest slums in India, many built on former wetlands prone to flooding .

Delhi, India’s capital, is a city-state (National Capital Territory of Delhi) and the least dense of the four cities, though it mixes colonially-planned streets of bungalows with extremely high densities in areas of the old city. As well as accommodating government functions, Delhi has a strong IT sector and has recently pushed ahead with a modern metro system.

2 CONTExT AND CHALLENGES

The Indian cities that participated in the Urban Age in 2007 are typical of the new generation of global megacities emerging across Asia, Latin America and Africa. The problems they face – the challenges of managing growth sustainably – are problems that they share with these other cities. In this section of the report, we examine the social, economic and physical context of the four Indian case study cities, the institutional infrastructure of their governance, and the challenges that they face at the beginning of the 21st Century. The following sections look in more detail at how urban planning seeks to respond to these challenges, and begin to draw together lessons from emerging and established practice.

2.1 INDIA’S CITIES

With an estimated population of 1.13 billion people, India is the world’s second most populous country, with a population that grew by 21 per cent in the 1990s.1 India is now one of the world’s top five economies in terms of purchasing power parity.2 Poverty has declined dramatically in recent years from more than 50 per cent in the early 1970s to 27.5 per cent in 2004/05,3 and is generally lower in urban areas.

Urban Age India focused on four of India’s largest cities, Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata, and Bangalore. Between them, these cities have a population of almost 35 million people. Their wider metropolitan regions accommodate a further 43 million people and an economy valued at nearly $360 billion (in terms of purchasing power parity for their agglomerations). This represents 10 per cent of India’s GDP in less than 0.1 per cent of its land area.

All four cities grew in the 1990s albeit at different rates: Delhi’s population grew by 70 per

1 UN Population Division, World Population Prospects, 2006

2 IMF, World Economic and Financial Surveys, World Outlook Database, April 2008

3 Government of India, Planning Commission, 2007

4 Amitabh Kundu: The Future of Indian Cities, Urban Age India Conference Newspaper, November 2007.

metro

city

metro

city

metro

city

peak

Population[millions]

Area[km2]

Density[thousands pers/km2]

17.8 37.112.0 13.9

438 1,4834,355 30,242

101.1 96.54.1 1.2

27.3 9.3

Mumbai Delhi

8.44.3

2268,002

75.21.1

19.0

Bangalore

14.74.6

1871,854

78.48.0

24.5

Kolkata Population and Density compared

These tables show population, area and density figures for each of the eight cities, and their wider metropolitan regions. The Indian cities have higher densities overall, and the difference is marked in the higher (‘peak’) density areas. Sources: Multiple datasets including Census of India (2001) and city specific sources, see detailed report

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aboveOnly eleven per cent of Mumbai’s surface is covered by roads and construction of new high-rise towers and flyovers is creating a rapid transformation of the city’s historical grain.Chirodeep Chaudhuri

Bangalore is a heavy-industrial city that has re-invented itself as the heart of the India’s ‘silicon valley’, accounting for 35 per cent of India’s software exports in 2004 and providing headquarters for major multinational companies like Infosys. The city, which is capital of Karnataka State, has grown rapidly in recent years, and is now suffering from traffic congestion, and problems with waste disposal and sewerage infrastructure.

Further analysis of case study cities’ density can be found in the Appendix to this report.

The fastest growing of the four cities, Delhi, faces the challenges arising from this growth: infrastructure is overstretched by the city’s sprawling nature and there is a widening gulf between increasingly unaffordable housing and growing slums.

Kolkata reaches densities almost as high as Mumbai’s within its tightly drawn boundaries. The city, capital of the state of West Bengal, was traditionally seen as India’s cultural centre, though IT is also fuelling growth within Kolkata. The city’s coastal situation, and the erosion of coastal wetlands, makes flooding a major problem.

London New York Berlin Johannesburg

19.0 21.2 4.3 8.8

28,030 27,065 5,370 17,010

7.6 8.0 3.4 3.2

1,572 833 892 1,644

metro

city

metro

city

0.7 0.8 0.8 0.54.8 9.6 3.8 2.0

metro

city

17.2 53.0 21.7 38.5 peak

Population[millions]

Area[km2]

Density[thousands pers/km2]

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10 INTEGRATED CITY MAKING

All Urban Age cities are following a world-wide trend of shifting towards service-based economies, though levels of manufacturing employment, at 15 to 45 per cent, remain much higher in the Indian than in the comparator cities (London, New York, Berlin, and Johannesburg). Furthermore, ‘service industries’ encompass diverse activities: financial and business services account for 20 to 30 per cent of employment in the comparator cities, but only 10 to 15 per cent in the four Indian case studies.

Transport is a major issues for all Urban Age cities, even though they have inherited very different transport infrastructures: London, New York, and Berlin have extensive and long-established (even, in some cases, superannuated) metro systems, Delhi and Kolkata have relatively new metros, Bangalore and Johannesburg rely more on buses and communal taxis, and Mumbai has one of the busiest commuter railways in the world with more than 6 million passengers daily.

Commuting patterns reflect cities’ urban structures and infrastructures. Mumbai has the highest share of pedestrian commuting, with more than 55 per cent of people walking to work, reflecting the city’s extremely high-density, mix-use development and the proximity of slum developments to the city centre. 32 per cent walk

to work in Delhi while 12 per cent and 16 per cent do so in Kolkata and Bangalore respectively. In every Urban Age city, around 20-40 per cent of the population use public transport to commute (78 per cent in Kolkata), with much higher levels of bus use in the Indian cities.

The biggest difference between the Indian cities and their comparators is in the level of private car ownership and use: car use accounts for less than 5 per cent of commuting in the Indian cities, but for 30 to 40 per cent of transport in the other Urban Age cities.

2.2 URBAN GOvERNANCE

As cities throughout the world have grown, the ways that they have been governed have changed and developed. Modern urban governance typically comprises an elected authority with a range of specified functions, including the provision of transport, social and environmental infrastructure – water, sewage, street cleaning, and in some cases schools and health services – as well as functions directly relating to land-use planning. These include passing planning regulations that define what can be built where (in terms of use-mix, safety regulations, density and in some cases architectural style), and also enforcing those regulations.

GDP PPP[billions US$]

Mumbai

Delhi

Bangalore

London

New York

Berlin

Johannesburg

Kolkata

2.5%

1.2%

2.5%

23%

9.1%

3.1%

13.9%

GDP PPP/capita[US$]

service sectoremployment

populationbelow 20 yrs

179%

201%

190%

168%

144%

76%

200%

239%

189%

218%

113%

118%

133%

160%

3.3% 200% 289% 80%

95%

92%

69%

99%

77%

72%

126 6,924 81% 36%compared to national

agglomeration

93 6,180 67%

45 6,963 53%

43%

94 6,584 61%

42%

452 53,145 91%

31%

1,133 60,529 93%

25%

75 22,134 85% 15%

79 24,271 79% 31%

94%27%

compared to nationalagglomeration

compared to nationalagglomeration

compared to nationalagglomeration

compared to nationalagglomeration

compared to nationalagglomeration

compared to nationalagglomeration

compared to nationalagglomeration

Economies compared

The table compares gross domestic product (according to purchasing power parity - PPP) in absolute terms and per head of population. The last two indicators, which refer only to the administrative city, compare employment in the service sector and the proportion of young people in the population. In each case, cities are compared to their national average. Sources: Multiple datasets including PriceWaterhouseCoopers (2007), Census of India (2001) and city specific sources, see detailed report

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But city building is a diversified activity, comprising myriad interventions by developers, householders, landowners and businesses. These urban governance arrangements therefore exist in a state of tension, both between central and municipal power, and between the force that the private enterprise exerts on urban development and the attempts of the state to moderate and regulate that force.

The Indian cities that participated in the 2007 Urban Age programme all exhibit complex governance structures (see Appendix). In each case, power is distributed between city, state and national government, with most urban infrastructure planning reserved to state level and relatively low levels of autonomy at the level of city government. One of the contributors to the Urban Age India newspaper refers to this as a ‘decentralisation deficit’, where devolution of power to cities is regarded as optional rather than mandatory, and planning is often devolved to a bespoke development authority (as is the case in the four Urban Age India cities), rather than to city government.5 The diagram below shows how the eight Urban Age cities compare in terms of assigning political power for land-use and transport planning.

In Delhi, the national capital of India, most power is still reserved to central government (reflecting perhaps a common anxiety about

autonomy in capital cities). Though the State Assembly appoints a Chief Minister who is responsible for road transport, and has some responsibility for urban development, education and health services, the key officials within the Delhi Municipal Corporation and the Delhi Development Authority are appointed directly by the Indian government. In recent years, however, the Chief Minister of Delhi has become a powerful figure, and now has a stature comparable to the mayors of other Urban Age cities.

Mumbai and Bangalore have systems that exhibit a little more devolution, though little power is devolved beyond state level; in both cities the municipal mayor has limited control over services. Responsibility for transport, urban development, education, environmental and health services is split between state and local level, with day to day municipal power vested in the hands of a state-appointed municipal commissioner.

Kolkata’s government differs from the other cities’ in that the Mayor, directly elected by the municipal corporation and operating within an elected cabinet, acts as chief executive for city-level functions, including street lighting and repairs, parks, environment and utilities. Other functions, road transport, urban development, housing and police, are reserved – here as in the other cities – to state level.

CONTExT AND CHALLENGES

5 K. C. Sivaramakrishnan: Democracy in Urban India, Urban Age India Conference Newspaper, November 2007.

publictransport

Mumbai

Delhi

Bangalore

London

New York

Berlin

Johannesburg

Kolkata

39%

44%

47%

78%

37%

55%

27%

34%

walking andcycling private car car ownership

56%

36%

18%

14%

23%

10%

35%

33%

1.6%

4.7%

5.0%

2.0%

40.1%

29.7%

37.0%

33.0%

29

70

52

61

341

210

359

183

Mobility compared

This table compares the share of different transport modes in each city, as well as car ownership levels (cars per 1,000 people). Percentages refer to all trips in each city except for Mumbai, Delhi and New York with commuter trips only. The Indian cities have much lower levels of car ownership and use than their comparators, but themselves vary widely in the levels of walking, cycling and public transport use. Sources: Multiple datasets, see detailed report

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2.3 URBAN vISIONS AND CHALLENGES

Notwithstanding differences in constitutional arrangements, city governments are increasingly assuming a role and a mandate that extend beyond service provision. That is to say, they see the value in preparing and promoting an integrated vision for the development of their cities, to boost a sense of identity and ‘brand’, and to provide a yardstick or guide against which individual plans, policies and programmes can be evaluated.

While the challenges faced by different cities vary hugely, their visions profess similar aspirations, to become sustainable, world-class cities with globally-competitive economies. These similarities reflect a level of global economic convergence and the universal importance accorded (at least in theory) to sustainable development – i.e. balancing social, economic and environmental priorities.

Underneath these visions, however, very different priorities are visible, exposing the different challenges facing different cities. For Mumbai to become ‘a city of the Millennium’, the city’s plan sets a target of reducing slums from 50-60 per cent of housing to 10-20 per cent, while achieving annual GDP growth of eight to ten per cent. Mumbai also seeks to reduce air pollution, to improve educational attainment and to increase transport speeds across the city.

Kolkata’s vision – ‘to remain…the industrial and intellectual hub’ – identifies regional and metropolitan transport infrastructure as critical to the city’s sustainable growth and to alleviating urban poverty. Bangalore identifies critical economic sectors, including IT and biotech, and seeks to limit the city’s current sprawl, recognising that this could impede sustainable economic development. The plan also places an emphasis on new public transport, as well as the provision of new ring roads. Delhi’s vision, to be ‘a global metropolis and world-class city’ is backed up by less detail than other cities’ visions, though it makes references to providing employment, adequate housing and a measure of environmental conservation.

For the Indian cities, alleviating urban poverty, including through reducing slum dwelling and creating employment opportunities, is a major priority. The cities also prioritise new transport

In 1992, the Indian Government passed a constitutional amendment, seeking to bring a level of standardisation to this complex patchwork of differing institutional structures and relationships. The 74th Amendment proposed three different types of municipal corporation, provided an illustrative list of municipal functions, proposed that states should delegate tax raising powers to municipalities, and stipulated that district and metropolitan planning committees should be established to prepare development plans covering land-use and management of natural resources.

However, in 15 years, little has changed: only West Bengal has set up a metropolitan planning committee (for Kolkata), and most tax raising powers remain with states. A 2005 initiative, the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), has been established to accelerate the implementation of the 74th Amendment. JNNURM has allocated US$11 billion for integrated infrastructure, basic services to the urban poor and other urban sector reforms.

To receive funds, however, cities must commit to a series of measures, including the preparation of city development plans and the establishment of metropolitan planning commissions. The JNNURM has been welcomed by cities across India, though concerns remain about the capacity of cities to prepare the plans required (see next section).

Without the implementation of the 74th Amendment, Indian cities’ governance still reflects the centralist legacy of colonial government. By way of comparison, in London, successive waves of change since the mid-19th Century have seen power switching from an elected metropolitan council, to individual boroughs, to the state and, most recently, to a directly-elected mayor with strategic responsibility for planning, economic development, housing and planning. In Germany’s federal structure, Berlin is both a federal state and a city, with a governing mayor elected by the city’s senate, and 12 boroughs providing social, educational and environmental services under the supervision of the city/state government. Johannesburg forms one of three major urban areas within South Africa’s Gauteng Province, and since 2006, the elected Executive Mayor has had direct control over city management.

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aboveCentral London relies on one of the most extensive - though relatively old - urban rail systems in the world. More than 90% of employees in the City of London use public transport to get to work. Cityscape

Controlling planning and transport

The diagram shows the principal and secondary location of political powers over spatial planning and transport. Generally these powers are more centralised in India than in comparators.Source: Urban Age research

Spatial Planning Transport Planning

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14 INTEGRATED CITY MAKING

projects, recognising the extent to which increased car use is choking transport systems. In many cases, however, these new transport projects include road-building schemes of the type that many western cities are turning against, on the grounds of their negative environmental impact and their questionable effectiveness.

Johannesburg’s Vision 2030 takes a long-term view of the city’s future as a ‘world-class African city’, but was criticised for focusing on economic development rather than on social challenges. The city’s annually-updated Integrated Development Plan places more emphasis on social inclusion.

London, New York, and Berlin all have visions that focus more strongly on the environmental aspects of sustainability: New York’s aspiration to become ‘greener and greater’ galvanised attention

to global warming among North American cities. In seeking to become an ‘exemplary sustainable world city’, London specifically links social, economic and environmental objectives, underpinned by major investment in transport and green energy infrastructure. Berlin seeks to strike a similar balance, in order to become a ‘city of change’, while also reversing demographic and economic decline.

Though the emphasis differs – understandably, given the Urban Age cities’ different stages of development – these visions reflect a common understanding of what success means for a city: the ability to attract international investment and foster economic growth, while reducing poverty and minimising environmental impact.

Interviews with planners and other officials across the Urban Age cities reflected a growing

belowThe Brandra-Worli Sea Link in Mumbai. The controversial multi-million dollar off-shore ring-road was initially designed to cater only to the city’s 2 per cent of the population with access to private cars. Recent political pressure might require dedicated bus lanes.Chirodeep Chaudhuri

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consensus about principles of urban development, and about the policy instruments needed to achieve these aims: all cities now view mixed-use, rather than strict segregation through zoning, as their preferred form of development, though some cities also seek to retain the commercial integrity of central business districts, and separation between certain industrial land-uses and residential areas for reasons of public health. A senior official in Delhi described this change as a “paradigm shift” to “mixed use…and more localised, more participatory and more interactive land management.”

Similarly, links between land-use and transport planning are assuming greater importance. In the words of Sanjay Ubale, Secretary for Special Projects for the Government of Maharashtra, “earlier our entire effort used to be to plan for the

land and the transport network came later. Now we are looking at it differently; we are saying that we put the transport network first and then, go into the micro details to find out what kind of land development is possible.”

But implementing this approach to urban planning is not straightforward, especially when plans are not starting from first principles but are racing to catch up with the impacts of rapid urbanisation. One contributor to the Mumbai Conference put it like this: “We cannot jump from our present situation to some ideal condition. The city here is not about grand design but about grand adjustment.”6 The next section of this report identifies the institutional and professional challenges that cities face in realising these grand adjustments.

CONTExT AND CHALLENGES

6 Rahul Mehrotra, Rahul Mehrotra Associates, Urban Age India Conference, November 2007.

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3 CITY SHAPING IN PRACTICE

The clarity of the visions discussed in the previous section belies the complexity of change in modern cities, where control, legitimacy and influence are dispersed between different governmental agencies, economic forces, private companies and community interests. None of the Urban Age cities have all-powerful and autonomous metropolitan governments. Their institutional framework includes general purpose and single function agencies, operating at different geographic levels, from the neighbourhood to the nation.

The Urban Age 2007 research programme and conference have examined how urban planning can respond to this multi-faceted and changing background, as cities move from attempts to direct city building to the management or choreography of change, so that the diverse dynamism that shapes urban development yields the best possible results, in terms of social justice and cohesion, sustainable economic growth and minimal environmental impact.

In these circumstances, experts and policy makers in the Urban Age cities are seeking to coordinate or even integrate the policies, programmes and interventions of different agencies. Partnerships begin to substitute for monolithic hierarchies, and the relationships between agencies become the currency for achieving integrated development. This section looks at the problems faced by urban governments in managing the integration of land-use and transport, and at how different cities are seeking to overcome these.

3.1 THE INDIAN ExPERIENCE

In interviews with policy makers and practitioners in the four Indian cities, three themes dominated: the problems that Indian cities’ growth presents to city planning, the difficulties of providing transport infrastructure and of integrating transport and land-use planning, and the complex and at times dysfunctional approach to urban governance.

3.1.1 Planning and growth

Many interviewees expressed concern that the planning system was unable to cope with the pace and manner of growth in Indian cities. In the words of a planning expert in Kolkata, population growth has “jeopardised the implementation of

planning because it encouraged a type of city growth which was not desirable [or] rational.” One contributor to the Mumbai conference went further: “neighbourhoods are planned, buildings are planned, shopping malls are planned, but cities as cities are not planned and they have not been planned for some time.”7

One problem is that plans lag behind growth, and can take, in the case of city development plans, 15 years to prepare. One interviewee put this timescale into context, observing that 15 years ago India’s rapidly expanding IT industry was in its infancy.8 At the same time, these plans often descended into levels of minute detail, setting out specifications for the development of particular streets, without paying any attention to wider issues of urban design and architectural quality.

In the light of these problems, some interviewees questioned the value of such detailed and comprehensive plans for rapidly changing cities. Sheila Dikshit, Chief Minister of Delhi, suggested that 20-year plans should be replaced by a long-term vision and shorter, more flexible, plans: “We need very flexible plans because things are changing so quickly. What took ten months to complete three years ago, can now be done in 10 days.”

If processes were complex and time-consuming, implementation was seen as sporadic. Planning agencies were separate from delivery agencies, and implementation was often weak. Gautam Adhikari, Editor for the Daily News and Analysis (DNA) newspaper, explained: “India has always been strong on theory. When it comes to implementation, it just doesn’t work because there are too many variables that nobody looked into and because of the weakness of the governance structure.”

These problems became acute when faced with illegal development (both of squatter camps and of housing projects built by private developers). In many cases, interviewees suggested, developers still pushed ahead with projects regardless of their legality, in the expectation that authorisation could be obtained retrospectively. In such circumstances, plans quickly lose credibility.

Underpinning these problems, interviewees believed, was a lack of capacity within the Indian planning profession, and a lack of respect for the process and products of city planning. India only has around 3,000 planners in the whole country, and only 400 graduates every year. A senior

7 KC Sivaramakrishnan, Centre for Policy Research, Urban Age India Conference, November 2007.

8 P. V. Ravi, Chief Executive Officer, Infrastructure and Development Corporation Karnataka, Interview, April 2007

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Interviewees also pointed to the system’s lack of dependability. In the words of one senior official from Kolkata, “there is no fixed time when the bus will come, there is no fixed time when the train will go, so everything is a problem.”

The result of overcrowding and lack of reliability is an opt-out by those who can afford it (i.e. the middle classes), and a dramatic rise in car ownership and use. In Delhi the number of registered cars has grown by 60 per cent in five years; the city is “reaching saturation point”, according to a city official in Delhi. 1,500 vehicles are added to Bangalore’s streets every day. The recent launch of the one-lakh (US$2,500) Tata Nano, which will bring car ownership within reach of many more Indians than before, is likely to add to congestion.

Indian cities are not capable of supporting this level of car use: streets account for only 11 per cent of Mumbai’s land area (compared to 22 per cent in New York), and a lack of parking spaces (those that exist are often taken over by street traders) further reduces available road space. The overall result is congestion and delays. One

Bangalore Metropolitan Region official said that it was common for professionals to submit plans for approval, only for these plans to be sent back, altered beyond recognition (though this might be seen as also reflecting a wider problem of mistrust between planners and politicians). In many cases, consultancies, or even private lobbying groups like Bombay First were filling the void left by the lack of city planning, and transport plans were having to fill the gap in defining their own planning scenarios without reference to land-use plans.

3.1.2 Transport and integration

The rate of growth of India’s cities – and its geographic extent – has quickly overtaken the ability of their transport infrastructure to keep up. Some Indian cities have strong rail infrastructure, but both railways and buses are heavily overcrowded. In Mumbai, trains designed to hold 1,700 passengers regularly carry 5,000 commuters during rush hour (giving a density of 16 standing commuters per square metre), and 4,500 people die annually from rail-related accidents.

CITY SHAPING IN PRACTICE

belowMany of Mumbai’s dense neighbourhoods accommodate complex mixtures of living and working, connected to the rest of the city by their location alongside commuter railways. Rajesh Vora

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However, some commentators have questioned whether metro systems, which are expensive both in their construction and for their users, are the right way for Indian cities to proceed. Writing in the Urban Age India Newspaper, Geetam Tiwari of the Indian Institute of Technology observed, “even a subsidised metro system is too expensive for slum dwellers” and argued that high quality bus networks (including segregated bus rapid transport networks) could be built for a fraction of the price per kilometre.

Other cities have opted to build more roads, in seeking to keep up with the rapid growth in car use. This is a tall order: while the number of vehicles on Mumbai’s streets was multiplied 33 times over the last 50 years, the length of the city’s road network only doubled. But the type of road construction being undertaken – arterial flyovers and ring roads – has created roads that international experience suggests will simply feed growth in motor traffic, while also having negative social and environmental impacts. A senior official in Bangalore: “Building the flyovers spoils the entire urban form. They are big awkward structures and will bring the traffic from outside into the city.”

interviewee from Bangalore gave this example: “A software engineer spends five to six hours on the road because the industries and the residential areas are far apart. They have to pass through the city, so they will be on the road for almost two and a half hours each way.”

This level of car use has global and local environmental impacts, it hampers economic efficiency, it discourages mixed-use because of the lack of parking space within narrower city centre streets, and it undermines the ability of bus services to offer a viable alternative. Increasing car use also creates an environment that is hostile to (and dangerous for) pedestrians and cyclists (though some interviewees suggested that the extreme heat of the Indian summer made cycling less attractive than in more temperate climates). Pedestrians tend to be those who have no other choice. “Walking is fine,” said S. K. Chaudhary, “but walking is totally unsafe.”

To address these problems, many Indian cities have embarked on extensive programmes to develop transport infrastructure. Kolkata has had a metro system since 1984, and Delhi has recently completed Phase I of a 245-kilometre metro network, which the city expects to take 25 per cent of commuter traffic when it is completed.

belowSandton in Johannesburg is the city’s new business and retail centre and was developed without any transport infrastructure other than roads and car parks. At the same time, areas with high public transport accessibility such as the city’s downtown have suffered a severe decline.Philipp Rode

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3.1.3 Governance and institutions

Integrating transport and land-use is a complex challenge for any city. In India, it is rendered more complex still by the country’s governance arrangements. At one level, the problem can be clearly articulated, and was agreed on by almost all interviewees: there are too many agencies. In the words of P. V. Ravi, “there is no real ownership… . There is a huge multiplicity of governance functions, different kinds of bodies – elected, bureaucratic and service agencies. It makes a chaos of what has to be done in the city.” This dense network of bodies with overlapping remits impairs accountability as well as efficiency.

Responsibility for different modes of transport, and for urban development, is vested not just in different departments, but in different tiers of government. While a national corporation manages rail services in India, road building is controlled at state level, and bus services, street lighting and repairs are generally municipal responsibilities. S. Sriraman, Professor of Transport Economics at the University of Mumbai commented, “you can’t have someone sitting in Delhi responding to the demands of Mumbai in terms of fares, employment, capacities and so on.”

These problems of overloaded transport infrastructure were intensified by the fragmented nature of transport and land-use planning.P. V. Ravi of the Infrastructure and Development Corporation Karnataka Ltd pointed out that transport was often treated as an afterthought in planning: “There is no linkage to where people actually live, where they work and how do they get there. So the entire transport infrastructure is a couple of pages in any city development plan.”

In some cases, tensions were often worsened by a simple lack of communication: talking about one of Mumbai’s main growth areas, the Chief Public Relations Officer of Western Railways said that “the city authorities never told us about new housing plans and, most importantly, did not leave any land for new railway stations.”

In some cities, however, planners have begun to re-engineer the land-use and transport planning processes so that they work together more closely. For the Government of Maharashtra, for example, Secretary of Special Projects Sanjay Ubale said that plans were now being developed through a more iterative process that allowed land-use proposals to be informed by existing transport infrastructure and services, as well as to inform future transport planning.

CITY SHAPING IN PRACTICE

belowImages of religious symbols painted on the compound wall of a residential building in Mumbai helps ensure that the street it demarks remains litter-free.Rajesh Vora

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While these initiatives, and the gradual implementation of the 74th Amendment, can help to resolve some of the tensions that exist between different agencies and different tiers of government, some interviewees saw the need for more radical change. Delhi’s Chief Minister, Sheila Dikshit, argued: “We need to reduce the multiplicity of authorities. We need to change laws, bylaws etc. Cities require a government that is not national. We need city-states.”

3.2 INTERNATIONAL ExAMPLES

While the specific challenges that cities face differ, the need to integrate land-use planning with transport planning in a way that stimulates, fosters and promotes the right type of growth is a common theme for Urban Age cities, all of which face – to a greater or lesser extent – the same problems of fragmented government and professional fiefdoms to which Indian cities are seeking to respond.

In London, metropolitan government was re-introduced in 2000, after a thirteen-year hiatus. The directly-elected Mayor of London has an explicitly strategic remit, controlling very few services directly. The Mayor prepares a spatial development strategy, the London Plan, which sets out the overall policy framework for urban development, and policies on issues such as affordable housing, environmental efficiency, density and its link to transport accessibility, and architectural quality. The detailed spatial plans prepared by London’s 33 boroughs must be in ‘general conformity’ with the London Plan, and the Mayor can take development control decisions on major developments.

In addition to the London Plan, which was first published in 2004 and updated in 2008, the Mayor develops strategies for waste management, transport and economic development. These must also be in accordance with the London Plan’s policies. In practice, the London Plan was developed and revised with extensive input from transport planners, to ensure that proposals for development took account of planned transport improvements, and that the transport plans could respond to changing spatial priorities.

Berlin’s two-tier metropolitan government resembles London’s in many ways. The city’s Land Use Plan makes overall allocations for land-use and density, within the context of a jointly-

On the other hand, some interviewees saw the integration of city planning and urban development as giving rise to conflicts of interest, which became particularly acute, and controversial, in relation to regularising or taking enforcement action against non-compliant land-uses.

Some problems identified by interviewees, like the delays to land acquisition caused by legal process and elected politicians’ tendency to think in terms of symbolic projects that can be completed within electoral timescales, are common to all democratic states. Others, like the national government’s alleged ‘rural bias’ and the need to secure agreement from very powerful vested interests, may be more specific to India.

3.1.4 Emerging solutions

Indian cities have recognised these challenges, and are seeking new approaches to managing and integrating urban development. Delhi’s 2021 masterplan seeks to create more housing capacity, by allowing taller buildings through relaxing plot ratio regulations, through some dispersal to satellite towns and through the promotion of flatted development on key sites. At the same time the plan encourages mixed-use on key streets and regularises existing mixed-use development. The plan also proposes higher density development along Metro and other major transport corridors, and recommends a multi-modal transport agency to assist with integrated transport.

The Kolkata Metropolitan Planning Committee (one of the few committees established under the auspices of the 74th Amendment) is also regarded as a success within India. The Committee, headed by the Chief Minister of West Bengal, has prepared a document called Vision 2025, which takes an integrated view of the city’s future, and the social and infrastructural needs that this will entail. Vision 2025 provides the framework for specific sectoral plans relating to transport, waste management, housing, sewerage etc. These plans (which are currently under development) will then feed into a city development plan. The agencies that will be responsible for implementing the plans (such as Indian State Railways and Kolkata Port Trust) are tied into the process through their membership of the 60-member Committee.

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regional spatial development frameworks and precinct plans are prepared to give more detailed guidance, right down to block level. The IDP identifies priority development nodes, and the city’s transport plans are based on connecting these. Johannesburg’s Executive Director of Development, Planning and Urban Management, Philip Harrison, suggested that “the cascading of interlocking plans…is the most important mechanism for integration.”

New York’s Economic Development Corporation is a non-profit corporation that facilitates the sale and development of property on the behalf of the City of New York. One senior officer identified its primary role as bringing together city planning, transport, housing preservation and development, on a project-by-project basis. “The Deputy Mayor [for Economic Development and Rebuilding] essentially runs this place, so we are considered his staff that get things done, that cut across traditional jurisdiction boundaries.”

developed Berlin-Brandenburg State Development Plan. The Land Use Plan informs both borough local development plans (which are the basis for development control decisions) and sectoral urban development plans, including a costed Development Plan for Transport.

Both the Berlin Land-use Plan and the Development Plan for Transport were developed through highly participative processes, involving both stakeholders and citizens. In addition, Berlin has merged its departments for urban planning and transport, overcoming the problems of institutional rivalry that previously impeded integrated planning.

In Johannesburg, the city government prepared and updated the Integrated Development Plan (IDP), on the basis of the non-statutory Growth and Development Strategy and with input from individual departmental plans. These plans were prepared through a collaborative inter-departmental process, and were then jointly reviewed to ensure ‘fit’. Underneath the IDP,

CITY SHAPING IN PRACTICE

belowBerlin Friedrichstrasse Station connects rail, tram and bus service with other transport modes. The city’s transport system offers a wide and well-integrated variety of modal choices. Marcus Bredt

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Balance ambition with flexibility: few city governments (and none in pluralised democratic societies) can command and control urban development. A city’s spatial and transport plans must be specific enough to make a difference to development, but loose-fit enough to respond to changing circumstances and permit regular updating. Ramesh Ramanathan of Bangalore’s Janaagraha Centre for Citizenship and Democracy was clear: “20 year plans don’t mean anything.” As Klaus J. Beckmann, Director of the German Institute of Urban Affairs, observes: “The more details are included, the more likely [a plan] is to be obsolete within two days.”

Earlier generations of London plans, like the Greater London Development Plan, which took 13 years to be adopted, show the risk of plans becoming outdated even as they are adopted. This may explain the scepticism shown by many London interviewees towards an exclusive focus on integration, as opposed to responsiveness.

Integrate transport and land-use planning: after the myriad actions of citizens, transport is the biggest driver of modern urban form. Without coordinated planning and delivery arrangements, development will continue to take place in locations without transport, and transport will only be able to respond to past and present use patterns, not to fulfil its potential in forging the future. As Sanjay Ubale of the Government of Maharashtra observed, “transport links are becoming almost a precursor to land development today.”

Given the long lead-times required for new transport infrastructure, both transport and land-use planning need to be based on the same long-term plan. In the words of Peter Hendy, Commissioner of Transport for London, “If you link [transport] with a city development plan, as we do with the London Plan, that works better.” An iterative process, which allows existing transport to inform short- to medium-term development, but also allows long-term land-use proposals to inform transport planning, has been crucial to the success of the London Plan.

Get the level of detail right: calibrating plans, so that there is a clear hierarchy and an appropriate level of detail at every level is crucial. At the top of this hierarchy, plans should be relatively light touch, allowing detail to be remitted to individual area plans or delivery plans. In this way,

4 IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY

Faced with the pace of change within modern cities, with the forces of a globalising economy, and with the stresses imposed on urban infrastructure by migration and informal development, traditional normative urban planning approaches can seem weak, even futile. But urbanisation has great momentum but less direction; the experience of Urban Age cities suggests that integrated planning is essential in directing that momentum to create places that work for and are valued by all their citizens.

There is no single prescription of the right way to approach urban planning. But the Urban Age’s research and conference programme has identified some lessons that can make the realisation of a common goal more easily achieved.

4.1 STRATEGIC PLANNING

Take a long-term view: integrated planning must begin with a single long-term assessment of a city’s assets and weaknesses, underpinning a vision for a city’s future. Without this clearly articulated vision, cities can end up with the situation described by A. K. Ghosh, where Kolkata underwent three different planning exercises between 1990-1997.

If, on the other hand, you can secure agreement to a core vision, as Christian Gaebler, Speaker of the Parliamentary Group of Social Democrats in Berlin points out, “one does not have to go back to the general discussion when working on more specific questions.” Spatial plans should emerge from this vision, and plans for housing, transport and other infrastructure should respond to the priorities identified. Fred Manson, former Planning Director for the London Borough of Southwark, said that not all cities enjoy this privilege, but that “there is a point when a city sees the future, is confident about it, and is building it.”

Maintain realism: visions must be grounded in reality, and plans must take account of what is already in place, as well as what can feasibly be put in place. As demonstrated in Kolkata, London and Berlin, an iterative process that brings different professionals and different agencies together can ensure that spatial plans command consent and consensus, and are more capable of delivery.

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respond to their own challenges (within a national policy framework), rather than depending on the decisions of remote central government, or complex negotiations between neighbouring authorities in the same urban area. In Sheila Dikshit’s words, “we need city-states.”

Governance is not fully transferable, however, and changing constitutions is not easy, so urban autonomy must remain a long-term objective. But cities can nonetheless consider how to integrate and streamline functions, while preserving scope for accountability, probity and public participation.

In some cases this might mean establishing a fully integrated transport authority, and for integrating this authority (whether through merger or management) closely with development authorities. Some elements of transport will always have a national, as well as a metropolitan dimension. In London, for example, the issue of giving the city’s mayor greater powers over commuter rail services has been actively debated in recent years.

Peter Hall, Professor of Planning at London’s Bartlett School, suggests that one way to ensure the success of large development and planning authorities would be giving them access to the revenue streams created by rising land values. This is echoed by Indian experts like Sanjay Ubale, who identified capturing incremental values as a major opportunity for Indian infrastructure development.

Aligning different organisational budgets is another way of supporting integration without necessarily needing institutional changes. The process can be complex, but it is crucially important. Even where organisations remain separate, incentives can be built into the system to ensure integration. Engelbert Lütke Daldrup, Secretary at the German Ministry of Urban

individual area plans can be developed to different programmes, and can respond to changing circumstances (without invalidating the overall framework).

Klaus J. Beckmann suggests that remitting some detail to lower levels can also help in other ways: “The general corridors of accessibility and settlement areas need to be included in the framework plan, but it will allow for design details to be organised in a more participatory way. Between the key corridors of the transport network, many things can happen that do not hurt.”

Urban design matters: planning should not just be about the quantitative issues of land-use, density and transport accessibility; it should also address the quality of a city. Urban design is the glue that enables integrated urban development to take place. Through involving urban designers, architects and landscape architects in the process, cities can protect themselves from costly mistakes – the buildings and neighbourhoods that will quickly become derelict and need demolition.

4.2 MANAGEMENT AND GOvERNANCE

Get the organisational infrastructure right: while there will always be a degree of tension with central or state governments, cities need a level of autonomy to be able to manage their own development. Where accountability is confused or dispersed between different tiers of government, citizens are unable effectively to participate in shaping their city, and the incentive to pass the buck – to higher or lower tiers – will always be present.

Constitutions and cultures differ, but it is hard to avoid the conclusion that successful cities are those that have structures covering the whole functional urban area, which enable them to

aboveNew York’s Franklin D. Roosevelt (East River) Drive is a legacy of the city’s era of urban motorway construction. In many cities around the world, elevated highways in similar settings are taken down to allow for public access to urban waterfronts.Philipp Rode

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Development, suggests that integrated concepts need to be the condition for co-financing. In the UK, the City Challenge and Single Regeneration Budget schemes required cities to bid for resources for regeneration projects, and made partnership working a pre-condition for funding. In many cases, this made a profound and lasting difference to inter-agency working.

Lead from the top: integrated plans are important; integrated planning – the process of working across departmental and professional boundaries – is critical too. One senior New York official observed, “you never get the water people, the roads people and the housing people to sit down together and plan things of their own volition, because they are too busy running things.” Especially where it is not feasible to create single agencies, city governments can establish formal and informal networks that mimic the integrated behaviour of single agencies. The

short-term transaction costs of integration can quickly be outweighed by the benefits it brings.

Senior managers and politicians need to take on the responsibility of making integration work, so that professionals in individual departments feel able openly to share problems, information and solutions, rather than defending their policy territory.

Ensure deliverability through enforcement and negotiation: several Indian interviewees commented on the futility of developing plans that simply declared existing development illegal, without any means of enforcing change. This is liable to strip plans, however carefully crafted, of their credibility. P. V. Ravi observed that “unless the city owns both the planning process and the implementation of it, we will never get a solution.”

But effective planning is about negotiation as well as enforcement. In London, for example, the mayor’s power to refuse planning applications

belowChowpatty Beach in Mumbai embodies the city’s inclusive public life, providing leisure space for people living in very high density neighbourhoods.Jehangir Sorabjee

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is rarely used; most issues are resolved through pre-application discussion and negotiation, rather than through the use of the power itself.

Improve working relationships between politicians and professionals: land-use and transport planning are not ends in themselves; they are disciplines designed to shape a city’s development. In many countries, there is a legacy of mistrust between politicians and planners, which is frustrating for all parties. Ramesh Ramanathan commented that bureaucrats in India suffer from “very little authority, very high expectations, huge human resource challenges, too much political interference.” Hilmar von Lojewski, Head of Urban Planning and Projects at the Berlin Senate Department for Urban Development, suggested that giving professionals a “political mandate” was the top priority.

While it is important for politicians to lead and champion a vision for their cities, planners must

IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY

also be outward-looking. They must demonstrate the value to politicians of integrated city planning, of urban design and of making great places for people. Peter Bishop, Director of Design for London, identified politicians’ lack of interest in the built environment as “one of the truly sad things” about Design for London’s work.

Involve civil society: city-shaping is not just the preserve of the professional and political classes. Successful plans are those that engage with the diverse stakeholders within a city, from private developers, to community groups, to non-governmental organisations. Through involving these stakeholders early and consistently in the planning process, city authorities can develop plans that command consent, and also reflect the contribution that different elements of society can make.

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MumbaiGautam Adhikari, Editor, Daily News and AnalysisUma Adusumili, Chief, Planning Division, Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development AuthorityAshok Bal, Deputy Chairman, Mumbai Port TrustPranai Prabhakar, Chief Public Relations Officer, Western Railways, Government of IndiaR. A. Rajeev, Additional Municipal Commissioner, Brihanmumbai Municipal CorporationVikas Sharma, Senior Planner, LEA AssociatesS. Sriraman, Professor of Transport Economics, Mumbai UniversityD. M. Suthankar, Former Commissioner, Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation Sanjay Ubale, Secretary Special Projects, Government of Maharashtra

DelhiSheila Dikshit, Chief Minister of DelhiShreekant Gupta, Professor of Economics, Delhi UniversityK. Jagmohan, Opposition Leader, BJPA. K. Jain, Commissioner, Planning, Delhi Development Authority, Government of IndiaRakesh Mehta, Principal Secretary, Energy, Government of DelhiDinesh Rai, Vice-Chairman, Delhi Development Authority, Government of IndiaE. Sreedharan, Chairman and Managing Director, Delhi Metro Rail CorporationPankaj Vohra, Political Editor, Hindustan Times

KolkataP. R. Baviskar, Chief Executive Officer, Kolkata Metropolitan Development AgencyBikash Ranjan Bhattacharya, Mayor of KolkataT. Bhattacharya, Chair, Centre for Human Settlement Planning, Jadavpur University Manas Ranjan Bhunia, Opposition Leader, Congress, West BengalSumantra Chowdhury, Secretary of Transport, Government of West BengalS. K. Chaudhary, Executive Director and Regional Chief, HUDCO, West BengalA. K. Ghosh, Director, Centre for Environment and Development, KolkataRavindra Kumar, Editor, The Statesman

BangaloreH. B. Mukunda, Director, Town Planning, Government of KarnatakaSubir Hari Singh, Principal Secretary, Housing Department, Government of KarnatakaK. Jai Raj, Commissioner, Bangalore Mahanagara PalikeA. V. S. Namboodiri, Editor, Deccan HeraldK. R. Veerendra Nath, Joint Director of Town Planning, Bangalore Metropolitan Region Development AuthorityRamesh Ramanathan, Co-Founder, Janaagraha Centre for Citizenship and Democracy, BangaloreG. R. Reddy, Regional Chief, Housing and Urban Development Corporation, HUDCO, KarnatakaP. V. Ravi, Chief Executive Officer, Infrastructure and Development Corporation Karnataka LimitedLakshmi Venkatachalam, Principal Secretary, Urban Development, Government of Karnataka

LondonPeter Bishop, Director, Design for LondonPeter Hall, Bartlett Professor of Planning and Regeneration, University College LondonPeter Hendy, Commissioner, Transport for LondonGraham King, Head, City Planning, Westminster City CouncilManny Lewis, Chief Executive Officer, London Development AgencyStuart Lipton, Deputy Chairman, Chelsfield Partners and former Chairman, Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment (Cabe)Fred Manson, former Planning Director, London Borough of Southwark John Ross, Director of Economic and Business Policy, Greater London AuthorityPeter Wynne Rees, City Planning Officer, Corporation of LondonIrving Yass, Policy Adviser, London First

New YorkKate Ascher, Executive Vice President, New York Economic Development Corporation Amanda M. Burden, Chair, City Planning Commission and Director, Department of City Planning, New York CityKen Patton, Director, Real Estate Institute and the Klara and Larry Silverstein Professor of Real Estate, New York UniversityChris Ward, former Commissioner, Department of Environmental Protection, New York City Carl Weisbrod, President, Real Estate Division for Trinity Church and Board Member, Lower Manhattan Development Corporation, New York

BerlinJan Eder, Managing Director, Berlin Chamber of Commerce and Industry (IHK Berlin)Franziska Eichstädt-Bohlig, Opposition Leader, Bündnis 90/Die GrünenChristian Gaebler, Speaker, SPD Parliamentary Group, Berlin Senate Klaus J. Beckmann, Director, German Institute of Urban Affairs (Difu), BerlinIngeborg Junge-Reyer, Senator for Urban Development, BerlinFriedemann Kunst, Director, Transport Planning, Senate Department for Urban Development, BerlinEngelbert Lütke Daldrup, State Secretary, German Federal Ministry for Transport, Building and Urban Affairs Felix Pohl, Director, Planning, S-Bahn Berlin GmbHHilmar von Lojewski, Head, Urban Planning and Projects, Senate Department for Urban Development, Berlin

JohannesburgPhilip Harrison, Executive Director, Development, Planning and Urban Management, City of JohannesburgBhutana Mhlanga, Policy and Coordination, Department of Environment and Planning, City of JohannesburgSamantha Naidu, Director, Management Support, Housing Department, City of JohannesburgAlfred Sam, Director, Transportation Planning and Regulation, City of Johannesburg

LIST OF INTERvIEWS

Note: listed are only the main interviewees regardless whether meetings were attended by more than one key stakeholder or expert. All positions and organisations refer to the time when interviews where conducted in 2007.

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Variegated density distributions (illustrated below in numbers of people living in a km2) are present in all cities analysed – from the relatively dispersed and flat density diagram of London (partially a consequence of its early expanding rail system) to the mountainous peaks of high density in Mumbai (one of the densest cities in the world). Bangalore and Kolkata are similarly dense to Mumbai while only some very concentrated parts of New York come close. Delhi occupies a much larger area, resulting in a lower average but equally high peaks. The ability of Indian cities to accommodate such high numbers of people in relatively confined areas – albeit many are living in substandard conditions – provides a significant point of comparison in the current debate on urban sustainability and the impact of a city’s footprint on energy consumption and climate change.

TRANSPORT AND DENSITY

Infrastructure for mass transit, whether metro, trains or buses as well as for private vehicles has had an enormous impact on the patterns of urban growth with long-lasting effects on land-use, densities and the residential distribution of different social groups. Urban rail which is shown below outranks all other forms of travel in terms of its capacity to move vast numbers of passengers throughout a metropolitan region, and its footprint requires relatively small amounts of urban land. New York, London and Berlin all have an extensive system of urban rail. These cities were able to invest in mass transit earlier on, developing their networks over a century. Cities in less economically developed regions have suffered from under-investment, where transport infrastructure has not been able to keep pace with rapid urbanisation.

Chatrapathi Shivaji Railway Terminus

Trafalgar Square

APPENDIx

LondonLondon is the least densely populated city amongst the eight case studies. Its peak density remains far below 20,000 people per km2. Greater London’s average is about 4,700 pers./km2. At the same time, London features one of the most extensive rail systems worldwide. Its underground system measures 408 km in length, and regional rail within a 70 by 70 km area surpasses 1,300 km.

MumbaiThe territorial constraints of this island city have created unusually high urban densities. Within the city limits, the average density surpasses the mark of 27,000 people per km2 – a figure that rises to well above 50,000 people per km2 (if one only takes the built-up area into account). With 300 km, Mumbai’s suburban rail system is the most extensive on the subcontinent.

APPENDIx

right columnTransport Infrastructure70 by 70 km

Intercity railRegional railUnderground/MetroPlanned extensions

Built-up area Open space

Administrative city

left columnPopulation Density [pers/km2]100 by 100 km

0 – 4,0004,000 – 8,0008,000 –12,00012,000 –20,00020,000 and over

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Connaught Circus

Hawrah Bridge

Mahatma Gandhi Park

DelhiAccounting for Delhi’s lower average population density is a legacy of parks and low rise residential developments. Nevertheless, Delhi’s density peaks are similar to Mumbai’s and its average density of 9,340 people per km2 is still very high by international standards. Delhi introduced its metro system only a few years ago, it currently operates three lines on a 56 km network.

KolkataFor long, Kolkata has been amongst the high-density mega cities in the world and until today, it has kept its compact urban form. Kolkata opened the first part of its 16.5 km underground line in the early 1980s. The city is also amongst the few in India where trams have not been abandoned.

BangaloreBangalore’s expansion almost entirely relied on road infrastructure. The tremendous urban explosion unleashed by the information technology boom has left planners struggling to cope with the pace of development. The city does currently not have a metro system.

Intercity railRegional railUnderground/MetroPlanned extensions

Built-up area Open space

Administrative city

outer columnTransport Infrastructure70 by 70 km

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Central Park

Brandenburg Gate

Downtown

New YorkNew York is by far the densest amongst the western Urban Age cities. With an average density of about 9,500 people per km2 it is similar to Delhi‘s. Manhattan features the highest density levels with peaks of more than 50,000 people per km2. The city’s subway expands over a network of 390 km and regional rail within 70 by 70 km to about 580 km.

BerlinBerlin is only slightly denser than London reaching a peak of about 22,000 people per km2. Still, it is considered a compact city that has leapfrogged extensive suburbanisation due to its particular history. Berlin features a high degree of land-use and transport integration with its U- and S-Bahn system extending over 475 km.

JohannesburgA legacy of its apartheid regime, Johannesburg’s dispersed pattern of urban development has led to unusual density distributions. Although the city has relied on urban rail for many decades, private cars and a fleet of unregulated 12,500 privately run collective taxis have become the dominant form of transport.

APPENDIx

0 – 4,0004,000 – 8,0008,000 –12,00012,000 –20,00020,000 and over

inner columnPopulation Density [pers/km2]100 by 100 km

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GOvERNANCE STRUCTURESThe following charts are illustrative indications of how government structures are organised in the eight Urban Age cities and how transport and spatial planning powers are assigned. They are intentionally designed to give a crude impression of how the basic patterns of responsibilities are organised within each of these cities, identifying some of the key functions carried out at central, state and local government level. While they offer a useful comparative overview they are not intended to give an accurate account of the detailed systems of accountability which can only be explained comprehensively on a case-by-case basis.

MumbaiMumbai’s government involves interventions at national, state and local levels. The national government has a number of powerful departments that provide services and resources for the city. There is a powerful level of state government, headed by a Chief Minister, which operates many services within the city.

DelhiAs a city–state and the national capital of India, Delhi has its own state government although National Government maintains crucial powers. In contrast with most urban areas of the country, the state government controls neither the municipality nor the development authority.

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KolkataKolkata’s government is an amalgam of functions at the national, state (West Bengal) and local level, but with a difference. Unlike other major cities in India, Kolkata operates a Mayor-in-Council (MIC) governance system.

BangaloreGovernance in Bangalore is similar to that in Mumbai with a powerful State Government operating (via line departments as well as para-statals) many city services such as roads, housing, education, health, environmental services and policing.

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Streets, Sidewalks, Bicycle Paths, Road Repairs

LondonLondon’s government operates within a relatively centralised, unitary state. Several central departments have responsibilities within the city. The Mayor of London is the elected executive for a number of major city-wide services, notably public transport and spatial planning.

New YorkNew York City’s government operates within a legislative framework determined at state level (the federal state of New York). Within its powers, the city is powerful by international standards, with the Mayor of New York one of the most important politicians in the United States. Local legislation is the responsibility of the City Council.

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JohannesburgSouth Africa’s new constitution regards the different levels of governance as spheres and aims to avoid any hierarchical structures. The country’s three-tier system assigns key powers to the city level with an executive mayor. Transport powers are most pronounced at the province (state) level where strategic projects are being administered.

BerlinBerlin’s city government is an element within Germany’s highly devolved federal system. The city is one of three in Germany that are simultaneously a Land (State) and a municipality. The Berlin senate is, therefore, an immensely powerful institution. Uniquely amongst the eight cities, Berlin and Germany merge powers for spatial planning and transport in one department.

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Urban Age BoardRicky Burdett, Director, Urban Age, LSEPhilipp Rode, Executive Director, Urban Age, LSEWolfgang Nowak, Managing Director, AHSUte Weiland, Deputy Director, AHS Bruce Katz, Vice President & Director, Metropolitan Policy Progam, Brookings Institution, Washington DCAndy Altman, Deputy Mayor, Philadephia

Executive GroupRicky Burdett, Director, Urban Age, LSEPhilipp Rode, Executive Director, Urban Age, LSEUte Weiland, Deputy Director, AHS

Staff London School of Economics andPolitical Science/ Urban Age, Cities ProgrammePamela Puchalski, Projects CoordinatorKay Kitazawa, Research Associate Mira Krusteff, Programme AssistantAdam Kaasa, Programme AssistantRichard Simpson, ResearcherChristos Konstantinou, ResearcherNatznet Tesfay, Researcher

Staff Alfred Herrhausen Society, The International Forum of Deutsche BankJessica Barthel, Project Manager Christiane Timmerhaus, Events and Publications Manager Priya Shankar, Project Manager

rightMumbai’s extensive urban rail system is the city’s backbone and makes use of its linear geography. Overcrowded trains with each up to 5,000 passengers penetrate deep into the core of the city, moving about 6.4 million people daily.Chirodeep Chaudhuri

Advisory BoardRichard Sennett (Co-chair), Professor of Sociology, LSE & MITDeyan Sudjic (Co-chair), Director, Design Museum, LondonDavid Adjaye, Architect, Adjaye Associates, LondonSophie Body-Gendrot, Director, Center for Urban Studies, Sorbonne, ParisAmanda M. Burden, Chair, City Planning Commission and Director, Department of City Planning, New York CityYung Ho Chang, Head of Department of Architecture, MIT, Cambridge, MAXiangming Chen, Dean and Director, Center for Urban and Global Studies, Trinity College, Hartford, CTJoan Clos, Mayor of Barcelona 1997 to 2006, from 2006 Minister of Industry, Tourism and Trade, SpainCharles Correa, Architect, Charles Correa AssociatesFrank Duffy, Architect, DEGW, LondonGerald Frug, Louis D. Brandeis Professor of Law, Harvard University, Cambridge, MANiall Hobhouse, Governor, LSE and member of Urban Age Steering CommitteeGareth Jones, Senior Lecturer in Development Geography, LSEHermann Knoflacher, Professor of Transport Planning and Traffic Engineering, Vienna University of TechnologyRem Koolhaas, Architect, Office for Metropolitan Architecture, RotterdamDieter Läpple, Professor of Urban & Regional Economics, HafenCity University, HamburgMurray Low, Lecturer in Human Geography, LSEGuy Nordenson, Professor of Structural Engineering, Princeton University and Engineer, Guy Nordenson and AssociatesEnrique Peñalosa, former Mayor of BogotáAnne Power, Professor of Social Policy, LSEHashim Sarkis, Aga Khan Professor of Landscape Architecture & Urbanism, Harvard University, Cambridge, MASaskia Sassen, Lynd Professor of Sociology, Committee on Global Thought, Columbia University, New York and Centennial Visiting Professor, LSEEdward Soja, Professor, LSE and University of California, Los AngelesMichael Storper, Centennial Professor of Economic Geography, LSEGeetam Tiwari, Chair and Associate Professor, TRIPP, Civil Engineering Department, Indian Institute of Technology, DelhiTony Travers, Director, Greater London Group, LSELawrence Vale, Ford Professor of Urban & Environmental Planning, MIT, Cambridge, MAAnthony Williams, former Mayor, Washington DCAlejandro Zaera-Polo, Architect, Foreign Office Architects, LondonSiegfried Zhiqiang Wu, Dean and Professor, College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji University, Shanghai

URBAN AGE TEAM

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