does traditional islamic malav literature malay hikayat literature

10
't ) latul ltnatl 288. Ihid. 289. See hi.s articlc, "Sukscsi itu Surrrrrtull.rlt," Sntra Maslid, no.2JJ (Fcbru.rry 1994), pp. 17-8. Similar rssessrllcnw can bc rcad in his articlc, 'Sukscsi 1988: Srr.rtu Keharusan," Media Dahulab, nct.237 (March 1994), pp. 34-5. 290. See Alfian,'Pancasila dan Perubahan Masyarakat" in his book, PoirtiA, Kebudayaan dan Manusia Indonesia (akarta: LP3ES, 1980), pp. 104-33. 291. Johns, "Indonesia," p.224. 292. See Safroedin Bahar,'Pancasila Sebagai Ideologi Dalam Kehidupan Pertahanan Keamanan," in Oetojo Oesman et. a1., eds., Pancasila Sebagai ltleologi (akarta: BP 7 Pusat, 1991), p.350. 293. Moerdiono (State Secretary) wrote an ardcle on rhe mawer, entitled "Pancasila Sebagai Ideologi Terbuka," in Oesman et. al., eds., Pancasila Selragai ldeologi, pp.397-42r. 294. Jakana Post, April 23,1993. Faisal Ismail is a lecrurer ar tbe State Institute for Islamic Studies (l A I N) Sunan Kalij aga, Yo gnkarta- Eduin \Vierinsa Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature Contain Shi'itic Elements? 'Ali and FAtimah in Malay Hikayat Literature Abstraksi: Banyah, ahli tentang sastrd Melayu klasik berpen dapat bahwa pengaruh Persiz dikeabui cukup besar terhadap wstra Melayu tradisional. Halini terlihat dari sejumlah teks-teks sastra Melayuyang sangatpopuler, sePerti Hikayat Bakhtiar, Hikayat Amir Hamzah,Hikayat Muham- mad Hanafiyah dan Kitab Seribu Masalah yangdiketahui rnerupakan semdcdm adaptasi atau bahhan terjemahan langsung dari teks-tehs Per- sia. Persoalan pokoh yang ingin diangkat tulisan ini adalah; apakah terdapatnya pengaruh Persia dalarn sastra Melayu klasik itu sekaligus rnerupakan indikzsi dari pengaruh Syi'ah terhadap Islarn Sunni yang berkembang sejak sernula di Nusantara? Persoalan hubungan antara pengaruh sastra Persia dalarn sastra Melayu tradisional dengan tersebarnya pengarub Syi'ab di Indonesia sebenarnya telah pernah dibahas beberapa ahli, termasuk di antaranya adalah Baroroh Baried dari Universiras Gadjab Mada, Yogyakarra. Teupi, menurut lVieringa, tulisan Bariedyang brjudul "Sbi'ab Elentents in Malay Literature" (Unsur-unsur Syi'ab dalam Sastra Melayu) rnasih belum mdmpu secard mryakinkan membuktikan adanya korelasi yang kuat di dntdla kedua hal di atas. Ini terutalnd sebab Baried sendiri rnendasarkan tulisannya pada katalog-katalog manuskrip larna, yang bersifat urnLtm. Dan, harena itu, tidak cukup rnernadai untuk nengasuTnsikan pengaruh Syi'ah di bagian tertentu Kepulauan Nusantara dalartt periode rcrtentu pttla. ,,1rtiA'cl irri rrtutc,tl,d ,t(ilglr(1ii rtlang !entang pengaruh Syi'ah di 'rj ',ttu|'il'li',',Lt t,,l |,'\',, I lttt. \tnltalrl,ttttL.r. l,/ '.\'. , //,,.

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Page 1: Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature Malay Hikayat Literature

't ) latul ltnatl

288. Ihid.289. See hi.s articlc, "Sukscsi itu Surrrrrtull.rlt," Sntra Maslid, no.2JJ (Fcbru.rry 1994),

pp. 17-8. Similar rssessrllcnw can bc rcad in his articlc, 'Sukscsi 1988: Srr.rtu

Keharusan," Media Dahulab, nct.237 (March 1994), pp. 34-5.290. See Alfian,'Pancasila dan Perubahan Masyarakat" in his book, PoirtiA,

Kebudayaan dan Manusia Indonesia (akarta: LP3ES, 1980), pp. 104-33.

291. Johns, "Indonesia," p.224.292. See Safroedin Bahar,'Pancasila Sebagai Ideologi Dalam Kehidupan Pertahanan

Keamanan," in Oetojo Oesman et. a1., eds., Pancasila Sebagai ltleologi (akarta:BP 7 Pusat, 1991), p.350.

293. Moerdiono (State Secretary) wrote an ardcle on rhe mawer, entitled "Pancasila

Sebagai Ideologi Terbuka," in Oesman et. al., eds., Pancasila Selragai ldeologi,

pp.397-42r.294. Jakana Post, April 23,1993.

Faisal Ismail is a lecrurer ar tbe State Institute for Islamic Studies (l A I N)Sunan Kalij aga, Yo gnkarta-

Eduin \Vierinsa

Does Traditional Islamic Malav LiteratureContain Shi'itic Elements? 'Ali and FAtimah inMalay Hikayat Literature

Abstraksi: Banyah, ahli tentang sastrd Melayu klasik berpen dapat bahwapengaruh Persiz dikeabui cukup besar terhadap wstra Melayu tradisional.Halini terlihat dari sejumlah teks-teks sastra Melayuyang sangatpopuler,sePerti Hikayat Bakhtiar, Hikayat Amir Hamzah,Hikayat Muham-mad Hanafiyah dan Kitab Seribu Masalah yangdiketahui rnerupakansemdcdm adaptasi atau bahhan terjemahan langsung dari teks-tehs Per-sia.

Persoalan pokoh yang ingin diangkat tulisan ini adalah; apakahterdapatnya pengaruh Persia dalarn sastra Melayu klasik itu sekaligusrnerupakan indikzsi dari pengaruh Syi'ah terhadap Islarn Sunni yangberkembang sejak sernula di Nusantara?

Persoalan hubungan antara pengaruh sastra Persia dalarn sastraMelayu tradisional dengan tersebarnya pengarub Syi'ab di Indonesiasebenarnya telah pernah dibahas beberapa ahli, termasuk di antaranyaadalah Baroroh Baried dari Universiras Gadjab Mada, Yogyakarra.Teupi, menurut lVieringa, tulisan Bariedyang brjudul "Sbi'ab Elententsin Malay Literature" (Unsur-unsur Syi'ab dalam Sastra Melayu) rnasihbelum mdmpu secard mryakinkan membuktikan adanya korelasi yangkuat di dntdla kedua hal di atas. Ini terutalnd sebab Baried sendirirnendasarkan tulisannya pada katalog-katalog manuskrip larna, yangbersifat urnLtm. Dan, harena itu, tidak cukup rnernadai untuknengasuTnsikan pengaruh Syi'ah di bagian tertentu KepulauanNusantara dalartt periode rcrtentu pttla.

,,1rtiA'cl irri rrtutc,tl,d ,t(ilglr(1ii rtlang !entang pengaruh Syi'ah di

'rj ',ttu|'il'li',',Lt t,,l |,'\',, I lttt.\tnltalrl,ttttL.r. l,/ '.\'. , //,,.

Page 2: Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature Malay Hikayat Literature

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l''l usan tara da n gd n, t e t il pe rt i n t l u rt gharT t t n sur - u r s, r d t d, lx, r & t r t r /.r \ t s ! t.aPersia dalam sastrd.Melayu hlasih. tJntuh hepentingat, i),r, panuli,rn_em us at kan pe n t b ab asan pada ko nn o I o gi y an g t * dopot do I o t n klik ay atNur Muhammad; dan rnelihat pula prionon yang innoinkan ,Ali

danFati rn ah da I arn I ircr atur hi hay at M e ky u. p

e n' u I i s" ke m udi an rn ern b ah a spraktek'praktek heagarnaan yang biasa dirakuhan kaum Muslirn syi,ah,s.eryni pelngatan hari Asyura, yang juga umum dipraktekkan beibagaike|ompok masyarakat Mustim iunii dl Nusantara.

Kosmologi sastra Melayu yang dibahas penulis di sini adalah yangterdapat dalam Hikayat Nur Muham mai, sebuah teks yang aiitaiisebagai diterjemahkan dari bahasapersia Dalam hikavat iii aiceriakantentang bagaimana Nur Muhamrnad yang dicipukan Allah dalarnbentuk yang sudah dirnanusiautihan, persinya ialam bentuk burungyang mernbuat dunia tercipta tatkala tittton air menetes dari tubuhnyi.l3ria rcn^ng "burung" inilah diadaptasi dararn sas*a Merayu sebigai'buru.ng pingai", ldng rnerupakan'citra dari ,,ruh Tuhari,,. Dalarnk.onteks ini, penulis kernudian membahas kedudukan'hur,, kohoy)dalarn pan dan gan Syi'ah.

salah saru argulnen yang paring rnenarik dari artiker ini adarahte.ltlngdpdydngdisebutpenulissebagai "de-syi'ahisasi"literaturhikayatdi dunia Melayu. Meiurut prrrlir, serirub riteratur htikayat di\11sary1ra-lang sebagiannya diperygaruhi sastra persia itu- agaknyadi h a si I kan pada rn as a-m asa'au al' k lim i sas i. Ke n apa de m i ki an ? karen acentaterita yan g terdapat dalam bikayat-hikayat tersebut san gat menarikbagi orang-ordrg Melay.u yang bari *^ri hlam. popul)r.iri ,artro

lylaltu ya,ng dlpengaruhi sasia persia ini sernakin m)ningk)t ketika

I-stam netakukan penetrasi lebih luas di Nusantara; rnelilui bahasa(, ! o.l r,.

1 ot tr a y an g dipe n gar wh i un s ur - un,s ur p er si a ter s e b ut m e n y e bar

dalarn literatur Nusan^ra lainnya yang rnenggunakan bahasa Aceh,Minangkabau, Jawa, Sasak, Sunda, Makisar, Bf,gis ddn lain_lain.

T:top! *kry perkembangan lebih lanjut, Eetihn hikayi_iikayattersebut diabadikan dakrn bentuk naskah, kirausnya sejak ab'ad 19, rnakayrii'/1tat "dc'syi'ahisasi." yxr\ Me layu tersebut. Hasi lnya, tidak ianyaklagi "pmgaruh syi'ah'dalam literatir sastra Melayu secara keseruruhan.Mlsllnya saia, 'Ali bisa yyay.saja.disanjung, ndTnun ,(Jrnar yangs.ebelumnya dikutuk, kini tida| kgt dlg*niarkin begitu negatif. Bahkanhut.ukan-terhadap '(Jmar dibuar{ doi ,ortro Metayi. Den {on"dennihianterjadi "netralisasi" ,rtur-urrui Syi,ah, sehingga hawrt ilusltn Sunnidi Nusantarapada urnurnnya tidai ragi ,rterrtpr.lnyai ht,heratan terhadappen garuh Persia terse hn.

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Page 4: Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature Malay Hikayat Literature

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ersian influence in knowrr to have had a largc inrplct upon traditional Ma|ay literature. Many popular Malay texts, such as

the Hikayat Bakhtiar, Hikayat Arnir Harnzah, HikayatM ub amm ad H an afi1ry ab, and Kiab Seribu Masalah to n ame only a few,are known to be adaptations or direct translations of Persian texts.lBy common consent it is believed that this Persian influence did have

an Indian origin. One assumes that (southern) India was the possiblesource of early Indonesian Islam.2

One of the earliest works of Malay literature, and accordingto Brakel possibly the oldest Malay hikayat, is the HikayatMuhammad Hanafi1ryah. Its translation from Persian into Malay may,as Brakel argues, well have taken place not much later than the (middleof the) fourteenth century.3 The story tells about Hasan and Husaynand the drama of Karbela, and in addition describes, purely legendary,howMuhammad ibn a|-Hanafiyyah takesvengeance for his two half-brothers, defeats Yazid and helps Zayn al: Abidin to the throne. Thepart about Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah is truly a hikayat, but thefirst part may be styled a maqtal (maktel), a technical term for (a texton) the slaying of Husayn at Karbela. It is known thatMalay hikayatwere meant to be recited and perhap s the Hikayat MuhammadHanafi1ryab was once connected with the Ashura rituals. The HikayatMuhammad Hanafiyyah was not only received into Malay literatureat an early period, but it has remained popular a long time since. Inthe second half of the nineteenth century it was even one of the best-sellers of the indigenous press.a This raises questions about the devel-opment of Indonesian Islam because the Hikayat MuharnmadHanafi1ryah is a Shi'itic text of the more extreme kind, whereas Indo-nesia Islam is Sunnite.

Can we perhaps find more traces of Shi'ism in traditional Malayliterature besides the Hikayat Muhammad Hanafi1ryah? To examinethis question I propose to look at the roles of 'Ali and Fitimah inMalay hikayat literature, about whom quite a few stories exisr.s Re-search into this matter, however, is severely hampered by the dearthof reliable text editions. The necessary philological Vorarbeiren arestill lacking which means that one has to turn to the 'raw', untreatedmaterials in the form of manuscripts and lithographed editions. Themost recent publication on 'Shi'ah elements in Malay lirerature', Iknow of, written by Baroroh Baried, is based upon synopses in oldermanuscript catalogues and therefore could only be of a general na-ture.t'The rather bold conclusion, however, which was drawn by

another scholars, basing himself upon Baroroh Baried's article, that"the scattered evidence, mostly in works of partly entertaining and

partly moralizing character, was not enough to assume any majorShi'i influence or period in any part of the Malaysian archipelago"needs to be modified, as I hope to make clear in the following pages.T

First I will discuss the cosmology Hikayat Nur Mubammad andthen I will look at the roles played by 'Ali and FAtimah in hikaytliterature, i.e. (1) 'Ali and Fltimah as a poor pious couple; (2) FXtimahas the ideal woman; (3) 'Ali as the master of religious knowledge (as

opposed to the stupidity of 'Umar), and (a) 'Ali as the victoriouswarrior. Thereafter Iwill examine the stories about'Alt and FXtimahagainst the wider background of a 'de-Shi'itization' of IndonesianIslam. For the sake of completeness it should be noted that there is ofcourse more to Malay literature than hikayar. The reason why I have

limited my research to bikayat, is because other texts in which 'Aliand Fitimah appear, seem to be of a more obscure nature, dealingwith magic and eroticism/mysticism.8

Cosmogonyz the Hikayat Nur MubdmmddThe Hihayat Nur Mubammad ('Story of the Mystic Light of

Muhammad'), a text claimed to be translated from Persian,e tells howthe Mystic Light of Muhammad, created by Alllh in the anthropo-morphized for of a glorious bird, brings the whole world into exist-ence from drops of water which fall from its body. It seems that theidea of the Islamic glorious bird could easily be adapted with olderMalay concepts about the'pure bird' Burungpingai), which was an

image of the (divine) spirit.lo Interestingll, w€ find a very similarliquid theory in Bengali Islamic syncretistic literature where it is like-wise told that Nur Muhammad shook his body, at the instance ofAlleh, to produce 124,000 drops oozing out of it, which gave birth to124,000 prophets. In the same manner other drops, trickling out ofthe different parts of. Nur Muhammad.'s body, resulted in the creationof various objects and spirits.ll

The Malay story exists as an independent hikayat, but it is also

included as a preamble in some versions of Hikayat MuhamrnadHanafi1ryah , the Hikayat Syahi Merdan, and r.he Tambo Minan gkabau.The oldest manuscript known of the Hikayat Nur Muharnrnad (inLampung script i.e. from Southern Sumatra) was donated to theBodleian Library (Oxford) in 163012 the story runs briefly as fol-lows: from thc Mystic t.ight Allih made a slorious bird which hrd

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Page 5: Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature Malay Hikayat Literature

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lbr its hcrd 'Ali, lor its cyes llrrs.rrr.rnd I luslyn, lirr its rrcck lritirnrthfor its arms Abu Bakr and'umar, for is tail 'Uthmin, for is brcast

Hamzah, for is back 'AbbAs, and for its legs'Aishah and Khadijah.rrThen Allih gave seven seas to the Mystic Light of Muhammad , thesea of knowledge, the sea of kindness, the sea of patience, the sea ofintelligence, the sea of thought, the sea of mercy, and the sea of light.The Mystic Light had to swim in each of those seas for 10,000 years.

When the glorious bird came out of the seas, Alllh ordered it toshake its body and from the 124,000 drops of water that fell from it,L24,000 prophets were created. In the same manner other dropsbrought into existence the Apostles, the Archangels, the Pen and thePreserved Tablet, the Throne and the heavens, the sun and the moon,winds, water and fire, the tree of life and the tuba tree, the seal ofSulayman and the rod of M0sA. Then the four elements who weretaught their right place by the Light. The dispositions of men arethose of the four elements.

Shi'ah is the Muslim sect that has made the utmost use of light.According to Shi'ah, the ahl al-bayr belong to an eternal line of cho-sen persons on whom Alllh bestowed His light.la In the HikayatNurMuharnmad the most important parts of the glorious bird are all rep-resented by the ahl al-bayt: 'Ali is its head, Hasan and Husayn its eyes

and Fitimah its neck. Typically, in the oldest manuscript'Ali is calledcommander of the faithful, a honorary title which is given to him byhis Shi'ite followers.15 According to Shi'ah doctrine this title was be-stowed on him by AllAh before the creation of Adam.l6

In a version which was summarizedby Winstedt we find for theneck of the glorious bird FXtimah the Syrian instead of Fltimah, thedaughter of the Prophet.l/ This is an inreresring slip of the pen, be-cause Fltimah the Syrian plays a role in another srory aboutMuhammad's primordial substance as light. The mistake can, I think,be traced back to Brakel's version of the Hikayat Muhammad Ha-nafiyryah, which opens with the legendary history of the ProphetMuhammad till the beginning of his mission. This version was usedby Winstedt for his summary of.rhe Hikayat Muhammad Hanaf.1ryah.r8After the opening story about the creation of the Prophetic Light,version has the story of Fitimah the Syrian. She was a rich Syrianwoman who was well versed in the Tazarat, and hence knew that thebirth of the Final Propher was imminent. She wanted ro become themother of the Prophet and therefore she searched his prospectivefather who would be recognizable by the light on his forehead. She

lbund a man in Mcccl, c.rllcd'Abd Alllh, who;rnswcred the descrip-

tion, and offered herself in marriage to him. 'Abd Allah, however,

slept with Aminah, after which he iost his former radiance. When he

returned to Fltimah, she rejected him as he was no longer interestingto her, and went back to Syria.

According to Brakel the story of Fitimah the Syrian seems to be

based on a tradition contained in the Sirah ol Ibn IshXq where thewoman in question is anonymous.le Brakel furthermore suggests thatthe name FXtimah may point to Shi'ite influence, but this is in myopinion too far-fetched. There are quite a few Arabic stories about a

'woman who wanted 'Abd AllAh's light and the name Fltimah theSyrian may be based on traditions which state that she was Fitimahbint Murr.rc The story is also known in Javanese where the womanis called Patimah Sami (Fltimah the Syrian') and where 'Abd Allihis presented as the son of the King of Medina. Both in Malay and in

Javanese the story of Fltimah the Syrian is an episode in a HikayatNabi, a body of legends dealing with the Prophet.2l

The Poverty of 'Ali and FitimahMany hadith speak of the poverty of the household of 'Ali and

FAtimah. Modern historians limit its duration to the first years oftheir marriage, but in legends the poverty of 'Ali and FXtimah is pic-tured as an enduring situation which is intimately connected withtheir piety and detachment from worldly goods. In the Hikayar AliKatain dengan Fatirnah ('Story of the marriage of 'Ali and FAtimah'),already immediately after the marriage ceremony'Ali cannot givehis wife anything to eat. V'hen he has earned some money, he gives itaway to beggars. In the end, however, he is miraculously rewardedby Alllh.

In the Hikayat Sultan lbrahim, a story about the famous S0fiIbrAhim ibn Adham, an exemplary story is included about patience:

once upon a time the Prophet went to FAtimah's house, taking a

friend with him. Fltimah at first did not want to open the door,because she had nothing to put on save one garment. The Prophetthen gave his shawl to FAtimah, who put it on. The Prophet and hisfriend thereupon entered Fitimah's house, but it was bare, andFXtimah sat there in silence, with bowed head. The Prophet spoke:"O *y daughter, bear patiently this situation with its suffering. InHeaven yor-r will attain to greatness and riches, because this world isthe mrrkct lirr thc hcrcaftcr."2ll

\n,lttl'ltt'rtl,t.l,/ t \" r i'r'

llaut' Ahlty I tleuture

\tu,lit I'lttttrkt. I r,l. i, Nr I. l')')i

Page 6: Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature Malay Hikayat Literature

Llnu ll i"t utSi,t

In the I tihayat Nabi dan Orang Miskin ("I'he story of rhe Prophetand a poor man') FAtimah is once upon a time visited by a beggingmendicant. Vhen she thinks about what ro give to rhe pooi man, shesuddenly hears the word of Allih who orders her to give the bestgarment she has to the beggar. So she does and the beggar goes ro themarket to sell the beautiful garment. When 'Llmar sees rhis, he thinksthat the beggar has stolen the garment from Fitimah and he takes irby force and gives it to the Prophet. The beggar goes ro the Prophetand complains about 'IJmar's unjust behavior. The Prophet then sells

the garment to a woman named Lady Ma'wa for a thousand ringgitand gives the money to the mendicant. Lady Ma'wa orders a slavegirl to go to Fitimah's house to give her garment back together withthree other clothes, each worth about a thousand ringgit.If FXtimahwould accept this gift, the slave girl would be free. At first Fitimahdoes not want to open her door, because she normally only opensthe door to her husband. She finally opens the door when she hearsfrom the slave girl that this has to be done in order to ser her free.Vhen Fltimah sees the gift of Ma'wa, she is upser because she thinksthat AllAh has refused her alms ro rhe mendicant. She cries bitterlyand her grief reaches the seven strata ofthe heavens and the Throneof AllAh and all creatures weep hearing Fltimah cry ro Allih. ThenAllAh sends Gabriel to rhe Prophet to order him to say ro Fltimahthat Alllh has accepted her alms. So he does and Fltimah stops cry-ing, accepts Ma'wa's gift and the slave girl is free.3

In Spat's lithographed Malay anthology we find a shorr srory en-titled 'The generosity of the commander of the faithful 'Uthmin'(kemurahan hati arnirulmu'rninin Uthman).2a One day 'UthmXn ibn'AffXn saw that a man in the market tried to sell a chainmail. Uponquestioning him 'Uthmln was informed that 'Ali was the owner ofthe chainmail and thar someone had already offered 71, dirham for ir.Thereupon the chainmail was pur up for auction and 'UthmAn fi-naily could buy it for 400 dirbam. 'Uthmln ordered rhe merchant tobring the money and the chainmail to Fltimah's house without let-ting it known to anyone. This was done and when Fltimah came outof her house she saw 'Ali's chainmail and some pitchers filled withdirham. She told this to 'Ali who wenr ro the Prophet to inform himabout this. At that moment Jibril, the angel of revelation, also cameto the Prophet and informed him rhat this was a deed of 'Urhnrin.The Prophet was pleased and when 'Uthmin paid his r('sl)cers ro rlrcProphet, he was askcd abotrt his dccd.'LJrhrniin ;lnswerctl rh,rr 'Ali

had sold his chainrnail only bccausc hc suffered hardship and there-

fore 'Uthmln had bought it. 'Uthmin's purpose was that 'Ali should

use the chainmail in the war and use the money to buy something

useful. The Prophet told him that Allih would reward'Uthmln inthis world and in the hereafter. Vhen 'Uthmln had returned to his

house he saw his own pitchers as well as ten other pitchers' each

filled with 4OO dirbam. On the coins was written: 'This is a gift fromthe Lord, the Compassionate, for'Uthmin ibn Affln'.

Although a dating of the story about 'Ali's harness is unknown, itprobably belongs to the early Malay hikzyat. A variant version ofihis story is known in Javanese where it is used as a brief interlude inthe Serat Yusup, a verse biography of the prophet Joseph. It is given

the title Sinom Kere ('rheSinom of the harness').5 This story is cited

in the Serat Yusup because of its equivalence to the miraculous return

of the king of Egypt's riches after he had exhausted them to buy

Joseph.26 Despite this, in my view, rather contrived argument for itsinclusion (or better perhaps: iust because of this implausible argu-

ment), I am inclined to think that in the story of Joseph this small

interlude of no more than a few verses must be a later insertion.u If itis an interpolation, it has at least a respectable age. We already en-

counter it in a manuscript from Cirebon which was copied, or possi-

bly even composed, in the Javanese year Jumadilawal 1555, i.e. late

in7633 A.D.28 The precise origins and development of the SeratYusup,

however, remain to be investigated. Pigeaud proPoses that it may be

based on a Malay model, rewritten with reference to Arabic texts.'

Fitimah, the Ideal'V'omanFltimah epitomizes the ideal woman. As we saw, she does not

care for the material benefits of life. The Hikayat Ali Kawin dengan

Fatirnah ('Story of the marriage of 'Ali and Fitimah') describes her as

exceedingly beautiful. Kings asked for her hand, but Gabriel descended

from heaven to announce that her union with 'Ali was decided bydivine decree and that Allih was to be FXtimah's uali. She is a faith-ful wife: inrhe Hikayat Fatimah Berkau'karadengan PedangAli ('Srory

of Fitimah talking with 'Ali's sabre') it is told that when she was

once suspected of having committed adultery, it turned out that she

had spoken to 'Ali's sabre Dhulfakar, asking him how many infidels'Ali had slain. The Prophet teaches her in this hikzyatas wellas in the

tli.haltat Ntl,i McnNajar Anahnya Fatintah (' Story of the Prophet teaches

his rl.rtrqlrtt'r' l;itirn,rh') ,tlrorrl thc dtrties of rt wile towrtrcls hcr lrtrsb.lnd.

t,,.1,.,1t|i,',t1, l,.l , \;.. t t"t, t.,lt.tltl.tutLt l,'l ' . t t "

Page 7: Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature Malay Hikayat Literature

lU4 l,luru ll tLttrrgt I'ltut, lltlat I ttr,/tiltr ltr'l

"rnd joincd iu nrlrrilgc wirlr.rrrotlrcr Itusl;.tud. Bclilrc thc ct>ttsr.tttttti;t-

tion of the marriagc, 'l'lrttitn was brought back by good spirits, but

his wife did not recognize him anymore' The case was brought to'I-Jmar who could not settle it. 'Ali, however, knew what had hap-

pened, and Tamim al-Dl.ri was reunited with his wife and children.a'

In the story of the ten rabbis, khaltf 'IJmar ibn al-Khattib was

once upon a time visited by ten rabbis from Khaybar who asked himall kinds of theological questions, and 'tlmar ordered to call 'Ali toanswer them. After the first set of questions had been answered, fourof the Jews embraced Islam, and when 'Alt had answered all ques-

tions about vicious men and women who were changed into ani-

mals, the other six also converted themselves to Islam. Then each ofthem put another question to 'Ali, but afier all problems had been

solved by him, they repeated the shahhdab and confessed that his was

the only just way.9In the story of Fadlun the pious Fadlun is falsely accused by a

wicked widow, whose advances he spurns, of theft and murder. The

kbalif 'rJmar considers himself obliged to sentence Fadlun to death,

but in answer to Fadiun's prayer, 'Ali comes in the twinkling of an

eyelid and reveals Fadlun's innocence by causing the widow's un-

born baby to speak as a witness.rs

'Ali as the Victorious Varrior'Ali's role as victorious warrior is expressed in Shi'ah tradition by

his heroic titles Haydar, 'the lion', Haidar'i karrar, 'the impetuous

lion' , Asad All,Ah al-Gbalib,'the lion of Alllh, the Victorious', or Sllr-i Yazdan, 'the Lion of AllAh'. In Malay his common epithet, espe-

cially of course in works with a Shi'ah coloring, is Harirnau AllAh,'the tiger of Alllh'. The word harirnau, 'tiger', here renders the Per-

sian and Arabic words for'lion', an animal which is not indigenous

in Southeast Asia.-%

In various stories it is told how'Ali defeats infidel kings and theirarmies. It is impossible to give a complete enumeration. Matthes, forexample, mentions a Macassarese story about an infidei king whoworshipped a holy tree and who was defeated by'Ali, after which he

embraced Islam. As Islamic Macassarese literature is generally based

on Malay, one would expect a Malay original for this story, but I do

not know of its existence in Malay literature.rT The following ex-

amplcs r-rrty sul'l'icc: in tltc Llikayat Raja Khandafr, 'the story of KingKhrrn<l.rk', ,r v('r'y lcr',crttl,try ronrlnce of the \W;rr <tf the Ditch, the

i",l'., ltlt,,rtLa |,'l | \" t l 1't.

'l'he name ljltimah itscll, whosc ro.t involvcs idcas,r'curtirrs rndseparation, is commonly explained as meaning that Allnh has sepa-rated her and her party from Hell. Descriptions of Fatimah's ,ole asintercessor on rhe Day ofJudgment amplify this explanarion.s In thestory about her wedding with 'Ali we read that Fitimah had requestedas her wedding gift the sins of women on rhe Day of Resurrection.This was granted to her by Alllh with the following command: 'Mybeloved makes the intercession for womankind' (Bohwa hehzsihkuitu memberi syafaat akan segalaperempuan).Firimah will be the firstperson ro enrer Paradise after the Resurrection. In the Hikzyat DarmaTasiah ('story of Darma Tasiah') and the Hikzyat sairah dan Hadi('story of sairah and Hadri') we read about pious women who hadbeen faithful to their husbands and therefori by netitnah,s blessingentered heaven.31

The rVisdom of 'Ali and the Stupidity of .UmarThe Propher once said: 'I am the city of knowledge, but 'Ali is its

gate'. In legends 'Ali is described as rhe most knowledgeable of thecompanions of Muhammad, as regards both theologiial questionsand marrers of positive law. rwe find a reflection of th"e idea that theProphet transmitred spiritual knowledge to'Ali in the HikayatNabimengajar Ali (Story of the Prophet teaches 'Ali') where the prophetexplains rhe four stages of the mystical path (syariat, tarekat, hakikaty! mak,far) to 'Ali. 'Ali's wisdo- .r-oppo*d to the stupidity of'IJmar is stressed in three srories, i.e. the siory of Tamim al-bfui, thestory of the ten Jewish rabbis, and the story of Fadlun.

orthodox tradition reveres in umar thelust ruler, who according

lo gl9 legend, which is known in Malay as Hikzyat Abu Samah, evenhad his own sinful son scourged to dearii in spite of the prayers of thefaithful and the tears of the cilestial nymphs. In rhe Hikayit Nabi danprang Miskin we already sav/ an .*r-pl. of 'IJmar's misbeharrior,but in the three afore-mentioned stories about the srupidity of .IJmar,we find an even srronger reflection of the Shi'itic.nrip.rhy ro ,IJmarwho was the first to thwart the claims of 'Ali. As is well-lnown thename of 'lJmar is never pronounced by a true Shi'ite without a curseand in Shi'itic theatre his role is portrayed in the darkesr colours.i:. In the story of ramim al-Dlri, it is related that a companion of

the Prophet, called Tamim al-DXri, was caught by an iniid"l 1irn,after which he had many adventures. Meanwhile, v.rrs ,,fr,.,. rris dis-appearance, Tamim's wife was divorcr'd from hcr huslr.rrrci hy.IJrrr.rr,

Page 8: Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature Malay Hikayat Literature

lUa, l,lrttn ll t"tttct

inl'idcl King Kh.rncl.rk (lronr Ar.rbic lil.wn6la1,, the' 'rtt.,tt' wlrrt lr tlrcProphet had dug around Medina to dcle nd hinrsell ;lt.lirr\t lltc .ttt.tck

of the men of Mecca) and his son Badar (origin;rlly ,t pl.tcc n.rrne !)

suffer defeat and death through Ali's hand. In the llikayat Antir al-

Mu'mintn '[Jmar ('Story of the commander of the faithlul 'Umar'),which has been preserved in one unique Leiden manuscript (Cod.Or.3345 (1)), 'Ali defeats the Persians and personally kills their leader

Rostam Pulad. In the Hikayat Tatkala Rasul Allah Mentberi Sedekah

Kepada Seorang deruisy ('the story of how the Prophet of AllXh gave

alms to a dervish') the enormous poverty of Muhammad and his

Companions is the reason for 'Alt to fight infidels and to confiscate

their riches.rs

A' de- Shi'it ization' of Malay Hikayat LiteratureTraces of Shi'ism can still be found in Indonesian Islam. A well-

known example is that the month Muharram is called Sura (derivedfrom Ashura) in Javanese, Sundanese and Macassarese, and Asan'Usen

in Acehnese. On the 10th of Muharram, Ashura day, we find in such

disparate regions as Aceh, Java and South Sulawesi the consumptionof Ashura porridge, known as kanji Asyura in Aceh, as bubur Sura inSundanese, or as jepe'surain Macassarese. As there already exists a

fairly extensive literature on the Shi'ah in Indonesia, I will not repeat

what is already known.re lt is however worthy of remark that Shi'itictraces in Indonesian Islam are generally not recognized as such bythe common (Sunni) believer. Furthermore, we can now oniy speak

of Shi'itic trdces: in the course of time, and especially since the nine-teenth century, contacts with the Arabian world increased when In-donesians more and more went to Arabia for study and Hadramisayyid became increasingly prominent in Indonesian religious life.Typical Indonesian elements, but also elements of Perso-Indian ori-gin were gradually purged.

The hikayat which were mentioned so far, probably v/ere ali pro-duced at an early age of Islamization. The evidence for their relativcold age is circumstantial: firstly, these stories were especially attrac-tive for neophytes.€ Secondly, as Islam penetrated into the ot hcr l.trr-guages and literatures of the archipelago through the intcrnrcdi"rry ol'Malay, many, if not all, of the afore-mentioned storics;trc,tlso lotrrtrlin other Indonesian literatures, such as Acehncsc, Mirt,trtrk,tb,trr,

Javanese, Sasak, Sundanese, Macassarese, I}.rei ncsc, ct c. r r lJcr'.t r r st' t l t t'st'

literary products are anonymous;rnd cannot bc d.rtcrl, i1r is irrrPosrilrlt'

l,lant, llalay I tt(titstr lA/

to cstlblish thc yclr or cvcn the period when they were written.As the majority of the Malay manuscripts date from the nine-

teenth century it is only natural to find only remnants of Shi'iticinfluences in the bikayatwhich have survived. The textual witnessescannot be characterized as distinctly Shi'itic. Yet it is remarkable tofind so much attention for 'Ali and Fltimah in hikayat literature.What is more, their roles in hikzyat arewholly congruous with popularShi'itic imagery. Especially in the stories about'Ali as the wise judge,'Ali can be praised at 'I-Jmar's expense. 'I-Imar, however, is not por-trayed too negatively and the normal Shi'itic cursing of 'Umar's nameis entirely left out.

Several scholars have pointed at a gradual process of'de-shi'itization' of differenr texrs, such as the Hikayat MuhamrnadHanafi1ryah,rhe Hikayat Banjar or the Tajusalatin.QUndoubtedly thestories about 'Ali and Fltimah over the years must also have under-gone this process. In this connecrion it is interesting to observe thatMalay literature contains some variants of the 'anti-'IJmar' storieswhich may perhaps be interpreted as Sunni transformarions. A vari-ant of the story of Fadlun can for example be found in the Raudah al-'ulam|', but there'tlmar acquits the youth (who is here called IsmX'ilinstead of Fadlun), and 'Ali does not inrervene.+r A variant of thestory of the ten rabbis, which according to Van Ronkel is "in manyways inferior to the other one", is the Hikayat Abu Bakr dan rahibYabudi, also known as Hikayat Sulaiman al-Farsi.4 Here severalJew-ish rabbis come from Syriato hhalif Abu Bakr instead ro khalif'IJmar,and promise to embrace Islam, if their (theological) questions can beanswered satisfactorily.a5 These versions, however, never reached thepopularity of their Shi'itic counrerparrs. This is different with a srorywhich echoes the Hikayat Nabi Mengajar Anaknya Fatimab, namelythe so-called Hikayat Partana Islam, in which the Prophet, ar rhe re-quest of a woman named Islam, Sallm or SalAmah, sets forth all thata woman has to do or refrain from in respecr to her husband and therecompense that awaits her in the hereafter for the practice of wifelyvirtues.s

Summing up then, the prominenr place of 'Ali and Fitimah in Malayhikayat literature is to be explained by the early introduction of thesestories as popular reading marter for neophltes when Indonesian Islamstill had a Shi'ah tinee. In rhe course of time the popular srories, inwhich 'Ali ,rnrl lris l,rnrily phyed a prevalent part, were-gradually neu-trrrliz.ccl l, rrrt lr .ln ('xl('nr rlr,rr no Surrni bclicvcr cotrld objcct to thcnr.

I

il

\',.1',, l,lt'ttLt Lt t

Page 9: Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature Malay Hikayat Literature

l0ll l,lurn l\'rctnga

Endnotes1. G.E. Marrison,'Persian influcncc.s in Malay life (1280-1650)',lournal o/'thc Ma-

layan Branch ofthe Royal Asiatic Society 28 (1955), pp. 52-0. L.F. Brakel, 'Persian

influence on Malay literature', Abr-Nahrain9 (1970), pp. 1-16.

2. G.!gJ. Drewes, 'New light on the coming of Islam to Indonesia?', Bijdragen totde Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde 124 (1968), pp. $3-a59 is a survey of the earlyhistory of lndonesian Islam.

3. Lode Brakel, 'On the origins of the Malay hikayat', Reoieta of Indonesian andMalayan A/fairs 13 (1C79), pp. 1-33.

4. I. Proudfoot, Early Malay pinted boohs. A provisional account of materiak ltult-lisbed in the Singapore-Malaysia area up to 1920, noting holdings in major Ttultliccollections (Kuala Lumpu r, 7993) , pp. 29-30.

5. I will not discuss stories like Hihayat Hasan Husain Tatkala Kanak-hanah (' Storyof the childhood of Hasan and Husayn'), Hihayat Hasan tlan Hnsain Ahan Mari('Story of the imminent death of Hasan and Husayn') or Carira Tabut ('Tale ofthe cof{in), because they are probably 19th century texts and are not representedin other Indonesian literatures (see for these stories Jumsari Yusuf et al. (eds.),

Sastra Indonesia Lama Pengaruh Islam [akarta,1984), p. 109 ff.6. Baroroh Baried, ' Shi'ah elements in Malay lirerature', Sarrono Kartodirdjo (ed.),

Profihs of Malay Culture: Historiograph!, Religion and Politics (lakarta, 1976), pp.59-65.

7. K.A. Steenbrink, 'Indian teachers and their Indonesian pupils: on intellectualrelations between India and Indonesia, 1600-1800', Itineraio 12, 1 (1988), p. 131.

8. Fatimah is e.g. rnentioned in a crocodile charm and in a charm for sowing dis-sension between husband and wife (Walter Williarn Skeaq MaLaT magic: An In-troduction to thc Folklore and PoltuLar Religion of the Malay Peninntl,zr (London,1965),pp.298-299i573-574) and Ali in a charm to acquire velour and in an as-

pect-compass known as Rajal al-ghayb or linazah Sayidini 'Ali ibn Abff Telib(Skeat, Malay magic, pp. 653 and 561). I do not know if the use of a certainflower, the kembang Patimah, or rose of Jericho (anastatica Hierochontica), forthe advancement of the opening of the birth passages, has anything to do withFAtimah (Arie Andries Haspels, (Jterine nttrtture in Cental Jaoa (Goes, 1,9a1,;

Ph,D. thesis University of Amsterdam), p. 21. For eroticism/mysticism, see

G.\(.J. Drewes and L.F. Brakel, The poerns of Hamzah Fansuri (Dordrecht,Cinnaminson, 1986), pp. 18-20; see also Theodore G.Th. Pigeaud, Literattffe ofJava.Yoltme 111 (fhe Hague, 1970), p.3+1,.

9. Edwar Djamaris, 'Penelitian naskah "Hikayat Nur Muhamrnacl" dalarn sasrraIndonesia la,ma', Bahasa dan Sastra 5 (1980), p. 15.

10. Tlreodore G. Th. Pigeaud und P. Voorhoeve, Htntlschnftcn tus Indonesrcn(Stuttgart, 1985), pp. 47 I{.;Y.1. Braginsky, The Syxem of Classical M.tl.ry Liter.t-utre \Leiden, 1993), p. 66-67.

11. Asim Roy, The klamic STncretistic Tradition in Bengal (Princctorr: PrirrcctonUniversity Press, 1983), p. 129.

12. This MS,Jav. e.2, is describecl in M.C. Ricklefs ancl P. Voorh,>crc, lndontnartManuscripts in Great Britain. A catalogue of uranuscripts in lntlorrcsi,rrr l,rrrgrr.rgcsin British pnblic collections (Oxford, 1977), p.105,r. t.cidcrr IJrrivcrsiry l.ibr.rryCod.Or. 12.582 is a courplctc phorot:opy. lusctl thc rr'.urslil,,r'.rlr,,rr bv P.

Voorhoeve, Cod.Or. 84217 019\.

l.l. llt'grrrrrrrrli,,l N4S.l .rv. t. .lq tlrr'r.rtttc tL st riptiorr ol rlrc glolr,rls Iirtl c.rrr [c leuutlirr N.rri,rrr,rl l il,r',rrv .l ,rk.rrr.r N4 l..l/tl(., .r lgth ccrrrury MS, which was ccliretl in[)j,rrrr,rris,'l)crrt.lrri,rrr rr,rsk,rlr', pp. )O-2.1.

l'1. tJ. Rubrrr,'l)r'r'-t'xisrr'nr'r' .rrrtl light. Aspccts of rhe concept of Nur Muharnrnati',lsrtrl Oritnt.tl .9rutlits 5 (1925), p. 65.

15. Hcinz H:rlr., D.r st'ltiitischt'Islarn. von dtr Religion ztr Reaolntion (Mr.rnchen,19ea), p. 19 .

16. E. Kohlberg, "Ali b. Abi Taleb', EncycLopaedia lranica. Vol''re I (London, Bos-ton anci Henlev, n.d.), p. 843.

12. It is unc,-lear which MS or lithography was usetl by winstect. He gives the i'r-pression that he has used National Library Jakarta v.d.W. /6 A, contaiui'g .r

-story written in 1668, but which, according to L.F. Brakel, The Hik.D,atMuhammad HanafiyTah ffhe Hague, 1.975), p.49 lacks the motif of the mvsticbird.

18. L.F. Brakel, Tbe Story of Mubammad Hanafi,y2ah ffhe Hague, I9l7), p.78.19. Brakel, The Hikayat Muhammad HanafiTyab, p. a8. Cf. A. Guillaurne, The lft of

Muhammad. A translation of IshAq \ Sireh Rasill Atlih (Ox{ord, 1955), pp. 6g-69.20. See Rubin, 'Pre-existence', pp. 83-86.21. Brakel, The Hthayat Muhantm,ttl Han,zfiyyah, p.49 wrongly ass''res that in

Javanese this episode corlsrirures an independent hihayat. I hope tci return r. thcstory of Patirnah Sami in a later publication in which l will di-scus.s a lZrh cel-tury MS of this text which is now in the library of the Royal D.tch MiliraryAcademy in Breda (KMA 6544).

22. Russell Jc>nes, Hikayet Sultan Ibrahim: Thc Short Version of thc Melry, Tttt(Dordrecht: Fori-s Publications, 1983), pp. 18-21 (lr4alay texr and English trans-lation).

23. National Library Jakarta Ml. 42h, pp. 113-118; transliterated in Juur-sari ynslf eta1,., Saur,z Intlon esia, pp. 7 l-7 J.

24. C.Spat, BungaRamltai;Malctschleesboek(Breda, 1920), pp.62-63 (inMalayscript)"U'f.rtunatelv I co*ld not rrace the MS which spat used for his editio'.

25. Accortling to the Javarese version 'Ali orderecl .l servant to sell his harless be-canse he needed rnonev for his wedding, see Bernard Arp-s, Tentbang in T.,loTraditions. Performence end Intcrpretation ofJaaanese Litcr,zture (London, 1991)167-168. Sinorn is the name of a verse fonn. See also Titik pudiiasturi. ,Serar

Ynsup. Peranannya dalarn kehid'pan masyarakat Jawa', Lcntber,tn ststrtuniaersitts Indonesia 16, April 1992, p.58 where 'Utirrnln cloes nor b'y 'Ali'sharnes.s, but frees a slave. This is not another version, but is ba-sed lrDon a llllsrln-dc'rstanding on the part of the interpreter of the wortl iot ('har'ess') which isctrnfitsecl wiit hcrc ('beggar')! The salre rnistake is rnacle in the Inclgnesian rrans-lariorr .f thc Kitab Yruf'(alih bahasa: Hardjana Hp; alih aksara: Titiek pucl-ji.rsttrti), Jakarta, 1981, p. 86.

It . Arps. Tottl,,tn,<, p. )58.2Z' lt is p,rssiblc, I think, to show tltat Sinon Kc'rr is an interpolation by means of

tlrc l,rlrrrrrl,r Al x - Al, irr which X st:rucls for tht.inrcrp,,l.rr..l p.rrr.rgc, w[ilc A1.tlttl A.) st.trrrl Ior tlrr',r'itr',irr,tl ('nvironnlcnt irr which X h.rs bccrr irrscrtctl. lf X is,ilr lnr('ll)r)l,rt('11 p.rrr.rlir', A I A.' w,,rrr kl lorrrr .r lrorrrog('r)('()1 wll()lc wilIerrt X.lrr i,l,.rl (,t\(1 ( !t(lr,lr(.li,t llu(,rl)ol.tti,,rr r.rrr lr..Pr.,,r,i,l,,,l orr llrr.r,r,lr,vt,lr, rr,trrrt.tvtlt,' l,'r, l', ,'l ttt, trt,,rl, rt.rrr.rrrr, .ur(l lirrlirrirti, \lru( lu11. (rr.,. I .i\4. I Jlrl('nr,(.1\,'l lr, l,r,,l'1, rrr,,1 rrrr,.r;,,,1ttt,,1 tr llrt ()l,l l.rv.r1,..,,.li.rrrr.rr.rrr.r l,,rl,,ryi1'. li1,l, t,.,,,t

\',,1t'l,l'tr,'1, \,1

Page 10: Does Traditional Islamic Malav Literature Malay Hikayat Literature

Lltrn l\iontt+r

tot dc T,zal., L.tntl.c,tt Volkcnhuntlc 145 (1989), PP. 128 310). This is thc crsc with

Sinom Ktrc in Kitab Yusuf ctn at leasr the merrical and narrative level: (1) thc

rnetrical strucrure of A1 (canto 8) is the same as A2 (canto 10), i.e. pangkur,

whereas X (canto 9) ts in sinomi (2) the narrative srmcrure of A1 and A2 taken

together does not display a structural gap. I have not studied linguistic evidence

for the interpolation.2g. Kitalt Yusuf, alih bahasa: Hardiana HP; alih aksara: Titiek Pudjiastuti (Jakarta,

1981), p. 534. The date of this MS is discussed in B. Arps, 'Yusup, Sri Tanfung',

and fragrant water. The adoption of a popular Islamic poem in Banyuwangi,

East Java', VJ.H. Houben, H.MJ. Maier and V. van der Molen (eds'), loo'ting

in odd mirrors: the Java Se,z (Leiden, 1992), pp- l2l- 122.

29. Theoclore G. Th. Pigeautl, Literature of Jatta. Volume I (fhe Hague,1967), p'

217.30. Jane Darnmen McAuliffe, 'chosen of all wornen: Mary and Fatina in Qur'anic

exegesis', IslamochristianaT (1923I), p.27 '31. About the Hikayat Darma Tasiah I wrore a brief article,'In praise of a virtuons

woman: rhe story of Darrna Tasiah', International Institute for Asian Stutlies Netps'

letter 6 (1995), p. 36. The Hikayat Sairah dan Hadi was described by willern van

der Molen, ,Six Malay rnannscripts in the Algemeen Rijksarchief at The Hague"

Bijdragen tot de Taal-, I'tnd'en Volhenhunde 140 (1984), p. 330.

32. G.WJ. Drewes, 'Het godsdienstig toneel in Iran" Forum der Lettcren l0 (1970),

p.41;JohanterHaar, Volgelingenttandeimam.Eenkennismahingmetdesji'itische/.d"zz (Arnsterdarn, 1995), p. 103.

33. See P. Voorhoeve in cttaloguc of Indoncsian Manuscriltts. Part 2 (copenhagen,

lg77), pp.13 1ff. for a discussion of the differenr versions and the relevant sec

ondary literature. Wahyunah Hi. Abd. Gani, Hikayet T'tmim al-Deri (Knala

Lurnpur, 1989) is a transliteration of the longer version.

34. Ph. S. van Ronkel, 'Malay tales about conversion of Jews and christians tcr

Mtrharnmedanism', Acta Orientalia 10 (1932)' pp. 6I'62. Van Ronkel bases his

surnmary on cod.or. 3234 (University Library Leiden), but the srory can alsc'>

be found in Cod.Or. 1751,pp.518-538. For an Arabic version (National Library

Jakarta, KBG 655), see Ph.S. van Ronkel, Supplencnt to the Cetalogue of the Ara'

Itic Manuscripts Prescrued in the Museum of the Bataaia Society of ArX and Scienccs

(Batavia, 1913), pp. 325-326 and P. Voorhoeve, Handlist of Arabic Manuscipts in

the Lihrary ofthe lJniversity of Leiden and other Collections in the Netherlands

(fhe Hague, 1980), pp. 199-200.

35. Nowadays the stor,v is apparently only known insyair form in Malay, see B.A.

Hussainrniya, 'Pertumbuhan dan kejatuhan kesnsasteraan Melaytr di sri Lanka"

Siti Hawa Haii Saleh (ed), Cendehia: Kesusasteraan Melayu Tratlisional (KtalaLurnpur, 1987), p.74. Perhaps in former days the story was passecl <'>n * a hikayet,

because in Acehnese literature (which has borrowed on a large scale fron Malay

literature) it is extant as Hikayat Padeulon, which according ro P. Voorhoeve,'Tlrree old Achehnese manuscripts', Bulletin of tbc School of Orientel nd Aftt-c.zn studies 14 ( 1952), p.336 must be quite old because of its strong shiite bias. Itis also known in Sundanese as a prose story, but, as far as I know, only in one

MS, i.e. National Library Jakarta Sntl. 145, of which Leiclen Univer-siry LibraryCod. Or. 8369 is r translite ration. Cf. P. Voorh <tevc, Cattlogtc o/'Acchncst Mtnu'scriprs in tht Lilvary of Lt'idt'n l-Jniut'nity and otltt'r Collt'ctions Outsidt' A,"rh (Lcidcn,

l994), pp. l6(,-167.

Irhu r, Aklt r' I t trt,tl ttt,

.1(,. (lf. (1. Skirrrrcr, .\1t'tr l\rtttn /l4r'ngktsar ('l'lrc rhyrncd r:hr<>niclc of thc MaclssarW.rr) try ['.rrrii' Arnin ('s'(ir.rvcrrhagc, 1963), p. 223; Russell Joncs, 'Harimau',Bijdragtn tot fu 7'aal-, Land"cn Volkcnhundc 126 (1970), pp.260-262.

37. B.F. Matthcs, Kort acrslag aangaande alle mij in Europa ltehende Makassaarse enBoegincsche handscbriften, oooral die van het Nederland.sch Bijbelgenootschap teAmsterdam (Arnsterdam: Spin, 1875), p. 8.

38. R. Roolvink, 'Indonesia: vi - Literatures', The Encyclopaedia of klam, new ed!tion. Volume IX (Leiden and London, l97l), p. 1232 was misled by the tide as

he suggests that this story contains "an appeal for generosiry towards the poor";cf. H.H. Juynboll, Catalogus z,an de Maleische en Sundaneesche handschriften derkidsche Universiteits- Bibliotheeh (Leiden, L899), p. 182.

39. Baroroh Baried, 'Le shi'isme en Indonesie', Archipel 15 (1978), pp. 65-84 gives a

useful overview; see also Gilbert Hamonic, 'La fete du grand Maulid a Cikoang,regard sur une tarekar dite "shlite" en pays Makassar', Archiqtel 29 (1985), pp.175,191.

40. Cf. Annemarie Schimmel, Die Zeicben Gottes. Die religiose lVelt des Islam(Munchen, 1995), p. 167.

41. An overview of the various catalogues can be found in Roolvink, 'Indonesia', p.r l5).

42. Brakel, Tbe Hihayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah, p. 59 {f.; JJ. Ras, Hihajat Bantljar:A stud,y in Malay Histoiography (Ihe Hague, 1968), pp. l29i 148 and Winstedt as

quoted in A.C. Milner, 'Islam and the Muslim state', M.B. Hooker (ed,.), klantin Soath-East Asz (Leiden, 1983), p. 48.

43. Voorhoeve, Catalogte of Acehnese Manuscipts, p. 167.44. Yan Ronkel, 'Malay tales', p. 61.45. Van Ronkel, 'Malay tales', pp.6l-62. Van Ronkel bases his surnrnary on Cod.Or.

1758, pp. 1837 (Universiry Library Leiden). Other MSS with this tale are K1.67d (i.e. the last part, not identified by Ph.S. van Ronkel, Snltltlement.Catalogus.der Maleische en Minangkahausche handschriften in de Leidschc Llnioersitcits-Bibliotheeh (Leiden, l92l), p.19) and SOAS 7124 (S), described in M.C. Ricklefsand P. Voorhoeve, Indonesian Manuscipts in Great Bitain; a Catalogue of Manu-scripts in Indonesian Languages in British Public Collection.s (Oxford, 1977), p.155. See also P. Voorhoeve, Handlist, pp. 199-2OO s.v. Masa'il al.Yahfid li'LImam 'Ali for Arabic versions of these two tales.

46. C. Snouck Hurgronje, Katalog der malaiischen Hantlschriften der KoniglichenHofltihliothek in Berlin (Leiden, 1950), pp. l9Q-t92; C. Snouck Hurgronfe, ZlcAcbehnesc, Volurne II peyden, 1906), p. 125; Juynboll, Catalogus, p. 190.

Edwin \flieringa is a Von Humboldt Research Fellou at the Institute ofEthnology, Universiry of Milnster, Germany.