atm #21 financial inclusion for asia's poor
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One look at Asia’s skylines and the casual observer gets the impression that Asia is truly rising. The top ten financial centres in Singapore, Hong Kong, Tokyo, Shanghai and Taipei, followed by Kuala Lumpur, Mumbai, Bangkok, Beijing and Seoul tell a story of rapid growth and new wealth. However, with 1.5 billion people without access to conventional financial services, Asia is also home to the majority of the world’s unbanked . In the East Asia and Pacific region alone, 55% of the population is unbanked. It is estimated that the total number of people without access to banking services is between 2.2 and 2.5 billion people. This ongoing series on urban poverty was written based on field research done in four of Southeast Asia’s major cities: Jakarta, Manila, Hanoi, and Vientiane. The team conducted a survey and analyzed the opportunities and challenges of the urban poor.TRANSCRIPT
Curious children in the outskirts of Vientiane, Laos
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Principal Investigators
Phua Kai Hong
T S Gopi Rethinaraj
Research Associates
Johannes Loh
Taufik Indrakesuma
Production
Chris Koh, Manager, Production & Research
Dissemination
Michael Agung Pradhana, Layout & Design
Image credits, with thanks
All the images in this issue were taken by the ATM
team during their field trips to Jakarta, Manila, Hanoi,
and Vientiane between February and October 2012.
Permission is granted to use portions of this work
copyrighted by the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public
Policy. Please follow the suggested citation:
When citing individual articles
Loh, J., & Indrakesuma, T. (2013). Financial findings:
Evidence from the ATM survey. In Asian Trends
Monitoring Bulletin (2013), Bulletin 21: Financial
Inclusion for Asia's Poor (pp.8-10). Lee Kuan Yew
School of Public Policy, Singapore.
When citing the entire bulletin
Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin (2013), Bulletin 21:
Financial Inclusion for Asia's Poor - a distant future?. Lee
Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, Singapore.
When citing our survey data
Asian Trends Monitoring (2012). A dataset on urban
poverty and service provision. Lee Kuan Yew School
of Public Policy, National University of Singapore.
Please acknowledge the source and email a copy of
the book, periodical or electronic document in which
the material appears to [email protected] or send to
Chris Koh
Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy
469C Bukit Timah Toad
Singapore 259772
Contents4 s A Moral imperative for action by Johannes Loh and Taufik Indrakesuma
8 s Financial findings: evidence from the ATM surveyby Johannes Loh and Taufik Indrakesuma
11 s Facilitating finance in slumsby Johannes Loh and Taufik Indrakesuma
13 s Destitute poverty: the final financial frontier by Johannes Loh and Taufik Indrakesuma
15 s Outlook: the future of financial inclusion by Johannes Loh and Taufik Indrakesuma
3
One look at Asia’s skylines and the casual observer gets the impression
that Asia is truly rising. The top ten financial centres in Singapore, Hong
Kong, Tokyo, Shanghai and Taipei, followed by Kuala Lumpur, Mumbai,
Bangkok, Beijing and Seoul tell a story of rapid growth and new wealth.
However, with 1.5 billion people without access to conventional financial
services, Asia is also home to the majority of the world’s unbankedi. In the
East Asia and Pacific region alone, 55% of the population is unbanked. It is
estimated that the total number of people without access to banking ser-
vices is between 2.2 and 2.5 billion people.
Due to major successes in mobile payment services such as M-PESA in
Kenya or Easypaisa in Pakistan, financial inclusion has become front and
center of development innovation. Governments have started to realise
the potential social and economic benefits of a financially serviced popu-
lation. However, currently available solutions are too small to make a sig-
nificant impact. At the same time, regulatory regimes have been unable
to keep pace with technological advancement. For example, branchless
banking has proven its feasibility and economic success with millions of
customers in Kenya, Tanzania, and Pakistan, but uptake in Southeast Asia
has been lethargic.
Developing countries average one bank branch and one ATM for
every 10,000 people. By comparison, these countries exceed 8,000 mobile
phones for every 10,000 people. As of 2012, approximately 1.7 billion peo-
ple in emerging markets have a mobile phone but remain excluded from
formal financial services. Thus, the size of the gap is enormous.
At the same time this gap also suggests that mobile technologies have
massive potential. While good estimates for Southeast Asia are unavail-
able, it is clear that the region could make a tremendous leap in financial
inclusion with the introduction of new technologies in financial services.
This ongoing series on urban poverty was written based on field
research done in four of Southeast Asia’s major cities: Jakarta, Manila,
Hanoi, and Vientiane. The team conducted a survey and analyzed the
opportunities and challenges of the urban poor. In this bulletin we dis-
cuss the following issues.
• How do the poor in these cities fare in terms of access to financial
services?
• What are some of the factors leading to the present situation?
• How are people (entrepreneurs) bridging these gaps?
We invite you to share the ATM Bulletin with colleagues interested in
pro-poor issues in Southeast Asia. The Bulletin is also available for down-
load at www.asiantrendsmonitoring.com/download, where you can sub-
scribe to future issues. We encourage you to regularly visit our website
for more updates and recent video uploads in our blog. Thank you again
for supporting the ATM Bulletin, and as always, we gladly welcome your
feedback.
Johannes Loh
Taufik Indrakesuma
Financial inclusion for Asia’s poor: a distant future?
Suggested citation
When citing individual articles
• Loh, J., & Indrakesuma, T. (2013). Financial findings:
Evidence from the ATM survey. In Asian Trends Monitoring
Bulletin (2013), Bulletin 21: Financial Inclusion for Asia's
Poor (pp.8-10). Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy,
Singapore.
When citing the entire bulletin
• Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin (2013), Bulletin 21:
Financial Inclusion for Asia's Poor - a distant future?. Lee
Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, Singapore.
When citing our survey data
• Asian Trends Monitoring (2012). A dataset on urban poverty
and service provision. Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy,
National University of Singapore.
by Johannes Loh & Taufik Indrakesuma
i McKinsey Quarterly, 2010, Counting the world’s unbanked. http://www.financialaccess.org/
sites/default/files/publications/counting-the-worlds-unbanked.pdf A food vendor trying his luck near the Red River in Hanoi, Vietnam.
4
A moral imperative for action
The ATM survey on urban poverty in Jakarta,
Manila, Hanoi and Vientiane revealed that four
out of five respondents did not have a bank
account. More than half of respondents kept
their savings in cash hidden at homeii. The
majority of respondents were employed in the
informal economy, struggling to make enough
money to feed their families every day. Thus, a
single emergency, such as urgent medical treat-
ment for a family member, could wipe out a
family’s entire savings. The survey also showed
that 53% of respondents have severe difficulties
to save at all.
Despite the fact that at least a handful of
Microfinance institutions (MFI) currently offer
their services in each of the cities included in
our survey, the vast majority of the urban poor
ii Indrakesuma, T., Loh, J., & Pocock, N. (2012). Vientiane
- Poor but different. Asian Trends Monitoring Bulletin #19.
Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy.
by Johannes Loh & Taufik Indrakesuma
iii Asian Trends Monitoring (2012). A dataset on poverty and service provision. Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. National
University of Singapore.
A lively side street in Manila, Philippines.
5
in Southeast Asia fly below their radar. With
incomes below US$2/day, they are a difficult
and not very profitable client group. Several
MFIs confirmed that they prefer to lend to the
“upper poor”: households that have some exist-
ing working capital, a certain level of business
acumen, and more reliable revenue streams.
“The Promise of microfinance
arises from designing and
building organizations that min-
imize administrative overheads,
thereby facilitating the flow of
resources in smaller amounts to
the people who can most effec-
tively use such funds.”
(Henley, D. & Goenka, A. (2010). Southeast Asia’s Credit Revolution: From moneylenders to
microfinance. p.59)
Millions of urban dwellers are self-employed
micro-entrepreneurs. “In economic terms, all
these families are producers and consumers
at the same time. They need access to the full
range of financial services to create income gen-
erating opportunities, build assets, smooth con-
sumption in the face of highly irregular or sea-
sonal incomes, and manage risks,” says Tilman
Ehrbeck, the CEO of the Consultative Group to
Assist the Poor (CGAP)v.
There is nothing wrong with a profit-seeking
business strategy, but from a human-centric
perspective, all people should have access to
financial services. The right to access financial
services was not part of the original Millennium
Development Goals, despite its direct implica-
tions for a person’s livelihood. Studies show that
a banked family is more likely to have emer-
gency savings, healthier diets and often better
overall health.
The needs of the unbanked have garnered a
lot of attention lately. The microfinance indus-
try has grown into a billion dollar industry and
technological innovation has brought banking
into the mobile sphere. And yet, Southeast Asia
is still waiting for its breakthrough in financial
inclusion.
“Lack of access to finance
adversely affects growth and
poverty alleviation. It makes
it more difficult for the poor to
accumulate savings and build
assets to protect against risks,
as well, as to invest in income-
generating projects.”
(Hanning, A. and Stefan, J., 2011. Financial inclusion and financial stability: current policy
issues.)
A closer look at the definition of microfi-
nance reveals the original intent to provide
financial services to those excluded from the
formal financial system run by traditional banks:
“Microfinance is the provision of financial
services to the poor, on a scale appropriate
to their needs. The term includes facilities for
small savings, microinsurance, and increas-
ingly, given the growing mobility of the work-
ing poor, money transfer (remittances).vi
Henley and Goenka observe that while the
microfinance movement set out with the noble
goal of reaching the extreme poor, “success-
ful commercial MFIs […], indeed, tend to drift
spontaneously over time towards richer seg-
ments of the market.” vii The need for scale and
a high degree of cost-efficiency together with
outdated regulatory frameworks prevent many
microfinance institutions from serving the poor-
est of the poor. Therefore, “most of the very
poor in Southeast Asia nevertheless continue to
fall outside the scope of formal microfinance”
(ibid.).
During the 2012 field visits, the team met two
shop keepers, Eva from Indonesia and Sonxai
from Laos. Eva runs a small shop near a food
market in Depok, Jakarta’s southern suburb.
She hides her savings at home and occasionally v Ehrbeck, T. (2013, January 28). Jobs and Financial
Inclusion. Retrieved February 14, 2013 from http://www.
cgap.org/blog/jobs-and-financial-inclusion
iv Asian Trends Monitoring (2012). A dataset on poverty and
service provision.
vi, vii Henley, D. & Goenka, A. (2010). Southeast Asia’s Credit
Revolution: From moneylenders to microfinance. Routledge:
New York. p.1. & p.13.
6
borrows money from informal money lenders
despite their astronomical interest rates. She
can’t maintain an account at a commercial bank
because of the minimum deposit and the lim-
ited accessibility. Sonxai, on the other hand, has
recently expanded her shop in Vientiane with
the help of the fourth consecutive microloan
from an MFI. In addition, she has managed to set
aside US$ 500 for emergencies in her new sav-
ings account with the same organisation. These
two stories of otherwise very similar shopkeep-
ers show the massive difference that access to
reliable financial services can make. (Read more
about their lives on pages 7 and 8). ATM
7
Running a shop without a bank account
In Depok, one of Jakarta’s many suburbs, the team met and spoke
to Eva P., the 26 year old owner of a warung (small shop) located just
outside a traditional market. She is one of approximately 2.5 billion
people without access to formal financial services.
In Eva’s hometown of Bengkulu, there were not many employ-
ment options after graduating from school. As with most of rural
Indonesia, the only jobs available for her were agricultural. This
prompted Eva to migrate to Jakarta in 2004, in search of better
options.
Upon arrival, she immediately set up her own shop by building
a stall next to the traditional market by Depok Baru Train Station.
Her shop has remained in the same location for almost 8 years, sur-
viving several police crackdowns on informal businesses in public
spaces. She now sells a wide variety of food, drinks, and cigarettes to
a clientele comprised mostly of jitney drivers, street musicians and
motorcycle cabbies.
“The shop makes about IDR 150,000 (US$ 16) in profits per day,
although it used to be about IDR 300,000 (US$ 32) before the Depok
government built the flyover,” she shared while pointing upwards.
The Depok government built a road over the traditional market in
the late 2000s to ease congestion in the increasingly crowded sub-
urb. However, it caused a serious drop in patronage at Eva’s warung
as well as the traditional market as a whole. Nonetheless, her current
level of income, coupled with her husband’s income as a motorcycle
cabbie, is enough for a comfortable life for them and their 3 year
old child.
When asked further about her finances, she said that she does
not use any formal financial services and prefers to save at home. She
does not like saving in commercial banks, due to the large deposits
and the hassle in accessing the money. She also does not save money
with her local cooperative or the informal money lender, because
she does not trust these institutions with her money. She also very
rarely borrows money from the informal money lenders, because
they charge extremely steep interest rates.
We ended our chat by asking Eva whether she was happy with
her life in Jakarta, and if she would consider going back to Bengkulu.
She replied that she is content with what she and her family have.
They are able to access clean water in their home and cheap medical
treatment at the local health center, and are able to make enough
money to survive with their current jobs. Although the cost of liv-
ing in Jakarta and its suburbs is much higher than in Bengkulu, the
improved work and life opportunities are well worth it.
Eva, self-made entrepreneur in her improvised shop in Depok, Jakarta.
8
Financial findings: evidence from the ATM survey
The Asian Trends Monitoring team con-
ducted a survey among people living in poor
neighbourhoods in Jakarta, Manila, Hanoi and
Vientiane between February and September
2012. We collected a total of 1,398 responses
from four cities. Our sample included 69%
women and 31% men. 87% of respondents indi-
cated that they are the head of the household
(513 respondents), or the wife (702 respondents)
of the head of household. The average age was
43 years with an average household size of five
members.
The survey had a “perception of difficulties”
section comprising ten categories, each to be
rated on a 5-point scale (from “easy” to “impos-
sible/unable to do”) in addition to sections on
education, health, water and access to financial
services.
Out of ten possible categories includ-
ing access to food, water, electricity, toilets,
schools, transport, living space, health services,
work opportunities, and savings, the last three
emerged as the most difficult to fulfill. More
than half of the respondents found it very dif-
ficult or were unable to save. Among the sav-
ers 55% kept their money at home, followed by
21% who actually used banks. Less than a quar-
ter of all respondents had an account at a finan-
cial institution. These findings are not surprising
when compared to the national urban averages
in the four countries in our survey. Among urban
residents asked whether they had saved at a
financial institution in the past year (Data from
2011), barely more than 20% answered posi-
tively in Indonesia, the Philippines and Laos. In
Vietnam urban savers were even less frequent
at 11%.
The situation worsens when looking at loan
sources and borrowing behaviour. When asked
Small loans boost egg business
Sonxai’s business is located in the heart of Vientiane. She sells bird
eggs, a local delicacy, from a street stall. The eggs are weighed and
packed into simple plastic bags. The clients do not mind the raw pre-
sentation, and simply look for good taste.
When her mother got older, Sonxai was asked to stay home and
take care of her. The street shop is close to the house and allows her
to earn an income while taking care of her mother. Sonxai’s aunt is a
bird farmer – that is how the business idea of selling bird eggs came
about. After initial success with small amounts of eggs, Sonxai real-
ized that the business had potential. All she needed was a small loan
to increase stocks and hence her sales volume. Her profits were too
small to apply for a loan from a commercial bank and thus, she took
loans from a money lender. At 12% monthly interest much of her
profit went into loan repayment. One day she saw a leaflet by EMI
and made an appointment. Her first loan of US$ 250 helped her to
scale the business. “Now, I can earn up to US 30$ a day” she says.
Sonxai is glad that she found the microfinance organisation to
finance her business expansion. Her stall is located on a little side
street with few pedestrians, but most of her clients know just where
to find her.
At the end of the interview Sonxai points out that the business
has even more potential: “The difficulty of my eggs business is the
location. If I had a better location, I would sell more”.
by Johannes Loh & Taufik Indrakesuma
9
viii, ix, x, xi Asian Trends Monitoring (2012). A dataset on poverty and service
provision.
xii Global Financial Inclusion Database (2012). Data from http://datatopics.worldbank.org/financialinclusion/
10
whether they borrow money regularly, 62% of
respondents from Manila and Hanoi affirmed.
Borrowing was much less prevalent in Jakarta
and Vientiane, at 28% and 27% respectively.
The primary sources of loans were relatives
and friends. More than half of respondents in
all four cities turned to someone they know to
ask for small loans. The clear lack of alternatives
became apparent when 22% of respondents
said that they take loans from informal money
lenders – often at annual interest rates higher
than 100%. In that regard, Manila stood out with
42% of those regularly borrowing using infor-
mal money lenders. ATMxiii Global Financial Inclusion Database (2012). Data from
http://datatopics.worldbank.org/financialinclusion/
xiv, xv, xvi Asian Trends Monitoring (2012). A dataset on poverty and service provision.
11
Facilitating finance in slums
Providing reliable financial services in slums has
its complications. Slums present a challenging
environment for financial services, which tra-
ditionally ensure regular repayment through
securing collateral and knowing their clients’
exact residences. Most slum dwellers are rural-
urban migrants with informal jobs, highly fluc-
tuating incomes and little stability in their lives.
Often, they do not own any substantial assets
to use as collateral. They are also more anon-
ymous, as slums do not have conventional
“addresses” and changes of residence can hap-
pen overnight.
It is easy to see why microfinance providers
struggle to enter this high-risk market with ser-
vices that are affordable for the poorest of the
poor. Asymmetric information problems make
it more difficult to identify the right clients.
Secondly, the costs of attracting and retaining
staff in urban environments are higher, push-
ing up the final costs of the financial services
offered to the urban poor. The end result is that
MFIs often cannot serve the bottom of the pyra-
mid. Nevertheless, some organizations are spe-
cifically targeting the poorest of the poor.
In 2007, An NGO called EnFaNCE conducted a
survey among inhabitants of slums in the Tondo
district in Metro Manila. They found that only
16% of working family members were employed
in formal companies, while the remainder
made a living in the informal economy. The
average income was US$ 0.76 per day per per-
son, of which 60% was spent on food. Despite
the limited liquidity, two thirds of respondents
reported to having saved some money in the
month prior to the survey. Similar to the find-
ings of the ATM team’s 2012 survey, more than
half of these respondents kept the savings hid-
den at home. Among respondents with savings,
four out of ten wanted to keep their money in a
bank or microfinance institution, but were not
able to access these services.
EnFaNCE linked up with Uplift, a Manila-
based microfinance institution, and designed a
very simple savings product called “Piso-pisong
Ipon” (literally Saving Peso by Peso). The only
requirements were a copy of an ID or even just
a passport picture; there were no fees for open-
ing accounts. The basic principles of the proj-
ect were financial awareness among the fami-
lies and direct accessibility. Deposits could be
made in all of EnFaNCE’s field offices on a daily
basis, with a minimum transaction of one peso.
The only “downside” was that no interests were
paid on the savings due to already high transac-
tion costs incurred by the MFI. Once a month,
a social worker would visit the family to discuss
their budget planning and encourage them
to develop a savings strategy. In addition, the
NGO held regular group information sessions
to teach the basics of financial management to
both teenagers and adults.
The project was not intended to fill the gap
in financial services, but rather to bridge the
gaps in knowledge needed to empower the
urban poor to become future microfinance cli-
ents. The psychosocial stress imposed by liv-
ing conditions and constant pressure to earn
enough to survive often prevent people from
planning for the future. The NGO found that in
65% of families, no precautions were made for
future events such as tuition, weddings or other
major events. A similar picture emerged about
the state of financial exclusion in the other cit-
ies covered by ATM’s 2012 survey on urban pov-
erty. ATM
by Johannes Loh & Taufik Indrakesuma
12
Ekpatthana Microfinance Institution (EMI)
Ekpatthana Microfinance Institution (EMI) was the first provider of
microloans in Laos. It was founded in 2005 with the goal to reduce
poverty in Laos through the provision of financial services to people
excluded from formal banking services. Their clients are mainly small
entrepreneurs, such as market vendors, shopkeepers, some micro-
enterprises and small scale farmers. The organisation is experiencing
a phase of rapid growth, despite spending little to no money on mar-
keting their products. In the last two years, staff numbers have dou-
bled to 75 employees, assets have grown from US$ 1 million to US$
2.9 million, and the number of active borrowers now exceeds 4,000.
The average loan size is around US$ 350 with a loan repayment rate
higher than 98%. EMI’s loan portfolio includes a forced-savings
component in order to ensure that clients learn the importance
of building up reserves for either business expansion or personal
emergencies. Somphone Sisenglath, EMI’s Founder and Executive
Director, adds that "savings is part of our mission...[...] Access to credit
is one thing, but if there is nothing left [at the end of repayment],
they are still poor." EMI makes it a requirement for all their clients
to save 10% of their initial loan. The company’s more than 10,000
deposit account holders enjoy interest rates for their savings of up
to 16% per annum.
The organisation offers individual loans for business purposes
if collateral can be provided as well as payroll loans for Small and
Medium-sized Enterprises. In rural areas (within Vientiane Capital
Region) EMI also offers group loans without collateral. Repayments
happen on a weekly or monthly basis over periods between one and
24 months. In the past, EMI also offered daily repayment, often the
preferred choice for clients in the informal sector, but administrative
costs were too high to keep offering this product.
The management team is preparing for the launch of an agri-
cultural loan and is exploring the market potential for micro-insur-
ance. However, the team thinks that lack of awareness would require
a comprehensive (and expensive) advocacy effort. In the medium
term, they want to provide start-up loans for micro-entrepreneurs,
but staff capacity and technical expertise have to be built up first.
In addition, EMI makes an effort to contribute to financial aware-
ness among young students. In collaboration with the international
NGO Aflatoun, they run a learning program in elementary schools
around Vientiane where the students learn the concepts of com-
pound interest by saving a nominal amount each school day. The
school’s principal said that “by doing this with EMI for these few
years, students that finish from this school are able to save quite a big
amount of money, 2 to 3 million Lao kip (US$ 250-375)”. The saved
sum is paid out at the end of primary school and is a welcome con-
tribution to finance further studies.
Fears for the future
Mr. Sisenglath expressed a concern about the foreseen penetra-
tion of large scale businesses from neighboring countries when the
ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) will enter into force in 2015, and
fears that Lao small enterprises are ill-equipped to compete with
these players. From a business development perspective, he pointed
out that there is much more to be done to support micro-entrepre-
neurs in Vientiane. All training and support has to be provided by
EMI; thus, the pool of the next generation of clients remains small.
Mr. Somphone Sisenglath, founder of EMI
13
Destitute poverty: the final financial frontier
EMI and its competitors in Laos see it as part of
their mission to lend to the poor, the real bot-
tom of the pyramid. However, their client pool
consists mainly of the near poor with exist-
ing resources and operational businesses. In
order to reach the bottom of the pyramid,
they would, firstly, require better economies of
scale to reduce the costs of implementing their
“know-your-customer” policy. Secondly, lack of
access to cheap technology limits their options
to offer the kind of daily savings and loan prod-
ucts needed by clients who earn less than 1 US$
per day. Clients working in the informal econ-
omy need a flexible savings and loan product
to accommodate their highly volatile income
situation.
In Africa, the innovative pilot project Kenyan
Jipange KuSave (see page 17) has already illus-
trated ways to integrate the cost-effective
mobile money technology with the provision
of financial services to the poorest of the poor.
However, it remains to be seen whether this
model project will be adopted and brought to
scale by profit-seeking companies in the future.
In Pakistan, the government has begun to test
branchless banking as a means to channel social
transfer payments (US$ 1.1 billion annually)
through mobile banking.
In addition, they launched a debit card, the
Benazir Debit Card, to push the frontiers of
financial inclusion among the poor. The debit
card can be used throughout the country’s
financial system. At the beginning of 2013, the
country had more than 1.8 million branchless
banking accounts and 31,000 agents.xvii The
branchless banking market is expected to grow
rapidly this year.
The barriers between the destitute poor
and access to a full range of financial services
are not related to technology. Working solu-
tions exist, but they require the right combina-
tion of regulatory frameworks, private compa-
nies dedicated to providing low-cost solutions,
and inventiveness by policy makers. Below, we
include two case studies of highly flexible sav-
ings and loan services provided to the poorest
of the poor. The first case is SafeSave, an organ-
isation which found a for-profit solution to offer
daily deposits and withdrawals with the help of
locally trained staff. Their staff is recruited from
the same neighbourhood as their clients and
uses an electronic device to record all transac-
tions on-the-go. The second case is an experi-
ment by a company called Mobile Venture
Kenya Ltd, which saw potential in the product
offered by SafeSave and implemented M-PESA
as a “rail” to offer the same kind of flexibility
through mobile banking. ATM
by Johannes Loh & Taufik Indrakesuma
Branchless banking is defined as the delivery of financial services outside conventional bank branches, often using agents and relying on information and communications technologies to transmit transaction details – typically card-reading point-of-sale (POS) terminals or mobile phones. (Definition from: CGAP 2010, Branchless Banking Diagnostic Template)
xvii CGAP Blog (2013). An overview of the G2P payment sector in Pakistan. Retrieved March 28, 2013 from http://www.cgap.
org/publications/overview-g2p-payments-sector-pakistan.
xviii CGAP (2013). Accessed March 7, 2013 from http://www.
cgap.org/blog/geography-cash-points-tanzania
14
A busy street in South Jakarta
15
Outlook: The future of financial inclusion
The success of mobile banking innovations
such as M-PESA is yet to be replicated in scale
in other countries. Almost every Kenyan adult
has now access to a mobile phone, and 73% of
phone owners are mobile money users. Recent
additions to the mobile banking product range
suggest that the sector will continue to grow
rapidly. In Tanzania, mobile money agents
which serve as cash outlets outnumber bank
branches 35 to 1. For Kenya, this ratio is now
exceeding 100 to 1.
However, the technology itself allows for
very flexible implementation. Paul Breloff,
Managing Director at of the Accion Venture
Lab, writes on the CGAP blog that “m-payment
platforms themselves are only part of the fun.
Perhaps more exciting will be the ways these
platforms (such as M-PESA) can be used as the
‘rails’ on which innovative financial services
can be offered.” xx He is referring to services
beyond payment, savings and loans – implying
by Johannes Loh & Taufik Indrakesuma
Vendors setting up Vientiane's night market
xix Asian Trends Monitoring (2012). A dataset on poverty and
service provision.
xx Breloff, P. (2013, January 29). Tech Start-Ups and Financial Inclusion: Trends to watch in 2013. CGAP Blog. Retrieved March
13, 2013 from http://www.cgap.org/blog/tech-start-ups-and-financial-inclusion-trends-watch-2013.
16
Face-to-Face financial services for slum dwellers: SafeSave, Bangladesh
The poor often struggle with their day-to-day money management.
In absence of savings instruments they find themselves unable to
save up for the future. There are too many essential expenses that eat
up their daily or weekly earnings. With small and irregular incomes,
managing their financial affairs takes is a major concern for the poor.
Thus, there is strong demand for a convenient cash-flow manage-
ment facility on a daily basis.xxi
Ideally, the facility should allow for small-scale savings of any
value at any time with the right to withdraw on demand, combined
with the possibility of taking small loans to smoothen unexpected
cash expenditures; - services that people in developed countries can
utilize at any ATM or via online banking.
Conventional microfinance products do not offer this kind of facil-
ity and commit borrowers to regular repayments. They also rarely
include a savings instrument. SafeSave, providing financial services
in slums in Dhaka, Bangladesh, provides a service that fills this gap.
SafeSave provides financial services to very poor clients without
the usual requirements. There are no group meetings, joint liability,
guarantors, or even fixed weekly loan repayments.xxii Originally, it
started out as an experiment and turned out both extremely popu-
lar and sustainable. Despite flexible arrangements, the repayment
rate stands at 97%.
Operating from nine branches, Safesave sends out 66 collec-
tors, all women from low income neighbourhoods in the same area,
who visit client’s homes or workplaces every day. With a small hand-
held device they process deposits and withdrawals and document
loan repayments. Clients only have to visit the branches for loan
disbursements or large savings withdrawals.xxiii The innovation of
giving clients the choice of how much to save or how much to repay
on a daily basis, matches the irregular nature of the slum dwellers’
income flows. In consequence, there are no fixed loan terms. To
ensure proper accounting and prevent human error all collectors
are equipped with handheld devices to electronically record each
transaction into SafeSave’s database.
Surprisingly, 44% of account holders do not take loans and prefer
only to save. For accounts with balance above US$ 15 the organiza-
tion pays 6% p.a. interest to account holders, while the interest rate
for loans is 3% monthly. Regular and fast repayment is incentivized
by making an increase of the credit limit conditional on how fast the
existing loan is repaid. In 2010, the product range was expanded to
include a long-term savings product for three, five, seven or ten years
with 7%, 8%, 9% and 10% interest per year.
“Having some instrument there that allows him
to make those payments on a regular and fre-
quent interval, this is the trick that maximizes
poor people’s ability to intermediate as much of
their cash flow as possible." Stuart Rutherford, Founder of SafeSave
While some people prefer the rigid repayment discipline required
by traditional microfinance providers such as Grameen, the ser-
vice has filled a gap for all those with more irregular, unpredictable
cash-flows. SafeSave has found a profitable business model that at
the same time pushes the boundaries of financial inclusion to the
extreme poor. Accepting deposits of tiny sums as small as US$ 0.02
allows even those living on less than US$ 1.25 a day the opportunity
to save for a better future. It would be great to see this innovation
replicated by major microfinance providers and brought to scale in
some of Southeast Asia’s slums.
xxii Bauchet, J., 15 July 2010. Report from the field: SafeSave, a different kind of microfinance methodology. Available at: <http://financialaccess.org/node/3509>. [Accessed on 10 September 2011]
xxi Murali, D., 9 June 2010. Three opportunities for Microfinance providers. The Hindu. Available at: <http://www.thehindu.com/business/Economy/article450818.ece>. [Accessed on 10 September 2011]
xxiii SafeSave (2011). SafeSave Performance. Available at: <http://safesave.org/performance.html>. [Accessed on 9 September2011]
17
that future service providers could use these
platforms to offer micro-insurance and pay-as-
you-go access to energy or clean water. Once
the mobile service is reaching a mass-market,
new promising start-ups may stimulate product
development outside of pure banking products.
It is undeniable that agent banking has trans-
formed the financial landscape in countries such
as Kenya and Tanzania. ATM
Mobile savings for the poorest of the poor: Jipange KuSave, Kenya
Inspired by the success and convenience of Safaricom’s mobile pay-
ment service M-PESA, a new company called Mobile Venture Kenya
Ltd. recognised an opportunity to test a flexible savings product
through mobile channels targeted at the poorest.
The pilot project was called Jipange Kusave (in Swahili “to orga-
nize oneself to save). Clients would receive interest free loans for a
small administrative fee and all payments would be made directly
through M-PESAxxiv. A small part of each loan was retained as sav-
ings. This setup meant that there were no field collectors, lower
costs, but also increased risk of default. Despite the minimization
of human interaction, the initial recruitment and registrations were
conducted in person. The higher risk required a good screening pro-
cess to avoid clients with higher likelihood to default.
The pilot project was rolled out in three phases with different
product specifications to test client satisfaction and the feasibility
of the business model. While the initial clients in the Jipange pilot
were predominantly banked customers, almost 40% lived on less
than US$ 2.5 a day. After experimenting with different fee struc-
tures the company determined that in order to build a sustainable
business model activation and disbursement fees had to be raised
from initial levels. Customers had to pay a one-time activation fee
of US$ 5 to become eligible for the mobile loan service. Thereafter,
they pay a 5% loan disbursement fee (5% of the total loan princi-
pal), starting with an initial loan of US$ 20. Half of the loan amount
is held back as savings. Customers need to indicate a savings target
and the company will keep their savings out of reach until the target
has been reached. Most clients were able to understand the product
features and charges within 15 minutes. After successful repayment
the customer automatically qualifies for a new (slightly bigger) loan.
Although the maximum loan size was capped at US$ 1,200.
A client feedback survey showed that the most valued feature
of this mobile loan and savings offer was the forced savings com-
ponent. Seven out of ten respondents listed this as the top product
feature. Respondents also said that not having access to their sav-
ings during repayment helped them to achieve their targets more
quickly. Users who simply stored value in their M-PESA accounts,
found the money too easy to withdraw at any of the M-PESA agents.
They struggled with following their own “mental accounting” rules.
When the savings were less accessible, the funds were clearly ear-
marked as future savings. This makes a huge difference which could
help the poor to keep their money safe and save more, compared to
hiding the savings in cash at home.
After completion of the pilot phase MVK decided not to launch
the service commercially, because acquiring the required banking
license would have been too difficult for a small start-up. Their num-
bers suggested that a client base of 300.000 plus within three years
with average savings of US$ 180-300 would ensure profitability.
Given that Kenya currently has 17 million mobile phone users, this
threshold would not be the limiting factor.
In late 2012, Safaricom launched a new mobile banking product
called M-Shwari which offers interest free loans and up to 5% interest
on savings held in the M-Shwari account. The loans can be as small as
US$ 1.25. In terms of risk management Safaricom assumes that los-
ing your mobile number is deterrent enough to ensure repayment.
One limiting factor is that the money held in an M-Shwari account
can only be moved to and from an M-PESA account and thus ties the
user to existing M-PESA limitations.
Initial sign-up rates are promising, but it is too early to assess the
impact this new product will have on financial inclusion, in particular
among the poor.
xxiv Rotman, S., Ferrand, D., and Rasmussen S. (2012). The Jipange KuSave Experiment in Kenya. CGAP, Washington, USA.
18
19
A statue in Vientiane's Buddha Park.
20
Johannes Loh is working as a Research Associate at the
Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. He holds a Master’s
degree in Public Policy from the Hertie School of Public
Policy in Berlin, and a Bachelor of Arts in Integrated
Social Science from Jacobs University Bremen. His previ-
ous research experience includes aid governance, visual
political communication and public sector reform in
developing countries. Prior to joining the Lee Kuan Yew
School of Public Policy he has also worked for the United
Nations Environment Programme in Geneva, Transparency International Nepal, and
the Centre on Asia and Globalisation in Singapore. His email is johannes.loh@nus.
edu.sg and you can follow his updates on trends in pro-poor policies in the region on
Twitter @AsianTrendsMon.
Taufik Indrakesuma is a research associate at the Lee
Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. He is a recent gradu-
ate of the Master in Public Policy programme at the
Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. He also holds a
Bachelor in Economics degree from the University of
Indonesia, specialising in environmental economics.
Taufik has previously worked as a Programme Manager
at the Association for Critical Thinking, an NGO dedicated
to proliferating critical thinking and human rights aware-
ness in the Indonesian education system. His research interests include behavioural
economics, energy policy, climate change mitigation and adaptation as well as urban
development policy.
Phua Kai Hong is a tenured professor at the LKY School
of Public Policy and formerly held a joint appointment as
Associate Professor and Head, Health Services Research
Unit in the Faculty of Medicine. He is frequently con-
sulted by governments within the region and interna-
tional organisations, including the Red Cross, UNESCAP,
WHO and World Bank. He has lectured and published
widely on policy issues of population aging, health-
care management and comparative health systems in
the emerging economies of Asia. He is the current Chair of the Asia-Pacific Health
Economics Network (APHEN), founder member of the Asian Health Systems Reform
Network (DRAGONET), Editorial Advisory Board Member of Research in Healthcare
Financial Management and an Associate Editor of the Singapore Economic Review.
His email address is [email protected]
T S Gopi Rethinaraj joined the Lee Kuan Yew School
of Public Policy as Assistant Professor in July 2005.
He received his PhD in nuclear engineering from the
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Before
coming to Singapore, he was involved in research and
teaching activities at the Programme in Arms Control,
Disarmament and International Security, a multi-disciplin-
ary teaching and research programme at Illinois devoted
to military and non-military security policy issues. His
doctoral dissertation, “Modeling Global and Regional Energy Futures,” explored the
intersection between energy econometrics, climate policy and nuclear energy futures.
He also worked as a science reporter for the Mumbai edition of The Indian Express
from 1995 to 1999, and has written on science, technology, and security issues for
various Indian and British publications. In 1999, he received a visiting fellowship from
the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Chicago, for the investigative reporting on South
Asian nuclear security. His current teaching and research interests include energy secu-
rity, climate policy, energy technology assessment, nuclear fuel cycle policies and inter-
national security. He is completing a major research monograph "Historical Energy
Statistics: Global, Regional, and National Trends since Industrialisation" to be published
in Summer 2012. His email address is [email protected]
Principal Investigators Research Associates
The Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy is an autonomous, professional graduate school of the National University of Singapore.
Its mission is to help educate and train the next generation of Asian policymakers and leaders, with the objective of raising the
standards of governance throughout the region, improving the lives of its people and, in so doing, contribute to the transformation
of Asia. For more details on the LKY School, please visit www.spp.nus.edu.sg