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  • A R T I C L E R E P R I N T

    Davis Masten, Principal, Cheskin

    Tim Plowman, Design Anthropologist, Cheskin

    Reprint # 03142MAS75This article will be published in DMI Journal Vol. 14, No. 2, Spring 2003Fusing Design, Strategy, and Technology

    Copyright Spring 2003 by the Design Management InstituteSM. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may bereproduced in any form without written permission. To place an order or receive photocopy permission contact DMIvia phone at (617) 338-6380, Fax (617) 338-6570, or E-mail:

    The Design Management Institute, DMI, and the design mark are service marks of the Design Management Institute. The DMI Journal is a trademark of the Design Management Institute.

    Digital ethnography: Thenext wave in understandingthe consumer experience

    Design Management Journal

  • The increasingly rapid migration oftechnology across geographic andsocioeconomic boundaries is a funda-mental constituent of the times inwhich we live. It is a process that takessubtle and numerous forms. Parentscan check in on their kids at daycareover the Internet by using X10 technol-ogy. Russian teenagers organize rovingraves through globally oriented blogs.American teens use Pringles potatochip cans to enhance the range of theirwi-fi-enabled PCs and warchalk thelocation (that is, mark on walls andsidewalks to indicate wireless accessareas). Students everywhere are learn-ing to surreptitiously text-message eachother in class using their cell phones.

    With the ever-lower prices of chips,disks, and memory, the continuing

    broadband revolution, and the devel-opment of new protocols, a newdomain for the elaboration of self andculture has emerged, and it is worthstudying. There has been considerableresearch on the social aspects of digitalcommunication, online consumption,and the Web as a social phenomenon.Social scientists, marketing profession-als, and product designers, however,have paid less attention to the opportu-nities presented by digital technologyfor understanding the lives of users andconsumers.

    We propose using the digital andwireless communication revolutions asplatforms for rethinking ethnographicprinciples, methodologies, and analysis.Our goal is to produce new, deep, con-tinuing, and rapid insights into peoples

    S U P P O RT

    In the search for market insights, Tim Plowman and Davis Masten maintain thatthe pathways to information should include PCs, cell phones, Webcams, globalpositioning equipment, digital cameras, and a growing number of other technologies.Structured creatively for self-reporting, passive observation, and participantobservation, these media can yield facts businesses can analyze to shape individualand strategic design decisions.

    Digital ethnography:The next wave inunderstanding theconsumer experienceby Davis L. Masten and Tim M. P. Plowman

    Design Management Journal Spring 2003 75

    Davis Masten, Principal,Cheskin

    Tim Plowman, DesignAnthropologist, Cheskin

  • lives and needs. We call this convergence andupdating of traditional methods with digitaltechnology Digital Ethno. The tools on the cus-tomer side are as ubiquitous as cell phones,PDAs, email, Webcams, SMS, GPS, and digitalcameras. For anthropologists and, specifically,for ethnographers, all these tools can fall into theclass of remote sensing devices.

    Remote sensing

    According to Paul Saffo, the director of theInstitute of the Future, in Menlo Park,

    California, this is thedecade of remote sens-ing. Computers andsensors are beingembedded in manydurable goods as amatter of course.Appliance manufactur-ers are embeddingcomputers into refrig-erators and ovens and,with the imminentadoption of newInternet protocols suchas IPv6, many of thesewill be Web-enabled

    and connected. As more and more of these toolsare produced and used, the price inevitablyplummets. Only a few years ago, the basic chipset for a hand-held GPS (global positioning sys-tem) receiver cost $3,000 or more. Now, its justa fraction of that price. With manufacturingcosts this low, GPS systems are being built intomany devices that we consider everyday tools,such as wrist watches and cell phones.

    This cost/volume relationship holds true for arange of personal technology and sensingdevices. Ubiquity and affordability make thesetechnologies more realistic as research tools.

    The Internet connection

    Many of these devices have been designed forstand-alone and single-task purposesmeaningthat when a motion-sensing plastic frog,designed in the US and built in Taiwan, calls outto you as you near the backyard pool, it is notconnected to anything. However, many nationsare moving into the deeply connected world ofthe global, networked economy. According toJohn Chambers, CEO of Cisco, the wired

    countries will be the ones with the fastest-grow-ing and most-productive economies. What thismeans is that many of the products and devicesthat we think of as stand-alone will achieve newfunctionality and utility by being connected to anetwork.

    We are only just starting to see examples ofthis networked world. These days, you can emailthe pictures you take to anyone with an emailaddress. In Hong Kong, your cell phone willnotify you when you are within range of aStarbucks and offer you a discount on a cup ofcoffee. In this case, your phone is tracked by thecellular ground station antennas, whichtriangulate on your location. In a striking andrecent example, T-Mobile Sidekick users aresharing their daily experiences via their hip-topdevices and the Web site, Hiptop Nation( As the Web andbroadband capabilities become increasingly likethe water and power utilities of today, remotedevices and similar technologies will be builtand connected into more and more commodi-ties. And, as the world becomes increasinglywired, it will become ever easier to conduct thetype of research we are proposing. There arealready at least 35 million Japanese using cellphones that are Web-enabled.1 Imagine if justone percent of them were participating in asponsored contest to uncover the next bigthing in street fashion, and as a result wereengaged in collective trend-watching. Or imag-ine if another one percent emailed pictures fromtheir camera phones to the local governmentand local media, visually and powerfully illus-trating a safety complaint plaguing their neigh-borhood while they were currently describing itover the phone. The paring away of institutionaland social distance and abstraction might havevery positive effects in a variety of contexts.

    Business discovers ethnography

    During the past five years or so, ethnography hasbeen widely embraced (and to a degree uncriti-cally co-opted) by the business world, and vari-ous attempts have been made to reconfigure itstechniques to suit business purposes. Butbecause these reconfigurations are still basedupon the ethnographic methods of anthropolo-gists like Franz Boas, Bronislaw Malinowski,

    Fusing Design, Strategy, and Technology

    76 Design Management Journal Spring 2003

    1. Source:

    We propose using thedigital and wireless


    revolutions as platforms

    for rethinking

    ethnographic principles,

    methodologies, and


  • Alfred Kroeber, and A.R. Radcliffe-Brownpractitioners whose work is nearly a centuryoldinnovation within commercial ethnogra-phy is limited to its application in novel con-texts. Moreover, commercial ethnography as it istraditionally practiced means large-scale, com-plex projects, usually involving a multidiscipli-nary team made up of ethnographers,technologists, psychologists, and the like. Theseprojects are typically done for short periods oftime, given that it is very costly to establishbehaviors and accompanying analyses over peri-ods of much longer duration. Although Cheskinand a few other firms are fortunate enough to beinvolved in large-scale, global ethnographies,these studies, often done simultaneously innumerous countries, are frequently impracticalfor the industry at large.

    After developing a thorough inventory ofethnographic techniques appropriate to busi-ness-based ethnography, Cheskin divided theminto three categories of data-gathering: self-reporting, passive observation, and participantobservation. We then developed digital equiva-lents to these traditional methods, as well asentirely new methods of data capture.

    Introduction to Digital Ethnography

    In essence, Digital Ethno is the modern, digitalequivalent of traditional, Malinowskian ethno-graphic forms. The critical distinction is thatwhile traditional ethnographers physicallyimmerse themselves in distinct places and theircultures, digital ethnographers capitalize onwired and wireless technologies to extend classicethnographic methods, like participant

    observation, beyond geographic, as well as tem-poral, boundaries. This method is ideally suitedto documenting the fluidity and flexibilityalready distinguishing contemporary culturesand communities. Participants communicatetheir experience via the Internet and other digi-tal technologies. Digital ethnographers gatherthese details, whether theyre in the form ofwords, images, or audio files, and determinetheir significance as they are played out in thecontext of participants lives.

    Despite the fact that there is now a growingacademic literature and practice of what hasbeen called hypermedia ethnography or cyberso-ciology, we have largely had to forge our ownway in developing Digital Ethno.2 Much of thisprevious work concerns online ethnographyusing data-gathering methods such as site perus-al and online interviewing. These are generallytext-based techniques transplanted on to theInternet. They are not inherently digital.

    Digital Ethno concentrates more on howethnographic data gathering can be extended tothe Internet and wireless communicationdevices in new and creative ways, especially inlight of recent software, hardware, and protocoladoption. An extranet and WLAN can be keycomponents in the task of data gathering andanalysis. An extranet, for example, can serve as aplace to download and upload data quickly andeasily and provide a virtual locale and repository

    Digital ethnography: The next wave in understanding the consumer experience

    Design Management Journal Spring 2003 77

    2. Notable exceptions do existfor example, the Digital

    Ethnography Workshop at the University of California at

    San Diego, run by Edwin Hutchins (see


    Many people with access to the Internet are already engaged in elaborating their identity through new media: putting their lives on displayin both textual and visual terms. This combination of cultural and identity politics and new media has produced some interesting new cultur-al forms. Extreme examples include performance-art Webcasts of surgeries, births, and other intimate moments of peoples lives. A moremundane example might be pictures of a wedding. Digital photos from family vacations are published on the Web every day.

    On a more dubious note, the spread of reality-based entertainment, such as Survivor and American Idol, as well as thecontinuing proliferation of confessional and sensationalistic talk shows, coincides with the advent of technology adept at documenting anddisseminating peoples most intimate life details.

    Amid the confessional and identity-constructing activities occurring through digital media, the question of privacy forcefully emerges.There are still many issues to be sorted out with these new technologies, not the least of which is the question of the protection of ourprivacy. In using and advancing Digital Ethno, it is clear that the respondents have the rights to data outside our very limited uses. Theirlives are their own; we are only visiting with their permission. However, we are just at the beginning stages of determining what is appro-priate around the world, and issues concerning respondent privacy are being formally worked out, with reference to guidelines set forth byprivacy organizations.

  • for the project at hand.One complaint frequently heard about the

    potential of Digital Ethno is that the bandwidthis too narrow and thus, researchers miss the crit-ical aural, gestural, and kinesthetic cues of face-to-face interaction. As the price of remotesensing devices has fallen, so too will the barriersto getting at content-rich data. And this willhappen sooner in commercial ethnography thanin academic ethnography. The innovations thatare occurring on the data-gathering end areequally present in terms of deliverables:

    The potential for integrating visual and written

    media within the same technological environ-

    ment carries significant implications. It allows

    ethnographers to make the step from thinking

    of the visual merely as illustrative of argumenta-

    tion spelled out through the printed word, to

    seeing it as itself constitutive of meaning. This is

    an observation that visual ethnographers have

    been trying to press home for years. In fact,

    we need to consider seriously what hypermedia

    can do that a well-illustrated book or a well-

    produced film cannot. There are potential gains

    to be derived from exploring how ethnographic

    representation can simultaneously be a verbal

    and a pictorial, a visual and an aural activity.3

    While the above paragraph focuses on academicethnography as product, there is no reason whysimilar innovations cannot take place with regardto data gathering for commercial purposes. Themarket is awash with software and sharewarethat lends itself to the process (MacroMedia,NVivo, Shockwave, PhotoShop, Media Maker,Director, iMovie, CoolEdit, and so forth).

    Valentines Day: A case study

    In February 2000, Cheskin piloted the first non-proprietary Digital Ethno project that was donefor public consumption. The project focused onValentines Daya common cultural event, oneshared by North Americans throughout theUnited States and yet often hotly contested in itscultural meanings and personal significance. Inorder to test the method, we selected eight peoplefrom the San Francisco Bay Areasix involved inrelationships and two unattachedin order todigitally observe their Valentines Day prepara-tions and practices. In particular, we focused onparticipants attitudes toward and behaviors asso-ciated with contemporary Valentines Day icons:

    hearts, candy, flowers, and kisses.The team included two ethnographers. We

    used a wide variety of techniques includingemail, cell phones, digital cameras, chatrooms,online questionnaires, and digitized audiodiaries, among others to gather the data. Whilesuch a study would have been highly appropriatefor Tokyo or Rio de Janeiro, where distance andtime differences are major components, wedecided to keep the complexity to a minimumand scaled the project accordingly. A weekbefore Valentines Day, we asked the respondentsto fill out an online questionnaire gauging theirreactions to the four icons. We then sent themprompts via email over the course of the nextweek that asked them to engage in numerousactivities documenting their Valentines Dayexperience....