dialogue of civilization. china 2010

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Northeastern University School of ArchitectureDialogue of Civilization. China 2010

2China 2010. Northeastern University

3

China 2010A Comparative Study of Contemporary Chinese and Western Models for Architecture, Urban Design, and Development

EDITORKyle Jonasen

FACULTYGeorge ThrushSuzanne OgdenMa Yuanxi

©2010 Northeastern University School of Architecture



CONTENT

The work contained within this publication is drawn from the Spring 2010 Northeastern University School of Architecture Dialogue of Civilization course in China.

FACULTYGeorge Thrush, Suzanne Ogden, & Ma Yuanxi

STUDENTS

Dan Adams Bryan AllenDan ArtigesDaniel BelknapAlex BrownellDrew BrydonSam ClementMeghan DoranDennis GreenwoodKyle JonasenDiana LattariErica LeLievre

For additional copies:lulu.com/spotlight/nuarch

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ChinesenessBryan Allen, Drew Brydon, & Sam Clement

ChinaBryan Allen, Drew Brydon, & Sam Clement

Shanghai World ExpoGeorge Thrush

Transportation InfrastructureDennis Greenwood & Diana Lattari

ChileDan Adams

Street TypesDan Artiges & Kyle Jonasen

DenmarkBryan Allen & Sam Clement

Courtyard HousingMeghan Doran & Erica Lelievre

GermanyAlex Brownell

RetailDaniel Belknap & Alex Brownell

ItalyDiana Lattari

Soho CommunitiesDan Adams

Republic of KoreaKyle Jonasen

MexicoDan Belknap

SwitzerlandDan Artiges

United KingdomDennis Greenwood

Dialogue of Civilization Course at Northeastern UniversityGeorge Thrush

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56-71 102-103

30-39 98-99

82-87 106-107

10-29 96-97

90-95

72-81 104-105

40-55 100-101

108-109

110-111

112-113

Contents


The Forbidden City as seen from Coal Hill, Beijing.

7

George Thrush

Dialogue of Civilization Course at Northeastern UniversityIt is difficult to imagine anywhere on earth where mankind’s re-lationship to its environment is undergoing more change than in China today. Massive stress on water resources, unprecedented new housing construction, extensive new transportation net-works, and a dramatically changing landscape of public expec-tation and demand all add up to a country like no other. The rapid urbanization of a country of 1.3 billion people is, by now, a well-documented phenomenon, but nonetheless one whose ultimate consequences remain a mystery.

Architects, designers, planners, landscape architects, as well as bankers and public officials, are all trying to manage this “mas-sive change.” On the one hand, it is impossible. It is impossible

to balance the effects of so much construction and alteration of the surface of the planet with the many improvements to the lives of many Chinese, and to the financial and political strength of this nation– all on the fly. But they try. And it was to observe, discuss, analyze, and document a tiny part of this transforma-tion that Northeastern University sent over twelve students and two faculty members to Beijing and Shanghai for 26 days in May, 2010.

Suzanne Ogden, Professor of Political Science at Northeastern University, and an expert on China, led the group. She has pub-lished four books on China since the dramatic market-oriented changes of 1978, and she has visited China nearly every other year since then. Her sense of the political, cultural, and econom-ic evolution of the country over time was an invaluable resource for the students. In addition to Professor Ogden, Ma Yuanxi , a Chinese educator, helped the group navigate what is still an infi-nitely complex place. Her own background, having lived through the new nation’s founding and later the Cultural Revolution, pro-vided a human context against which to better understand the enormity of change that China has undergone.

As all of the students were architecture students (current or for-mer), the trip focused on the changes to the built environment. But in order to understand change, it is essential to get some understanding of what preceded the change, and that provided the perfect argument (excuse?) for combing both historical and contemporary design into a single agenda for the trip.

Beginning in Beijing, the group saw important traditional mas-terpieces like the Summer Palace, The Forbidden City, The Lama Temple, The Bell and Drum Towers, and many others. But they also met with important Chinese and Chinese-American firms like Urbanus, MAD Architects, and Yu Kongjian of Turenscape. They were able to visualize the massive scale of the city’s trans-formation at the Museum of Planning, where the translucent,


Plexiglas model of the living city was at least fifty feet square, and one could walk over large parts of it. If one were ever to get the sense of understanding the city as a singular entity, this is where one would do it. They visited Rem Koolhaas’ CCTV, Her-zog & DeMeuron’s Olympic Bird’s Nest Stadium, and they at-tended the official opening of Steven Holl’s “Linked Hybrid” proj-ect.

After leaving Beijing, the group moved on to Shanghai, a very different city. This much younger place is also much more cos-mopolitan. Here the pace of change seemed, if anything, even faster. The transformation of the area known as Pudong, from a rice paddy to a potential rival for Hong Kong in less than 20 years is almost unimaginable. And Shanghai is also home to ad-

ditional interesting architects. Students met with Ben Wood and saw his wildly successful– and controversial– Xiantandi district, that has served as a model for so many other places that want to tie their historical character to retail and economic develop-ment. They also met with western firms like Gensler, which is designing the latest (and second tallest in the world) new build-ing in Pudong, a 2,073 foot tall tower to sit astride the existing be-hemoths designed by Skidmore, Owings, and Merrill, and Kohn Pedersen Fox. They also looked at work in the offices of Zerolab Architects, SURV, Urbanmatics, and Cannon Design– and es-tablished contacts with principals in each office! All of this was woven in with two days at the World Expo (more on that in the second section of the book), and a visit the historic district city of Hangzhou.

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But the students’ experience of China needed to go beyond that of the tourist, so they embarked on a comparative analysis of different aspects of the built environment in China, and the re-sults of their work are what you will find in the small book. It represents an attempt to learn more about China by understand-ing it in the context of what one already knows. So, you will find comparative analysis of courtyard houses, urban street types, transportation networks, branded mixed-use development, and retail. In each of these categories, you will see students trying to identify specific ways in which these different design elements were distinct from their western (or U.S.) counterparts, and also ways in which they were similar. This kind of close inspection is beneficial in its own right, but also leads, I think, to more atten-tive observation in general. When students know that they need to frame an argument, they are constantly seeking evidence. The final object of study in this process is the one you’ll find in the first section of this book. Three students opted not to study a particular type, but rather to focus on the larger question of identity. What choices that architects make say the most about China’s sense of itself today? It sounds like a daunting question, but the students simply called their subject, “Chineseness.” How, they wondered, do architects express the important quality of national, or cultural, identity in the work? The results of both their observations and their approach, are fascinating, and leave us with a sense that the battle between modernity and tradition is far from over.

Please enjoy these brief observations about a giant country. This was the first visit by Northeastern architecture students, but it will surely not be the last.

George Thrush, FAIAProfessor and Director,School of Architecture

The Jin Mao Tower (SOM) and the Shanghai World Financial Center (KPF) seen towering aboe the Yu Garden district, Shanghai.

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CHINESENESS


INSTANT REINVENTIONCHINESE ARCHITECTURAL IDENTITY IN BEIJING AND SHANGHAI

As China moves into a new, modern era and grows into it’s market-driven economy, its architects must consider the relevance of their buildings to their history and culture. At the same time, the country is struggling to define its role in a fast moving ‘global village’, and does not want to come across focused solely on its past. Caught between a rich past and a promising future, has China’s architectural identity changed, been lost, been found or even been reinvented?

Of the two cities we visited, Beijing is older, and more traditionally ‘Chinese’. We looked at seven case studies there, from it’s ancient city center to newly-opened periphery housing projects.

We visited Shanghai second. Here we study four examples of architecture in China’s most ‘international’ city, both today and in it’s past.

To start, we created a chart of our predictions, based on early experiences and initial reactions to China. For this we have defined four building typologies to help distribute our case studies more evenly, which you see at the top of the chart (on the next opposite page).

We defined two genres of inherently Chinese architectural moves: Spatial Moves and Aesthetic Moves. We then singled out five examples from each genre to more specifically analyze our case studies. Ultimately, this research should help to develop a hypothesis.

Before we begin these case studies, we also define more categories of investigation and suggest our anticipated trends relative to building typology.

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CATEGORIES HOW WE COMPARE AND ANALYZE EACH CASE STUDY

The Chinese concepts that most Westerners think about actually came about during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Different elements of architecture have been split up into two sets: Aesthetic and Spatial. These have then been divided up into five separate categories that will be analyzed relative to specific sites.

Symbols - Just like every other nation and culture, the Chinese have used many different symbols in their architecture. In China, Buddhist symbols and Chinese writing has adorned various parts of buildings since the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, for instance.

Motifs - While similar to symbols, motifs actually refer to larger parts of how Ming and Qing Dynasty architecture worked. This can refer to anything from the dragon forms adorning walls in temple buildings, to specific functions of parts of the building which often affect how the building will act as a whole.

Color - Ming and Qing Dynasties each used specific color schemes in their designs, however, they were often similar. They both used bold, even primary colors because that was what they could make at the time.

Material - As with many other ancient cultures, stone was the material of choice when it came to designing buildings during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Wood was also used, often for some decoration, as well as for roof structures.

Roofing - During the Qing Dynasty, the Chinese were famous for their specific style of roofing. This roof system included ceramic tiles that would create a gutter like system, shooting rain off the edge of the roof and away from the building.

Courtyard - The courtyard is one of the most important spatial elements within Chinese architecture. Courtyards create a space where it is possible to be outdoors, yet still within the security of the home. This organization also affected conventions in family life, and neighborhood relationships.

Circulation - While moving through a Qing Dynasty building, there is a highly controlled path through the structure. Occupants are guided through a specific series of spaces before they arrive at their final destination, and the journey there is very deliberate.

Hierarchy - In the Confucian society of Qing China, everyone had their place. One of the many translations of this Confucian concept into Chinese architecture is the placement of a buildings private spaces at the very rear of the property, where guests would never reach.

Axis - Typical Chinese buildings were oriented to cardinal directions, and featured a main axis. Old Beijing is centered around the Forbidden City for instance, which set up the North-South axis for the capital city and beyond.

Form - Classically Chinese buildings have an immediately distinguishable silhouette often as the sum of the components we have listed here. Massing, for instance is often a product of the courtyard aggregation and hierarchal issues therein.

Opposite page: Early reactions/predictions and sample chart to be revisited once more information is collected.

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TMPL/HM GVT/INST OFF/APT CNTP/EXP

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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LOW-LYING TEMPLES, FAMILY HOUSING TYPES

GOVERNMENT OR INSTITUTIONAL TYPES, TEMPLES

MODERN HOUSING ESTATES, OFFICE BUILDINGS

CONTEMPORARY CELEBRATIVE BUILDINGS

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THE FORBIDDEN CITY

The Forbidden Cit y is t he palace complex in which t he Ming and Qing emperors lived dur ing t heir reigns. I t is one of t he oldes t examples of Chinese Imper ial Architecture and is t heref ore t he epit ome of clas s ical Chinese Architecure

(BEIJING)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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As one of t he las t and mos t not able examples of Qing

Dynas t y Architecture, t he palace exemplif ies China’s

power and aes t het ic r ichnes s. The complex includes many

lavish buildings and a marble boa t. Br ight colors and

cons t ruct ional polychrome domina te t hroughout.

SUMMER PALACE

(BEIJING)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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Many old hut ong neighborhoods are undergoing gent r i f ica t ion. While t his is happening, t he neighborhoods are also regaining some of t heir f or mer glor y. While t he s t rong axis remains, t he roof s of buildings are concrete ins tead of s t one t iles, and t he s t reet s are of ten clogged by mot or vehicles.

HUTONG

(BEIJING)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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5. FORM

Refurbished cour t yard houses are becoming t he nor m in old

Beijing hut ongs. Their owners are clear ing out t he cour t yards

of t he addit ions, and t r ying t o recrea te t he circula t ion

pa t terns of old. However, many are resor t ing t o us ing cheaper ma ter ials such as concrete in t he roof s ins tead of t he t iles.

COURTYARD HOUSES

(BEIJING)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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(BEIJING)

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The solut ion t o t he modern building in Beijing seems t o be a combina t ion of applied

t r adit ion or crea t ive modern interpret a t ion of t r adit ion.

Bot h met hods crea te a modern building environment domina ted

by t r adit ional aes t het ics.

BEIJINGMDRN BLDG

(BEIJING)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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URBANIS:BAI YUNG UAN

Fr aming t he White Cloud Temple, Urbanis f ocused on shaping space, and imbued t he complex wit h a sense of place by repea t ing t he Ta ois t s ymbol of t he oct agon. The not able t r ansparent f acade highlight s t he red spir i t wall a t t he temple’s ent r ance.

(BEIJING)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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Beyond t he r igid interna t ional aes t het ics, t his complex of

buildings recalls t he t r adit ional cour t yard house, connected by a

s inuous br idge s ys tem around a cent r al lake. This br idge s ys tem

along wit h t he f or m and height of each building es t ablish a subt le

hier archy t ha t dis t inguishes per manent res idence f rom hotel and recrea t ional progr am s imilar

t o t he f amily hier archy of t he t r adit ional cour t yard house.

LINKEDHYBRID

(BEIJING)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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SHANGHAI TRADITIONAL

For Shanghai chinesenes s does not enter int o t he conversa t ion because i t is a cit y rooted in wes tern t r adit ion. The architecture of t he Interna t ional Set t lement is impor ted f rom t he wes tern t r adit ion of Br it ain and Fr ance as seen in t hese images t aken along t he Bund.

(SHANGHAI)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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Wit h a his t or y of wes tern inf luence and t r adit ional wes tern architecture, Shanghai’s modern

ident it y is devoid of any Chinese ident it y. The s t reamline glas s

f acades def ine an architecture pala te t ha t could ident if y wit h

any cit y in t he wor ld. This modern language of architecture

dis t inguishes Shanghai as a t ruly interna t ional cit y.

SHANGHAIMODERN

(SHANGHAI)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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YU GARDEN

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S light ly dif f erent in appear ance f rom t he t r adit ional architecture of Bei jing t he Yu Garden is a grea t example of Suzhou t r adit ional s t yle of architecture. This is t he language f rom which t he architecture of t he region is der ived however in t he cosmopolit an cit y of Shanghai t he s t yle seems like jus t anot her impor t alt hough i t preda tes all f oreign development.

(SHANGHAI)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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In t he context of t he Wor ld Expo t his pavilion is unmis t akably

t he Chinese Pavilion. As shown t hrough our research China, f or

t he sake of na t ional pr ide, made a conscious ef f or t t o preser ve

a cultur al ident it y wit hin i t s architecture. The pavilion is a

ver y succes s ful modern example of t his ef f or t.

CHINESE PAVILION

(SHANGHAI)

1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

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CONCLUSION How has ‘Chineseness’ changed, will it change it again?

We realize now that there are many issues China must consider regarding history and ‘Chineseness.’ Looking back at out typologies, we have begun to understand the changing circumstances informing China’s identity and interest therein.

Small, effectively single-family homes, (such as Beijing’s Hutongs) often exhibited ‘Chineseness’ via their culture at the time. Their roofs and spatial organization, for instance, are genuine externalities of building technologies and social norms of the era. To the same extent, there was often little effort to ‘go out of the way’ to exhibit ‘Chineseness’ in places where it was not useful.

At the same time, huge monuments to raw ‘Chineseness’ were being built, sparing no expense in their desire to ‘Be Chinese’. The Forbidden City for instance, successfully imparts the power and refinement of Chinese culture. At times these monuments would even mimic typical modes of living, (such as the faux ‘shopping district’ in the Summer Palace) to reassert Chinese ideals. Here architectural outcroppings of ‘Chineseness’ are pervasive.

Today, often directly adjacent to these ancient buildings, we find huge tracts of land which are developed into high-rise office and apartment buildings. It would appear that sentiment has wavered over time, making it hard to determine who values what, and for what reason. Some buildings exhibit some inherently Chinese imagery and spatial signatures, but it is by no means everywhere.

And of course there are exuberant ‘celebrity’ buildings scattered throughout each city. Sentiments waver here as well. Whether or not architects acknowledge and engage China’s rich history is very much an issue architects deal with today.

We visited, for instance, Shanghai’s Xintiandi - a prime example of one sort of preservation. Surv’s Alex Moh was shocked and offended by the ‘micky-mouseness’ of the development. Many others point to Xintiandi’s success and arguably useful preservation of both space and lifestyle.

We also visited Urbanis’ Bai Yung Uan project. Here, preservation attempts to ‘frame’ a relic of antiquity. The firm went about researching and absorbing translatable components, notably symbols, into a more ‘international’ style. Hui Wang, a partner at the firm, expresses his desire to relate to ancient ideals and accomplishment without creating a caricature of the past. Other architects have pointed out the project’s inability to adapt to typical Chinese modes of retail, potentially due to an over abstraction of form or an overwhelming desire to relate the project more to western modes of shopping and leisure.

In many cases, arguments against projects might just as easily be championing them. Amidst roaring currents of change, ‘Chineseness’ seems to become a question of intention. Does China want to be Chinese? Is becoming more ‘international’ actually the most Chinese thing to do? What is best for China seems to be the ‘right’ choice, but no one seems to know what that is, at least not yet.

Our research would suggest that ‘Chineseness,’ as we understand it, is slowly, somewhat dissolving. Some aspects linger in recent building. Some have all but completely disappeared. We do just begin to see, however, some desire to at least acknowledge ‘Chineseness.’

For the most part the ‘spatial moves’ seem to have been lost, probably due to changes in lifestyle. People no longer live in processional courtyard houses with spirit walls and their grandparents.

On the other hand, China seems to have a conflicted relationship with it’s ‘aesthetic moves’. Sometimes, such as in the new Expo Pavilion, symbols adorn modern forms. In Beijing, traditional roofs often cap the tops of office buildings.

Is this a weight they bear or a crown they gladly support? Without a real perspective, without a truly personal understanding of their history’s pride and pain, maybe we’ll never quite understand.

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1. SYMBOLS

2. MOTIFS

3. COLOR

4. MATERIAL

5. ROOF

1. COURTYARD

2. CIRCULATION

3. HIERARCHY

4. AXIS

5. FORM

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B E I J I N G S H A N G H A I

CONCLUSION How things stack up

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TRANSPORTATION INFRASTRUCTURE


TRANSPORTATION INFRASTRUCTURE

CHINA VS US

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I Transportation infrastructure is the key to any successful major city. Understanding how people move and what modes they use to get around is crucial to weaving infrastructure into the urban fabric. In comparing examples of this infrastructure from China to the United States, we focused on the major hubs where multiple modes of transportation come together. We analyzed routes taken by subways/trains, cars, buses, bicycles, and pedestrians. In both Beijing and Boston, we noted that the infrastructure works in two ways. It provides means of separation between the methods of movement, allowing each to function independently from one another without interference. The infrastructure also then brings these modes together at certain points, displayed in a collaboration of coordinated chaos. These points are the hubs we focused our analysis on. We studied how the flow of people in and around these areas shape the spaces. Additionally, we looked at how the infrastructure has influenced the surrounding urbanism or has had consequences on surrounding development.

Our conclusions are summed up in the chart to the right. South Station, our US example, serves exclusively as a transportation hub. In contrast, Xizhimen and Dongzhimen Stations in Beijing incorporate additional development. This makes the hub a destination as opposed to merely a transition. The result is an area that has a steady occupancy throughout the day, as opposed to the commuter-based fluctuations of South Station. The additional development also increases the value of the construction investment as the commercial spaces can be leased or sold.

Xizhimen and Dongzhimen Stations in Beijing, China (above) South Station in Boston, Massachusetts (below)

BUS TERMINAL

BUS TERMINAL

XIZHIM

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S. STATIO

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LOCAL BUS

L. DISTANCE BUS

SUBWAY

L. DISTANCE TRAIN

SHOPPING CENTER

COMMERCIAL OFFICES

RESIDENTIAL

PUBLIC TRANSPORT vs DEVELOPMENT

miscellaneousunusual landspaces unusual buildings

vernacular idiomretail

infrastructurestreettypescourtyard housing

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Local Bus

Long Distance Bus

Subway

Long Distance Train

Shopping Center

Commercial Offices

Residential

Public Transport VS Development

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33 PEDESTRIAN OVERPASS

PEDESTRIAN UNDERPASS

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BWAY Modes of Transportation Methods of Separation

Beijing, China

SUBWAY lines run underground directly below major vehicular roads.CAR lanes are separated by low fences.

BUS routes occupy the far right lane of roads for efficient travel.BICYCLE paths are isolated by permeable barriers or elevation changes.

PEDESTRIAN walkways bridge over traffic or tunnel under streets.


XIZHIMEN STATIONCHINESE EXAMPLE

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I Xizhimen Station serves as a terminal for subway Line 2 and Line 4 and the western terminus for Line 13. As one of the Line 2 stops, it is located along Beijing’s Second Ring Road. Xizhimen Station is positioned next to the Beijing North Railway Station, one of the three intercity train stations in Beijing, making it a large transportation hub and travel destination. The trains from Beijing North primarily run to destinations in Northern China and Inner Mongolia. Additionally, bicycle lanes and local bus routes are woven into the infrastructure of this hub, creating a chaotic but organized point of convergence for all of the modes of public transit.

The station building located on top of the subway terminals speaks to the elaborate collaborative event that occurs at this hub. Subway Line 13 is raised above the ground and actually penetrates through a neighboring office building. Three parabolic structures arch over entrances into the infrastructure web that is below. Covered queue lines filter people in from one mode of transport to another and open public waiting areas are vehicle prohibited.

Similar to other Beijing station examples, Xizhimen Station does not serve exclusively as a transportation hub. The buildings above the station house a shopping mall and commercial office space. The subway leads directly to the first floor of the mall, a move that capitalizes on the value of available public transportation. Furthermore, the additional development makes Xizhimen Station a destination as well as a transit hub.

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Clockwise from above: Exte-rior of Xizhimen Station; Site section through the station, transportation infrastructure, and development; Shopping mall above infrastructure; The neighboring building accom-modates the path of the sub-way line; Shape of spaces is influenced by the movement of people.

Shopping MallLine 2 (Subway)OfficesLine 13 (Subway)Beijing North Rail StationLine 4 (Subway)


DONGZHIMEN STATIONCHINESE EXAMPLE

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I Dongzhimen Station, named after a gate of the old city wall, is one of the largest transportation hubs in Beijing. It includes a terminal for the subway Lines 2 and 13 and an airport express line, as well as local and long distance buses. The hub includes the eastern terminus of subway Line 13, which runs to the north of the city center. Subway Line 2 follows Beijing’s Second Ring Road, encircling the center of the city and placing Dongzhimen along one of Beijing’s most trafficked streets.

The building that marks this destination includes a variety of uses. To accommodate this infrastructure, the modes of transport are kept underground (the subway and airport lines) or at ground level (local and long distance bus routes). Therefore, the program of the building is raised above the ground to the upper floors. This allows visitors and those traveling to have as little interference as possible, only interacting with each other in the public gathering zones outside of the building.

As is the case with most of Beijing, bicycle lanes and local bus routes also serve the area. Typical of China’s transportation hubs (as seen at Xizhimen Station), Dongzhimen includes additional development to capitalize on the land value and public transit. Offices above the bus terminal are utilized by transportation related entities as well as unaffiliated organizations. There is also a pedestrian connection to a shopping center, above which is residential development. This creates an established destination at the transportation hub and makes the area occupied throughout the entire day.


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Clockwise from above: Exte-rior of Dongzhimen Station; Site section through the sta-tion, transportation infra-structure, and commercial development; Shopping mall above infrastructure; Building is raised above ground to ac-commodate transportation; Shape of spaces is influenced by the movement of people.

ResidentialShopping MallLine 13 (Subway) and Airport ExpressLine 2 (Subway)OfficesBus Terminal


SOUTH STATIONUS EXAMPLE

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I South Station is the primary transportation hub in Boston, Massachusetts. It is located at a busy intersection in the Financial District of the city along the Fort Point Channel. Originally built in 1899, the hub has now become the largest transportation center in New England (next to Logan Airport, also located in Boston). South Station includes a subway terminal (Red Line), airport shuttles (Silver Line), and commuter rail lines. It is also a station stop for local and long distance bus routes.

As Boston’s primary transportation hub, the station plays an integral role in the city’s urban fabric, acting as the main destination and point of departure for all of the accommodating modes of transportation. To best serve the city, all of these modes can be accessed in the station building that serves an an important city landmark. With the subway and airport shuttles running underground, the bus terminal is elevated above the commuter rail lines in a facility that also includes parking and connects directly to highways I-93 and I-90 MassPike.

Unlike the Beijing transportation hubs, South Station is not typically used as a destination, as the majority of visitors use the hub merely in transition between modes of transport. Only transportation related facilities are located on site, including offices, ticket sales, waiting areas, and a food court. The Financial District stands as the only major destination at the station itself, creating a very commuter based traffic pattern in which the area is nearly unoccupied during the hours of the standard business day.


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Clockwise from above: Exteri-or of South Station; Site sec-tion through the station and transportation infrastructure; Open waiting areas above infrastructure; Building is de-signed to accommodate mul-tiple modes of transportation; Shape of spaces is influenced by the movement of people.

Bus TerminalStationRed Line (Subway)Silver Line (Subway)

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STREET TYPES


STREET TYPESUS NORMS

In order to compare the streets of major cities in the US to those of Beijing and Shanghai, we considerd the following street types: alleyways, the suburban side street, pedestrian oriented retail streets, major avenues within a city, state highways, and interstate highways. When comparing these street types to those in China, it is important to consider dimension, adjacent program, and location within the city.

Streets in the US and China have different names but share many characteristics. The key differences lie in the space between the street and the buildings and the program of those buildings. Sidewalks in the US are used a means for pedestrians to safely travel from one destination to another. In China, sidewalks are used not only for transportation, but also for commerce and dining, a spectacle uncommon on American roadsides.

Another reason for the discrepancy between Chinese and American street types is zoning. Zoning in the US is often very specific, resulting in neighborhoods with uniform building programs and typologies. China lacks this rigid zoning resulting in city blocks with mixed building programs and typologies such as the layers of retail and residential found on all but the largest street type.

1 Alley

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3 Retail Street

4 Major Avenue

5 State Highway

6 Interstate Highway

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STREET TYPESCHINESE EXAMPLES

During our studies in China, we noticed six distinct street types. They are, from smallest to largest: alleys, hutong streets, pedestrian dominated retail streets, side streets, major north/south roads, and “ring roads.”

In general, the streets themselves bear close resemblance to streets in the US. There is, however, a great deal of variation in the space between the street edge and building front in the US and in China. The dimension of this zone varies greatly in China from what we in the US would consider a standard sidewalk width to widths large enough to support portable outdoor dining and street merchants. The differing sidewalk widths say a lot about how the Chinese use their roads and walkways.

The amount of bicycle traffic in China also plays a large role in defining street types. There is much more bicycle traffic in China than in the US, resulting in bike lanes that are as wide as a standard traffic lane.

In the US, we are used to streets being reserved for automobiles and bicycles, sidewalks for pedestrians, and buildings for commerce and dining. In China, much of the dining and retail that takes place indoors spills out onto generously dimensioned sidewalks creating a much more interactive streetscape than is typically found in the US.

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5 Major North/South Street

6 Ring Road


ALLEYWAYSUS NORM

Alleyways in the US are characterized by their small size and utilitarian function as an area of storage. American buildings adjacent to alleyways typically have back entrances that open onto the alleys for easy access to the storage of automobiles and trash. In some settings, the alley can take on a more social role, being a place of public gathering. In either case, whether used for storage or social gathering, the primary function of the American alley is not to facilitate vehicular transport.

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an alley in Boston’s North Enddetailed section of an American alley

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ALLEYWAYSCHINESE EXAMPLES

Alleyways in China share a similar function to their counterparts in the US. Alleys in both countries serve as areas of storage with adjacent secondary building entrances. One importance difference between Chinese and American Alleys is that Chinese alleys are not always adjacent to building entrances. The smallest of Chinese alleys are walled on two sides, transforming them into narrow canyons for vehicular storage.

detailed section of a Chinese alleytwo alleys from hutongs in Beijing


SIDE STREETUS NORM

The side street is the second smallest street type in the US. Side streets, which exist in both one-way and two-way traffic variations, are characterized by light traffic. Fewer traffic lights are used on side streets than on larger roads in exchange for more stop signs. Side streets exist between major avenues as well as in residential neighborhoods. Because side streets exist in many settings, adjacent program includes commercial and residential uses. The sidewalk along side streets is used solely as a zone of transportation and is often lined with trees or grass.

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two examples of side streets in Boston’s South Enddetailed section of an American side street

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HUTONG STREETCHINESE EXAMPLES

While the Chinese hutong street is not an exact counterpart to the American side street, both street types are similar in scale of street and sidewalk. The sidewalk zone on hutong streets lacks the definition found in the sidewalks of American side streets. Instead of a curb, rows of trees create a barrier between the pedestrian and vehicular zones of the street. Program along hutong streets consists of retail, dining, and residential.

hutong streets in Beijing: sidewalks are not clearly defined. detailed section of a hutong street


PEDESTRIAN ORIENTEDRETAIL STREET

US NORM

Within every major US city, there is sure to be at least one pedestrian oriented retail street. The pedestrian oriented retail street is characterized by the small, often boutique style shops along the sides of the road. As a result of the heavy pedestrian activity, vehicular traffic is kept at a safe, slow pace. Parking on these retail streets is limited to the roadside, and spaces fill up quickly.

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Boston’s Downtown Crossing, a popular shopping destinationdetailed section of a pedestrian oriented retail street

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PEDESTRIAN DOMINATED RETAIL STREETCHINESE EXAMPLES

The Chinese version of the retail street shares the same principles as the American version; small shops line both sides of a pedestrian oriented street. Unlike in the US, however, the Chinese retail street does not allow automobiles. Instead, bicycles and rickshaws are the only alternative to walking on the retail streets.

detailed section of a pedestrian dominated retail streetoutside of Shanghai’s Yu Garden shopping district. no cars are allowed inside.

entrance to Beijing’s Qianmen street


MAJOR AVENUEUS NORM

Major avenues in the US contain the heaviest amounts of traffic within a city. Major avenues are the quickest form of transportation within a city whereas state and interstate highways are the quickest from of transportation outside of cities.

In order to provide pedestrian safe cities, the speed on major avenues is slowed by speed limits and traffic lights. The speed limits imposed on major avenues are much lower than

those on interstate highways but still high enough to make major avenues a faster option than smaller street types that have less traffic.

A variety of building programs reside adjacent to major avenues. It is common for the ground floors of buildings on major avenues to be used for commercial purposes while the floors above are used as residential or office space.

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Massachusetts Avenue in Cambridge, MAdetailed section of an American major avenue

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SIDE STREETCHINESE EXAMPLES

Chinese side streets are not as large nor do they accommodate as much traffic as major avenues in the US. Chinese side streets coexist with and occupy the tier below major north/south running streets in terms of size and traffic capacity.

While the ground floor program of buildings adjacent to Chinese side streets is similar to that of buildings alone American avenues, the scale of buildings directly along Chinese side streets is comparably small. In China large office and residential buildings are located along the major north/south roads.

two side streets in Beijing detailed section of a Chinese side street


STATE HIGHWAYUS NORM

State highways in the US serve as a means of rapid transportation between two destinations. They are similar to American interstate highways with two important distinctions. State highways often have fewer lanes than interstate roads meaning they carry less traffic. Because they carry less traffic and are smaller than interstate roads, state highway can exist within cities.

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Route 9 in Massachusetts

detailed section of an American State Highway

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MAJOR N/S STREETCHINESE EXAMPLES

Major north/south running streets in China are similar in scale to American interstates but the pace of traffic is more consistent with the American avenue. The north/south roads are up to eight lanes wide. Additionally, bike lanes the size of a single lane of traffic line each side. Because of their large scale and location within the city center, pedestrian bridges and tunnels are built to give pedestrians a safe place to cross the north/south roads.

Another feature that sets Chinese north/south roads apart from any street type in the US is the large sidewalks adjacent to them. The enormous sidewalk space allows space for subway entrances, bicycle parking, street vendors, and even outdoor dining.

Zhongguancun Road in Beijing as seen from a pedestrian bridge

detailed section of Zhongguancun Road, Beijing


INTERSTATE HIGHWAYUS NORM

Interstate highways are the largest from of road in the US. They serve as a convenient means to travel from one destination to another at the highest possible speed with the fewest possible stops. Because of the high speed of travel, there is little desire for buildings to be built directly next to interstate roads. A buffer zone between the road and any buildings is needed to keep out the noise and danger presented by fast moving vehicles.

Because of their size, ability to support heavy traffic, and high levels of noise and danger, interstate highways are not found within the heart of large cities. Instead, they connect large cities with one another and their surrounding suburbs.

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I-287 in New Jersey

detailed section of an interstate highway

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RING ROADCHINESE EXAMPLES

The ring roads of Beijing are analogous to American interstate roads. The ring roads are the largest of Beijing’s street types and allow large amounts of traffic to traverse the city at high speeds. As in the US, ring roads are used only for transportation. No retail, dining, or residential line the ring roads.

As their name suggests, Beijing’s ring roads form concentric rings around the city. The system of rings creates an efficient mode of transportation from the city center all the way to the outskirts of the city.a ring road in Beijing

detailed section of a ring road

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(BIG IMAGE HERE)

COURTYARD HOUSING


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COURTYARD HOUSINGSPATIAL, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL ELEMENTS

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E The courtyard house is also known as a Siheyuan in Chinese which literally translates into “courtyard surounded by four buildings.” This building type is most famously found in Beijing residences, but the pattern can also be found in temples, monasteries, and government buildings. The design of the typical courtyard house reflect a series of spatial, social, and cultural values.

INWARD PLANNINGCourtyard houses face inward toward the center courtyard which may also hold a garden. It is along these interior facades where all the windows occur and the natural light is allowed into the house. The exterior of the house very rarely has windows facing the street, which allows the interior to become a garden closed off to the outside world.

SPIRIT WALL & ENTRANCEThe entrance to the courtyard house is located in the south-east corner. When entering the house one has to step over a raised wooden threshold held up by stone which serves to raise the door off the ground to prevent rot. This raised threshold also has a cultural significance for the Chinese as the physical barrier between the home and the outside world. The Chinese people believe that it is there to be crossed over, but not tread on. Directly on axis with this entrance would be a spirit wall or a screen wall called the yi bi. This spirit wall is a device used to give the inhabitants privacy, but also to protect the house from evil spirits.

inward planning spirit wall and entrance

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axial planningbuilding hierarchy

courtyard configuration hierarchy

BUILDING HIERARCHYThe four buildings follow a strict hierarchy depending on their location in the complex. The north building which faces south, or the zheng-fang, is the most important building in the complex and would house the eldest member of the family and sometimes a shrine. This building would also house the main living space.The buildings to the east and west, or the xiang-fang are typically used to house the sons and his families. The building that sits on the south side and faces north is called the doa-zuo-fang which literally translates to the opposite house, and receives the least amount of light. This building would have housed the servants and the kitchen spaces for the complex. The backside building, located behind the north house is called the hou-zuo-fang and was traditionally used to house the unmarried daughters. This building was the only one on the complex that was allowed to be two-stories tall and housed the daughters because they were not allowed direct exposure to the public.

COURTYARD CONFIGURATION HIERARCHYSome wealthy families had multiple courtyards to house their extended families, there are multiple configurations where the courtyards serve different functions. In some, the front courtyard serves as the main living space and the back courtyard is a servant space. In others the front courtyard becomes a transition space from the outdoors, and the back courtyard becomes the main living space.

AXIAL PLANNINGThe siheyuan consists of four buildings that followed a north, south, east, west configuration. This axial plan was an organized method that gave the Chinese home a sense of order and balance.

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COURTYARD HOUSINGCHINA: MAO DUN TRADITIONAL HOME

Mao Dun also known as Shen Dehong spent the last 8 years of his Life living in a courtyard house in Beijing. This courtyard house is in typical Chinese style, and still today has all of the spatial, social, and cultural elements that are included in the courtyard houses of Beijing.

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Mao Dun’s home has two courtyards. The front courtyard is the larger of the two and was used as the central courtyard and living space for the family. This courtyard is designed in the typical fashion with a garden with two cypress trees that “guard over the peacefulness of the house.”

inward planning spirit wall

axial planning

building hierarchy

courtyard configuration

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The smaller rear courtyard would have been used by the servants or daughters of the house, so as to be kept out of the public eye.

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spirit wall and south east corner entrance

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eastern facing building looking into the courtyard

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COURTYARD HOUSINGUS: FRANK LLOYD WRIGHT’S USONIAN HOUSES

Throughout his career Frank Lloyd Wright built hundreds of homes in his famous usonian style. While it is believed that most of his inspiration is taken from the Japanese, similarities can also be seen with the Chinese courtyard style of housing. These similiarities can be seen in the creation of the central core, exterior looking gardens, and the pinwheel axiality.

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In the traditional Chinese courtyard houses the interior space becomes a void in which the inhabitants can occupy. This space in most cases becomes a garden and central living and gathering space.

In Frank Lloyd Wright’s house he almost completely inverts this relationship where the house becomes an outward looking building. The central void of the courtyard house becomes the solid fireplace core of the usonian house. In both cases, this void or solid becomes the central gathering space for the family. Also, the usonian houses are typically surrounded by gardens and greenery, so while the courtyard house looks in to a garden, the usonian house looks out to a garden.

In the traditional Chinese courtyard houses the four main buildings are placed in an axial pattern surrounding the courtyard to focus the attention to the interior garden.

Frank Lloyd Wright also uses an axial pattern in his usonian houses, but in a pinwheel design so as to focus the attention outward to the exterior gardens.

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solid fireplace core as center of living space outward looking gardens

pinwheel axiality and outward looking gardens pinwheel axiality


COURTYARD HOUSINGCHINA: SANLITUN VILLAGE & THE OPPOSITE HOUSE HOTEL

Tokyo based architect Kengo Kuma and an international team of architects designed the Saniltun Village to be a place where people can gather to drink, eat, and shop. The village is a compilation of 19 individual buildings that work together to create a modern complex that comments on the typical Beijing courtyard type.

The Village follows the typical axial orientation of the traditional courtyard houses with four main buildings. These buildings come together and create an inner space that is used for multiple functions. However, unlike the traditional Beijing courtyard house the Sanlitun Village also looks outward towards the city.

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The four main buildings in the Village are appropriately named the North Tower, East Tower, West Tower, and the Opposite House. The name of the Opposite House comes directly from the traditional Beijing courtyard house. Traditionally the southern building in the complex was used to house guests and sits directly opposite the main building. In the Sanlitun Village the Opposite House is the south building and serves as a hotel.


COURTYARD HOUSINGCHINA: HUTONG BUBBLE

The Hutong Bubble was created by MAD Architects during the renovation of a traditional courtyard house into a wine shop. The actual bubble is a sculptural object in the northeast corner of the courtyard . A bathroom and stair to an upper deck are concealed within the bubble, helping to keep the courtyard unobstructed.

The architects thought of this project as the prototype for future bubbles across Beijing. The use if the bubble is an example of how to reuse existing structures and update their program while keeping the integrity of the urban fabric intact.

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4The bubble replaces the traditional spirit wall in the entry of the courtyard. The traditional wall was an opaque object that blocked the visitor’s view of the interior giving the occupants more privacy. The mirrored surface of the bubble reflects the space of the interior courtyard allowing the visitor to see inside. The new function of the spirit wall is fitting for a business that wants to draw people inside.

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glass wall of the main wine shop blurs in the interior and exterior

the bubble gives access to the deck above the wine shop

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The glass wall of the wine room is juxtaposed against the more tangible northern wall across the courtyard helping draw in patrons. The glass wall and reflective bubble standout against the more traditional elements elsewhere in the courtyard establishing the wine room as the most important space.

The stair inside the bubble leads to a deck on the roof of the wine shop, expanding on the use of the building and increasing the area of usable space for patrons. The creation of the deck follows the hierarchy of the courtyard system by adding to the succession of exterior gathering spaces.


COURTYARD HOUSINGCHINA: STEVEN HOLL - LINKED HYBRID

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Designed by Steven Holl, Linked Hybrid is a group of residential towers connected by a series of bridges. In reality the bridges are a single, publicly accessible elevated pedestrian tube that creates a continuous link through all of the towers. The tube serves as a community space for residents to gather featuring a range of amenities, creating a neighborhood within the highrise tower . Although the tower forms are a modern urban housing typology, the project evokes some of the strategies inherent in Chinese courtyard housing.

ENTRANCEUnlike a traditional courtyard house the Linked Hybrid does not have a single entrance. On the ground the space between the towers creates a permeability not found in traditional scheme. The porous ground floor makes having a single entry point difficult. However, the overall site plan and program of the towers helps denote the more significant entrance. Located on the northeast corner of the site, the entrance is marked by the only break in the loop of towers. The traditional spirit wall is replaced by the hotel tower. As in the traditional home, the view into the courtyard is obstructed to give the residents more privacy and help script the path of the visitor.

spirit wall and entrance

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COURTYARD CONFIGURATION HIERARCHYThe exterior space encompassed by the towers can be broken down into two zones or courtyards. The first is on the east side of the site, adjacent to the entry and hotel/spirit wall. This area becomes the transition zone between public street and the private social space, functioning in the same way as a courtyard house. The second space then becomes the dominant more important zone where activities occurr. The projection screen on the exterior of the theater can be viewed from this space.

INWARD PLANNINGThe traditional courtyard house the is completely internalized with the focus on the courtyard and no windows on the facing the street. Despite the modernity of the towers and windows on all sides, the focus is still on the courtyard. The towers encircle a landscape feature also found in a traditional home. The center space is programmed with a theater for residents and a projection screen on its exterior to create another focal point in the center. To further the inward focus, portions of the pedestrian tube only look into the courtyard.

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inward planning courtyard configuration hierarchy


COURTYARD HOUSINGCHINA: DAVID CHU COURTYARD HOUSE

David Chu’s home is a courtyard house that was renovated using traditional building methods and decorations. The house is an example of how an old building typology is still viable today.

On the interior old and new styles are combined through the minimalist modern decor and the intricate carvings and bright colors on the ceiling. The motifs of the traditional paintings and carvings incorporated throughout the house encompass multiple styles from different dynasties, a showcase of the owner’s favorite works. This is especially true of the ceiling in the main living are. There are 1,000 dragons on the ceiling and rafters from different periods throughout Chinese history.

Traditional elements like the spirit wall were kept when the house was renovated. The wall still functions as a barrier to protect the privacy of residents as well as guide the movement of visitors entering the front courtyard.

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4the restored spirit wall in the entry courtyard

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modern living space contrasted by the elaborate ceiling

dragon carvings and bold colors on the ceiling of the living room

the second courtyard, the larger of the two, serves as a gathering and entertaining space

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4In many traditional courtyard houses the courtyards are not fully enclose spaces. The buildings are separated based on hierarchy and to allow access to the second courtyard without passing through the house.

In the case of David Chu’s house both courtyards are fully enclosed. This could be for a number of reasons. One possibility is modern convienience. The space that once existed between the buildings may have been filled in to accomodate a kitchen, bathrooms and other menities that did not exist when the house was originally built. If that was not the case, the enclosure could have been for social reasons. Perhaps the middle living space was a part of the hierarchy of courtyards and the guest’s status determined how far they could enter the home

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RETAIL


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retail on the ground level with specific pedestrian access as well as vehicular access. The traditional retail streets also either incorporate residential units or are dictated by residential streets. For Beijing as well as Boston this type of retail is related to the historical nature of the areas. For Beijing this retail type exists in the hutongs, alleys formed by traditional courtyard residences. The term hutong is commonly used to refer to these types of neighborhoods. The hutongs all connect to one another so that residential alleys are connected to alleys consisting of solely small-scale retail buildings. In Boston the traditional retail street is in the North End. The North End, specifically Hanover Street, is mainly ground floor retail with residential units occupying the top 2 or 3 stories. Unlike the hutongs of Beijing, the North End is not organized in a grid pattern. The grid organization of the hutongs makes it easy to move between different streets and make all of the retail easily accessible. Although the organization is different the building scale and density is similar as well as the building to street relationship. One of the main differences in the street condition is the separation of vehicular and pedestrian circulation in Boston. Hanover street is much more frequently used by automobiles and thus wider than the Luogu Alley in Nanluoguxiang so sidewalks separate vehicular and pedestrian circulation. Since Luogu alley is much smaller scale there is no grade change to differentiate between vehicular and pedestrian circulation, instead a change in pavement pattern determines where people are meant to walk and where bikes/ automobiles are supposed to drive. This creates freedom to occupy the entire street, yet it is not a pedestrian retail street like in other parts of Beijing.

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NANLUOGUXIANG HUTONG, BEIJING CHINA

RETAILTRADITIONAL RETAIL STREET

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HANOVER STREET

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Hanover Street in the North End of Boston consists of ground floor retail, mainly restaurants, and commonly has two or more residential stories above. Although the real estate is larger, the amount of signage is much less, given the area of the facade.

REAL ESTATE VS SIGNAGEBUILDING AND STREET SCALE

Hanover Street appears to be a much larger scale than the hutongs of Beijing but the scale of the retail itself and area defined for pedestrian use adjacent to the retail space is actually very similar. Grade change separates pedestrian circulation form vehicular circulation like most traditional retail streets in Boston.

The hutong streets are very dense, with

each retail building occupying a small

lot. Even though the lot sizes are small

the amount of signage is a lot more than

that of the traditional retail condition in

Boston. Since the buildings are so tight-

ly packed signage is used to differenti-

ate each retail building from the next.

Although the overall scale of the hutongs

are much smaller there are clear similari-

ties between the two examples of tradi-

tional retail streets. Instead of sidewalks,

materials differentiate between vehicle

and pedestrian circulation. Since the alley

is less occupied by automobiles there is no

real need for sidewalks.

15’

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RETAILMOBILE RETAIL

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AP Mobile retail is much more common in Beijing than it is

in Boston. Mobile, or street vendor retail is a retail type characterized by the absence of a store front, and the ability for the “store” to be moved to another location. One reason for the disparity in the amount of street vendors in Boston and Beijing could be due to population. Since the population of Beijing is much greater, more people on the street may be the cause for more street vendors. Mobile retail can include small self made boutiques, food being sold off of a small grill and table, food being sold from the back of a truck or bicycle, or products sold off of a table, blanket or suitcase on the ground. In Beijing, whether this type of retail is always permitted or not is unknown, but interestingly the same locations were consistent on a day to day basis. To best gage this we focused on where we lived and walked everyday to see a pattern in the type of retail and where it was located. Another key thing to note was the location of the vendors in relation to public transportation, in this case the bus stop, and location in relation to pedestrian bridges, used to cross the main road. Since these were high density areas of people it makes sense that this is where street vendors would set up their shops on an everyday basis. People grow accustomed to where they can pick up a product on their daily walk so a pattern and consistency in the location of these mobile retail “stores” is important to notice.Boston, unlike Beijing, has very few locations where there is consistent street vendor retail. Similarly, the main locations in Boston where there is consistent mobile retail is in close proximity to public transportation, in this case the subway. The examples that follow this same pattern are Brigham Circle and Back Bay Station.

PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION VENDOR LOCATION

PEDESTRIAN BRIDGE

BRIGHAM CIRCLE

BACK BAY STATION

ZHONGGUANCUN STREET

WANGFUJING STREET

DONG’ANMEN STREET

BOSTON, MA

ZHONGGUANCUN STREET, BEIJINGDONG’ANMEN STREET, BEIJING

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BRIGHAM CIRCLE BACK BAY STATION

DONG’ANMEN STREET, BEIJINGZHONGGUANCUN STREET, BEIJING

OPEN AREA TO SHOP AND SITPLANTINGS SEPARATE STREET AND SIDEWALK FROM RETAIL AREA

FOOD VENDORS/SEATING BOUND BY GRADE CHANGE ON EITHER SIDE

MOTORIZED BICYCLE LANE USED FOR STORAGE/SUPPLY

ONLY MEANS OF PEDESTRIAN CIRCU-LATION IS THROUGH RETAIL AREA

RETAIL IS BELOW CANTILEVER TO FUNCTION DURING ALL WEATHER

COLUMNS ACT AS A BUFFER BETWEEN THE RETAIL, SIDEWALK AND STREET

LOCATION AT ENTRY/EXIT OF SUBWAY STATION INCREASES PEDESTRIAN TRAFFIC

PEDESTRIANCIRCULATION IS BOUND BY VENDORS AND FENCE

STREET AND SIDEWALK ARE SEPARATED BY BARRIER AND GRADE CHANGE

PEDESTRIAN TRAFFIC IS VERY DENSE DUE TO LOCA-TION AT THE END OF POPULAR SHOPPING STREET


Retail

Retail

Government

Government

LANDMARK RETAILQUINCY MARKET, BOSTON

QIANMEN, BEIJING

The term “landmark” in this case refers to a class of retail that is known throughout the city, by both locals and tourists, for either its extreme popularity, historical significance, or any other factor that renders it exceptional. Within Boston, Quincy Market in Fanieull Hall is easily one of the most recognizable shopping destinations in the city. However, in Beijing, the sheer quantity of these significant shopping centers is so large that the criteria had to be refined. With Quincy Market as a model, for retail in Beijing to be considered “landmark,” it must be wildly popular, a pedestrian only zone, and its relative urban location must exemplify it in some way. Qianmen, directly south of Tiananmen Square, was a commercially successful street as early as the 13th century, and has recently been redeveloped into a landmark shopping plaza for countless visitors to Beijing.

There are obvious differences in the scale of each shopping area, but the more interesting patterns arise when conducting a deeper analysis of how the plazas are organized. In Beijing, there is a recurring relationship between the corporate brands that place franchises in Landmark Retail centers, and the vernacular bargain shopping that is so prevalent in China. Essentially, more expensive, international brands are situated along the main axis, and smaller, cheaper shops, operating out of shacks, are condensed into the twisting side alleys flanking the main street. This money and brand allocation is very telling about the way Beijing treats the “face” of retail vs. the chaotic reality of what is actually happening.

Relative Urban Location

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Quincy Market1824 Initial construction1976 Renovation into cur-rent state

Government Center1968 Opening of City Hall Plaza

Qianmen1200 Initial development of commercial street2002 Redevelopment and restoration to early 20th century streetscape

Tiananmen Square1651 Initial construction of square1958 Enlargement of square to current size2002 Refacing of square to granite

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Vernacular Brand Corporate Brand

OrientationThe major axis of Qianmen runs North-South. This emphasis on orientation is a recurring organizational principle in Beijing, and is typical in other retail streets like Wangfujing.

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OrientationQuincy Market was orga-nized around existing site constrictions, not cardinal direction.

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TYPICAL RETAILMASS AVE, BOSTON

ZHONGGUANCUN JIA, BEIJING

With two cities as morphologically rich as Boston and Beijing, boiling down a single, “typical” retail street is nearly impossible, but Massachusetts Avenue and Zhongguancun Jia can be classified as a common and recurring example of a retail street. In order to justify a comparison and analysis, certain alignments had to be established to minimize variables: Mass Ave and Zhongguancun are–relatively–wide and high traffic streets; both streets accommodate through-traffic, meaning not all cars on the road are stopping to shop; and both streets house retail of similar scale. Because of these factors, the street life and character of Mass Ave and Zhongguancun Jia are comparable, but there are some key differences.

The most glaring difference is the dimension of each street. While both Mass Ave and Zhongguancun fulfill similar roles in their respective cities as important through-streets with successful street level retail, the proportions of Boston compared to Beijing are reflected in the length and width of the streets. The increase in the number of lanes, the additional barriers between the sidewalks and the street, as well as the necessity of medians and pedestrian bridges, all drastically affect the walkability of Zhongguancun Jia, which in turn affects the way a street is used.

Permeability

Zhongguancun Jia, BeijingAerial Photo

Mass Ave, BostonAerial Photo

CrosswalkBridgeMedian

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Pedestrian/Vehicle RelationshipWhile Mass Ave through street with heavy vehicle traffic and major bus lines, intersections are frequent enough to slow down traffic, cre-ate crosswalks and makes the retail

street more walkable

Pedestrian/Vehicle RelationshipZhongguancun Jia runs 8 lanes wide with 4 additional lanes for bikes and taxi traffic. This extremely wide and complex street system requires a median to discourage J walking and forces walkers to cross at infrequent

bridges.

Storefront/Street RelationshipThe storefronts along the majority of Mass Ave have a high level of in-teraction with street activity. Cars can park along the street and curbs are comfortably dimensioned for pe-

destrian traffic

Storefront/Street RelationshipAdditional curb interfaces between the street and storefront decrease foot traf-fic, but provide a buffer between shop-

ping and vehicle traffic

Zhongguancun JiaStreet Section

Mass AveStreet Section

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SOHO COMMUNITIES


COMMUNITY - MAINSTREETUS NORM

In the United States, the most successful style of resi-dential development has been the “Mainstreet” suburban paradigm. “Mainstreet” is both the center of a suburban community and is integrated within a section of a main transportation artery. It has offered many advantages to a way of life which is centered around the automobile. Con-nections to highways, interstates, and major routes all serve as ideal locations for the creation of a mainstreet suburban town. For example, Rt. 9 in Massachusetts is host to a num-ber of suburban communities. This route connects these communities not only to each other, but also to downtown Boston and the Massachusetts Turnpike.

This planning strategy translates into an urban context quite well. Newbury St. in the Beacon Hill area of Boston borders a main road of the city (Boylston St.) and also has a direct connection to the Massachusetts turnpike. This area also has very clear zoning. Commercial, retail, recreational, and residential zones are all separated by main roads which provide excellent access to the area.

5 MINUTE WALK

500 FEET

Fairfield St. to Darthmouth St. (Left to Right)

Newbury Street

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Rt. 9 Framingham to Boston (Left to Right) Commonwealth Ave. to Boylston St. (Top to Bottom)

Section of Newbury St. from Boylston St. to Commonwealth Ave.


COMMUNITY - URBAN VILLAGECHINESE EXAMPLE

Chinese life outside of the city consists mostly of villages. These are self-sufficient communities, capable of giving residents everything they need to survive. Not all, but many of these villages are extremely old and are located sporadi-cally throughout the landscape of China. They will typically border a highway or river and their proximity to these trans-portation routes varies from village to village. The natural development of these self-sufficient communities minimizes the impact on the environment as they do not require a vast amount of infrastructure in order for them to survive. Most of these villages are planned in a way that automobiles are not necessary for basic survival.

In an urban context, SOHO’s have been wildly successful. They function in a way that can be best described as an ur-ban village. Residents have access to food, shops, schools, health care, entertainment, and office space all within a single city block accessible by foot. These communities (or urban villages) have developed throughout the business dis-trict in Beijing, similar to villages outside of the city.

5 MINUTE WALK

500 FEET

Jainwai SOHO East (Center)

Jainwai SOHO East

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SOHO

SOHOSOHO

SOHO

SOHO

SOHO

Gubeikouzhen, NE Beijing Dongdaqiao Rd. to Guanghua Rd. (Left to Right)

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2010 World ExpoShanghai China

A collection of pavilions selectedby students of Northeastern University


Chinese pavilion, Shanghai World Expo 2010.

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George Thrush

Shanghai World Expo 2010After spending 17 days of touring and making architectural ob-servations, comparisons, and analysis in Beijing, the Northeast-ern Architecture group made its way to Shanghai, and the World Expo. Building on a long tradition of world expositions, China as-sembled an incredible event.

But at this late date, it is hard to understand why we still put on these World Expositions. In 1851, the first one was held in Lon-don, where it showcased Joseph Paxton’s Crystal Palace, and many other industrial novelties. But there was no internet, and mail service was spotty and slow. Understanding a changing global scene depended on face-to-face, real-time, hands-on ex-posure if one were even to begin to comprehend it.

But now? As I traversed the expansive grounds of the Shanghai World Expo in late May, I exchanged texts, photos, and emails with friends and colleagues in Europe, Asia, and North America– all while walking among the many pavilions and exhibits. How is it that we still need to come together physically, and show each other our wares, our technologies, and our plans for the future? Couldn’t this all just be done online?

The Shanghai World Expo 2010 does indeed offer a whole bunch of experiences and information that could be had online. But by turning so many small individual interactions into a single giant one, the Expo does, inevitably, gain something that can’t be du-plicated any other way. Because while there is certainly a great deal of product introduction and marketing here, (as there was in early world expositions), there is also another element which has grown to dwarf that initial aspect.

The World Expo offers nations an opportunity to brand them-selves before the world in a manner of their own choosing– large-ly absent crises and wars and other distractions. It provides a way for a country to present itself as it wants to be perceived by others. Thus we see Canada, for example, as a country that is sin-gular–but multi-faceted; a modern nation–but one that remains rooted in nature as well. We understand the nation through its pavilion. In fact, one of the design criteria for the pavilions is that we must be able to process their message without going inside to see the more detailed exhibits, because the Expo site is so crowded with people, and the lines for the pavilions are so long, that one can only visit a handful of the hundreds available in a single day. Canada accomplishes this task by presenting an angular, modern, faceted pavilion, composed of unfinished, rus-tic lumber.

The role of the pavilion at the modern expo is either to supply a reductive iconic representation of its nation’s people, govern-ment, or worldview– or to provide a venue for the showcasing


of wares. And at Shanghai, these two, quite different, roles are met on opposite sides of the Huangpu River. The Expo is divided into five sections, three on one side of the river, and two on the other. The two sections represent the smaller portion of the Expo that is dedicated to the older, more traditional, trade-show-on-steroids form of pavilions. These are hosted by the many differ-ent regions of China, and also many larger nations and indus-tries. Hence on that side of the river one finds the SAIC/ GM auto pavilion, The Korean Business pavilion, and pavilions dedicated to information and communication, aviation, and many sustain-ability themes. This side of the Expo is much more content-based. And while it offers the visitor much more in the manner of historic techno-logical introduction, it lacks a topic sentence. The Expo’s theme of “Better City, Better Life,” certainly makes sense; as China moves millions of people from rural areas to urban ones, it has certainly acted with this theme in mind. And there are several examples of technologies to practically improve urban living. New smart transit technologies, for example, are on display at the Korean Business Pavilion. But when you think about previ-ous expos, and how they changed our notion of life as we then knew it, this one falls somewhat short.

In 1876 in Philadelphia, Bell exhibited the telephone. In 1889, Benz formally introduced the automobile in Paris, and in 1893, there was the massive Ferris Wheel in Chicago ‘s White City. As they waited in another interminable line at this expo, the stu-dents wondered aloud what culture-changing product this one would produce. A slightly longer lasting cell phone battery? In any case, it didn’t seem that promising.

This isn’t to say that this is a small Expo. China has invested more in the Shanghai Expo than in the 2008 Olympics. Though real figures are hard to come by, estimates were that they spent roughly $45 billion. And there is much to show for it. There are

New roads constructed for the expo.

People wait in line before entering the Chinese pavilion.

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obvious and some less obvious infrastructure investments nec-essary to make the site accessible to the millions of visitors ex-pected over the six-month run of the Expo. Major highways were added to the city, which have dramatically improved traffic in the entire metropolis. New subway lines were added, including a partial one consisting of three stops that lies within the confines of the Expo grounds. And the site’s formerly industrial character will be replaced by much higher quality development after the Expo is over.

But what most people are there to see are the national pavil-ions. These three sections account for roughly 60% of the entire Expo and all lie on the south side of the river. The best of these pavilions articulate a particular quality of the host nation and express it simply and easily from any perspective. These might be called the “duck” pavilions (in the manner of Robert Venturi), while those that rely on museum-style interior exhibits to tell

their stories are what we might call the Expo’s “decorated sheds. “ The problem for the decorated sheds is that, while they might make better cities, they don’t make good Expo pavilions because it is essential to go inside them, if one is to glean the intended message, and the grounds are simply too jammed with people to make that possible in most cases.

So we are left to read them from the outside, and there are many good an interesting stories for us to revel in! What, for example, is modern Spain? What captures its essence? (Let’s leave out “economic basket-case,” as that hadn’t yet occurred when the pavilion was designed.) Spain is a particularly gifted nation in design. And following its own splashy reentry into the world (completing the radical transformation of its culture after the long Franco years) during the 1992-93 combination of Olympics and World Expo in Barcelona and Seville, Spain has developed a remarkably textured position at the intersection of high-tech

Spanish pavilion exterior. Spanish pavilion interior.


industry and traditional culture and quality. And its pavilion at Shanghai Expo 2010 captures this perfectly. Inside there is a message about linking generations that includes a model of a gi-ant baby, but outside, there is a stunning structure of undulating steel space frame cloaked in traditional hand-woven mats. The pavilion offers a perfect mixture of old and new.

The Northeastern students have assessed many of the major in-ternational pavilions in the following pages. The pavilions of Chi-na, Chile, Denmark, Germany, Italy, Republic of Korea, Mexico, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom are each analyzed here.

The students’ reviews stand on their own, but during our ex-

tended visit to China, we were also exposed to the perspectives of others in the field. There were several architects who com-plained to us about both the China pavilion and the USA pavil-ion, and each merits mention here. We visited the China pavilion as a group, and I can therefore comment on how it works both as an object, seen from the outside, and also when understood from the inside, as an exhibit. I only viewed the USA pavilion from the outside, but for my purposes, that’s enough.

The USA pavilion was seen as being much less interesting than most of those by other major economic powers. And the design establishment hates the idea that there is no poetic equivalent of the Spanish pavilion for the USA. But the USA doesn’t choose

The World Expo Grounds seen from across the Huangpu River. Note the Japanese pavilion (pink) and the Chinese pavilion (red).

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Shanghai as seen from the top of the Shanghai Wolr Financial Center.

to use public funds for these things, relying instead on corporate sponsorship. Obviously this means that the pavilion is actually much more like the ones on the other side of the river; the ones that are about product, economy, and marketing, rather than cul-tural identity (or perhaps it is simply that in the United States there is much less distance between these two, and that bothers us). The USA pavilion is a well-built vaguely aerodynamic box, with a big electronic television on the outside running a continu-ous program that points out that the USA is a diverse society and lots of people succeed there. That it doesn’t have a single aesthetic theme on which to base a pavilion is not necessarily a bad thing, and on its terms, it succeeds.

One can make a similar assessment of the China pavilion. What if it had been another piece of groovy, but culturally indetermi-nate, contemporary design (like Denmark’s pavilion, for exam-ple)? This might have made young Chinese architects happier, but it would have been a disaster for the host of this giant af-fair. The China pavilion had to meet entirely different criteria. It needed to be not merely an icon, but an actual logo. It needed

to be understood as “Chinese” from a thousand paces. And it needed to be read the same way from any angle. And that’s what it is. A three-dimensional logo, that also functions as a building. It is ironic, of course, that with the effort expended to make the exterior of the China pavilion appear to be timelessly “Chinese,” the slick historical video shown inside, highlighting China’s progress, begins– not 5000 years ago– but in 1978! I guess we all edit our pasts.

One final thought about the Shanghai World Expo 2010: No mat-ter how much the Chinese government spent on it, and no mat-ter how spectacular the pavilions, the Expo is doomed in an im-portant way. Even though it is more impressive than any Expo in many, many years, it has the unique circumstance of being surrounded by something infinitely more amazing, more over-powering, and more unbelievable than any exhibit. And that is Shanghai, and China itself.


CHINAby Bryan Allen, Drew Brydon, Sam Clement

The China Pavilion has probably the hardest job of any pavilion in the Expo. The China Pavilion needs to be the most impressive, and at the same time needs to be reducible to function as ‘logo’, both for the Expo and for China.

The ‘simplicity’ of the China Pavilion helps it navigate it’s numerous important roles. Each elevation, for instance, is effectively the same, with two massive columns (hiding elevators and staircases) that support the cantilevering exhibit space. The dimensions of the ‘dougong’ style bracket-like members quickly confuse a viewer’s sense of scale, helping to abstract and ‘logoize’ the pavilion. Apparently, the Pavilion sports 56 such brackets. Each bracket serves to represent one of the 56 minority groups comprising China’s population, now upwards of 1.3 billion.

To get into the pavilion, visitors take elevators or escalators up to the top floor and circulate down through a series of exhibits. First, visitors watch a short film heralding China’s recent breath-taking strides in economy and technology. From the large theatre we head down a ramp, catching a glimpse of the expo from nearly 60 meters off the ground. Next, visitors walk along a long gallery of projectors to admire a 12’ high animated version of Zhang Zeduan’s “Along the River During Qingming Festival”. The actual painting, painted in the early 12 century, can also be seen in an adjacent gallery. Many ancient relics can be found in the pavilion, but visitors get a glimpse of the future, too. Electric cars, solar cells and energy-saving demonstrations flank the exit of the Pavilion. Down a large escalator, visitors spill out into a sculpture garden, ready to explore the park.

the pavilion as seen from the Expo Axis

rendering of the China Pavilion, (as seen on everything from taxis to takeout)

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the ‘logo’ is easily recognized, seen here as a garden folly

students getting onto one of the interactive exhibits inside the massive pavilionwalking through the exhibit space

exiting the pavilion via its flying multi-story escalator, visitors are usheredinto the rest of the park by way of this sculpture garden.

Circulating through the exhibits...


CHILEby Dan Adams

Chile’s pavilion at the Shanghai World Expo is themed for their understanding of what a new city should be. Visitors follow the lives of a few individuals to get a glimpse into Chilean daily life. They also encounter dreams of what new cities should be as well as the “seed”. This seed can be seen from almost every angle within the pavilion. It is a beautiful wooden egg shape that warps the ceiling and the floor. Inside the seed there are projections of the aforementioned individuals speaking about their lives in Chile.

The Chilean pavilion holds significance for a variety of reasons. Both political and economic relations between Chile and Shanghai have been strengthened as a result of participation in the expo. Construction of the pavilion created an opportunity for Chilean entrepreneurs to partner with Chinese businessman. As this pavilion continues to stand, it serves as a symbol for the growth of their future partnerships.

Architecturally speaking, this pavilion is comprised of both beautiful details and sustainable construction technologies. The channel glass used for the exterior is made of used/recycled glass materials reducing the pavilion’s carbon footprint. Its translucent appearance helps to control the amount of sunlight entering the interior while simultaneously adding an element of mystery as onlookers cannot see into the building leaving them to guess what lay beyond. The pavilion is capped with a green roof that naturally regulates temperature reducing the amount of energy needed to maintain a comfortable environment.

Front of the pavilion faces onto a public courtyard.

Entrance and exit are found on the side of the pavilion.

Photo by Dan Artiges

Photo by Dan Artiges

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Sprout of a New City

Images from Chilean life (left) and a view of the seed from the exit (right).The top of the seed warps the thin wooden ceiling.

The base of the “seed” is lit from the floor that is warped by its shape.

Seed (Top)

Seed (Base) Interior Details

Heavy timber wall (left) and unfinished plywood stairs (right).


For Denmark, the expression of their country in pavilion form is limited to a fixed national icon and viewing experience that subtly suggests their response to the Expo theme of better city better life.

Like some of the other pavilions at the expo the architectural form expresses a path. Many of the these other pavilions lead you on a path that winds through exhibits of the said country’s heritage or a series of live action performances. Such is the case for Spain, Germany and the Netherlands. Unique to the Denmark pavilion is a path with a central focus. The focus being on the original Little Mermaid brought from the harbor of Copen-hagen, Denmark’s most iconic statue.

Unlike some of the other pavilions at the expo, Denmark’s pa-vilion is without materials, motifs, and styles specific to the country’s architectural heritage. The tasteful white form justly expresses the visitor’s path while leaving the focus of the expe-rience hidden. The subtle answer for a better city life is only realized while moving through the pavilion, taking in each beau-tiful perspective of the statue or the surrounding expo scenery, whether on foot or bike.

the pavilion’s sectional complexity, seen in the left image, is more easily understood via the architect’s diagram, seen at the right, (from a promotional video by the office).

DENMARKby Bryan Allen, Sam Clement

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... ‘Turns’ into a Remarkable Experience

the circulation is complex, but intuitive

The Little Mermaid Statue, symbol of Denmark,center of the pavilion experience

A Winding Journey ...

bike lanes climb the pavilion as well, affording the sequence even more richness


GERMANYby Alex Brownell

The German Pavilion at the 2010 Expo was one of the more publicized pavilions on display, boasting a several hour wait to get in at any time. Despite this, the design of the pavilion and message relayed was worth the wait. The pavilion, termed “balancity”, focuses on the idea of a city in balance. Each thematic area in the pavilion represents a different urban space. The use of different means of circulation, on foot, escalators, and moving walkways, is meant to give the visitor the feel of moving through a real city. Throughout the thematic areas there are many interactive displays that stimulate the visitor while still relaying a message. This message is that there needs to be a balance between renewal and preservation, innovation and tradition, urban and nature, community and individual development, and work and leisure for a city to be a good place to live.

The building itself is more of a three-dimensional, walk-through sculpture with no defined interior or exterior. The structure is meant to create the impression of a futuristic city with three “floating” cubes, interlinked, and holding each other in place. Each individual structure is out of balance when isolated, but when they all interact, balance and stability occurs. This reflects the overall theme of “balancity” in the architecture as well as the interior spaces. The surface uses transparency to give the idea of openness and lightness and connect the interior to the exterior. A fascinating alternation between interior and exterior, light and dark, and natural and constructed is achieved by the crude forms and surface treatment.

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ENERGY SOURCE CITY CENTER OPERA

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DEPOT GARDEN PLANNING OFFICE

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INTERIOR VS EXTERIOR TRANSPARENCY FLOATINGThe rear facade opens up to reveal the circulation exiting the pavilion. The void in the facade creates a condition where there is no clear definition of interior or exterior.

The treatment of the facade creates a feeling of openness and lightness even though the structure itself is massive, and heavy. Transparency on the surface reveals different aspects of the interior; structural and program

By angling the separate forms into each other, they are able to “float” above the ground. Columns act as support but penetrate the facade to add another layer of transparency. This floating effect lightens the massive structure and creates unusual light conditions and relationships between the interior and exterior.


ITALYby Diana Lattari

The Italy Pavilion was a personal favorite at the 2010 Shanghai World Expo. After spending a semester studying in Rome last year, we were eager to walk down memory lane as we visited the pavilion. We found, however, that the pavilion exhibited more innovative exhibits and technologies than we had expected, making us feel like we had never even been to Italy before. Tucked away in the corners is where we found the spaces with the familiar characteristic Italian elements that allowed us to reminisce of our home away from home.

The pavilion is inspired by the children’s game “pick-up sticks,” which is known as “Shanghai” in Italy. The intersecting lines that break up the volume represent the sticks, dividing the pavilion into 20 modules to represent the 20 regions of Italy. The interior is designed to feel like a mini Italian city, incorporating tight spaces of alleyways and open courtyards of piazzas. The structure focuses on energy efficiency and includes means of air purification, antibacterial ceramic tiles, and energy storing devices. The pavilion also contains a photoelectronic glass curtain wall as well as transparent concrete exterior walls. The beams of light glowing between the modules act as the main light source for both the interior and exterior. Inside, the two main exhibits display both award-winning inventions and innovative crafts from Italian thinkers and designers. The pavilion has three floors, also containing historic artwork, models of well-known structures, and a restaurant.

(Top) Italy is located in Zone C of the Expo. (Middle) The gaps between the modules represent Italian alleyways, while other spaces are designed to feel like piazzas. (Bottom): An exterior rendering of the pavilion at night, courtesy of en.expo2010.cn.

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INVENTIONSAmong the inventions on display are the hinges from the mobile dams of the Mose Project, designed to protect Venice against rising water levels.

CRAFTSThe pavilion featured clothing lines from Italy’s top designers, including the uniforms worn by the pavilion’s staff, which were designed by Prada.

The entry vestibule to the pavilion is enclosed by a glass curtain wall that contains photoelectronic elements geared toward isolating emissions.

A triple-height atrium at the center provides ac-cess to other floors.

The pavilion employs the use of a new construction material on the exterior: transparent concrete.

The Italian Pavilion was voted one of the top ten most romantic

pavilions at the 2010 Shanghai World Expo.


REPUBLIC OF KOREAby Kyle Jonasen

The Korean peninsula lies between China and Japan. Over the course of time, these two nations have helped shape contemporary Korean culture. The convergence of traditional Korean culture with China’s terrestrial culture and Japan’s nautical culture is the theme of the Republic of Korea’s 2010 World Expo pavilion. This convergence manifests itself in the Korean pavilion in the form of symbols that become spaces and spaces that become symbols.

The pavilion consists of a large exhibition hall elevated 23.5’-6” above the ground with a performance stage and line cueing area below. Keeping with the theme of signs becoming space, the footprint of the pavilion resembles the map of an abstracted Korean city. The open area of the pavilion base represents the Han River while the raised performance stage represents mountains.

The exterior of the pavilion is clad in two types of Han-geul, characters of the Korean alphabet. The outermost walls are covered in metal panels with cut-outs of Han-geul characters in three sizes. The variations in cut-out scale create areas of light and dark on the pavilion’s exterior that read as characters from a distance. The panels are back-lit at night to create an effect similar to a computer screen or text message. The remainder of the Korean pavilion’s exterior surfaces are covered in 1.5’X1.5’ tiles decorated with colorful Han-geul characters. By covering the entire façade of the pavilion with Korean characters, the pavilion literally becomes a space made out of symbols.

An example of three sizes of Han-geul characters cut out of metal panels.

Panels with cut-out Han-geul characters are illuminated at night.

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Inside the Exhibition Hall

The exhibition hall of the pavilion displays elements of contemporary Korean culture and technology. Traditional elements of Korea’s past are located on the ground floor.

The juxtaposition of metal panel Han-geul characters and painted tile characters emphasizes the two-dimensionality of the metal façade, making it appear as a large Han-geul character from a distance.

The roof of the Korean pavilion houses a small restaurant and acts as an observation deck to view the expo grounds and the Shanghai skyline.

Korean Pavilion Exterior

Rooftop Terrace


MEXICOby Daniel Belknap

Amidst the playground of absurd and soulless structures that compose the 2010 World Expo, there exists a gem representing an entirely different interpretation of what a pavilion is supposed to “do.” The Mexico pavilion does not stand out in its scale or expense–for impractical facade experimentation and offensively large televisions, look elsewhere; Mexico instead created an oasis for tired and defeated Expo-ers.

The parti is satisfyingly clear and executed with childlike imagination. Out of the Expo’s desert of endless hardscape, the gently sloped grass lawn invites all wanderers with a flush transition and fenceless entry. The lawn provides shelter from the sun with a healthy forest of playfully colored, kite shaped shading devices, resembling a canopy of lofty palms. The feeling of walking up a hill of solid earth is only interrupted by the clerestory windows that punctuate and sculpt the landscape. They also create small observation decks and provide a small peek into what is happening underneath you.

The lawn was a place for my companions and I to relieve our sore feet of sweaty socks and enjoy the tickling sensation of cool grass between bare toes. And possibly the greatest triumph of the Mexico pavilion, is the fact that there was no line at all to ascend it’s roof. It acts as a parklike extension of the landscape, on which all are welcome. To anybody who spent any time at the Expo, I need not recount the torturous experience of standing in a line for four or five hours, only to be marginally impressed by each country’s attempt to one-up each other’s “greenliness.” So sombreros off to Mexico, for creating an overwhelmingly positive and memorable experience for a weary traveler who didn’t need to set a foot inside to decide it was by far his favorite pavilion.

Exterior

Signage

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Shade

Kite shaped shading devicesCool and comfortable grass

Observation deck Interior panorama

Sleep

EatLook


SWITZERLANDby Daniel Artiges

The Swiss Pavilion is a product of a two stage competition won by a team of Buchner Bründler Architects and Element GmbH. The pavilion building upon the Expo’s theme of “Better City, Better Life,” is a combination of town and country embodied in the hybrid construction consisting of technology and nature creating the sub-theme of “rural-urban interaction.”

The pavilion is constructed to show the contrast between urban and rural spaces. The two cylinder structure supports an undulating natural topography on the roof of the pavilion representing the rural and contrasting the hard and rough characteristics of the urban housed under the roof. Visitors flow around and through the cylinders along a continuous ramp traversing the pavilion on different levels terminating at a chairlift. This chairlift carries visitors away from the pressures of the urban element up and through the light and airy natural element and back. The urban symbolizes the Chinese “yin,” with a prevalence of noise, shade, and constant movement. The rural stands for the Chinese “yang,” with openness, brightness, and peacefulness.

In addition to the chairlift ride is a breathtaking large screen movie that tours the alps that surround the country. The pavilion also has a restaurant, a store and a multifunctional stage all located on the ground floor.

The pavilion boasts an intelligent and interactive facade that reacts to sunlight, wind, or camera flashes by accumulating and dispersing energy in the form of white flashes of light meant to show visitors “environmental influences” around the pavilion.

roof landscape

exterior view

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Tour the Alps

visitors watching videowire mesh with red circular accumulators

view from ground floor

Intelligent & Interactive Facade

Urban “Yin”

view from chairlift

Rural “Yang”


UNITED KINGDOMby Dennis Greenwood

The UK Pavilion has quickly become recognized as one of the fan favorites at the World Expo, and for good reason. Located in Zone C, the pavilion is a 6,000 square meter exhibit that rejects the hard surfaces and cheap facades incorporated in other de-signs. Aluminum sleeves and a wooden diaphragm support over 60,000 acrylic rods (each 7.5 m in length) that come together to form what some chinese describe as the “Pu Gong Ying,” or “Dandelion Pavilion.”

With the acrylic rods swaying in the wind, it is fitting that the pa-vilion would take the form a plant known for its seed spreading. Heatherwick Studio, the architecture firm responsible for the design, created the pavilion to contribute to the Expo’s theme of “Better City, Better Life.” In doing so, they wanted to reveal how the United Kingdom, particularly London, is contributing to a healthy future for the world. Each of the rods contains a seed at its interior tip. Each seed is from a different plant and the con-cept was created to spread awareness for the Millennium Seed Bank Project. Conducted at the Royal Botanic Gardens in Kew, the project is seeking to collect seeds from across the world to prevent the extinction of threatened species and to research in-novative and useful plant hybrids. The Seed Cathedral as it is called, sits at the center of the pavil-ion within a small city park referred to as the “wrapping paper” for its sloped surfaces. The entrance and exit to the cathedral are lined with both real and fake plants that invite visitors to see the future in botanical hybrids. The pavilion also features “green maps” composed of living plants that display several cities and the Olympic Park, designed for the 2012 London Olympics.

Section thru UK Pavilion

Acrylic rods act as fiber optics, illuminating the exterior at dusk.

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Thousands of seeds adorn the interior.Visitors enjoy the inside of the “Dandelion”Child tries to determine the real from fake plants.

By night, lights from within the rods illuminate the interior of Cathedral; during the day natural light filters in through the rods.

dialogue of civilization. china 2010

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