GESLAGSREGISTER

VAN DIE FAMILIE

DeVilliers IN SUID-AFRIKA

GENEALOGY OF THE

DeVilliers FAMILY

IN SOUTH AFRICA

OPGESTEL DEUR / COMPILED BY

JUNA MALHERBE

& ALET MALAN,

HUGENOTE GEDENKMUSEUM / HUGUENOT MEMORIAL MUSEUM

HUGENOTE-VERENIGING VAN SUID-AFRIKA

HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF SOUTH AFRICA

FRANSCHHOEK

Hierdie publikasie word uin dankbare herinnering opgedra aan:

In grateful remembrance this publication is dedicated to:

Christoffel Coetzee de Villiers

(10.2.1850 - 4.9.1887)

(a1b3c1d8e2f3g6)

en / and

Cornelius Gerhardus Stephanus de Villiers

(16.12.1894 - 25.11.1878)

(a1n3c1d6e7f5g6)

Hierdie CD mag nie gekopieër en versprei word, hetsy gratis of teen vergoeding nie.

This CD may not be copied and distributed, whether free or for compensation.

© Kopiereg 2013: Hugenote-Vereniging van Suid-Afrika, Franschhoek

© Copyright 2013: Huguenot Society of South Africa Franschhoek

Alle regte voorbehou / All rights reserved

e-pos / email: hugenote@telkomsa.net web: hugenoot.org.za

Opdrag - Dedication

Hiedie publikasie word in dankbare herinnering opgedra aan:In grateful rememberance this publication is dedicated to:

Christoffel Coetzee de Villiers(10.3.1850 - 4.9.1887)(a1 b3 c1 d8 e2 f3 g6)

Cornelius Gerhardus Stephanus de Villiers(16.12.1894 - 25.11.1978)

(a1 b3 c1 d6 e7 f5 g6)

As baanbreker-genealoog was hy feitlik alleenverantwoordelik vir die insameling en verwerkingvan die inligting wat verskyn het in die eersteomvattende genealogiese publikasie inSuid-Afrika, Geslachtregister der oude KaapscheFamiliën (1893-1894). Hierbenewens het hy dieunieke nommeringstelsel en genealogiese tekensingevoer wat vandag nog algemeen inSuid-Afrika gebruik word. As a pioneergenealogist, he practically on his own, collectedand processed all the information pub-lished inthe first comprehensive genealogy in SouthAfrica, Geslach-tregister der oude KaapscheFamiliën (1893-1894). In addition, he initiated theunique numbering system and the use ofgenealogical symbols which are now widely usedin South Africa.

Dr. Con het nie alleen 'n groot bydrae gelewer totdie opteken van familie-oorleweringe vanverskeie Overbergse families nie, maar was ookdie eerste persoon wat twéé grootSuid-Afrikaanse families nagevors het. Sy boekDie Familie Swart is in 1977 gepubliseer, terwylsy navorsing oor die De Villiers-familie diegrondslag vir hierdie publikasie vorm.Not only didDr. Con make an important contribution to therecording of family legends concerning variousOverberg families, but he was also the firstperson to research the genea-logies of two bigSouth African families. His book Die FamilieSwart was published in 1977, whereas hisresearch on the De Villiers family, forms the basisof this publication.

Hoofborge - Chief Sponsors

NASIONALE PERSTer nagedagtenis van dr.Con de Villiers wat soveel by Naspersgepubliseer het en gereeld bydraes vir Naspers

koerante en tydskrifte gelewer het.PAARL ROCK

BRANDEWYN-KELDERTer nagedagtenis vanAbraham Pieter de Villiers, die stigter (1856) vanPaarl Wine and Brandy Company, waarby diePaarl Rock Brandewyn Kelder ingelyf is.

NASIONALE PERSIn memory of Dr. Con deVilliers who published with Naspers so often, andwho contributed regu-larly to the Naspers

news-papers and periodicals. PAARL ROCK

BRANDY CELLARIn memory of Abraham Pieterde Villiers, the founder (1856) of the Paarl Wineand Brandy Company, incorporating the PaarlRock Brandy Cellar.

Familie-Donateurs - Family Donors

Die Trustfonds wat nodig was om hierdiepublikasie teen 'n bekostigbare prys daar te stel,is in die lewe geroep deur skenkings van R5 000elk van die volgende familielede:

The Trust Fund required to make this publicationavailable at an affordable price, was founded bydonations of R5 000 by each of the followingfamily members:

D.P. de Villiers Stellenoord, Stellenbosch

Attie de Villiers Tuine, Kaap

Kay de Villiers Nuweland, Kaap

Biebie van der Merwe (née de Villiers) Observatory, Kaap

Dawid W. de VilliersBenadehof, Strand

J.L. de Villiers Fourteenth Street, Parkmore

D.J.J. de Villiers Sasol-olie, Randburg

Jan J. de Villiers Christellahof, Stellenbosch

Jan en Geraldine de Villiers Helderberg Village, Somerset-Wes

D.W. de Villiers (jr) Pastorie, Waverley, Pretoria

P.F. de V Cluver De Rust, Grabouw

D.P. de Villiers (adv) Oranjezicht, Kaap

P.M. de Villiers La Pavillion, Strand

D.E. de Villiers Die Rand, Lynnwood

Intekenaarslede - Subscriber Members

Mev. H.G. Anderson "Spes Bona", Noordhoek

Glaudina Bester (geb. De Villiers) Jagterskrans, Napier

Biblioteekdiens Universiteit van Stellenbosch

Ronald De Villiers Burchell Kengray

A.H. de Villiers Wingate Park, Pretoria

A.M. de Villiers Bergvliet

A.C. de Villiers Swellendam

A.J. de Villiers Luskville, Quebec, Canada

Abraham Matthys de Villiers Durbanville

Almero Henri de Villiers Struisbaai

Anna de Villiers Kuilsrivier

Arthur G. de Villiers Vrede

Charl J. de Villiers Bloubergstrand

Charl Jean de Villiers Everglen

D.J.J. de Villiers Bellville

Danie de Villiers Eversdal

Daniel Johannes de Villiers George

Daniel Wessels de Villiers Carletonville

David Jacobus de Villiers Baileys Muckleneuk

Dawie de Villiers Bloubergstrand

Etienne de Villiers British Columbia Canada

F.S.E. de Villiers Durbanville

François Marais de Villiers Vanderbijlpark

François Marais de Villiers Vanderbijlpark

Dr. G.D. de Villiers Malvern, Worcestershire, England

Graham de Villiers Mont Rochelle, Franschhoek

Hendrik Emile de Villiers (Ds.) Panorama

Ingrid Elizabeth de Villiers Helderberg Village, SomersetWest

Izak Louis de Villiers Parkwood, Johannesburg

Izak S. de Villiers De la Haye, Bellville

J-D de Villiers Durbanville

Prof. J.F.K. de Villiers Waverley, Bloemfontein

J.I. de Villiers (Jac) Rondebosch

Dr. J.I. de Villiers Drie Riviere, Vereeniging

J.L. de Villiers Stellenbosch

Jacob Daniel de Villiers Hermanus

Jacobus Abraham de Villiers La Montagne

Jacobus W de Villiers Jakkalskuil, Petrusville

Jan Daniel de Villiers Grünau, Namibia

Jean Schepers de Villiers Strand

John Garrett de Villiers Paarl

Joubert de Villiers Stellenbosch

L.A. de Villiers Skulpiesbaai, Gansbaai

The Lady De Villiers (née Lovett) Helderberg Village, SomersetWest

Lindsay David Robert de Villiers Parkmore

M.R. De Villiers -in memory of Piet de Villiers

Hillside, Bulawayo

Michael John de Villiers Parkmore

Mr. M.M. de Villiers Somerset West

P.J. De B. de Villiers Upington

P.F. de Villiers Strand

Pierre André de Villiers Kwekwe, Zimbabwe

Pierre Charles de Villiers Hermanus

Pierre J.T. de Villiers Durbanville

Dr. Pieter Abraham de Villiers Wonderfontein, Vredefort

Villiers de Villiers Nantes, Estherdal, Noorder-Paarl

Dr. Villiers Pohl de Villiers Paarl

W. de Villiers Louis Trichardt

Wessel H. de Villiers Ansfrere

Willem J.S. de Villiers Kentucky, USA

Willem Stephanus de Villiers Stellenbosch

Dr. N.J.B. de Wet Somerset-Wes

E.G. Dickinson Harare, Zimbabwe

Martie E. Heÿl (née De Villiers) Stellenbosch

Douglas B. Hoffe Melrose, Jhb

Mrs. John Louie Human Witpoortjie

Elisabeth Moss in memory of: Peter Charles de Villiers

Skoongesig, Firgrove

Elisabeth Moss in memory of: Pieter Johannes Daniel de Villiers

Skoongesig, Firgrove

Protea Boekwinkel Pretoria

A.A. Pretorius (née De Villiers) Bellville

Dr. A. Jacques Rossouw Kensington, Jhb

Jean Sclanders Winterton

G.J. Schröder Stellenbosch

Miemie Small Stellenbosch

Myra Stegmann (geb. De Villiers) Emmarentia

Marlene De Villiers Steyn Stellenbosch

Prof. J.P. De V van Niekerk Constantia

Hannah van Rensburg (geb. De Villiers) Stellenbosch

Annette Visser Worcester

Adrienne Wedepohl (née De Villiers) Blairgowrie, Randburg

Nonna Weideman (née De Villiers) Welgelegen, Kaap

Voorwoord

Hierdie geslagsregister van die familie De Villiers, afstammelinge van die drieHugenote-broers Pierre, Abraham en Jacob, het 'n lang en interessantegeskiedenis. Die geskiedenis begin met die werk van die twee genealoë uit onsfamilie: Christoffel C. en dr. Con - die twee De Villiers's aan wie hierdie publikasieopgedra is. Christoffel se registers met die titel Geslachtregister der oudeKaapsche Familiën is die beginpunt van alle genealogiese navorsing inSuid-Afrika; terwyl dr. Con se nalatenskap aan die Hugenote-Gedenkmuseum,Franschhoek, die direkte aanleiding tot hierdie publikasie was. Daaroor kan umeer lees in die Inleiding.

Dr. Con het natuurlik ook baie stof bygedra tot die ander publikasie oor diefamilie wat in 1960 deur Nasionale Boekhandel Bpk. uitgegee is, te wete AHistory of the De Villiers Family. Die skrywer was D.P. (Dan) de Villiers, 'nBloemfonteinse mediese praktisyn. In die huidige uitgawe verwys prof. Kay deVilliers, in sy artikel oor die herkoms van die familie, na sekere uitsprake van dr.Dan sonder om dit noodwendig te aanvaar. Die De Villiers's se deugde word ookin hierdie geslagsregister nie so hoog aangeslaan soos in dr. Dan se boek nie!

Die toewyding waarmee die personeel van die Hugenote-Gedenkmuseum, enspesifiek ons outeurs Juna Malherbe en Alet Malan, dr. Con se testamentêrewense uitgevoer het, is manjifiek (en daarmee slaan ek hulle nie te hoog aannie). Hulle deeglikheid, volledigheid en volharding is nie net 'n voorbeeld vir allegenealogiese navorsers nie, maar verdien tot in lengte van dae die waarderingen dankbaarheid van alle afstammelinge van ons drie De Villiers-voorvaders.

Reeds in die tagtigerjare het dit duidelik geword dat die De Villiers-navorsinggaan lei tot die omvangrykste en duurste Suid-Afrikaanse genealogiesepublikasie tot op hede. Maar in daardie stadium was al die betrokkenes (net soosdr. Con de Villiers ten tyde van sy bemaking) vas oortuig dat die Raad virGeesteswetenskaplike Navorsing (RGN) die grootste deel van die finansiëleverantwoordelikheid vir die publikasie sou onderneem. Gedurende 1995, toe diegenealogiese registers byna voltooi was, het dit duidelik geword dat die RGNgeen geldelike bydrae sou kon lewer nie. As gevolg van verdere finansiëlebesnoeiings deur die Staat was dit heeltemal buite die vermoëns van dieHugenote-Gedenkmuseum om enige onkoste aan te gaan in verband met diepublikasie.

Die Hugenote-Vereniging, wat reeds lank belangstelling in die De Villiers-boekgetoon het, het toe trustees aangestel om met die Museum te onderhandel virverlof om die boek te publiseer, om 'n fonds te stig en met die publikasie voort tegaan. Die eerste trustees, met bevoegdheid om te koöpteer, was:

D.P. de Villiers (Voorsitter), Attie de Villiers, Kay de Villiers en Biebie van derMerwe (geb. De Villiers).

Hulle het publikasie-goedkeuring van die Museum aangevra en gekry enonmiddellik prof. D.W. de Villiers, voorheen van die Kweekskool, Stellenbosch,as trustee gekoöpteer. Die trustees het elkeen R5 000 geskenk en sommige hethul kinders as donateurs ingeskryf. Gevolglik kon die De Villiers-trustfondswegspring met 'n neseier van R35 000. Hierbenewens het 'n groot kommersiëleborg na vore gekom en ons kon voortgaan om nog familie-donateurs teen R5000 elk sowel as intekenaarslede teen R500 elk te werf. Later is 'n tweedekommersiële borg deur die bemiddeling van mnr Jac I. de Villiers gevind, watvroeër ons tweede gekoöpteerde trustee geword het. Die name van diehoofborge, familie-donateurs en intekenaarslede verskyn in Vol I van hierdiepublikasie. Dit is moeilik om woorde te vind om hierdie weldoeners behoorlik tebedank. Hulle bydraes was nodig om 'n bekostigbare publikasie op die mark tebring en sonder hulle hulp sou die omvangrykste Suid-Afrikaanse geslagsregisternie gepubliseer kon word nie. Namens al die De Villiers-afstammelinge sê ek aan

hulle baie dankie.

Die name van die verskillende bydraers verskyn by hul artikels. Die trustees, watby al hul ander werk nog bydraes gelewer het, wil ek veral bedank. Onswaardeer ook die bydraes van mnr. John de Villiers (De Villiers Coat of Arms) endr. Johan Combrink (De Villiers-Klankbaan). Hierdie bydraes, wat sondervergoeding gelewer is, verleen luister aan ons publikasie.

Aan mnr. Burgert le Roux van Mediator Drukkers sê ons baie dankie vir syvriendelike samewerking en advies.

Dan moet ek mnr. Attie de Villiers bedank wat met sy kenmerkende geesdrif endeeglikheid as voorsitter van ons Publikasiekomitee opgetree het.

Ten slotte wil ons aan die bestuur van die Hugenote-Gedenkmuseum sê hoeveelons dit waardeer dat hulle 'n manuskrip waaraan die museumpersoneel bynaanderhalf dekade gewerk het, aan ons toevertrou het. Juis daarom is besluit datenige oorskot wat die suksesvolle verkope van die stel De Villiers-boeke magoplewer, aan die Museum geskenk sal word as 'n neseier vir 'n fonds om sygenealogiese werk voort te sit.

Aan al ons lesers, nou en in die dekades en selfs die eeue wat voorlê, is mywens: Leer u voorouers ken en lekker lees in die proses.

D.P. de VilliersVoorsitterDE VILLIERS-TRUSTFONDSStellenbosch, Januarie 1997

Inleiding

Dr. Con de Villiers het jare lank elke Woensdag die Hugenote-Gedenkmuseumop Franschhoek besoek om inligting oor die De Villiers-familie in ons argief tesoek. Die personeel wat destyds by die Museum gewerk het en hom met inligtinggehelp het, mevv. Annelize Kriel en Rochelle Roux, onthou nou nog syinteressante staaltjies en die heerlike koeksisters wat hy altyd saamgebring het.

Dr. Con, wat op 25 November 1978 oorlede is, het al sy DeVilliers-familienavorsing (in Afrikaans) aan die Hugenote-Gedenkmuseumbemaak op voorwaarde dat dit gepubliseer word. Hierdie bemaking het aan dieMuseum die geleentheid gebied om 'n belangrike Hugenote-familie segenealogie as 'n geheel byeen te bring. Die Raad van Trustees van die Museumhet in 1980 besluit dat die personeel die navorsing moes voortsit en die inligtingvir publikasie moet voorberei.

Die aanvanklike mikpunt was om die geslagsregister te voltooi om saam te valmet die Hugenote 300 Fees in 1988. Dit was gou duidelik dat dit nie moontlik souwees om bloot dr. Con se werk te kontroleer nie, want in die tweestandaardwerke oor die De Villiers-familie, naamlik C.C. de Villiers en C. Pamase Geslagsregister van die ou Kaapse families en D.P. de Villiers se A History ofthe De Villiers Family, was daar heelwat foute en tekortkominge. Vir die volgendevyftien jaar het die personeel, tussen al hul ander museumwerk deur, inligtingversamel, gekontroleer en vergelyk en uiteindelik op rekenaar geplaas.

Die oorspronklike handgeskrewe manuskrip (1 567 bladsye) is in 1980 by dieDepartement van Natuurbewaring en Omgewingsake se kantoor in Kaapstadgefotostateer sodat dit as werkkopieë gebruik kon word.

Dr. Con het sy gegewens veral ingesamel deur met die lede van die DeVilliers-familie te korrespondeer en begraafplase (waarvoor hy 'n groot voorliefdegehad het) te besoek. Volgens hom was kerkargiewe en die sterfkennisse by dieKantoor van die Weesheer nie altyd betroubaar nie, en daarom het hy baie mingebruik gemaak van argivale bronne. Ons ondervinding is weer dat vandag semense nie meer hulle familie so goed ken nie. Daarom het ons dit nodig geag om

al die beskikbare inligting in argiefbewaarplekke in te samel.

Baie nuwe inligting is op hierdie manier bekom. Daar is onder anderebykomende kinders van die stamvaders opgespoor en ook gevind dat kinders insommige gevalle in 'n ander volgorde geplaas behoort te word. Dit het ook virlatere geslagte gegeld. Persone wat bekend is met die standaardwerke mag dusvind dat hul genealogiese nommers in hierdie geslagsregister verskil van dié indaardie bronne.

Met al dié inligting en inligting uit opgaafvorms wat ons aan familielede gestuurhet, was ons in staat om dr. Con se manuskrip, wat tot en met 1976 strek, tekontroleer, te herskryf en aan te vul tot 1980 en in sommige gevalle selfs verder.In hierdie proses het dr. Con se unieke taalgebruik ongelukkig in die slag gebly.

Groot vordering is gemaak toe ons op 2 September 1986 ons eerste rekenaaraangekoop het. Tot op daardie tydstip is alles met die hand geskryf. Die rekenaaris aangekoop met behulp van skenkings van die De Villiers Huguenot Society inBloemfontein en SASKO in die Paarl sowel as uit Museumfondse. Mnr. D. Laidlervan Jonkershoek het baie hulp verleen met die aankoop van die rekenaar en dieopleiding van die personeel in die gebruik daarvan.

Die versameling van die gegewens in hierdie publikasie het 'n aantal jare inbeslag geneem, maar die verwerking en kontrolering daarvan nog veel langer.Ten spyte van geringe tekortkominge kan ons met alle eerlikheid beweer dat dieDe Villiers-geslagsregister een van die omvattendste registers nóg oor 'nSuid-Afrikaanse familie is. Hiervan is die omvang van die publikasie dan ook 'ngoeie aanduiding.

Ons bedank graag die De Villiers Trust, wat hierdie publikasie moontlik gemaakhet en veral die voorsitter, mnr. D.P. de Villiers. Die voorsitter was nie net diestukrag agter die publikasie van die geslagsregister nie, maar het die meesteborge en donateurs gewerf en ook borg gestaan vir enige tekort wat dieTrustfonds moontlik op 31 Desember 1999 sal toon.

Ten slotte wil ons ons dank uitspreek teenoor die volgende persone vir inligtingof ander hulp wat ons van hulle ontvang het. Sommige het belangrike bydraesgelewer en ander het net deur hul belangstelling ons aangemoedig om deur tedruk en die werk af te handel: Mev. A. Burger, Franschhoek; prof. G. de Kock,Port Elizabeth; mnr. A. William de Villiers, Mowbray; mnr. Ivan de Villiers,Somerset-Wes; dr. J.F.K. de Villiers, Bloemfontein; mnr. D. Laidler, Jonkershoek;dr. R.T.J. Lombard, Pretoria; mnr. J.P. Louw, Franschhoek; dr. H.M. Malan,Bloemfontein; mnr. Seppie Malherbe, Franschhoek; mev. H. Sheridan,Franschhoek; mnr. en mev. C.A. Swart, Kaapstad; die personeel van dieArgiefbewaarplek, Kaapstad; die personeel van die NG Kerkargief, Kaapstad,asook alle De Villiers's wat hul opgaafvorms voltooi het of inligting gestuur het.Die samestelling van die De Villiers-geslagsregister was vir ons 'n groot, maarook genotvolle, uitdaging. Dit het ons in staat gestel om hierdie besondere familiegoed te leer ken. Ons wil vertrou dat die register aan u as leser ook veel genotsal verskaf.

Juna MALHERBE (geb. Swart)Alet MALAN Franschhoek, 1997

'n Siening van die Suid-Afrikaanse de Villiers-Familie

J.C. (Kay) de Villiers

Om drie honderd jaar nadat die Sion1(1) in Mei 1689 met ons drie stamvadershier aangekom het, te bepaal wat hul kenmerkende eienskappe was en watterinvloed hul nageslagte oor hierdie tydperk uitgeoefen het, is bykans onmoontlik.

Op die tydstip toe die broers uit Frankryk moes vlug, het dié land 'n goue eeu

beleef, maar as vlugtelinge kon hulle geen materiële besittings na hulle nuwetuiste meebring nie. Sommige Hugenote was redelik geskoold (Pierre Simond,Jacques de Savoye) of tegnies onderrig, soos die chirurgyns Jean Prieur duPlessis en Gédéon le Grand, terwyl ander minstens opgeleide ambagsmanne of,soos die De Villiers's, geskoolde landbouers was.

Vir die Hugenote was hul godsdiens 'n saak van erns, anders sou hul nie hul landverlaat het nie en hul voortgesette strewe na 'n eie kerk en gemeente aan dieKaap bevestig dit. Skool en kerk was 'n eenheid in kerkvorm, sodat 'n kindbyvoorbeeld moes kon lees, want dit wat hy glo, was skrifgebonde, en lees wassy toegang tot die Woord. 'n Uitvloeisel hiervan was dat die Hugenote se graadvan geletterdheid hoër was as dié van hul nie-Franse medeburgers aan dieKaap.

'n Gemeenskaplike verantwoordelikheid, lojaliteit en onafhanklikheid was 'nnatuurlike uitvloeisel van hul godsdiens. Aan die Kaap het hul kerklike gebruikeen kerklike organisasie nie veel verskil van die Nederlandse Gereformeerdegebruike wat reeds hier gevestig was nie, sodat hul gebruike mettertyd in dieNederlandse kerk opgeneem is.

Hier gevestig, was die Hugenote vir twee geslagte tot 'n mindere of meerderemate Franssprekend en daarna het integrasie met ander groepe toegeneem enhet hul taal verdwyn. Behalwe dat die De Villiers's miskien in 'n groter mate asdie ander Hugenote ondertrou het - gelukkig sonder ooglopende kwade gevolge -was daar min wat die De Villiers-familie gekenmerk het.

Die Kaap, waarheen hul verplaas is, was in daardie stadium 'n arm, eenvoudigeklein nedersetting, ekonomies agterlik en met min hoop op groot opbloei omdatdie Here XVII glad nie gretig was om 'n kolonie te vestig op 'n plek waar daar nieonmiddellik 'n wins te make was nie. Baie Hugenote moes van bedrywe waarvanhulle meester was, afsien omdat dit hier nie ekonomies beoefen kon word nie.Nie een van die tuisnywerhede wat die Hugenote met hulle meegebring het - diespin van vlas, die olyfkultuur, die sywurmbedryf, die vervaardiging van kant,wolweef ens. - het hier voortbestaan nie. Die Franse aankomelinge was verarmen dit het by hulle gegaan om 'n bestaan, d.w.s. om kos en woonplek. Daaromwas hulle op die boerdery aangewys.

Die boerdery was geen maklike pad nie, want hulle was arm en die vreemdeklimaatsomstandighede het vir hulle probleme geskep. Dit was onvermydelik dathulle, soos elke mens in dié omstandighede, heimwee na die vaderland sou hê,veral omdat hulle hulself gesien het as tydelike uitgewekenes. Hulle wasrusteloos en terugkeer na Europa was nie ongewoon nie. So is Du Plessis, DeSavoye, Simond en andere na vyf jaar terug na Europa.

Die herkenbare eienskappe soos taal, materiële besittings, huislike gewoontes,gebruike en tradisies, het dus as uitdruklike nalatenskap nie voortbestaan nie endit wil byna voorkom asof 'n mens, wat ons erfenis betref, tot 'n negatieweslotsom moet kom. Wanneer 'n mens egter na geskiedkundige waarheid soek,kan feite somtyds 'n ander verhaal vertel as wat 'n mens se emosies jou laatverwag en kan daar ander erfenisse wees wat op onverwagte vlakke openbaarword.

Wanneer die deugde van voorvaders genoem (en geroem) word, kan 'n menssoms só meegevoer raak dat aan voorgeslagte eienskappe toegedig wordwaarop hulle nie kon of sou wou aanspraak maak nie. Ons kan voortreflikepersone om baie redes onthou (soms om minder lofwaardige redes ook). Komons aanvaar dat ons hulle wil onthou uit 'n diep drang om die goeie wat hullegedoen het, na te streef in óns tyd. Dit is ook redelik dat ons sal onthou wat hullegedoen en opgeoffer het, want dit sal onwaardig en ondankbaar wees om tevergeet teen watter koste en persoonlike opoffering, harde werk en teen watterantagonisme, hulle hulself moes laat geld.

Lank gelede het ek dr. Con de Villiers gevra of daar nog eienskappe is wat dieDe Villiers's kenmerk. Na 'n betreklike lang stilte het hy met sy sterk Overbergsebry gesê:"'n Mens het darem 'n ma ook!" Nadat hierdie biologiese feit erken is,was sy opsomming: "Daar is darem min van ons wat nie 'n oor vir 'n wysie hetnie." Dink maar daaroor na: Daar is min De Villiers's wat nie 'n aanvoeling virmusiek het nie. Dan dink ek ook nou nie net aan die uitsonderlik begaafdeswaaraan ons familie 'n besondere rykdom het nie. Al die De Villiers's wat musiekgeskep en gemaak het, wat musiek laat sê wat 'n mens andersins nie kan sê nie,is erfgename van dié gawe. Dr. Con het ook gesê hulle is sensitiewe mense,maar dit mag lol wanneer hulle ouer word, want dan neig hulle om bedruk teraak. 'n Ander oom (nie 'n familielid nie) se opsomming was: "Briljante mense,die De Villiers's - net jammer hulle het almal so effens 'n krakie."

Wanneer 'n mens oor 'n lang tydperk terugkyk, sal diegene wat buitengewoonpresteer het, duidelik uitkenbaar wees en 'n objektiewe beskouing van dieHugenote-nalatenskap toon dat die De Villiers=s as 'n groep besonder presteerhet. Die enigste ander groep wat op hierdie vlak met hulle kan meeding, is dieafstammelinge van die Duitse sendelinge in Suid-Afrika. Watter gevolgtrekking 'nmens daaruit kan maak, is nie duidelik nie, maar dit is waarskynlik dat dit iets tedoen het met 'n lewensbeskouing waarin die taak voorhande gesien word as 'ndiens aan hul God.

Alhoewel die De Villiers's nie die grootste Hugenote-familie is nie, is hullebuitengewoon sterk verteenwoordig in die meeste beroepe en vind 'n mens hulleveral as regspraktisyns. Dink maar aan die vele De Villiers's wat hoofregters enregters was en dan is daar natuurlik ook lord Henry. En moenie al die prokureurs

wat oor die hele land versprei is, vergeet nie. Die bediening sou 'n mens byna

kon verwag as 'n arbeidsveld vir hulle, maar ook ingenieurs, argitekte,

wetenskaplikes, ekonome, skrywers, digters, joernaliste, landboukundiges,

boere, onderwysmanne, krygsmanne en geneeshere word in groot getalle onder

hulle gevind. Die genealoog Christoffel Coetzee de Villiers verdien 'n spesialeplek. Dit is nie 'n volledige lys nie - veel meer sou bygevoeg kon word - maar ditis belangrik dat ons hulle oral aantref. Ons sou hier kan ophou en metdankbaarheid in herinnering kon roep wat die De Villiers's aan hierdie land en symense gegee het en hoe hulle ons land met sy veelvuldige kulture met hultalente verryk het. Hulle het veel ingeploeg in hierdie vrugbare grond!

Laat ons terugkeer na hul oorspronklike taak: Hulle was wynmakers! Met reg kangevra word of hulle in hierdie taak geslaag het. Die wynbedryf het reeds sedert1659 aan die Kaap bestaan en hulle kon hierop voortbou en verbeter omdat hullenie net wynmakers was nie, maar ook bewerkers van wingerdgrond enwingerdkwekers, soos hulle in Frankryk geleer is. Slegs enkele De Villiers's isnog betrokke by die groot kultuur van wynmaak, en die meerderheid het nie meereerstehandse kennis daarvan nie.

Die proses om die druif te pars en daarna onder die toesig van die wynmaker totwyn te omskep, is 'n meesterstaak wat in talle mitologieë, met inbegrip van dieChristelike, weerklank vind.

Alle versnyding, ook dié van 'n land se kultuur, is 'n komplekse proses en gaangepaard met 'n risiko. Die individuele druif word nie onthou nie, maar die wynwel. Dit is die wyn wat tel en om daarby uit te kom, verg onbaatsugtige endelikate gisting.

Het ons, as familie, die wyn van ons menswees gemaak tot verryking van dieland en die kulture van al sy mense? Indien ons hierin geslaag het, het ons onstaak volvoer en het ons die wyn van Suid-Afrikaanse kultuur, vanweë onsteenwoordigheid, tot 'n beter gehalte verhef.

Hoe die wyn van individuele menswees in ons elkeen voltooi word, is eintlik diekern van die saak. Van nuuts af weer is elkeen 'n loot uit die stok van onsHugenote-stam; die druif wat gepars word deur die lewe se onheile en

besoekinge; elkeen ondergaan die noodwendige geestelike en emosionelegisting en die stadige, stil ryping tot wyn.

Wyn van watter kwaliteit? Dié vraag moet vir elkeen beantwoord word. Miskienmoet ons Heer, wat self ook wyn gemaak het, ons uiteindelik maar toets.Waarskynlik kan 'n mens dit die beste opsom in die woorde van Van Wyk Louw:

Miskien sal ek die wingerd prys en nooit meer van hom drink en net in 'n verbeelde glasdie koel gedagte skink:

dié wat in jare donkertesy wynsteen kon laat saken niks wat somers is meer hetnie pit nie dop of rank:

miskien nog van Gods weë weet:Sy paaie en Sy pynmaar ingewikkeld alles kenen mens wil wees én rein.

("Voorspel 1950" uit Tristia)

As dít vir ons as individue beskore is, dan dink ek kan ons voortgaan om onssoort wyn te maak in hierdie land. Laat ons dan hou by ons leuse - la main al'oevre.

Die Godsdiensstryd in Frankryk

Biebie de Villiers

Die herroeping van die Edik van Nantes in 1685 was die direkte oorsaak van diekoms van die meeste Hugenote na die Kaap. Tog was die stroom vlugtelinge watFrankryk in dié tyd verlaat het, nóg die eerste nóg die laaste. Die geskiedenisvan die Reformasie of Hervorming in Europa gaan veel verder terug, en was inwese 'n reaksie op wantoestande in die Middeleeuse Europese samelewing watin die Kerk miskien sy ergste vorm aangeneem het.

Gewoonlik beskou ons 31 Oktober 1517 as die begin van die Hervorming, diedatum waarop Martin Luther sy 95 stellinge, oftewel teologiese debatspunte oorveral die aflaatstelsel, op 'n kerkdeur in Wittenberg aangebring het. Maar lankvoor Luther het daar reeds op ander plekke stemme opgegaan teen valse leringeen wantoestande in die Kerk en samelewing.

In Parys het die Humanis Lefèvre d'Etaples reeds heelwat kritiek teen die Kerkuitgespreek, en die Nuwe Testament in Frans vertaal, maar dit was veral Lutherse optrede en die Kerk se reaksie daarop wat in Frankryk groot stukrag verleenhet aan die Reformasie-beweging, wat onder invloed van Farel en JohannesCalvyn tot 'n hoogtepunt gevoer is.

In 1523 sterf die eerste Protestant in Frankryk op die brandstapel. Dit was diebegin van 'n diepe verdeeldheid onder die Franse, wat tot 'n lang stryd sou lei, 'nstryd wat Frankryk uiteindelik byna verwoes het.

Die konings van Frankryk het afwisselend meer of minder simpatie met dieGereformeerde beweging gehad. Soms kon die Evangeliese Hervormers, sooshulle hulself genoem het, hul geloof in betreklike vrede beoefen, maar dan hetdie stryd weer losgebars. Vanaf 1560 het altesaam agt godsdiens-oorloë en veelmeer klein skermutselinge tussen Katolieke en Hugenote plaasgevind, voordatdie Edik van Nantes in 1595 uitgevaardig is. Hendrik IV van Frankryk wou metdie edik 'n einde aan die polarisasie maak en het probeer om daarmeeverdraagsaamheid te kweek.

Alhoewel die Edik van Nantes hoegenaamd nie die Katolieke en die

Gereformeerde geloof gelyk gestel het nie, het dit aan die Gereformeerdes 'nmate van godsdienstige en politieke beskerming verleen. Tog was dieProtestante dikwels steeds uitgelewer aan die houding van die plaaslikeowerheid en die plaaslike priester.

In 1629 word die politieke regte van die Hugenote deur kardinaal Richelieuingekort, maar die godsdienstige voorregte en beskerming van die Edik vanNantes word herbevestig, en tot ongeveer 1661 heers daar betreklike kalmte inFrankryk. In 1661 neem Lodewyk XIV persoonlik die beheer van die regering oor.Hy plaas die Gereformeerdes onder sterk druk en teen die einde van 1661 volg'n grootskaalse emigrasie van Protestante uit Frankryk.

Vir die Protestante wat agtergebly het, het moeilike jare voorgelê. Stelselmatig ishulle lewens op elke terrein beïnvloed. Daar was streng voorskrifte oor wanneeren waar godsdienstige byeenkomste mog plaasvind, kerkfondse is gekonfiskeer,hospitale en skole gesluit en sekere beroepe is vir Gereformeerdes verbodeverklaar. Maar die breekpunt was waarskynlik Lodewyk XIV se "sendingpoging".Gewapende soldate het gebiede binnegetrek en mense gedwing om hulProtestanse geloof in die openbaar af te sweer.

Ongeveer 30 000 Protestante het voor hierdie druk geswig, terwyl nog anderhulself skuil gehou het, die land uitgevlug het of met hul lewens geboet het virhulle onwilligheid om hul geloof af te sweer.

In Oktober 1685 verklaar Lodewyk XIV dat die Edik van Nantes nie meer nodig isnie, aangesien die "grootste en belangrikste deel" van die bevolking hulle van dieGereformeerde geloof gedistansieer het. Met 'n nuwe edik veroordeel hy alleProtestantse predikante ter dood, terwyl mense wat met hulle kontak het,lewenslange gevangenisstraf opgelê word. Om kennis te dra van Gereformeerdebyeenkomste sonder om dit aan te gee, was genoeg om gestraf te word. Só isdie Gereformeerdes van Frankryk as 't ware voëlvry verklaar. Hierop volg 'ngrootskaalse uittog van Hugenote uit die land.

Onder die duisende vlugtelinge wat 'n heenkome in ander lande gaan soek het,was die drie De Villiers-stamvaders wat via Nederland na die Kaap gekom het. Inhierdie geslagsregister word oor hulle veeltallige afstammelinge verslag gedoen.

Bibliografie

Coertzen, P. : Aanvang van die Reformasie in Frankryk. In Bulletin 17:20-23.

Hugenote-Vereniging van Suid-Afrika. 1981.

Coertzen, P. : Die Hugenote van Suid-Afrika 1688-1988. Kaapstad. Tafelberg,1988.

De Villiers, J.C. : Die Invloed van die Hugenote. Ongepubliseer.

Ranum, Orest & Patricia (Eds). : The Century of Louis XIV. New York. Macmillan,1972.

Simon, Edith : The Reformation - Great ages of Man. Time Life International N.V.

Foreward

This genealogy of the de Villiers family, descendants of the three Huguenotbrothers Pierre, Abraham and Jacob, has a long and interesting history. Thehistory begins with the work of the two genealogists in our family: Christoffel C.and Dr. Con - the two de Villierses to whom this publication is dedicated.Christoffel's registers, published under the title Geslachtregister der oudeKaapsche Familiën, marks the beginning of all genealogical research in SouthAfrica; while Dr. Con's bequest to the Huguenot Memorial Museum,Franschhoek, was the direct incentive for this publication. In the Introductionmore can be read about this aspect of the genealogy.

Dr. Con, of course, contributed considerable material to the other book on thefamily, which was published by Nasionale Boekhandel Bpk. in 1960, viz. AHistory of the De Villiers Family. The author was D.P. (Dan) de Villiers, a medicalpractitioner in Bloemfontein. In his article on the origins of the family in thepresent publication, Prof. Kay de Villiers refers to certain pronouncements of Dr.Dan without necessarily accepting them. Let it be said that the virtues of the deVillierses are not as highly rated in this publication as in Dr. Dan's book!

The dedication with which the staff of the Huguenot Memorial Museum, andspecifically our authors Juna Malherbe and Alet Malan, carried out Dr. Con'swishes, as expressed in his will, is superb (and in saying this I am by no meansoverrating their achievement). Their thoroughness, comprehensiveness andperseverance not only serve as an example to all genealogical researchers butdeserve, for many years to come, the appreciation and gratitude of all thedescendants of our three de Villiers ancestors.

Already in the eighties, it became clear that the de Villiers research would lead tothe most comprehensive and most expensive South African genealogicalpublication to date. But at that stage all those concerned (like Dr. Con at the timeof his bequest) were fully convinced that the Human Sciences Research Council(HSRC) would assume the major part of the financial responsibility for thepublication. During 1995, when the genealogical registers were almostcompleted, it became evident that the HSRC would be unable to make anymonetary contribution. As a result of additional financial cut-backs by the State, itwas quite beyond the means of the Huguenot Memorial Museum to incur anycosts in connection with the publication.

The Huguenot Society, which for quite some time had been interested in the deVilliers book, thereupon appointed trustees to negotiate with the Museum forleave to publish the book, to establish a fund and proceed with the publication.The initial trustees, with power to co-opt, were:

D.P. de Villiers (Chairman), Attie de Villiers, Kay de Villiers and Biebie van derMerwe (born de Villiers).

They applied to the Museum for, and obtained, permission for publication. Prof.D.W. de Villiers, formerly from the Theological Seminary, University ofStellenbosch, was thereupon co-opted as a trustee. The trustees each donatedR5 000 and some enrolled their children as donors. The De Villiers Trust Fundwas consequently off to a flying start with R35 000 as a nest-egg. In addition, abig commercial sponsor was signed up, and we were able to launch a campaignto canvass further family donors of R5 000 each, and subscriber members atR500,00 each. Mr. Jac I. de Villiers, who earlier on had become our secondco-opted trustee, subsequently obtained a second commercial sponsor. Thenames of the chief sponsors, family donors and subscriber members, appear inVol. I of this publication. It is difficult to find words to thank these benefactorsproperly. Their contributions were necessary to market an affordable publicationand without their support it would not have been possible to publish the mostcomprehensive South African genealogy. I thank them on behalf of all the deVilliers descendants.

The articles written by the various contributors appear under their names. I haveto particularly thank the trustees, who in addition to their other work, found timefor their contributions. We also appreciate the contributions of Mr. John de Villiers(Family Coat of Arms) and Dr. Johan Combrink (De Villiers- Klankbaan). Thesecontributions which were made free of charge, add lustre to our publication.

Our heart-felt thanks go to Mr. Burgert le Roux of Mediator Printers for hisfriendly co-operation and advice.

I have to thank Mr. Attie de Villiers who acted as chairman of our PublicationCommittee with his characteristic enthusiasm and thoroughness.

Finally, the management of the Huguenot Memorial Museum should be told howmuch it is appreciated that they entrusted to us a manuscript on which themuseum staff had worked for almost a decade and a half. For that reason it wasdecided that any surplus which may result from this publication would be donatedto the Museum as a nest-egg for a fund to continue its genealogical work.

For all our present readers, and those of future decades and even centuries, mywish is: Become acquainted with your ancestors and enjoy your reading in theprocess.

D.P. de VilliersChairmanDE VILLIERS TRUST FUNDStellenbosch, January 1997

Introduction

For many years Dr. Con de Villiers visited the Huguenot Memorial Museum onWednesdays to research the de Villiers family in the Museum archives. TheMuseum staff who assisted him to obtain the information he required, MesdamesAnnelize Kriel and Rochelle Roux, recall his interesting anecdotes and thedelicious koeksisters which he always brought along.

Dr. Con, who died on 25 November 1978, bequeathed all his research notes (inAfrikaans) on the de Villiers family to the Huguenot Memorial Museum oncondition that his research be published. This bequest gave the Museum theopportunity to consolidate the genealogical details of an important Huguenotfamily. In 1980 the Board of Trustees of the Museum resolved that the researchbe continued by the staff and prepared for publication.

Initially the objective was to finish the manuscript for the Huguenot 300 festivitiesin 1988, but it soon became clear that much more would have to be done thanmerely check the work of Dr. Con. The two standard genealogical works on thede Villiers family - C.C. de Villiers and C. Pama's Genealogies of old S.A.Families and D.P. de Villiers's A History of the De Villiers Family -proved to havemany shortcomings. For the next fifteen years, the members of the staff, inaddition to their museum work, collected, processed, and checked theinformation required and typed the manuscript on the computor.

In 1980 the original handwritten manuscript (1 567 pages) was photocopied inthe offices of the Department of Nature Conservation and Environment Affairs inCape Town for use as draft copies.

Dr. Con collected his information by corresponding with the members of the deVilliers family and by visiting cemeteries (in which he had a great interest). Hemaintained that church records and the death notices in the Master's Office werenot always reliable and he consequently seldom made use of archival sources.Our personal experience, however, is that these days people do not have anintimate knowledge of their families. We therefore deemed it necessary to gatherall the available information from archival sources, which yielded much that wasnew.

We came across children of the progenitors not noted in the standardgenealogical works and realised that in some cases the order of the childrenshould be altered. This also applies to later generations. It is therefore quitepossible that a specific genealogical number given to a person in this publicationmay differ from that in previous publications.

All the new information from archival sources and family register forms made itpossible for us to check and rewrite Dr. Con's manuscript, which covered theyears up to and including 1976, and to extend it up to the year 1980 (in somecases even further). Unfortunately Dr. Con's unique use of the Afrikaans

language had to be sacrificed in the process.

A big step forward was taken on 2 September 1986 when our first computer waspurchased. Up to then, everything had been written by hand. The computer waspurchased with money obtained from donations by the De Villiers HuguenotSociety in Bloemfontein and by SASKO in Paarl, as well as from Museum funds.Mr. D. Laidler of Jonkershoek rendered considerable assistance with thepurchase of the computer and training staff to use it.

Collecting the data took a number of years, but processing and checking themtook much longer. In spite of insignificant defects, we think we can honestly claimthat the de Villiers genealogy is one of the most comprehensive single familygenealogies yet to appear in South Africa. The size of the publication is clearproof of this.

We would like to thank the De Villiers Trust, who made it possible to publish themanuscript and in particular the Chairman Mr. D.P. de Villiers. Not only was theChairman the driving force behind the publication of the genealogy, but hecanvassed most of the donors and sponsors, and also stood surety for any deficitwhich the Trust Fund may have up to 31 December 1999.

Lastly, we wish to express our thanks to the following persons for information andother assistance received from them. Some made important contributionswhereas others, merely by the interest they showed, encouraged us to persistand complete the work: Mrs. A. Burger, Franschhoek; Prof. G. de Kock, PortElizabeth; Mr. A. William de Villiers, Mowbray; Mr. Ivan de Villiers, SomersetWest; Dr. J.F.K. de Villiers, Bloemfontein; Mr. D. Laidler, Jonkershoek; Dr. R.T.J.Lombard, Pretoria; Mr. J.P. Louw, Franschhoek; Dr. H.M. Malan, Bloemfontein;Mr. Seppie Malherbe, Franschhoek; Mrs. H. Sheridan, Franschhoek; Mr. andMrs. C.A. Swart, Cape Town; the staff of the Cape Archives Depot, Cape Town;the staff of the Dutch Reformed Church Archives, Cape Town, as well as all thede Villierses who returned their family register forms or provided information.

Compiling the de Villiers genealogy was a challenging but enjoyable experiencewhich enabled us to acquire an intimate knowledge of this remarkable family. Wetrust that this publication will be a source of pleasure to all its readers.

Juna MALHERBE (born Swart)Alet MALANFranschhoek, 1997.

A View of the South African de Villiers Family

J.C. (Kay) de Villiers

After three hundred years it is virtually impossible to determine the specificcharacteristics of the three ancestors of the de Villiers family, who arrived on

board the Sion2(2) in May 1689, and what influence their descendants exercisedover this period.

At the time when the three brothers had to flee France, that country experienceda golden age, but as refugees they could not bring any material possessions totheir new fatherland. Some of the Huguenots were reasonably educated (PierreSimond, Jacques de Savoye), some, like the surgeons Jean Prieur du Plessisand Gédéon le Grand, had a technical education, whereas others were at leastqualified artisans or, like the de Villierses, trained agriculturalists.

For the Huguenots their religion was a matter of the utmost concern. Had this notbeen the case, they would not have left their country, and their continuedendeavour to have their own church and congregation at the Cape, confirms this.School and church were one in the form of the Church, so that a child, forexample, had to be able to read because the substance of his belief was derivedfrom reading the Bible. As a consequence of this, the Huguenots' standard of

literacy was higher than that of their non-French fellow-citizens at the Cape.

Joint responsibility, loyalty and independence were natural products of theirreligion. At the Cape their church customs and organisation did not differ radicallyfrom the Dutch Reformed customs which had been established here, and in timewere assimilated into the Dutch ones.

Having settled here, the Huguenots remained more or less French-speaking forabout two generations and thereafter integration with other groups increased andtheir language disappeared. Except perhaps for the fact that the de Villiersesintermarried more often than the other Huguenots - fortunately withoutnoticeably harmful effects - there was very little that was characteristic of thisfamily.

The Cape, to which they emigrated, at that time was an impoverished, primitivelittle settlement, economically underdeveloped and with little prospect ofextensive growth because the Council of Seventeen was not eager to establish acolony at a place where there was no prospect of immediate profit. ManyHuguenots had to abandon trades of which they were masters because theycould not be practised here, as there was no market for the products. Not one ofthe home industries of which the Huguenots were capable - spinning flax, theolive culture, the silk-worm industry, lace-making, wool-weaving etc, - survivedhere. The French immigrants were impoverished and mere survival i.e. food andhabitation, was of prime importance to them. That is why they had to rely onfarming for a livelihood.

For them this was not an easy way out either, because they were poor and theunfamiliar climatic conditions posed problems for them as farmers. Under thecircumstances it was inevitable that they would feel homesick; that is only humansince they saw themselves as temporary expatriates. They were restless and toreturn to Europe was not uncommon. Du Plessis, de Savoye, Simond and othersreturned to Europe after five years.

Discernable characteristics such as language, material possessions, householdpractices, customs and traditions, therefore ceased to exist as a specific legacyand it would appear that, as far as our heritage is concerned, one has to come toa rather negative conclusion. In the search for historical truth, facts may at times,however, tell a different story than one's emotions may have led one to expectand other legacies may be found in unexpected domains.

When the virtues of ancestors are told (and extolled) one may become so carriedaway that attributes may be ascribed to forebears to which they could not andwould not wish to lay claim. We may remember outstanding persons for manyreasons (and sometimes for less commendable ones). Let us accept that wewant to remember them because of a strong urge to emulate them in our time. Itis also reasonable for us to remember what they achieved and forfeited, becauseit would be unworthy and ungrateful to forget at what cost, personal sacrifice,hard work and strife they had to preserve their individuality.

A long time ago I asked Dr. Con de Villiers whether there are traits which arepeculiar to the de Villierses. After a fairly long silence he said with his strongOverberg bry: "Of course one also has a mother!" After this biological fact hadbeen acknowledged, he continued: "One must admit that there are few of us whodo not have an ear for a tune." Just think of it: There are few de Villierses whodo not have a feeling for music, and then I do not think of the exceptionally giftedones who are so uncommonly numerous in our family. Every de Villiers whocomposed or made music, who expressed in music that which cannot be saidotherwise, is heir to this gift.

Dr. Con also said that the de Villierses were sensitive people, but they might runinto difficulties when they grew older because they had a tendency to becomedepressed. Another venerable old gentleman (not a member of the family) said:

"Brilliant people, the de Villierses - unfortunately all of them are not quite allthere."

When looking back over a long period, those with conspicuous achievements willeasily be remembered. An objective scrutiny of the Huguenot legacy shows thatwhat the de Villierses accomplished as a group is remarkable. The only othergroup which may be compared with them on this level are the descendants of theGerman missionaries in South Africa. What conclusion one may draw from this isnot clear, but it may concern a philosophy of life in terms of which the task athand is regarded as being in the service of God.

Although the de Villierses are not the most numerous Huguenot family in SouthAfrica, the degree to which they are represented in most professions isexceptional, particularly in the legal profession. Just think of the many deVillierses who were chief justices and judges and then, of course, there is alwaysLord Henry. And not to be forgotten are the attorneys in practices country-wide.

One may expect the ministry to be their province, but also engineers,

architects, scientists, economists, authors, poets, journalists,agriculturalists, farmers, educationists, soldiers, and doctors are found in

large numbers among them. The genealogist, Christoffel Coetzee de Villiers,deserves special mention. It is not a complete list - many more could be added-but the wide distribution is important.

It would be possible to stop here and give thanks for what the de Villierses havegiven to this country and its people and for the extent to which they have withtheir talents enriched our country with its many cultures. They ploughed backmuch into this fertile soil!

But let us reconsider their original occupation: They were wine-makers! One mayrightfully ask whether they succeeded in their task. The wine industry wasestablished at the Cape in 1659 and they could proceed from this beginning andintroduce improvements because they were not only wine-makers but, as theywere taught in France, also vine growers and cultivators of the soil for vineyards.Only a few de Villierses are at present connected with the important culture ofwine-making, and the majority do not have first-hand knowledge of it any more.

The process of pressing the grape and then transforming it into wine under thesupervision of the master wine-maker is a skilled task which is referred to inmany mythologies, including the Christian.

All blending, whether of wine or the culture of a country, is a complex processand is subject to risk. The individual grape is forgotten, but not the wine. It is thewine which is important and for it to evolve requires delicate fermentation.

Have we, as a family, blended the wine of our common humanity for theenrichment of our country and the cultures of all its peoples? If we havesucceeded in doing so, we have fulfilled our task and, thanks to our presence,refined the wine of South African culture to a better quality.

How the wine of human existence is matured in each of us is, in the finalanalysis, the crux of the matter. Each one of us is a new shoot from the stock ofthe Huguenot stem; the grape is pressed by life's calamities and tribulations andin each one of us is inevitably fermented spiritually and emotionally and slowlyand silently matured to wine.

Wine of what quality? That question has to be answered for each of us. Perhapsthe final test should be left to our Lord, who himself made wine. Perhaps it is bestsummarized in the words of Van Wyk Louw:

Miskien sal ek die wingerd prys en nooit meer van hom drink en net in 'n verbeelde glasdie koel gedagte skink:

dié wat in jare donkertesy wynsteen kon laat saken niks wat somers is meer hetnie pit nie dop of rank:

miskien nog van Gods weë weet:Sy paaie en Sy pynmaar ingewikkeld alles kenen mens wil wees én rein.

("Voorspel 1950" from Tristia)

If this is our destiny as individuals, I think we may continue making our kind ofwine in this country. Let us abide by our motto - la main a l'oevre.

The Religious Conflict in France

Biebie de Villiers

The revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 was the direct cause of theemigration of most of the Huguenots to the Cape. And yet the large number ofrefugees who streamed out of France at that time was neither the first nor thelast. The history of the Reformation in Europe began much earlier and was inessence a reaction to the malpractices existing in Medieval European society,probably in their worst form in the Church.

Usually 31 October 1517 is regarded as the beginning of the Reformation, thedate on which Martin Luther affixed his 95 theses or debating points to thechurch door at Wittenberg. The theses particularly dealt with the system ofgranting indulgence. But long before Luther, voices protesting against the falseteachings and malpractices in Church and society had been raised in otherplaces.

In Paris the Humanist theologian Lefèvre d'Etaples strongly criticised the Churchand translated the New Testament into French, but it was really Luther's actionand the reaction of the Church to it which gave the Reformist movement strongmomentum in France, and paved the way for theologians like Farel and JohnCalvin.

The first Protestant died at the stake in France in 1523. This caused a deep riftamong the French people, which would lead to a long conflict, and eventuallyalmost destroying France.

The kings of France were sometimes more and sometimes less sympathetictowards the Reformist movement. At times the Evangelical Reformists, as theycalled themselves, could practise their religion in relative peace, only for theconflict to start anew. From 1560 no less than eight religious wars and manymore lesser skirmishes occurred between Catholics and Huguenots before theEdict of Nantes was promulgated in 1595. Henry IV of France wished to put anend to the polarisation and tried to foster religious tolerance by means of theedict. Although the Edict of Nantes by no means placed the Catholic andReformed faiths on an equal footing, it gave the Reformists some measure ofreligious and political protection. Nevertheless the Protestants were often still atthe mercy of the local authority and the local priest.

In 1629 the political rights of the Huguenots were curtailed by Cardinal Richelieu,but the religious privileges and protection of the Edict of Nantes were retained.Consequently relative calm reigned in France up to approximately 1661 whenLouis XIV personally took over control of the government.

He brought strong pressure to bear on the Protestants and at the end of 1661Protestants emigrated from France in large numbers.

Difficult years lay ahead for the Protestants who had stayed behind. In everyrespect their lives were systematically infringed upon. There were strict orders

prescribing when and where religious services might take place, church fundswere confiscated, hospitals and schools closed and certain professions weredeclared prohibited for Reformists. But the death blow probably was Louis XIV's"missionary attempt". Armed forces moved into areas, whereupon people wereforced to renounce their Protestant religion in public.

Approximately 30 000 yielded to this pressure whereas others went into hiding,fled the country or paid with their lives for refusing to renounce their faith.

In October 1685 Louis XIV declared that the Edict of Nantes had becomeredundant, as the "majority and most important component" of the population haddissociated itself from the Reformed faith. Under a new edict he imposed thedeath sentence on all Protestant ministers and prison sentences for life wereimposed on those who remained in touch with them. Merely to have knowledgeof Protestant gatherings without reporting them was a punishable offence. In thisway the Protestants of France were in effect outlawed. The result was thatHuguenots left the country in large numbers.

Among the thousands of refugees who sought a livelihood in other countrieswere the three de Villiers ancestors who came to the Cape via the Netherlands.This genealogy gives details of their numerous descendants.

Bibliography

Coertzen, P. : Aanvang van die Reformasie in Frankryk. In Bulletin 17:20-23.Hugenote-Vereniging van Suid-Afrika. 1981.

Coertzen, P. : Die Hugenote van Suid-Afrika 1688-1988. Kaapstad. Tafelberg,1988.

De Villiers, J.C. : Die Invloed van die Hugenote. Unpublished.

Ranum, Orest & Patricia (Eds). : The Century of Louis XIV. New York. Macmillan,1972

Simon, Edith : The Reformation - Great ages of Man. Time Life InternationalN.V.

Origins of the South African de Villiers Family

J.C. (Kay) de Villiers

Opsomming

Oor die herkoms van die drie De Villiers-stamvaders bestaan daar geenuitsluitsel nie, gedeeltelik as gevolg van die vernietiging van kerkregisters tydensdie godsdiensstryd in Frankryk. Die kamer van Delft skryf op 16 Desember 1688'n brief aan Simon van der Stel waarin hy die drie broers by kommandeur Vander Stel aanbeveel weens hul kennis van die wingerdbou. Die brief meld ook dathulle van La Rochelle afkomstig is. As gevolg hiervan het D.P. en Derick deVilliers aanvaar dat die stamvaders uit dié omgewing afkomstig was. Navorsingwat hulle in Frankryk gedoen het, het hierdie vermoede versterk, want inligtingwat Derick de Villiers van die Direkteur van die Argief in La Rochelle, M. de laFosse, gekry het, dui daarop dat daar reeds sedert 1335 De Villiers's in dieomgewing van La Rochelle gewoon het. De la Fosse het selfs beweer dat diedrie stamvaders die seuns was van Pierre de Villiers, 'n gewese burgemeestervan Niort, 'n stadjie in die omgewing van La Rochelle.

Afgesien van die feit dat La Rochelle nie by uitstek 'n wynproduserende gebied isnie, is daar ander getuienis wat daarop dui dat die De Villiers's van Boergondiëafkomstig was: Die name wat die stamvaders aan die eerste plase in hul nuwevaderland gegee het, Bourgogne, Champagne en La Brie, kan as bewysaangevoer word dat hulle oorspronklik van die wynproduserende oostelike delevan Frankryk afkomstig was eerder as van La Rochelle in die weste. Volgens M.

Boucher was daar 'n tempel by Landreville, geleë in die balju-distrikBar-sur-Seine van die Boergondiese enklawe van Champagne, waar die FranseProtestante aanbid het. In Februarie 1679 is die tempel afgebreek. Sedert 1620het 'n familie wat hulself Robert Villiers genoem het, maar ook as Villiers of DeVilliers bekend gestaan het, by Landreville aanbid. 'n Jean Robert Villiers van diedorpie Viviers-sur-Artaut het 'n paar jaar voor die tempel afgebreek is, gesterfmaar daar is inskrywings van sy kinders in die registers van Landreville tot 1679en daarna in die registers van Buncey. Volgens die registers van Landreville enBuncey het Jean Robert Villiers seuns gehad wat Pierre en Abraham geheet heten wat wynboere was. Daar was ook 'n seun Paul, 'n naam wat in die DeVilliers-familie in Suid-Afrika voorkom. 'n Jacob, wat as Jacob Robert Villiers enas Jacob de Villiers in die registers van Buncey voorkom, het in die omgewinggewoon, maar daar is geen bewys dat hy 'n broer van Pierre en Abraham wasnie.

'n Mens kan met 'n redelike mate van sekerheid aanvaar dat die Suid-AfrikaanseJacob de Villiers van Boergondië afkomstig was. In sy testament wat opgestel isdeur Daniel Thibault, Sekretaris van die Raad van Justisie, staan daar dat "JacobVilliers van Borgondien" voor hom verskyn het. Boucher kom tot diegevolgtrekking dat daar nie deurslaggewende bewyse is dat die drie stamvadersvan Viviers-sur-Artaut gekom het nie, maar dat hulle waarskynlik Boergondiërswas. Dat hulle plek van herkoms in die brief van die Kamer van Delft as LaRochelle vermeld word, kan verklaar word deur die feit dat hulle La Rochelle asontvlugtingsroete gebruik het en dat dié stad gevolglik hul laaste verblyfplek inFrankryk was.

The researcher in quest of a family with its origins in Medieval France, isconfronted by almost insuperable difficulties. The destruction of church records,which form such a rich source of information for the genealogist, occurred on alarge scale in France during the religious wars, which afflicted the country formore than 100 years. Records pertaining to the Protestants suffered particularlosses, but during the Revolution, Catholic churches suffered a similar fate and insome regions civil records were also destroyed.

D.P. de Villiers provides a rough genealogy of the Villiers L'Isle d'Adam family -and establishes a rather tenuous link between this family and the family at LaRochelle. The St. Jean d'Angely and Niort families seem to have a commonorigin, but the evidence produced is not very convincing. He also providesevidence of the name de Villiers in several regions of France, but it is notpossible to prove that all of them belonged to the same family.

One of D.P. de Villiers' main sources of information was Y. Grand of theBibliothéque Nationale in Paris and this information confirms that the de Villiersfamily (with many variants of spelling) were present in Niort and St.Jeand'Angely. It would seem that a significant branch of the family was established inPoitou, Aunis and Saintonge at an early stage and this would provide somesupport for the concept that the three South African de Villiers ancestors camefrom the west of France. D.P. de Villiers did, however, find it strange that Jacobde Villiers should be described as a Burgundian.

In his book D. P. de Villiers maintains (p. 25) that the de Villiers family from whichthe three brothers stem, had lived near La Rochelle for at least 100 years. Hebelieved that their family's earliest birth-places and places of residence were inBourgogne, Champagne and La Brie in France, hence the names of their farmshere in South Africa. This may be so, but it is rather an unusual way of namingone's farm - i.e. utilising an ancestral memory rather than one's own personalexperience in naming a place.

A letter from the Chamber of Delft to the Governor at the Cape, dated 16December 1688, reads: "With this ship (the Zion) we have again permitted thefollowing French refugees to sail to the Cape and earn their living as free men.

Pierre de Villiers, Abraham de Villiers and Jacob de Villiers, all three brothersborn near La Rochelle. We are informed that these persons have a goodknowledge of laying out vineyards and managing the same, and thus we hopethat the Company will acquire their good service. You are commended to givethem a helping hand."

C. Graham Botha quoted this letter in his French Refugees at the Cape and thisis probably the reason why La Rochelle and its environs are so widely regardedin South Africa as the region from which the South African ancestors of the deVilliers family emigrated.

Derick de Villiers made the inference, based on personal research, that a deVilliers family had been established in the Aunis/Saintonge area (nowapproximately the Deux-Sévres/Charente-Maritime area), as early as 1335.Existing records indicate their continued presence there up to the revocation ofthe Edict of Nantes.

Derick de Villiers obtained his information mainly from M. de la Fosse, a historianand Director of Archives at La Rochelle, whose research was based on archivalmaterial in that city and also from the works of three French genealogicalauthorities - Mervault (1671), Arcere (1756) and Delayant (1870) -all of LaRochelle and the Aunis regions. He also had access to a copy of a letter writtenby M. Christian Vieljeux, a member of an old Rochelais family, which refers to deVilliers records in the region.

De la Fosse apparently indicated a Pierre de Villiers who had been Mayor ofNiort as the father of the three bothers, Pierre, Abraham and Jacob de Villierswho emigrated to the Netherlands and afterwards to South Africa.

Derick de Villiers also mentioned that he had seen early regional references tothe presence of the de Villiers family at neighbouring St. Jean d'Angely andRochefort, which included the description of a coat of arms in L'Armorial de laGeneralité de La Rochelle.

All this may well be true, but the crucial assumption is the one made by M. de laFosse, the Director of the archives of La Rochelle, that this particular Pierre deVilliers was the father of the three South African brothers.

Derick de Villiers did, however, admit that the La Rochelle area is not asignificant wine-producing locality, but that the records indicated that some winehad always been produced locally. Cognac is situated only a little further downthe Charente, so that La Rochelle is to this day a major export harbour forbrandy.

The fact that there were de Villierses in the western region of France may beaccepted, but their exact relationship to the South African branch is notestablished beyond doubt. It also has to be kept in mind that La Rochelle was anescape route for the Huguenots. It was the last port under their control until thesecond siege in 1628 which brought it under Catholic rule.

Boucher indicates that Jacob de Villiers was born about the year 1661 and thatthe dates of birth of Pierre and Abraham are considered to be 1657 and 1659,respectively. Apparently, even with this information available, research into theorigins of these men in the west of France has brought very little to light.

In contrast to this, records in the Netherlands and at the Cape suggest that theyoriginally came from Burgundy. The names of their farms - Champagne, La Brieand Bourgogne - would seem to indicate a connection with Burgundy rather thanwith the west of France.

Boucher concludes that the Burgundian enclave of Bar-sur-Seine in Champagnemay offer a possible solution to this question. The family of Robert Villiers ofViviers-sur-Artaut, a village to the north-east of Landreville, worshipped atLandreville since at least 1620. Some of the members of the family signed their

names as Robert Villiers, others used the name Villiers or were referred to as deVilliers.

Jean Robert Villiers died a number of years before the demolition of the temple atLandreville in 1679, but references to his children appear there up to that dateand thereafter in the register at Buncey, which served the Calvinist congregationof Chatilon-sur-Seine. This congregation was attached to the Dijon colloquy ofthe synodal province for Burgundy, but the temple was sufficiently close to theBar-sur-Seine bailiwick for members of the Reformed Church there to make useof its facilities up to the eve of the revocation.

Jean Robert Villiers had sons called Pierre and Abraham, both vine growers, aswell as a son Paul who died unmarried on 12 March 1671. (The name Paulappears again in the family at the Cape.)

This leaves one with the question of Jacob. His name appears in the Bunceyregisters as Jacob Robert Villiers and Jacob de Villiers. On 8 June 1681 hebecame godfather to Jacob, son of Jacques Bonnemain and Anne de Lan ofViviers-sur-Artaut and on 15 September 1683 to Marie, daughter of AbrahamArnoux and Jeanne Robin of the same place, but there is no indication at all thatJacob was a son of Jean Robert Villiers. On the other hand the Delft letter,referred to earlier on, described the new settlers as brothers and according to theCape records Jacob was a brother of Pierre and Abraham. See C. GrahamBotha, p 89.

One may assume, with some degree of confidence that at least Jacob was aBurgundian. In his will which was drawn up by Daniel Thibault, Secretary of theCouncil of Justice, Thibault states that "Jacob Villiers van Borgondien" and hiswife "Margaretha Gardiol van Provance" appeared before him to have their willdrawn up. In a subsequent section of the will it is stated that the will was read outto the testators word by word, whereupon they declared it to be their last will andtestament. Thibault's description of Jacob as coming from Burgundy, wastherefore made with Jacob's full agreement.

Boucher stresses the fact that the discovery of the Villiers family in Burgundy isby no means conclusive proof that the Cape refugees of this name came fromViviers-sur-Artaut, although it is a distinct possibility. That the brothers' place oforigin is given as La Rochelle in the Delft letter, may be explained by the fact thatLa Rochelle was used by them as an escape route and that La Rochelle wasconsequently their last place of residence in France.

The question of the exact place in France where the de Villierses originally camefrom therefore remains an open one which may well be solved in future by someenthusiastic researcher.

Bibliography

Botha, C.G. : The French Refugees at the Cape. Cape Town. Cape Times, 1919.

Boucher, M. : French speakers at the Cape: The European background. Pretoria.University of South Africa, 1981.

De Villiers, Derick. Personal communication.

De Villiers, D.P. : A History of the De Villiers Family. Cape Town. NasionaleBoekhandel, 1960.

Die Stamvaders se Reis na en Vestiging aan die Kaap

Attie de Villiers

Summary

The three de Villiers brothers travelled to the Cape on the ship Sion which had

probably replaced an older ship of the same name. It left Goree in the province of

Zeeland on 9 January 1689. Owing to headwinds the Sion could not join theZeeland fleet and, in spite of the danger caused by France's declaration of waron the Netherlands in 1688, it reached the Cape safely on 6 May 1689.

When the de Villierses landed, the first French refugees who had arrived in April1688 had been settled on small farms assigned to them by Simon van der Stelbefore 29 August 1688, the date of arrival of the Rev. Simond, who visited themthere shortly afterwards. The three brothers must have been in touch with theircompatriots shortly after their arrival, as Abraham de Villiers was a member ofthe deputation which waited on Commander van der Stel in November 1689 witha request that the French refugees be granted their own church council.

Thus one of the de Villiers ancestors became implicated in the notoriousResolution of the Council of Policy in which the refugees were inter alia accusedof plotting against the Company and were severely reprimanded. This rebuff wasdue to the fact that the Huguenots' desire to retain their identity clashed with Vander Stel's policy to integrate the French with the Dutch population.

Five months before the deputation was received by the Commander and theCouncil of Policy, the Rev. Simond had written to the Council of Seventeenrequesting that their own church council be granted to the French refugees. Thisrequest was granted in 1690 but another petition, for a separate school forFrench children, was refused. In 1691 "Abraham de Viellers" was appointed adeacon on the first church council of the Drakenstein congregation.

When and how the three brothers settled on the land assigned to them, is notknown. According to the records the ancestors' farms were assigned to them in1694, but they had in all probability been living on their farms since 1689,otherwise Abraham could not have become a deacon of the congregation ofDrakenstein in 1691. Title deeds were granted to Pierre de Villiers in 1713, toAbraham in 1711 and to Jacob in 1712. The farms were situated in theFranschhoek valley, adjacent to one another. Pierre=s farm was calledBourgogne, Abraham's Champagne and Jacob called his La Brie.

The three brothers arrived in time to share in the amount of 6 000 rixdollars sentfrom Batavia to assist the Huguenots at the Cape. The brothers' share was 570guilders. In 1690 Abraham owed the Company 110 guilders and Pierre andJacob 91 guilders each for breeding stock and for material from the Company'sstore, on which the Company made a profit of 70 per cent. By 1719 the deVillierses had repaid their debt to the Company and had prospered to such anextent that they could buy additional land.

Reis na en aankoms by die Kaap

Die drie broers De Villiers het met die skip Sion na die Kaap gereis. VolgensJ.L.M. Franken (kyk bibliografie) was daar aan die end van April 1688 tweeskepe met dié naam aan die suidpunt van Afrika: Die Sion wat in April 1688 metdie retoervloot uit Tafelbaai na Nederland vertrek het en "het nuwe schip Sion"wat in dieselfde maand weens teenwinde in Saldanhabaai gelê het endaarvandaan regstreeks na Batavia vertrek het. Die drie broers het waarskynlikop die nuwe Sion by die Kaap aangekom.

Op 9 Januarie 1689 het die Sion van Goree na die Kaap vertrek met die driebroers De Villiers aan boord. Goree is 'n hawe aan die weskus van die eilandOver-Flakkee, wat deel is van die Nederlandse provinsie Zeeland. Weensteenwinde was dit vir die skip onmoontlik om by die Zeelandse vloot aan te sluitom hom sodoende teen oorlogsgevare te beveilig. Frankryk het naamlik in Maart1688 oorlog teen Nederland verklaar.

Ondanks die feit dat die Sion die reis sonder begeleiding moes aanpak, het hy op6 Mei 1689 Tafelbaai ongeskonde binnegeseil. Die reis het dus vier maande

geduur, wat vir daardie tyd nie besonder lank was nie.

Vestiging aan die Kaap

Toe die De Villiers's aan wal stap, was die eerste Franse vlugtelinge wat in April1688 met die Oosterland en die Voorschooten by die Kaap aangekom het, reedsop plasies gevestig wat Simon van der Stel voor 29 Augustus 1688 aan hulletoegeken het. Ds. Pierre Simond het op dié datum by die Kaap aangekom en hetdie Franse vlugtelinge op Stellenbosch en Drakenstein op hul plase besoek. Bydie aankoms van die De Villiers's het kommandeur Van der Stel reeds tweeversoeke van die Franse vlugtelinge aangehoor dat hulle op ander grondgevestig moet word. Van der Stel staan die eerste versoek toe, maar beperk diegebied waarin hulle ander plase kan kies. Die tweede versoek, dat hulle grondnader aan mekaar moet kry, word deur Van der Stel geweier.

Die drie broers moes kort na hul aankoms op 6 Mei 1689 met hul landgenote opStellenbosch en in Drakenstein in aanraking gekom het, want reeds in November1689 is Abraham de Villiers 'n lid van die afvaardiging wat na Kaapstad gaan omkommandeur van der Stel om 'n eie kerkraad vir die Franse vlugtelinge te vra.

So het een van die stamvaders betrokke geraak by die berugte Resolusie wat diePolitieke Raad op 28 November 1689 aangeneem het. Daarin word die Fransevlugtelinge onder meer daarvan beskuldig dat hulle na Nederland uitgewyk hetom 'n lui en ondeugdelike lewe te kan lei; dat hulle hul liewer van die oppergesagvan die Kompanjie wil onttrek deur hul eie heersers ("magistrât, opperhoofd enPrince") te kies; dat dít die rede is vir hul versoek om in een groep te bly en nietussen die ander vryburgers nie; en dat hulle selfs teen die wense van hulpredikant om 'n eie kerkraad gevra het. Daarom besluit die Politieke Raadeenparig om 'n stok voor die Franse astrantheid te steek en alle samesweringbetyds te voorkom; om hulle slinkse streke deur 'n goed beredeneerdebestraffing aan die vergadering voor te hou en om hulle ernstig te vermaan omhulle plig na te kom.

Hierdie afjak was te wyte aan die feit dat die Franse vlugtelinge hulle identiteit asFranse wou bewaar, 'n begeerte wat gebots het met Van der Stel se beleid omdie Franse so gou as moontlik met die Nederlanders te laat assimileer. DieFranse oorlogsverklaring teen Nederland het moontlik ook bygedra tot Van derStel se heftige uitbarsting, want reeds op 23 Februarie 1689 het die PolitiekeRaad by besluit stappe gedoen om die Kaap teen 'n moontlike Franse aanval teversterk.

Die stelling wat in die Resolusie van 28 November 1689 gemaak word as sou dieversoek om 'n eie kerkraad vir die Franse nedersetters, in stryd met die wens vanhul predikant gerig wees, was nie waar nie. Reeds op 15 Junie 1689 het ds.Simond in 'n brief aan die Here XVII 'n pleidooi daarvoor gelewer dat 'n eiekerkraad aan die Franse vlugtelinge toegestaan word.

Simond se brief word op 6 Desember 1690 deur die Here XVII oorweeg en hulbesluit daaroor word in 'n brief gedateer 17 Desember 1690 na die Kaap gestuur.Aan die inwoners van Drakenstein word 'n eie kerkraad toegestaan, wat deur diePolitieke Raad aangestel moet word uit 'n dubbele lys wat deur dieDrakensteinse kerkraad voorgelê word. Die versoek vir 'n afsonderlike skool virFranssprekende kinders word geweier, asook 'n nuwe grondverdeling sodat dievlugtelinge bymekaar kan woon. In dieselfde brief word Van der Stel totGoewerneur bevorder.

Volgens 'n Resolusie van die Politieke Raad wat op Sondag, 30 Desember 1691,aangeneem is, is die eerste kerkraad van Drakenstein aangestel uit 'n lyspersone wat voorgelê is deur ds. Simond, "Bedienaar des Goddelijken woords inde gemeente an Stellenbosch en Drakenstein". Volgens hul name was al diekerkraadslede Franse. "Abraham de Viellers" word as diaken aangestel.

Wanneer en hoe die stamvaders hul vir die eerste keer op hul grond gevestighet, is nie bekend nie. Van der Stel se metode van grondtoekenning was vir allevryburgers dieselfde: Die grond is eers aan 'n eienaar toegesê en 'n paar jaarlater per grondbrief aan hom toegeken. Volgens die gegewens is die stamvadersse plase eers in 1694 aan hulle toegesê, maar hulle het na alle waarskynlikheidvan 1689 af op hul grond gewoon anders sou Abraham de Villiers nie in 1691 asdiaken van die gemeente Drakenstein aangestel kon gewees het nie. Pierre deVilliers het sy grondbrief in 1713 ontvang, Abraham syne in 1711 terwyl Jacobsyne in 1712 ontvang het.

Die drie broers se plase het langs mekaar in die Franschhoek-vallei gelê tenspyte van die feit dat dit Van der Stel en die Here XVII se beleid was om dieFranse nie bymekaar te laat woon nie. Pierre het sy plaas Bourgogne genoemterwyl Abraham en Jacob hulle s'n onderskeidelik Champagne en La Briegenoem het.

Teen 6 Mei 1689 was die hulp in die vorm van vervoer, kos, gereedskap enslagvee wat Van der Stel aan die eerste aankomelinge verleen het, reedsafgehandel. Dit is dus nie bekend hoe die drie broers na hul plase vervoer is nie.Daar is ook hulp in die vorm van aanteelvee en materiaal en bougereedskap uitdie Kompanjie se pakhuis aan die Franse vlugtelinge voorsien, maar die waardedaarvan moes aan die Kompanjie terugbetaal word teen 'n wins van 70 persent.In 1690 was Abraham se skuld aan die Kompanjie f 110 terwyl Pierre en Jacobelk f 91 geskuld het.

Die broers De Villiers het betyds by die Kaap aangekom om te deel in diegeldelike hulp wat die Franse vlugtelinge uit Batavia ontvang het. Ds. Clavius,predikant in Batavia, het aan ds. Van Andel, sy eweknie aan die Kaap, geskryfom na die welstand van die Franse vlugtelinge te verneem. Toe die brief hieraankom, het ds. Van Andel reeds die Kaap verlaat, maar die brief wordbeantwoord deur skout-by-nag Levenson wat met die retoervloot op pad is naNederland. In sy brief het Levenson gevra dat hulp verleen word aan die Fransevlugtelinge. Ook ds. Simond het aan die goewerneur-generaal en die kerkraadvan Batavia geskryf om hulp vir die vlugtelinge te vra. Simond het sy briewe aanVan der Stel voorgelê, waarop die Kommandeur toe op 22 April 1689 self aan dieHere XVII en aan Batavia skryf om op die behoeftes van die vlugtelinge te wys.

As gevolg van hierdie versoeke om hulp, kom daar in Desember 1689 'n wisselvan 6 000 riksdaalders en 48 stuiwers uit Batavia aan, wat in 1690 deur ds.Simond in die aanwesigheid van twee persone wat in opdrag van die PolitiekeRaad optree, onder die Franse vlugtelinge verdeel word. Van dié bedrag kry diebroers De Villiers, saam met Abraham se vrou, 570 gulden.

In 1719 het die Politieke Raad 'n kommissie aangestel wat moes bepaal watterpersone nog geld aan die Kompanjie skuld. Die name van die drie broersverskyn nie op die lys van persone wat nog geld skuld nie. Tussen 1690 en 1719het hulle dus hul skuld vir die goedere wat hulle uit die Kompanjie se pakhuisontvang het, aan die Kompanjie betaal. Hulle het inderdaad in dié tyd so vooruitgeboer dat hulle nog plase kon bykoop en 'n mens kan gevolglik aanneem dathul vestigingstyd verby was.

Bibliografie

Böeseken, Anna J. : Drie eeue, die verhaal van ons vaderland, Deel I. Kaapstad.Nasionale Boekhandel, 1952.

Boucher, M. : French speakers at the Cape: The European background. Pretoria.University of South Africa, 1981.

Coertzen, P. : Die Hugenote van Suid-Afrika 1688-1988. Kaapstad. Tafelberg,1988.

Franken, J.L.M. : Die Hugenote aan die Kaap. Argiefjaarboek, 1978. Pretoria.

Staatsdrukker, 1978.

S.A. Argiefstukke:

Resolusies van die Politieke Raad, Deel 3, 1681-1707. Pretoria. Staatsdrukker,1978.

The de Villiers Family Coat of Arms

John Lindsay de Villiers

Opsomming:

Die De Villiers-familiewapen dateer waarskynlik uit die 12de of 13de eeu, toe ditvolgens oorlewering aan 'n ridder uit die familie toegeken is vir buitengewonediens aan die koningshuis van Frankryk tydens die kruistogte.

Familiewapens het hul oorsprong in die onderskeidende kentekens wat lede vandie adel en later ander ridders, veral gedurende die kruistogte en byriddertoernooie gebruik het.

Die helmteken bokant die helm van 'n familiewapen bevat gewoonlik 'n kentekenvan die betrokke familie. In die geval van die De Villiers-wapen, is dit 'ngepantserde vuis met 'n kort swaard. Die krans of wrong verbind die helmtekenmet die helm, wat in hierdie geval 'n silwer ridderhelm in geslote posisie is. Diedekklede rondom die helm en die wapenskild stel die voue van 'n riddermantelvoor. Die skild van die De Villiers-familiewapen bestaan uit twee dele. Bo is 'nrooi band op 'n silwer agtergrond en onder is die teken van die Lam van God op'n blou agtergrond. Die lam dra 'n vaandel.

Sedert die 12de eeu het die meeste lande in Europa heraldiese rekords beginhou en dit was gevolglik nie meer maklik om ridderlike kentekens te verander nie.Vandag is dit algemene gebruik om aspekte van familiewapens aan te pas virspesifieke doeleindes, of na smaak, maar die tekens op die wapenskild moetonveranderd weergegee word, anders is 'n wapen nie 'n outentieke weergawevan 'n spesifieke familiewapen nie.

'n Skildery van die De Villiers-familiewapen, waarvan 'n foto hier verskyn, isgedurende die tweede helfte van die 19de eeu in Frankryk gemaak in opdrag vanJacob Isaac de Villiers, 'n prokureur in die Paarl. Die skildery is gebaseer opheraldiese besonderhede in die argief in Parys. Vandag is dit die eiendom vanmnr. John Lindsay de Villiers van Johannesburg, 'n agter-kleinseun van Paul deVilliers, 'n broer van Jacob Isaac.

Die eienaar van die skildery en skrywer van hierdie artikel, is oortuig dat syskildery 'n getroue voorstelling is van die beskrywing van die oorspronklike DeVilliers-familiewapen in die argief in Parys.

The de Villiers family coat of arms dates from the Middle Ages, possibly from thelate 12th century. It is believed that a knight of the de Villiers family was awardeda coat of arms for exceptional services rendered to the French royal family duringthe Crusades, which took place between the 11th century and late 13th century.

The nobility of Europe emblazoned their shields with their own colourfulidentification marks as early as the 9th century. These marks, which variedaccording to the customs of the different regions, were initially confined toshields, but later it was common to decorate also the helmets with colouredidentification crests of feathers, especially for jousting tournaments.

It would seem that by the middle of the 12th century it had become customary tocombine the emblazoned shields and the feathered crests, resulting in coats ofarms as we know them to-day. The use of coats of arms was no longer limited tothe nobility, but gradually spread to the knights and the emerging middle classesin the flourishing cities of Western Europe. A number of countries, including

France, began keeping heraldic records during the second half of the 12thcentury. Up to that time, it had been acceptable for a family to alter the design ofits coat of arms from time to time, according to changed circumstances. Whenrecord-keeping was introduced, details of coats of arms remained unalteredunless there were compelling reasons for change.

The complete coat of arms is called an Achievement. The Achievement consistsof five parts. The first is the crest on top of the helmet, which consisted of itemsthat characterised a particular family, in this case a short sword (seax), held in amailed fist.

The second is the coronet or wreath which holds the crest and helmet together.The third is the mantling, representing the folds of the cloak of a knight. In the deVilliers family coat of arms the fourth part, the helmet, is an "esquire helmet",indicating knighthood. The helmet is silver in colour and closed.

The charges of the fifth part, the shield, are: (i) A red band on a silverbackground (upper part) and (ii) Agnus Dei or Lamb of God, sometimes referredto as the Paschal lamb, on a blue background (lower part). The lamb bears astandard. In France the shape of the heraldic shield was, from the 12th centuryonwards, always as depicted here.

Much later, coats of arms were being used and displayed in many different ways,as for instance a narrower and more elegant shape, adopted for the display ofher family's coat of arms by a woman when she was either an "heiress" (therebeing no males in her generation) or a widow. The shape of a woman's shieldwas in the form of a lozenge, a four-sided diamond shape, with the crestremoved.

It has become acceptable to vary the shape of the shield to suit the eye of theartist (on a private letterhead the shield could be printed narrower and with thestraight sides softened by indentations). It is not surprising that some branches ofthe de Villiers family have adopted different versions of the coat of arms, but thecharges of the shield may not be tampered with or altered in any way if the userwishes to be able to claim that his representation of the de Villiers family coat ofarms is authentic.

The illustration of the de Villiers family coat of arms, depicted above, is aphotograph of the original, painted in France in the second half of the 19thcentury, after detailed studies of French heraldic records in the archives in Paris.This painting was commissioned by Jacob Isaac de Villiers, a prominent attorneyin Paarl. He attached great importance to this painting, and we can be sure thathe was quite satisfied that the painting in his possession was a true and genuine

reflection of the de Villiers coat of arms as described in the French archives.

On Jacob Isaac's death in 1880, the painting of the coat of arms passed to hisbrother Paul, also an attorney. When Paul died in 1917 the painting wasbequeathed to his surviving son James Henry, a medical practitioner inRondebosch. James Henry and his wife Marie had two sons, Lindsay and Paul,who were both killed on active service in the 1939-45 war. When James Henrydied in 1955, the painting was placed in the care of his daughter Doreen untilLindsay's son, John Lindsay, the present owner, became of age. In this way thetradition of the family coat of arms being passed down in the male line waspreserved.

I am convinced that the painting depicted here, accurately reflects the coat ofarms as originally granted, and recorded in the archives in Paris.

Bibliography

Bosman, D.F. : Genealogy - J.I. de Villiers. Rustica Press Ltd., Wynberg, dateunknown.

De Villiers, D.P. : A History of the De Villiers Family. Cape Town. NasionaleBoekhandel, 1960.

Fox-Davies, A.C. : A complete guide to Heraldry. London, 1925.

Foster, J. : The dictionary of Heraldry - feudal coats of arms. London. BrackenBooks, 1989.

Pama, C. : Heraldry of South African families: Coats of arms, crests, ancestry.Cape Town, 1972.

Die de Villiers-Klankbaan

Johan Combrink

Summary:

The sounds of words borrowed from another language are often changed to fitthe sound pattern of the borrowing language. Names are no exception andpractically all the Christian names and surnames of the French Huguenots werechanged under the influence of 17th century Dutch and other languages spokenat the Cape. From the 19th century onward, English also began to influence thepronunciation of French names in South Africa.

French sounds were replaced by similar sounds of the languages spoken at theCape; stress often shifted, and in certain cases the pronunciation was completelychanged according to the spelling of th