defining the site of linguistic variation william labov, university of pennsylvania workshop on...
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Defining the Site of Linguistic Variation
William Labov, University of Pennsylvania
Workshop on Locating Variability: Formal Approaches
UMassAmherst April 24-26, 2008
Variable AAVE copula as an insertion from a competing grammar
AAVE 0
Std Eng iz
z
He is talking about that Full /iz/
He’s talking about that Contracted /z/
He talking about that Absent /0/
Variable AAVE copula and auxiliary as the result of successive contraction and deletion of an underlying form /iz/
Lexical entry v => /iz/
Stress assignment [+str] => [-str]
Vowel reduction /iz/ => /´z/
Contraction: /´z/ => (z)
Deletion: /z/ => (0)
´z
´z z
0
Contraction
Deletion
z
The basic syntactic regularity
AAVE copula and auxiliary can be deleted or
contracted only in those syntactic positions where
other dialects can have contraction.
Phonotactic effects on contraction and deletion
Jo is talking Jen is talking
CVVC CVC
Jo’s talking Jen’s talking
CVC CVCC
Jo talking Jen talking
CVC CVC
Contraction
Deletion
CV subject CVC subject
Phonetic conditioning of contraction and deletion for two adolescent groups in South Harlem [from Labov, Cohen Robins and Lewis 1968]
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
_K _V _K _V
Varbul weights
ContractionDeletion
Cobras Jets
K__ V__ K__ V__
Possible phonetic conditioning of AAVE copula as an insertion from a competing grammar
AAVE 0
Std Eng iz
z
He is talking about that Full /iz/
He’s talking about that Contracted /z/
He talking about that Absent 0
Jen talking
Jo talking
A clear case for an invariant underlying form: Variable past tense {d} in AAVE
1. Absence primarily in complex codas.
2. Absence is strongly conditioned by the initial segment of the following word.
Internal constraints on -t,d deletion for 11 speakers of AAVE [Table 3.7 of 3288 Report, Labov, Cohen, Robins & Lewis 1968]
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
KDmm KDam KDp VDmm VDam VDp
Per cent deletion
_##K_##V
KD = complex codas mm = monomorphemicVD = simple codas am = ambiguous
p = past
Variable past tense {d} in AAVE
1. Absent primarily in complex codas.
2. Strongly conditioned by the initial segment of the following word.
3. Phonological conditioning regular across the speech community.
Phonological conditioning of -t,d deletion for AA youth and adults in Harlem, 1968
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
_K _V _K _V _K _V _K _V
Percent absence
T-Birds (8)
Aces (4)
Cobras (9)
Jets (13)
Oscar Bros (6)
Lames (20)
Adults (8)
Iwood (8)
Group Single Group Single
Monomorphemic Past tense
Inwood whites (8)
Phonological and grammatical factors controlling -t,d deletion for African American speakers in Pacoima CA --from Baugh 1979
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
StopSibilantLiquid Nasal
FricativeConsonant
Liquid Glide Vowel Pause
Monomorphemic
Derivational
Preterit
Varbrul weight
Preceding segment
Following segment
Grammatical category
Phonological and grammatical conditioning of -t,d deletion in spontaneous speech of 58 African American struggling readers
from Philadelphia, Atlanta and California
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
sibilantnasalstop
fricativelateral
CC_CCC_
derivational
monomorphemic
past/d/ /t/
homovoicedheterovoiced
stressedunstressed
vowel/y/ /h/
pause
/r/stop
fricative
/w/nasallateral
Proportion/Varbrul weight
Proportion
Varbrul wt
Preceding segment
No. pre-ceding segments
Grammatical status
Voicing
Voicing agreement
Stress
Following segment
Variable past tense {d} in AAVE
1. Absent primarily in complex codas.
2. Strongly conditioned by the initial segment of the following word.
3. Phonological conditioning regular across the speech community.
4. No hypercorrection: past tense {d} is never found in non-past contexts.
A clear case of no underlying form: variable verbal {s} in AAVE
1. Absent in both simple and complex codas.
2. Not conditioned by the phonetic environment.
Absence of phonological conditioning off verbal {s} in the spontaneous speech of 58 African-American struggling readers, 2001
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
Consonant
Vowel
Consonant
VowelPauseverbdoes
he, she, itNoun phrase
Atlanta
PhiladelphiaCalifornia
Grade 2Grade 3Grade 4FemaleMale
Proportion/weight of absence
ProportionVR weight
Preceding segment
Following segment
Verb
Pronoun/ Noun phrase
Region
Grade
Gender
Absence of phonological conditioning of verbal /s/ for AA groups in South Harlem [from Labov, Cohen, Robins & Lewis 1968]
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
_K _V _K _V _K _V _K _V
Percent absence
T-Birds (8)Aces (4)Cobras (9)Jets (17)Oscar Bros. (6)Lames (20)Adults (8)
Group Single Group Single
Monomorphemic Verbal suffix
So. WC
Variable verbal {s} in AAVE
1. Absent in both simple and complex codas.
2. Not conditioned by the phonetic environment
3. Extensive hypercorrection: {s} is inserted in many syntactic contexts besides third singular present.
I trusts my friend. [14, Jet, #527]
My brothers plays in it. [11, T-Birds, #372]
He knows what he gots to do. [13, Jets, #602]
I gets high every mornin’ before I go to school. [16, Jets, #667]
. . . somebody get hurts. [39, NYC, #802]
He can goes out. [13, T-Birds, #375]
You don’t belongs with them. [52, Fla., A#663]
I don’t know how to gets no girls. [13, Jets, #535]
He’s gots to be nasty! [13, Jets, #535]
He just wantsa gets off. . . [11, T-Birds, #381]
Irregular distribution of verbal {s} in AAVE
Variable verbal {s} in AAVE
1. Absent in both simple and complex codas.
2. Not conditioned by the phonetic environment
3. Extensive hypercorrection: {s} is inserted ind many syntactic contexts.
4. Learnability: great difficulty in recognition and acquisition of use.
A test of the capacity to derive number information from verbal {s}
? ?
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
Plural Possessive Copula Verb: sg. Verb: pl.
% correct
Before training
After training
Level in speech
Vb: present Vb: past
Recognition of meaning of inflections by second graders in Harlem before and after training [from Torrey 1965]
The AAVE possessive
John house This house is John’s
my sister house This house is my sister’s
my book This book is mines.
POS => 0 / __ NP
=> /z/
Absence of attributive possessive {s} in spontaneous speech of struggling readers, California schools, 2002-2003
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
African-American White
Percent absent
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
CopDel PosDel VblDel CCDel
AP
AAt
AC
SP
EAt
EP
EC
SAt
SC
WAt
WC
WP
Language/ethnic groups and region by linguistic variables for 287 elementary school children
AP African American Phila SP Latino (Span) Phila WP White Phila
AAt African American Atlanta SAt Latino (Span) Atlanta WAt White Atlanta
AC African American California SC Latino (Span) California WC White California
Effect of following segment on percent absence of possessive {s} in attributive position, South Harlem 1968
Group style Single style
__K __V __K __V
All AA groups 71 58 50
Absence of attributive possessive {s} in spontaneous speech of 287 struggling readers, 2001-2
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
Consonant
Vowel
Consonant
V'owel AtlantaCalifornia
Philadelphia
Grade 2Grade 3Grade 4 FemaleMale
Proportion
Varbrul Wt
Aspiration and deletion of Spanish plural {s}
las cosas bonitas
lah cosah bonitah
la cosa bonita
.
/s/
/s/ /h/
/h/ 0
Contribution of factors to the deletion of Puerto Rican Spanish plural {s} --from Poplack 1979, Table 3.16
Grammatical DisambiguatingCategory Information Position in NP string
Adjective .62 Morphological .59 00__ .75
Noun .60 Non-morphological .54 S0__ .56
Determiner .29 Both .59 0__ .56
None .29 S__ .41
0S,SS__ .41
__ .33
Following segment Geographic origin Sex Following stress
Pause .61 West .56 Male .54 Weak .51
Consonant .40 East .44 Female .46 Heavy .47
Vowel .40
Relative pronoun variation
(REL)
WH-
THAT
0
Who(m)
Which
Where
When
Hierarchical view of (REL)
REL
WH- THAT
THAT 0
Choice of WH- form for relative pronoun, N=907
Proportion Varbrul wt N
subject 0.49 0.62 511
object 0.07 0.17 203
other comp 0.1 0.23 103
locative 0.87 0.98 52
inanimate 0.20 0.30 562
Animate 0.68 0.83 306
Noun phrase 0.31 563
Pronoun 0.47 305
Indefinite 0.43 408
Definite 0.31 460
Preceding consonant 0.36 764
Preceding vowel 0.45 105
Following consonant 0.37 223
Following glide 0.41 382
Following vowel 0.25 186
No data 77
Selection of WH- form of relative pronoun, N=907
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
1
subjectobject
other comp
locativeinanimate
Animate
Noun
PronounIndefinite
DefiniteConsonant
Vowel
Consonant
GlideVowel
WH- vs. THAT & ZERO
Proportion
Varbrul wt
Role in embedded clause
Animacy of head
Head
Definite- ness
Preceding segment
Following segment
Zero relative pronoun vs. THATProportion Varbrul wt N
subject 0.02 0.16 262
object 0.40 0.82 189
other comp 0.39 0.80 93
locative 0.57 0.85 7
inanimate 0.22 451
Animate 0.22 99
Noun phrse 0.14 0.42 389
Pronoun (one, thng, people…) 0.41 0.69 161
Indefinite 0.12 0.39 233
Definite 0.29 0.59 317
Consonant 0.36 392
Vowel 0.20 48
Consonant 0.16 141
Glide 0.22 224
Vowel 0.32 139
No data 47
Selection of ZERO relative pronoun vs. THAT, N=560
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
subjectobject
other comp
locativeinanimate
Animate
Noun
PronounIndefinite
DefiniteConsonant
Vowel
Consonant
GlideVowel
ZERO vs. THAT-
Proportion
Varbrul wt
Role in embedded clause
Animacy of head
Head
Definite- ness
Preceding segment
Following segment
The architecture of variation
Morphological Phonological Phonetic
alternation derivation condiioning
AAVE {3sg} {s}
{0}
{REL} {WH}
{that}
{0}
AAVE {POS} {s} 0 in env __NP (0) __K > _V
/s/
AAVE Cop {is} {iz} /iz/
(z) K__ > V__
(0) V__ > K__
Spanish {s} {s} /s/
(h) __K >__V
(0) __V > __K
AAVE Past {D} {d} /´d/ in env. [+cor]__
/t/ / n env. [-voi] __
//d (0) __K > __V
Provenance of non-phonological morphological variants
Syntactic selection
Historical inheritance
Superposed dialect
WH-,
THAT,
0
Verbal {s}
0
/in/
/iN/
The architecture of variation
Morphological Phonological Phonetic
alternation derivation condiioning
AAVE {3sg} {s}
{0}
{REL} {WH}
{that}
{0}
AAVE {POS} {s} 0 in env __NP (0) __K > _V
/s/
AAVE Cop {is} {iz} /iz/
(z) K__ > V__
(0) V__ > K__
Spanish {s} {s} /s/
(h) __K >__V
(0) __V > __K
AAVE Past {D} {d} /´d/ in env. [+cor]__
/t/ / n env. [-voi] __
//d (0) __K > __V
(0) __K > __V
(0) __K > __V
Phonological effects on morphological selection
sharpen atomize
lighten concretize
darken finalize
heighten civilize
whiten fantasize
roughen cannibalize
shorten slenderize
Phonological derivation of allomorphs of English articles
the /Diy/ => D´ / [-str] __ # [+cons]
+Det
an /æn/ => ´n / [-str]
n => 0 / ´ __ #[+cons]
+Det
under-lying form
out-put form
The Asymmetry of Variation Principle
Morphological variation is not associated with postlexical phonetic variation; postlexical phonetic conditioning is associated with an invariant vocabulary item.
Phonological Morphological
conditioning variation
English -t,d deletion Yes No
AAVE copula Yes No
Spanish (s) Yes No
AAVE possessive {s} Yes Yes
English (ING) No Yes
English (REL) No Yes
AAVE verbal {s} No Yes
What is a reading error?
In responding to oral reading, how can we distinguish between differences in pronunciation and mistakes in reading?
Further differentiation of past-tense {d} and verbal {s} from answers to a question raised in research on raising reading levels, 2001-2006
Clear errors and potential errors
Clear errors: selection of wrong words:
Reader: Tyreke J., 8 years old, 3rd grade, African American, Philadelphia.Text: My blood began to boil.
Reading: My boat began to bill.
Potential error: failure to articulate a past tense morpheme:
Reader: Filores J., 8 years old, 3rd grade, African American, Philadelphia.Text: I played it cool and took a sip of my coke.Reading: I play it cool and took a sip of my coke
Potential past tense errors
Absence of the grammatical suffix {d} in final homovoiced clusters:
dined read as /dayn/ = dine?
rolled read as /rowl/ = roll, role?
missed read as /mis/ = miss?
laughed read as /læf/ = laugh?
The semantic shadow hypothesis
Failure to identify the intended meaning of a
given element in the text will increase the
probability of errors in the remainder of the
clause.
Frequency of following errors for clear errors and correct reading by dialect type, 2001-2
0.00
0.05
0.10
0.15
0.20
0.25
0.30
0.35
_CC1
Verbal {s}
Possessive {s}{ed}clusterother {ed}
plural
copula {s}Irregular past
ch_ sh_ br_
Clear errors
Correct
Frequency of following errors for clear errors and correct reading by dialect type, 2001-2
0.00
0.05
0.10
0.15
0.20
0.25
0.30
0.35
_CC1
Verbal {s}
Possessive {s}{ed}clusterother {ed}
plural
copula {s}Irregular past
ch_ sh_ br_
Clear errors
Correct
Mean error rate, all words = .133
Calculation of proportion of following errors for five types of potential errors
Following Span [FS]
Following errors [FE]
Proportion errors [FE/FS] Chi-sq
_Homovoiced clusters Correct 45347 5941 0.13 29.75 Cor vs. Dia (stand, last…) Potential errors 1015 203 0.20 17.97 Pot vs. Err
Reading errors 15637 4361 0.28 1216.40 Cor vs. Err
Verbal {s} Correct 5461 766 0.14 42.28 Cor vs. Dia (wants, knows…) Potential errors 790 196 0.25 6.80 Pot vs. Err
Reading errors 2224 699 0.31 199.48 Cor vs. Err
Possessive {s} Correct 4745 648 0.14 40.37 Cor vs. Dia ( Ray's, Matt's…) Potential errors 923 217 0.24 11.38 Pot vs. Err
Reading errors 1112 362 0.33 145.19 Cor vs. Err
Preterit {ed} Correct 20211 1967 0.10 14.17 Cor vs. Dia (grabbed, sneaked..) Potential errors 1817 233 0.13 32.94 Pot vs. Err
Reading errors 18087 3497 0.19 538.26 Cor vs. Err
Copula Correct 18949 2634 0.14 121.989 Cor vs. Dia (It's, cat's…) Potential errors 2555 611 0.24 3.89209 Pot vs. Err
Reading errors 3921 1049 0.27 268.007 Cor vs. Err
Ch_ Correct 9287 1143 0.12 1.45416 Cor vs. Dia (chin, choose…) Potential errors 463 67 0.14 16.53 Pot vs. Err
Reading errors 3053 766 0.25 199.466 Cor vs. Err
Frequency of following errors for clear errors, potential errors and correct reading by dialect type [N=567]
0.00
0.05
0.10
0.15
0.20
0.25
0.30
0.35
_CC1
Verbal {s}Possessive
{s}
{ed}clusterother {ed}
plural
copula {s}Irregular
past
ch_ sh_ br_
Clear errors
Potential errors
Correct
Ethnic/language groups in the 2001-2006 study
Philadelphia California
African American (A) 11279
Euro American (W) 6244
Latinos who learned to read in English first (E) 57 83
Latinos who learned to read in Spanish first (S) 51 89
Frequency of following errors for clear errors, potential errors and correct readings by dialect type for 58 African American readers
0.00
0.05
0.10
0.15
0.20
0.25
0.30
0.35
Homovoiced_CC (264)Heterovoiced
_CC (37)
{ed}cluster (69)other {ed} (72)Verbal {s} (62)Possessive {s}
(195)plural (73)copula {s}(180)
Irregular past
ch_ (5)br_ (64)
sneaked /snuck
(9)
Error rates
Clear errorsPotential errorsCorrect
Frequency of following errors for clear errors, potential errors and correct readings by dialect type for African American and Latino (S) readers [N=238]
0.00
0.05
0.10
0.15
0.20
0.25
0.30
0.35
0.40
Homovoiced
_CC
Heterovoiced
_CC
{ed} clusterother {ed}Verbal {s}
Possessive {s}
Plural {s}Copula {s}
Irregular past
ch_->sh br ~ b
sneaked /snuck
Errors (AA)
Pot errors (AA)
Correct (AA)
Errors (S)
Pot errors (S)
Correct (S)
clear errors identical
correct reading identical
past {d} idifferent
Likelihood of potential errors being reading errors by dialect type and ethnic/language group, 2001-02 [N=722].
not significantly different from correct reading, significantly different from errors
significantly different from correct reading, not significantly different from errors
xxx significantly different from correct reading and errors
xxx not significantly different from correct reading and errors
_CC1 _CC2 C+ed t/d+ed 3sg{s} Pos {s} Plur {s} Copula Irr past ch->sh br<->bAA 0.18 0.22 0.10 0.09 0.20 0.21 0.14 0.21 0.16 0.12 0.12White 0.14 0.20 0.05 0.11 0.28 0.25 0.17 0.25 0.18 0.00 0.13Latino(E) 0.16 0.27 0.15 0.09 0.26 0.23 0.22 0.23 0.21 0.11 0.11Latino(S) 0.19 0.22 0.12 0.16 0.23 0.23 0.21 0.22 0.25 0.16 0.10
E = learned to read in English first
S = learned to read in Spanish first
xxx
xxx
= correct reading
≠correct reading