corley, bridgette painting and patronage in cologne, 1300-1500 (turnhout, 2000)

23
8. The Influence of Netherlandish Realism T HE SECOND HALF of the fifteenth century was a timeof considerablechange in Cologne. In 1451, the Black Death had afflicted thecityand, according to a Carthusian chronicler, cau.;"d huge devastation, 'Iue pestilenti circumquaq'ue magnam edente stragem'; in thesame year a great fire had destroyed thechapterhouse and library of the Carthusian monastery,and the chronicleragonizes over the 'immeas- urable damage' to their substantial manuscript collection.' Other documentsconfirm that the ravages of the pestilence caused 'unprecedented' lossof lives; amongthe named victims are patrons, suchas Johannes Rost, a canon of St Kunibert and lamenfedbenefactor of the Carthusian monastery, and artistssuch as the painter and councillor Stefan Lochner. By the end of that terrible year the depleted population found that the established modes ofsuccession were interrupted in all social ranks, and that many of those who had survived, though lacking in requisiteexperience, had to take up vacant positions in the council, in the merchant companiesand in craftsmen's workshops; there is some evidence that foreigners also seized this oppor- tunity toadvance their careers. The unhappy situation was probably also a factor that helpedto ease thesocial acceptance of those wealthy immigrant merchantswho had recently established themselves in Cologne, and several of themwere able to ally themselves to the ancient patriciate throughmarriage.' In the event, the energyand fortune of someof these prospering newcomers contributed considerably to the regeneration of the city; they also furnished the means for rebuilding and restocking the burnt out chapterhouseand library. Here, the merchant Johann Rinck from Korbach (p1.220) (seeAppendix 3), who obtained citizenship in 1432, and his son Peter (pl.221) (see Appendix 3) aresingled out by theCarthusian chronicler for their particular generosity, 'perfectus fuit impensis maximorum benefactorum Joannis et Petri Rinck, patritiorum'.' In thesecond half of the fifteenth century it was the newlyestab- lished patricians who felt most in needof demonstrating, through generous patron- age, their significancein the city. The plague will alsohave caused numerous unrecorded deaths amongst those who worked in the painters' workshops, and it seems that during the ensuing decade many amajor commission wasentrustedto paintersofindifferent talent or incomplete training, such as theanonymous painter who produced the series ofpan- els depicting the Legend of 51 Ursula, now in the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum. 4 Other. paintings, for example the Man of Sorrows with St Francis in thesame museutn/ appear to have been imported into the city from abroad.' During the second half of ~ 169V

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Chapter 8 The Influence of Netherlandish Realism

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Page 1: Corley, Bridgette Painting and Patronage in Cologne, 1300-1500 (Turnhout, 2000)

8. The Influence ofNetherlandish Realism

THE SECOND HALF of the fifteenth century was a time of considerable changein Cologne. In 1451, the Black Death had afflicted the city and, according to a

Carthusian chronicler, cau.;"d huge devastation, 'Iue pestilenti circumquaq'ue magnamedente stragem'; in the same year a great fire had destroyed the chapterhouse andlibrary of the Carthusian monastery, and the chronicler agonizes over the 'immeas-urable damage' to their substantial manuscript collection.' Other documents confirmthat the ravages of the pestilence caused 'unprecedented' loss of lives; among thenamed victims are patrons, such as Johannes Rost, a canon of St Kunibert andlamenfed benefactor of the Carthusian monastery, and artists such as the painter andcouncillor Stefan Lochner. By the end of that terrible year the depleted populationfound that the established modes of succession were interrupted in all social ranks,and that many of those who had survived, though lacking in requisite experience,had to take up vacant positions in the council, in the merchant companies and incraftsmen's workshops; there is some evidence that foreigners also seized this oppor-tunity to advance their careers. The unhappy situation was probably also a factorthat helped to ease the social acceptance of those wealthy immigrant merchants whohad recently established themselves in Cologne, and several of them were able to allythemselves to the ancient patriciate through marriage.' In the event, the energy andfortune of some of these prospering newcomers contributed considerably to theregeneration of the city; they also furnished the means for rebuilding and restockingthe burnt out chapterhouse and library. Here, the merchant Johann Rinck fromKorbach (p1.220) (see Appendix 3), who obtained citizenship in 1432, and his sonPeter (pl.221) (see Appendix 3) are singled out by the Carthusian chronicler for theirparticular generosity, 'perfectus fuit impensis maximorum benefactorum Joannis et PetriRinck, patritiorum'.' In the second half of the fifteenth century it was the newly estab-lished patricians who felt most in need of demonstrating, through generous patron-age, their significance in the city.

The plague will also have caused numerous unrecorded deaths amongst thosewho worked in the painters' workshops, and it seems that during the ensuingdecade many a major commission was entrusted to painters of indifferent talent orincomplete training, such as the anonymous painter who produced the series of pan-els depicting the Legend of 51 Ursula, now in the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum.4 Other.paintings, for example the Man of Sorrows with St Francis in the same museutn/appear to have been imported into the city from abroad.' During the second half of

~169V

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141. Crucifixioll, private collection, Wetzlar 142. Crucifixion, Hessisches Landesmuseum, Darmstadt

the century Netherlandish paintings of this type were offered for sale at certainchurches, notably at St Severin, and it became common practice to add donor por-traits to such imports after they had reached Cologne." Some Cologne painters man-aged to prosper by imitating works from the Dombild Master's workshop, but nonecould compete with him in artistic quality. Closest in style amongst those who el]1~-lated him, but apparently without any creative talent, was a painter of altarpiecepanels, now separated and dispersed between Rome, Wroclaw and Freiburg, depict-ing Apostle Marlyrdoms that echo the Dombild Master's Frankfurt scenes.7 Thisunknown painter's obvious familiarity with the techniques and models of the Dombildworkshop has led to the tenable suggestion that he received his training there.

A less discerning response to the Dombild Master's work can be found in theobverse sides of wings from the church of St Brigida, now in Cologne (pI.140) andNuremberg, in which the main Dombild scenes are copied. This imitator was appar-ently aware of the Dombild Master's underdrawing technique, yet in his rigid trans-fer of prominent figures from the altarpiece he proved himself as devoid of an

172

THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

understanding of the skilful dramatic grouping of protagonists in the original designas he was of the subtle application of light and shade that distinguishes it.' The samepainter was engaged with other artists in 1456 to produce anothel; large cycle of theLegend of 51 Ursula for the church of St Ursula, and his contribution there includes ascene showing King Maurus receiving the Ambassadors.' For unknown reasons thereverse sides of the wings from St Brigida were decorated, probably a couple ofdecades later, by a more accomplished hand with an Annunciation (pl.139) thatdenotes considerable understanding of spatial constructions and landscape views inthe Netherlandish manner; it has a certain affinity with such works as theAnnunciation of c.1435 from the circle of Rogier van der Weyden, now in Paris.'"However, the solemn angel in Cologne is more solidly formed than hisNetherlandish cousin and does not aspire to similar lively movement. He is, in fact,even closer in character ami ityle to the angel from the Annunciation (c.1475),now inLondon, by the Westphalian Master of Liesborn, a painter who is thought to haveworked as a journeyman in Cologne." The paintings in Cologne and London set thenarrative in similar rooms that incorporate an extraordinary wall apparently madefrom smooth grey cardboard. An examination of the underdrawing of these workswould be useful and might reveal what the much restored surface obscures: the handof the original designer. It might then be possible to say whether there is any con-nection between the Cologne Annunciation and the Liesborn workshop; otherwise acommon source, now lost, could account for the similarities." The most relevantindigenous precedent for the angel wearing a cope, but not for the spatial setting,survives in the Heislerbach Altarpiece (pI.96).

Another interesting survival from this period is a small Crucifixion panel inDarmstadt (pI.142) which reflects figure patterns from the Dombild workshop thatwere used, for instance, in the Nuremberg Crucifixion (see p.165)." The Darmstadtfigures, including sacramental angels with chalice and censer, are silhouetted againsta gold ground that is attractively decorated with punchwork; God the Father and the·Holy Spirit appear in the apex, surrounded by the heavenly host. The Crucifixion,enlarged to a Trinity and enriched by an allusion to the sacrament, presents a suc-cinct illustration of the essentials of Christian belief, the Credo, and as such it wouldhave been an invaluable aid to meditation. There is a close copy of this Darmstadtpanel in a private collection in Wetzlar (pI.141);the compositions vary only by someminute adjustments to some of the figures that were needed to fit the design intopanels of slightly differing proportions." The work in Wetzlar is in rather rubbedcondition but would appear to be painted by the same hand as the Darmstadt one.The pattern was also adapted in the same workshop for a manuscript illumination."Such small representations of the Crucifixion, like images of the Virgin, were clearlymuch in demand in Cologne and, judging from the inventories and wills, adornedmany a home there. It is possible that the panels in Darmstadt and Wetzlar werestandard repeats painted for stock during slack periods in this unknown workshop,to be customized with donor figures on demand. In this instance, only the Darmstadt !:panel shows the donor, a cleric whose identification has proved problematic despite rthe depicted arms.

173 ff

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143. Master of the Vision of St John, Visioll of St John, Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne

Equally elusive is the identity of the couple who had their portraits, and that oftheir numerous progeny, added to a charming image of the ever popular Virgin ofHumility (pI.144).'" The painting, now in Berlin, is remarkable in that it adopts theDombild Master's patterns yet it rejects his spatial concept in favour of an archaicconcentration on surface lines, emphasized by a regular pattern of stars in the sky.The fashions worn date the panel to around 1460, and the audacious placing 0.£- shedonor family into the enclosed garden is in tune with the more liberal attitude todonor portraiture that had reached Cologne at that time, in the wake ofNetherlandish samples."

More true to the local tradition is the position of the donors in a panel in Colognedescribing the Vision of 51John (pI.143). The format of the painting suggests that itmay have served as an epitaph, possibly in the church of St Laurenz where thedonors held a pew."Hermann Scherfgin (d. c.1455; see Appendix 3), a member of theancient patriciate and a prominent councillor and burgomaster, and his wife BelaHirtz are shown in the manner familiar from the Wasservass Calvary (pI.84), as kneel-ing in the foreground corner and soliciting intercessional prayers both from St John

174

144. Virgin of Humility, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Gemaldegalerie

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THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALlSM

and from the spectator. The former is depicted in the opposite corner of the paintingas experiencing his vision of eternity on the island of Patmos. According to the cen-tral image, he is being commanded to write Revelaliolls 4:4-7, describing theenthroned God, surrounded by the four beasts, and noting that:

'round about the throne were four and twenty seats: and upon the seats I sawfour and twenty elders sitting, clothed in white raiments: and they had on theirheads crowns of gold ... and there were seven lamps ...'

The figure style of the painting is in the Cologne tradition, but there is no precedentin Cologne works for the landscape with its perspective setting, its description ofreflections and refractions in the shallow part of the sea, and its lush river windinginto the milky distance towards a golden background. Such landscapes were, how-ever, painted in Southern Germany by Conrad Witz and it could well be that an artistfrom that area, such as Hans von Memmingen who is documented in Colognebetween 1453 and 1456, brought knowledge of these lucid views with him." It is alsoworth noting that the young Hans Memling, who was later to excel in the art oflimpid landscapes, is thought to have resided in Cologne during this period and thatthe Scherfgin Vision of St John was later reflected in Memling's 51John Altarpiece inBruges.'" Moreovel~ inspiration may also have been triggered by importedNetherlandish works, of which the most significant perhaps was Rogier van derWeyden's Columba Altarpiece which arrived in the church of St Kolumba in Col,?gnearound 1450-55. Whilst we cannot determine precisely who provided the precedentfor the la",dscape in the Scherfgin panel, it is apparent that an interest in panoramicsettings had been aroused in the Cologne workshops and that aerial perspective washenceforth added to the indigenous artistic vocabulary.

There were some earlier imports of Netherlandish work, most notably the altar-piece from the still enigmatic Camp in group that Heinrich von Werl, an influentialand cosmopolitan theologian, had brought to Cologne around 1438" and the MerodeAltarpiece from the same group which is thought to have been in Cologne fromaround 1428 until it was taken to Mechelen in 1454," but the response from indige-nous workshops and patrons had been sporadic and selective. After the fallowperiod following the great pestilence, when many painters had been content to imi-tate the work of the Dombild Master, a new generation of painters began to look fornew inspiration and, by around 1460, they were finally willing to find it inNetherlandish panel painting. Inspired by the naturalistic splendour and livelystory-telling of the Columba Altarpiece and other Netherlandish works, a group ofworkshops began to emerge in Cologne that were capable of responding to theNetherlandish challenge and of regenerating the reputation of the painters ofCologne. Judging by the number of paintings that have survived from this period,these workshops must have been exceptionally large and busy. Perhaps it is futile toconjecture whether the increase in commissions occurred because patrons werehaunted by the fear of death in the wake of the epidemic, or because the increasedwealth of the survivors afforded them ample leisure to contemplate the sins incurredin the making of their fortunes;" they certainly showed great eagerness to purchase

176

18. Dombild Master, Mllsicinn Al1gels, detail from the L<1stJudgement, Wi'lllmf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne [)

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Il

\24. Master of the Lyversberg Passion, Deposition, Lyversberg Passion, Wallraf-Richartz-Museul11, Cologne

THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

the salvation of their souls; and to intercede for family members, by ordering altar-pieces and votive panels.

The workshops that dominated artistic production in Cologne in the decades after1460were those of the Master of the Life of the Virgin,"theMaster of the LyversbergPassion and the Master of the Legend of St George. These painters shared anincreased interest in the realistic description of figures and forms found inNetherlandish art, and this has led to considerable confusion in the attribution ofworks conn'ected with them. The difficulties are compounded by an occasional over-lap of patterns, and by traces of the work of several distinct assistants in each master's02uvre.Judging by the visual evidence, a marked change in workshop organisation~ust have occurred. The traditional small production team, with assistants trainedcarefully over a period of time in the master's methods and style, must have becomeunworkable when they w€J:eoverburdened with commissions, for a more open andflexible arrangement seems tt have been introduced that allowed the master to aug-ment the original team by hiring extra, more individual hands as needed. It is quitepossible that neighbouring workshops were willing to lend their guild brothers apattern or even a painter, and this would account for some overlap of patterns andstyles between the major workshops. Howevel~ the paintings from the three work-shops differ sufficiently in style and concept to allow attribution in most cases, andthis short survey must concentrate on establishing the distinguishing features.Evenh.l~lly,a systematic examination of the underdrawings and of the painting tech-niques of all the works from this circle should enable us also to understand anddefine the extent and nature of any reciprocal assistance.

The Master of the Life of the Virgin is named after a series of eight paintingsfrom the church of St Ursula in Cologne, of which seven are now in Munich andone in London (pis 146-153).His works are distinguished by the clear layout of hiscompositions in which Rogier van der Weyden's concise figure style is adapted by

145. Master of the Life of the Virgin,Ullderdrawillg, detail from the

Rotterdam Visitation, infra-redreflectogram by Molly Faries

Page 6: Corley, Bridgette Painting and Patronage in Cologne, 1300-1500 (Turnhout, 2000)

152. Master of the Life of the Virgin,Presentation, National Gallery, London

153. Detail of pI. 152

I

lTHE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REAL/SM

exchanging Rogier's emotional stress on line for Cologne decorum. Because of hisfigure style and the deep spatial settings, often enriched by genre detail, this painterwas originally thought to be of Netherlandish origin or training. Further study hasled to the recognition that his Cologne vocabulary is much stronger than his foreignmodulations. His narratives are set against a gold ground, often decorated by aninner frame of floral punchwork, and he favours large, inscribed halos. His prefer-ence for pressed brocades" with large patterns, used to negate the illusion of his deepspatial settings, is also in the Cologne tradition, as are his bright and clear colours,including a prominent use of lead-tin yellow, as well as his skill in placing and con-trasting colours across the picture surface (colour pI.26). Moreover, his underdraw-ing technique (pI. 145) shows regular and curved cross hatchings that arecharacteristic of the practice in Cologne, and derive from the graphic conventionsexercised in the Dombil<1 Master's workshop; it has no connection with theNetherlandish custom." The"work of the Master of the Life of tile Virgin is suffi-ciently rooted in the Cologne tradition to conclude that his apparent knowledge ofNetherlandish works can derive from an intelligent scrutiny of paintings, drawings,patterns, or prints that reached Cologne through intermediaries and that any jour-ney he may have made to the Netherlands did not affect his basic approach.

The Altarpiece of lite Life of Ihe Virgin consists of eight scenes that have been sawnapart. It has been suggested that they originally formed a triptych with the narrativesarranged in two rows, with four scenes in the central panel and two in each of thewings." The open altarpiece would then have shown in the upper row the Meeting althe Golden Gate (pI.146),Birth of the Virgin (pl.147),Presentation of lite Virgin (pI.152),andMarriage of the Virgin (pI.14S),and in the lower row the Annunciation (pl.149),Visitalion(pI.150),Presenlatiol1 of Christ and Assumplion (pI.151).Several of the paintings have lostthe original tracery which decorated the top corners of the panels. A Crucifixion anda Corolla lion of tlte Virgin, painted on the reverse sides of the wings, are juxtaposed toillustrate the most poignant moments of the Virgin's suffering and joy. The cyclemisses certain essential scenes from the life of the Virgin, such as a description of herdeath, and it is therefore possible, but by no means certain, that the altarpiece origi-nally comprised a larger number of scenes or that the Deal!! of the Virgin was depict-ed in the lost predella. A dendrochronological examination of the wood at Munichhas led to the suggestion that, presuming a storage time for the wood of the appar-ently usual ten years, the panels were pa"inted after 1484; on stylistic grounds it hasbeen proposed that the panels were stored only for a minimum period in this case,and painted nearer 1476."

The impact of Rogier van der Weyden's Columba Altarpiece on the Master of theLife of the Virgin is readily apparent. In the Anl1uncialiol1 in Munich (pI.149), the fig-ure of the Virgin, her face with 'its frame of lank hair, the pattern of the floor tilesand the off-centre position near the picture plane of the lily-vase are all inspired byVan der Weyden's design. Howevel~ the gesture of the Virgin and the cushionedbench can be found in a small Allnuncialion in Lisbon by the equally influential 0

Louvain painter Dirk Bouts." For the angel wearing a cope and for his swift move-;ment the master could rely on indigenous models (pI.96), as he did for his ambiva- .

181 it

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I'j

,IIi'l1! I~.~iIii,lI~ j

li!l!.IJI!Iii..\'...\!

I~...~··11.. ,, "iII,

ill'lI!'",I;;![,!,

THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

lent space structure. In his '1"00111, the recession of tiles and furniture creates a spatialillusion that is promptly undermined by the flat halo of the Virgin and by the widecloth of honour, ironed into folds, that is held against a gold ground by charmingangels \,vith indigenous antecedents. The cloth of honour \'V8S equally popular in theNetherlands, but there its size was restricted to a smaller area behind the exaltedfigure, and Van der Weyden's Nativity in the Mirnflores Altarpiece (c. 1444) in Berlinprovides a pertinent example of the logical articulation of the spatial depth behindeach side of the brocade cloth. In the Life of the Virgin panel, the ambiguity of thespatial construction is increased by an inconsistency of the depicted light thatdenies the figures their full plastic volume, allowing the painter to exploit the playof the lines of drapery on the picture surface. This is particularly apparent in the fig-ure of the angel, where monumentality is implied by fine modelling and then negat-ed again by the strong fold and brocade patterns in his cope and by the insufficientcast shadow.

The borrowing of patterns is more explicit in the related Presentation panel inLondon (colour pI.26; pI. 152), in which the figures of Simeon and the Child aredirectly translated from their representation in the Collimba Altarpiece wing, wherethe Joseph figure and the realistic features of the protagonists also provided inspira-tion. On the other hand the setting of the London scene owes nothing toNetherlandish art: it has an obvious affinity with the Dombild Master's Darmstadtversion of this narrative (colour p1.21) in that the composition is placed against agold ground and centralised around an altar carved with the prefiguring OldTestament scenes." The difference between these two renderings by Cologne artistslies in the paring down to essentials that gives the later work an increased sense ofclarity and serene spirituality and strips it of the sensuous luxury and variety of theformer. God, the angels, the brocade cloth, the Candlemas procession and the strewnleaves that delight in the Darmstadt panel have been omitted in favour of a stress onthe solemnity of the ceremony, well expressed in the reverent composure of theattendants. The figures in London are not fully modelled and are not allowed to castmuch shadow; rather, they appear carved in a shallow frieze that has been set into agolden box. The repetition of the clear colours,at harmonious intervals, echoed bythe pattern repeat in the floor tiles, adds lucidity to the design. The realism of the fig~ures and textures accounts for the strongly Netherlandish flavour of the work, whilstthe still and upright poses of the protagonists, and the cool colours, denote theCologne inheritance.

The frieze arrangement of figmes is repeated in every scene but the Golden Gale(pl.146) and Birlh of Ihe Virgin (pl.147), where the depiction of multiple narrativescalled for a different kind of composition. An extensive landscape easily accommo-dates the various stages of Joachim's story in the fanner while a spacious interiorserves to depict the various activities in St Anne's bedchamber in the latter." There,the moment after the birth of Mary is set in a large room where the activities of mid-wives and servants give ample opportunity to dwell on genre detail, such as a pitch-er, a cushion, a half-open linen chest, and a shining basin that are displayed inharmonious intervals across the picture. The lively protagonists are carefully grouped

182

THE !J'\.IFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALlSiv!

, ,and anchored in two strong diagonal composition lines, leading to two standing gos-sipers ill the background. This is the most Netherlandish of the compositions in set-ting and figure style, but even here the painter illcluded a broad-patterned brocadecurtain hung against the gold background to undermine the spatial illusion, and heused an inconsistent light to deny the figures their full substance. Any assistance thatthe master might have had for this series of paintings is largely disguised by tradi-tional workshop unity but there are two exceptions, in that the Marriage of the Virgin(pI.14S) is inconsistent in style and seems to have been painted by more than onehand, and the Assumption (pI.151) is executed with notable stylistic independence."

The Visitalion (pI.150) in Munich is of unusual iconography in that it shows fourfigmes silhouetted against an extended and varied landscape that culminates in agolden sky populated by floating angels." Mary and Elizabeth meet in the companyof a servant girl who holds her mistress's pattens, and they are attended by the kneel-ing donor. A variant of the subject at Rotterdam, painted around 1470by the samemaster, is of the more usual type and depicts only Mary and Elizabeth; its closeresemblance to Rogier van der Weyden's Leipzig painting suggests that this was alsothe original inspiration for the Munich version." The donor depicted in the MunichVisitation is identified by his coat of anns as Dr Johann von dem Hirtz (d. 14S1),apatrician knight and, judging by his collar, a member of the Noble Order of the HolyGhost." His self-confidence is expressed not only in his fashionable and fur-briImnedattire but also in his desire to be depicted in equal size and location to the two saints.However, traditional decorum is preserved to a degree in that the donor is still spir-itually separated from their historic meeting by the outward turn of his figure andby an expression of deep meditation in his unfocused eyes. Not content with hisprominent depiction alone, Hirtz also seems to have requested that his own face, andthose of some of his relatives, be shown in the guise of the protagonists in other pan-els. In the Presentation (pI.152) a black-bearded man, a lean-faced young man, a fash-ionably coiffed lady holding the doves and the donor himself feature among theattendants; the same faces occur in other narratives. This would appear to be an earlyexample of the type of portraiture described later by the chronicler Weinsberg for hisown commission (see p.42):

'Und ich hab audl in die angesichter allesamenleuth laissenn conleljelen uissgeschei-den Jhesu Christi angesichl, lind steil in Marien bilt Feigen Ernsl mynC/' frauwcnsuster arlgesicht, in Joannis under dem creutz myner !rauzvel1 50/15 !allans"'

fi/1

Marco myn broder Gotschalck, in Luca myn broder Cherstgin.

Portraits also seem to permeate the facial features in another work attributed to theMaster of the Life of the Virgin, the De Monte Lamenlat;on in Cologne (pI.154) fromthe collegiate church of St Andreas." There, Joseph of Arimathaea and Nicodem,lS(pI.155) are dressed in fine contemporary attire and their faces are strongly charac-terized." As they display the Corpus Chris Ii in a moment ot such poignant grief thatall action is arrested, they afford the ardent kneeling donor, Canon Gerhard deMonte (p1.1S6) (d.1480; see Appendix 3), a chance to touch reverently and withrespectfully covered hands the fingers of the dead Christ." Such daring intimacy is

183

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154. Master of the Life of the Virgin, De MOilte Lmnelltntioll, Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne

not normally accorded to a donor. In Rogier van der Weyden's Lamel1lalion il1 Fronlof the Sepulchre in Florence it is St John who touches the dead Christ with coveredhands; more usually, this fervent action is the prerogative of Mary Magdalene." Inthe De Monte Lamentation, however, we have the donor elevated to the role of a sig-nificant participant in an historic event, although in the diminishing hierarchic fig-ure scales applied to the saints, Joseph and Nicodemus, and the donor respectively,a small touch of modesty may yet be detected. The donor's confident relationshipwith Christ in the painting is echoed in a frame inscription that affirms that this pro-fessor of theology of the University of Cologne had returned his soul to God, 'sacraetheologiae eximius professor a1limam suam creatori reddidit'. Clearly unburdened by theremorse and fear of hell that prompted the pious commissions of many fellow citi-zens, Canon Gerhard de Monte had complete faith in his own place beside hisCreator; he gave scant room to the traditional prayer request and his epitaph princi-pally served to commemorate the bachelor theologian's worldly achievements. Theconceit was completed by including the principal patrons of the collegiate church,Andrew and Matthew, amongst the witnesses of his intilnacy with Christ.40 The samesaints support Gerhard's nephews, the brothers (see Appendix 3) Canon Lambert(d.1499) (pl.157) and Canon Johannes de Monte (d.1508), who had their portraits

184

155. Master of the Life of the Virgin, detail: Nicodem/./s, De Monte Lamentation, detail of pI.] 54

1

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THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

added to the epitaph, probably by the Master of the Legend of St George after 1500,in wing panels that included similar inscriptions about their own careers in thechurch and university.·'

For the figure and features of Christ in the De Monle Lal11entation and for the saint-ly protagonists the painter was again indebted to Rogier van der Weyden, particu-larly to the Descenl from the Cross, which was then in Louvain and is now in Madrid:'However; the conception of the landscape as a measured succession of foreground,middleground and background is closer to the art of Dirk Bouts, even if it lacks thatpainter's ability to integrate figures and space. There are also sporadiC resemblancesin the Cologne master's work to figure patterns from Bouts and Memling, but theyremain of a general nature and are more likely to reflect a mutual dependence on thepaintings of Rogier van der Weyden. In the Dc Monte Lamelltation, the creative abili-ty of the Master of the Life of the Virgin is manifest as much in his sensitive charac-terization of the elderly, careworn faces (pI.155) as in his firmly organized pictorialconstruction. In this instance, he groups the protagonists in strong parallel diagonaland horizontal construction lines, which are then steadied by the cross and softenedby slight movements of heads."

The prolific workshop of this master also produced the popular small images ofthe Virgin, of which an example in Cologne of around 1480,showing a Maria Laclanswith 51Bernard (colour pI.22), is perhaps the most interesting:· The picture refers to,

156. Master of theLife of the Virgin,detail: Gerhard deMOllte, De MonteLamentation, detail I

of pI. 154

157. Detail from theleft wing: Lambert de

Monte, De MonteLamentation, detail

of pI. 154

THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

but does not illustrate, the legend of St Bernard's desperate prayer in the church ofSt Varies in Chatillon-sur-Seine that resulted in a statue of the Virgin moistening hislips with her milk. The legend was popular in Cologne, and seems to have inspiredthe mystic Heinrich Suso (see p.16) to a vision in which the Virgin quenched his ownthirst:' In the painting, the Carthusian Bernard is shown next to the Virgin lac/ailSand reverently touching the Child, who is seated on a cushion placed on the parapetbefore them. They are plausibly pOSitioned,in the maIUler of contemporary portraits,against an atmospheric landscape, though their inscribed and decorated halos aresilhouetted against a gold ground which is framed by a broad band of punchwork(colour pI.22) The sophisticated dichotomy of realistic protagonists, separated fromthe viewer only by a parapet, with the mystical symbolism of the gold ground thatdenies reality, is echoed in the spatial game of depth against surface pattern 'andgives the painting a spiritual dimension most suitable for its purpose, that of an aidto private devotion. The realism of Bernard's features is of a general kind that seemsto fall short of portraiture.

Secular portraits were, howevel; also painted in the same workshop, and two half-length depictions of unknown men, dressed in the fur-brimmed fashions reservedfor patricians, survive in Munich and Karlsruhe (pis 158 and 159):' The portrait inMunich is of an ultimately Netherlandish format, with the sitter shown half-lengthand in three-quarter view:' A plain dark-green background, with only a hint at inte-rior panelling and shade, focuses the viewer's attention on the face and hands of aman who seems to be of stubborn disposition and gazes straight past the viewer. Hisleft hand appears to rest on a ledge that is hidden by the frame; in his right hand hedisplays a pair of dividers. Whether this attribute was intended to describe the sitteras a master builder or; as the patriCian attire and precious ring may imply, refersrather to a leisure interest, the sitter had it included so that this important part of hislife would not be forgotten, 'das es in der gedechlnis plibe'. For; as the chroniclerWeinsberg later explained, when somebody was to be portrayed it was not sufficientto delineate his head and body with precision, his dress and accessories were ofequal importance:

'Wan eman abgernailt oder conlrafeil wirl, so ist nei aUein das heubl Lind leib ZLI Iref-fen, dan auch sine kleidoLlng, was er Limb, uff und 011 gehal.'·'

An exact description was of sllch value because family and old friends liked to haveand keep such images, 'sich ...contrafeilungenerfreuen und die gerne in der verwarsarnheitbehalten', in memory of the sitter. And, as Weinsberg himself confidently hoped tostill have friends after his demise, 'und verhoff nDch frunde llach minem abslerben zuhaben' who would cherish his memory, he decided to add a written description of hishabits, manners, faults and merits, 'sitten, gewonheiten, mangeln und gnaden', to a nowlost portrait drawing of himself.

The Porlrail of a Gentleman in Karlsrllhe (pI. 159)appears, on stylistic grounds, to bepainted around 1480,a decade after the Munich panel. The monumental image of thellnknown sitter is silhouetted against a luminous landscape. His form is pressedagainst the picture plane, but constricted by the frame that even cuts across his 'acorn

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158. Master of the Life of the Virgin, Portmit of aMaster Blli/ricr (?), Baye\". Staatsgemaldesarmniungen,Aite Pinakothek, Munich

159. Master of the Life of the Virgin, Portrait of 11

GC!lilelllllll, Staatliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe

cup' cap, whilst a fictive stone arch, that can be glimpsed in the upper corners, anchorsthe design to the frame." The sitter's patrician attire reflects that of the earlier portraitwith only small fashion changes such as the rounded fur collar and elongated hat, andthese confirm the later date of the work." The attacking format of the Karlsruhe paint-ing exposes the rather weak features and indecisive character of this sitter, and thebook held half open in his hand testifies to his scholarly or pious inclination.

Judging from old photographs, the Master of the Life of the Virgin was also theauthor of wall-paintings in the Salvatorkapelle in St Maria im Kapitol which weredestroyed during the Second World War. This convent church had been the focus ofepiscopal and noble patronage since its foundation. Its consequent prestige attractedthe munificent support of the merchant and councillor Johann Hardenrath (d. before1479, see Appendix 3), a patrician neighbour of the church who had attained citi-zenship in 1449 and now wished to demonstrate the wealth and consequence of hisfamily to fellow citizens. To this effect he commissioned, in 1466, from the competentbut not inspired Konrad Kuyn (d.1469) stone choir screens which included portraitsof himseJf(p1.46) and his wife Beelgin Schlossgin. According to the chroniclerKoelhoff, he went on to greatly enrich, 'groislich gezierl', the church with the mostsplendid and costly private chapel in the city (see p.28). He endowed this with achoragic foundation and, according to a contract made in 1468 with the abbess,promised to furnish and maintain it in perpetuity entirely at the' expense of theHardenrath family" The richly carved and painted decoration of the chapel includ-ed a wall-painting with images of the patrons flanking, like altarpiece wings, a cen-tral section which showed six painted traceried niches containing standing saints; to

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THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

160. Master of the Life of the Virgin, window: Bee/gill Schlossgin n!lrlrinughter, Hardenrath chapel (destroyed)

161. Window, Bee/Sill Sclilossgin Il!ld rillushler, Hardenrath chapel(destroyed)

'1:I'::X,·ftj-~,:

Jt ......_--~--189

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complete the allusion, the painter added a 'predella' containing busts of saints paint-ed in grisaille. Johann Hardenrath (pI.8) was depicted kneeling at prayer in a vault-ed room, accompanied by his son. His thick velvet gown, richly trimmed with flll;and the dagger and seal pouch at his belt, show him to be a patrician of considerablewealth and inlportance. The impression was confirmed by the elegant demeanourand attire of his wife and daughter (pI.16l) in the opposite 'wing'. Their coats ofarms were diligently repeated in painted and carved parts of the chapel, to ensurethat nobody would forget the identity of the generous donor or fail to commemoratethe right family, 'dal solche mell10rie /lit" achter en bliwe'. To make doubly sure, thedonor images and arms were repeated in the splendid stained-glass windows of thechapel (pI.160)."

The tranquil images of the Master of the Life of the Virgin and his measured lyri-cal compositions are in contrast to the dramatic, crowded scenes that distinguish theart of a rival workshop, that of the Master of the Lyversberg Passion. This painter isnamed after fragments of a Passion altarpiece from the Carthusian monastery of StBarbara that came into the Lyversberg collection in Cologne after secularization andare now dispersed between Cologne and Nuremberg (colour pis 23, 24)." TheLyversberg Master's style is distinct also in that his figures do not aspire to the ele-gance or elongation favoured in other Cologne workshops: they appear realisticallysturdy, broad-shouldered, fairly round-headed and restless. The lively realism ofthese protagonists all but contradicts the sacred mystery implied by the decoratedgold grounds. This master's palette is dominated by acid yello~s and greens whichare, however, softened in effect by a juxtaposition with pinks and brown-hued reds.His landscapes do not always dissolve in bluish atmospheric haze; instead theyblend to a greeny golden distance against the gold ground. In the realistic descrip-tion and spatial grouping of his figures, the Master of the Lyversberg Passion showsan understanding of Netherlandish designs that goes well beyond the surfaceacquaintance manifest in the work of the Master of the Life of the Virgin, yet he wasalso clearly familiar with Cologne usage and painted in cool colours against a goldground, making prominent use of lead-tin yellow, and adopting the traditional bro-cade patterns from the Cityworkshops.~ All, this, combined with an underdrawingstyle that uses a complex system of hatchings and cross-hatchings characteristic ofCologne workshops, indicates that he learned his trade in Cologne (pl.177).;;Wecanonly surmise that he subsequently had an opportunity to travel a little in theNetherlands and acquaint 'himself there with certain compositions and practices. Hisstocky figure style and his tendency to place figures more plausibly into their settinghas an affinity with the work of Dirk Bouts that suggests that he may have seen it innearby Louvain which at that time formed part of the archbishopric of Cologne.'"However; patterns developed from paintings by Bouts and by Van der Weyden hada considerable diffusion across Western Europe and continued to reach Cologne alsoby means of intermediaries. 57

The surviving panels from the Lyversberg Passion (pis 162,164-166,168, 170-171)originally formed the wings of an altarpiece for the huge high altar; 'arne lapidemi111111ensuI11ac preciosum', of the Carthusian church. When opened, the altarpiece

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II

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162. Master of the Lyversberg P8ssion, AJI/JIII/ciClfioll, Lyversberg Passion, Germanisches Nation8lmuseum, Nuremberg

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would have measured around 560 cm. The lost central section of this large work maywell have been carved and is likely to have included images of the patron saints ofthe altar, and possibly items from the impressive relic collection of the monastery.'"The left wing showed a Last Supper and an Arresl above a Christ befo1'ePilale and aMocking of Cli1'ist and Flagellation, with an Annuncialion on the reverse side (pI.162);the right wing showed a Carrying of the Cross and a Crucifixion above a Deposition anda Resurrection with the Three Maries al the Sepulchre, with an Adoralion of the Kings onthe reverse side (pis 168, 164).'"The scenes are compositionally balanced, so that thetwo architectural scenes in one wing and two crosses in the other are placed diago-nally across the wing panel. The quartered wing arrangement follows a traditionfamiliar in Westphalia and Cologne."'

The Lyversberg Master's knowledge of the Columba Altarpiece is apparent in theAdoration of the Kings panel in Nuremberg (pI.164),"not only in the figure of the kingdoffing his hat (Van der Weyden's design evolved from the Dombild courtier in thesame position) the dignified features of Joseph and the group of onlookers, but alsoin compositional devices such as the other hat placed on the ground before the kingand the construction of the arched shed. The centralized arrangement of the princi-pal protagonists is, however, in the Cologne tradition. It is interesting to compare theLyversberg composition with the Nuremberg Adoralion by the Master of the Life ofthe Virgin (pl.163; dated on stylistic grounds to the early 1470s)/' who shared boththese sources of inspiration. The differences between the two narratives are not somuch due to their diverging formats as they are to the dissimilar temperaments oftheir authors. The Life of the Virgin composition is symmetrical, centred around the

192

<1 163. Master of the Life of the Virgin, 14domtioll (:f the Killg:;,Germanisches NatiollCllmuseu!1l, Nuremberg

164. Master of the Lyversberg Passion, Adomtiol/, LyversbergPassion, Germclnisches Nationalmllscum, Nuremberg

Virgin who, with Joseph, is framed by the single arch of the shed. The Child in herlap provides the visual and emotional centre of the composition, its pose linking thetwo kneeling kings and, through them, the two diagonal lines that run to the uprightspectators on each side. All movement is arrested save that of the middle king whoceremoniously sinks to his knees in adoration. Colours and composition convey asense of harmonious interval. In contrast, the Lyversberg composition is dominatedby a throng of actors forming a tight diagonal grouping that is stopped by theupright form of the kneeling oldest king; this diagonal line is echoed in the fore-ground rocks. The composition is stabilized by the heavy architecture of the shedand by the balancing figures of the standing king and Joseph, but destabilised againby the contraposes of the Child and the middle king, whose curious kneeling postureallows him both to display his fashionably elongated boot and to take his preciousgift from his page. The well-nigh weightless figure of the page might reasonably bedescribed as dancing attention. This is a detailed narrative, compelling in its numer-ous human activities, for the Virgin touches the Child's foot, the.Child strains his lit-tle arms toward his mothel; the oldest king seems to speak, the next one lookstowards the Child as he turns to take the vessel from the twisting page, the youngestking doffs his hat and three flags flutter in the wind. The colours are used to clarifythe forms and are applied in small patches that create a restless echoing patternacross the painted surface. The lyric poetry of the Master of the Life of the Virgin ishere contrasted by expressive drama. In an earlier attempt at the subject in a Life ofthe Virgin Alta1'piece in Linz of 1463 (pI.165), the Lyversberg Master was much closerto the Master of the Life of the Virgin in the selection and arrangement of motifs, but

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165. Master of the Lyversberg Passion, Adoration of the Kings, Kath Pfarrkirche St Maria, Linz

even then his rendering is episodic and lively, in contrast with the solemnity of hiscolleague's composition."'

The Lyversberg Master's response to compositional ideas and new patterns isselective and intelligent. For the Carrying of the Cross (colour pI. 23), for instance, heenriched familiar iconography, such as he may have seen in the Passion panels fromthe Lawrence Master's workshop (pl.75), with new drama which he introducedthrough realistic characterization of the protagonists, inspired by Netherlandishmodels. For his scene describing an exhausted Christ amongst his supporters andadversaries, he may have followed a model used also by Memling for his Passionpanel, now in Turin."' The two interpretations differ in dramatic impact, however, forMemling spread the group along the path and shows the nude prisoner further for-ward in the sad procession. In contrast to that muted narrative, the Cologne masterexplOits the dramatic potential by juxtaposing Christ and the nude prisonel~ byallowing the crowd to surge nearer to Christ and Joseph of Arimathaea, and byshowing the soldier in the act of striking Christ.

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THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

On the other hand the Lyversberg Master eschewed the emotional intensity thatpermeates Van der Weyden's dramatic art and therefore, in borrowing that painter'sdesign of the Descellt from the Cross in Munich,"' for his polyptych (colour p1.24),hecalmed the fervoLll~reduced the number of participants, and turned the figures moretowards the spectator. In his composition, Salome no longer wrings her hands infrenzied grief, but folds them in numbed prayer. St John's youthful face is nowframed by lovingly described silky curls which soften the impact of the desolate eyesthat invite the viewer to share in his sorrow; the tears clinging to his cheeks (pI.137),however, are in true Van der Weyden style. The careful construction of the Colognedesign also incorporates the pattern of parallel lines that is such a striking feature inVander Weyden's Munich composition and also in his Madrid Descent/rom the Cross.In the Lyversberg Descent, the verticalJine of the cross, partially masked by the diag-onal of the laddel~ is echoed in Christ's left arm, in ti,e simplified silhouette of theback of Nicodemus, and in a fence post and a tree; the line of the Virgin's left arm isrepeated 'in the folds of John's turned-back mantle and then again in Salome's rightarm.

The Cologne master's response to patterns from Dirk Bouts can be clearly definedby cOl~paring the Lyversberg Arrest and Resurrection (pis 166 and 168) with similarscenes, now in Munich, from an altarpiece from the church of St Laurenz in Cologne(pis 167, 169) that is thought to have been painted in the Louvain workshop aroundthe time of Bouts' death in 1475.N' Although the Lyversberg Passion predates theseworks by a decade, the debt to an earlier painting by Bouts, or to a common but nowlost source, is made explicit in the Arresl in the reproduction of all the principalmotifs, even including a burning torch that lost its meaning when the LyversbergMaster chose a daytime setting rather than the night scene of Bouts' work. TheLyversberg Master used fewer figures than Bouts for his design, leaving out all thesubsidiary stories so that he could heighten the dramatic impact of the narrative.Moreover, he subtly altered the narrative content of the model by showing not onlyPeter lifting his sword to sever an ear from the crouching servant Malchus but alsoChrist extending his hand in pity to restore it (John 18:1-12)." In addition, his Judascompounds his betrayal by bestowing hi, kiss whilst helping to seize Christ. TheCologne painter also allowed the man with the slashed sleeve not only to grab atChrist's cloak but also to lift a club to strike him, and other bystanders to beat himand pull his hair in a manner that is more usually reserved for Flagellation scenes.The leading soldiel~inward-looking in Bouts' design is turned towards the viewer inthe Lyversberg Passion, presumably to contrast his stance with the inward-lookingversion of this pattern in the Carryil1g of Ihe Cross on the opposite wing (colour pI.23).

Most of the Passion paintings of this period include some patterns that were wide-ly diffused. The Resurrection from St Laurenz (pI.169) in Munich is no exception, butthere are certain elements in this particular interpretation of such models that causedscholars to claim it, together with the Arresl, as a prototype for the Lyversbergdesigns, until dendrochronological examination of the wood showed that they werebotl1 painted later than the Passion panels. However, the Netherlandish flavour ofthe panels from St Laurenz is too prominent to suggest that the Lyversberg compo-

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166. Master of the Lyversberg Passion, Arrest, LyversbergPassion, Wal1raf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne

] 68. Master of the Lyvcrsberg Passion, Resllrreclioll,Lyversberg Passion, Wallraf-Rich8rtz-Museum, Cologne

167. Dirk Bouts, Arrest, photograph A. L. Dierick

169. Dirk Bouts workshop, Resurrectioll,Bayer.Staatsgemaldesammlungen, AltePinakothek, Munich

THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALlSlvl

sitions designs were the p~·oto'types. Among the corresponding examples, a soldiersheltering his eyes from the supernatural light is particularly striking. The pose ofthis soldier is, howevel~ 1110re vigorous in the Cologne lnaster's \vork and is, in fact,rather closer to an earlier version by Bouts that he used in a Crucifixion triptych, nowin Granada.'" In the design for St Laurenz, the soldier is feebly stretched out on hisback in front of a poorly integrated assembly of motifs that, although it followsBouts' preference for isolated figures, does not attain his sense of spiritual unity. Onecan only presume what certain differences in the underdrawing of the Munich panelseems to confirm, that although Bouts painted the Arrest for the altarpiece, theResurrecliol1 was among the works completed after his death by his workshop. In theLyversberg version the motives are assembled in a manner that is in many ways clos-er to Conrad von Soest's Niederwildungen Altarpiece, even though the sprawlingsoldier is depicted there as still sleeping (pI. 67). The Cologne master's compositionis strengthened by placing the sarcophagus in a firm diagonal, sheltering the angelwithin it, and then stabilizing the design by placing the upright figures of the ThreeMarys to one side and Christ to the other (pl.168). This organization allows a rea-sonable space for the three guards leaning against the sarcophagus and for the depic-tion, in a dramatic counter turn, of the light-blinded soldier. The livelycharacterization of faces, coupled with the precise description of fabrics, textures,armour reflections and plants, confirms the Lyversberg Master's debt toNetherlandish sources.

The art of the Lyversberg Master may be eclectic in detail, indebted as it is toNetherlandish inventions and to Cologne/Westphalian traditions, but it successful-ly fuses these elements into a personal idiom. Thus the Annunciation (pI. 162) fromthe Passion cycle owes as much to Conrad von Soest's 'Dortinund design (pI. 69) as itdoes to Netherlandish art. The interior setting, the simple tile pattern, the oculuswindow, the Virgin kneeling by her prie-dieu before a bench, and the angel's gesturereflect Conrad's work, whilst the Christ Child with the cross is a commonWestphalian feature!" In all other respects, and notably in the integration of the fig-ures with the realistic setting, in the furniture, in the window with a landscape viewand in the exact pose of tIle Virgin, the Lyversberg Master, like the Master of the Lifeof the Virgin (pl.149), was indebted to Dirk Bouts' models, as seen in Lisbon andMadrid. However, a comparison of the two Cologne works, painted under the sameinfluence, serves to demonstrate the increased realism and drama that theLyversberg Master was inspired to bring even to such a quiet and traditional sceneas the Allliunciation. From such patterns, the master appears to have made modeldrawings which served him, and according to some variation in the style of under-drawing of the panels, his assistants to transfer the design .onto the panel. This wasdone with a reasonable amount of detail, presumably so that the master could ensurea unity of style for the altarpiece. On close scrutiny, the finished appearance alsodenotes the collaboration in some passages.

The gift of the Lyversberg Passion altarpiece is listed in the local Carthusian recordsof 1465 amongst numerous donations obtained from the monastery's 'greatest bene-factors, the patricians Johannes and Peter Rinck' (see Appendix 3)." According to a

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THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

note added to the record by a contemporary hand, the altarpiece and two windowstogether cost Joharu11200Rhenish Gulden (see p.41). To be hailed the greatest bene-factors of the monastery that attracted liberal support from many of the wealthiestcitizens and frolTt foreigners, '1)(711Irmtzherrcl1, rifterschaftel1 ind van dell burgerclI vallCol/ell hoecillichcr begiftet illd geziert', the Rincks must have been remarkably generous.It is perhaps equally significant that the chronicler stressed the donors' patrician sta-tus, a reference that he was prone to omit for the ancient patriciate. Johann Rinck(d. 1464)had only gained citizenship in 1432and it was not merely the religious incli-nation of his son Dr. Peter Rinck (d.1501), discussed earlier (see p.28 and n.22), andhis own need of atonement that made him generous, as the manner of his givingsho\,vs that he recognized the social value of having his family name commemorat-ed and his status celebrated in this splendid temple. It is also a measure of the pro-fessional esteem commanded by the Master of the Lyversberg Passion, that' heattracted the patronage of the ambitious and cosmopolitan Johann Rinck and hislearned son.

When the altarpiece stood closed on the high altar of the church, the arms of theRinck family could be seen, prominently displayed in the Annunciation scene(pI.162). When the altarpiece stood open, the viewer could observe amongst theassembly of apostles in the Last Supper a strongly characterized figure (pl.170),marked by his contemporary attire." When comparing this image with a donor por-trait of Peter Rinck from a Carthusian Misericordia (pis 219, 220), painted around thesame time by an unknown hand, it is tempting to conjecture that it is Peter, who, hav-ing aspired to membership of the Carthusian community before l1is health failed,joined the community of apostles in the painting at the institution of the Eucharist."·Apparently, Johann was not depicted in the passion panels, even though his portraitbalanced that of his son in the Misericordia painting.

Johann Rinck is also shown, together with his first wife and Peter's moth€l;Gertgin Blitterswich (d.1439), in another work by the Master of the LyversbergPassion, the Coronation of the Virgin (pl.l71), now in Munich." The painting style ofthe panel indicates a date after Johann had remarried. However, if the epitaph hadbeen commissioned by Johann himself on~ could ~xpect it to include, in Jine with thetraditions of the times, portraits 01 all the Jiving and deceased members of his fami-ly.The fact that neither the second wife, Beelgin von 5uchtelen (d. 1462),nor any chil-dren are included forcibly suggests that the work was commissioned by f:eter,presumably soon after Johann's demise in 1464, to honour and commemorate"'hisparents. To this effect the painting was placed in the splendid family chapel at"StKolumba, built in 1463 (see pp.27-28), 'Capella ... sU111plibus el expensis ex funrial11e11toerecta'. This sumptuous and expensive chapel was central to Johann's carefully laidplans to ensure salvation by funding perpetual prayers, commenriacio, and services tobe said by his grave before the altar." The vision of heaven with the Virgin framedby a glory of lively musician angels is placed so near the patch of earth that holds thesupplicant donors in the traditional manner, that the panel seems designed by Pete;or his advisors, to confirm the success of Johann's endeavours.

170. Master of the Lyversberg Passion, Lnst SlIppe!", Lyversberg Passion, detail of colour pI. 23 r>

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171. Master of the Lyversberg P<1SSiOIl, CorOllalioll of IIII! Virgin,B<1yer. StaatsgemtildesamlTllungen, Alte Pin<1kothek, MIJnich

When another affluent Cologne merchant and councillor, Peter Kannengiesser(d. 1473; see Appendix 3), wished to be commemorated in an altarpiece, he had allthe living and deceased members of his family included in the donor portraits. Theyare depicted on the closed wings of a large altarpiece (pis 173,174) thought to havecome from the altar of St George in Gross-St Martin." The opened triptych narratesVoragine's version of the story of St George, and the anonymous painter is namedafter this work.'" This Master of the Legend of St George presided over a major work-shop that attracted the patronage of university professors, senior clergy and variousdistinguished families in and around Cologne." He differs from his two major com-petitors in that he painted almost entirely in the Netherlandish manner; his style canbe characterized as realistic, with lively figures, often arranged in parallel planes setinto a landscape setting. When he is not requested to use a gold ground, his atmos-pheric landscapes rise to a high horizon against a milky blue sky and are plausiblydescribed with the help of winding river settings and colour diminution, althoughthey are never totally integrated. The muted tonality of his landscapes is contrastedby notably warm orange and yellow hues in his figures' costumes. The lean, almostgaunt faces of his protagonists have a taciturn air and, in the rare instances where the

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THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

narrative demands a more lively expression, they can tend towards caricature; else-where their stillness serves to evoke a conten1plative response in the viewer. In hisearly work, a delight in realistic detail can threaten to undermine the integrity of thecomposition, but his acquaintance with Netherlandish art goes beyond the mereassimilation of patterns noted in the contemporary Cologne workshops. Despite hisoccasional adoption of traditional inscribed halos and gold grounds, and his use ofone Cologne brocade pattern, all presumably responding to patrons' requests, heclearly served his apprenticeship outside Cologne." This master's underdrawingtechnique of 'widely spaced parallel lines, crossed at times, and in short loopedstrokes for highlights (pl.176), derives from the Netherlandish tradition and hispainting style evokes works produced in the Louvain region under the influence ofDirk Bouts and Rogier van der Weyden."

For his eponymous altarpiece, now in the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, the Master ofthe Legend of St George described the legend in eight narrative panels (colour pI.29,pl.175), with representations of the Nativily (pI.173) and Ecce Homo (pl.174) on thereverse sides of the wings which include the donor portraits and coats of arms."' Thelegend is narrated in two rows and reads across the wings and central section, eachrow linked through a continuous landscape. The upper row commences with the

172. Master 0f the Lyversberg-Passioll, Nativity, Kath Pfarrkirche St Maria, Linz

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175. Master of the Legend of St George, 51 Georsc s{nyillS flu: rimsoll, The Legend of St George,Wa!lraf~Richartz-Museum, Cologne

plight of the princess, then shows in turn her rescue by St George killing the evildragon, the ensuing conversion of the royal family (with donor coats of arms in thechurch window), and the saint's refusal to abandon his faith for which he is cruellytortured on the cross. The tale continues in the lower row, delighting in episodes ofhorrific torture the saint is said to have endured and ending with his Christian bur-ial. No precedent survives from Cologne for such a cycle describing the life and suf-fering of a saint, apart from the very different narration of the travels of St Ursulaand her companions, although such legends may well have decorated predellas thatare now lost. A comparison of the torture scenes with those of the apostle ma,tyr-doms by the Dombild Master (pis 117, 118) serves only to illustrate the profo~~dchange in artistic conception that had taken place in Cologne.

In the panel describing the fight with the dragon (pI.175), there is a multiple nar-rative, embedded in the landscape, that leads the eye towards the decisive eventshown in the foreground, parallel to the picture plane. The knight in shining armour,seated on a richly harnessed rearing horse, with his head silhouetted against a let-tered golden halo, drives his lance.through the throat of a beautiful winged dragon.The elegant princess observes the action from the rear of the front stage; she standsbefore a rocky promontory that masks the middle ground but does allow a glimpsethrough to a landscape with a river winding its way towards a town. In this paint-

204

176. Master of the Legendof St George, Ulf{icrdmwiliSfrom the Apostle Triptych,iMra-red refe!ctogram, AltePinakothek, Munich

177. Master of theLyversberg Passion,

Underdrawing from theLyversberg Passion,

infra-red ref!ectogram byJ. R. J. van Asperen de Boer

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178. Master of the Legend of St George, Ceciliaand Valerian, private collection, Geneva

ing rocks, flowers, trees, animals of all sizes, bones, buildings, material textures andreflections are all realistically described in a manner that is consistent and that owesnothing to the Cologne tradition. It is in the Nalivity (pI.173) on the reverse side ofthe wing that some similarities with the Lyversberg Master's Linz version (pI.172)becomes apparent, both in compositional terms and in the design for Joseph. Itwould appear that both artists responded to a model that ultimately derives fromVan der Weyden's Bladelin Altarpiece."' Yet where the Lyversberg Master haddescribed the angels as bending busily over the child in sundry activities, the Legendof St George Master returned to the original patterns of upright, praying angels, andhe added monumentality to the Joseph figure by pulling his hood up over the backof the head, causing the silhouette of his cloak to billow out and increase his bulk.

The donol~ Peter Kannegiessel~who is depicted in a meadow before the Nativitystable, has taken off his pattens, presumably to indicate that he kneels on holyground. He is accompanied both by his first wife Christina Sli:issginand her childrenand by his second wife Bela Hawyser (d. c.1486) and her children, with the relevantcoats of arms. The Kannegiesser coat of arms in the adjacent Ecce Homo panel (pI.174)

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179. Love's EIIChmllllll!llt, Museum der bildenden Kunste, Leipzig

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would suggest that the couple depicted there are Peter's parents HeinrichKannegiesser and Margarethe Elverfeld, both deceased by the time the altarpiecewas painted." The donor figures are shown in three-quarter view for easy identifi-cation and to indicate supplication, and are attired in red and black for the living or,as customary, in black alone for the deceased. As Peter wears a red hood, the panelmust have been painted before his death in 1473.Dendrochronological examinationof the wood suggests a felling date of 1454"., and and therefore a painting date after1464has been proposed. On stylistic grounds, a date soon after 1464 seems likely."

Arourid a decade latel~when the Master of the Legend of St George was paintingthe Calvary Triplych, recently restored to St Kunibert church,'" he had softened his ini-tially rather dry figure style, presumably under the influence of the work of theMaster of the Life of the Virgin, but had not abandoned his Netherlandish accent.The triptych shows a Calvary, flanked by a Tral7sfiguralion and a Resurrection, alldepicted in subtle and varied hues of cool tonality against a gold ground, with a nowall but erased Al1l7Ul7cialiol1on the reverse sides of the wings. The Calvary bears armsthat are generally thought to belong to the patrician Hermann Rinck (d. 1496):"'

The most unusual painting amongst the many works attributed to the Legend ofSI George Master and his workshop is a panel in private possession in Geneva(pl.178) which shows, against an atmospheric landscape setting, a fashionablyattired young patrician couple and an angel holding crowns of roses over theirheads." The narrative is ambiguous, the semblance of a sewlar portrait of two ele-gant and modish figures is not supported by the generalized features of the protag-onists; it has therefore been suggested that they represent St Cecilia and her husbandValerian who, according to the Golden Legend, received crowns of roses and lilies astokens of their chastity:

'Valerian was baptized by St Urban and went back to find Cecilia talking to.anangel in her room. The angel held two crowns of roses and lilies in her hand,one of which she gave to Cecilia and the other to Valerian, saying "Guard thesecrowns with spotless hearts and clean bodies, because Ihave brought them toyou fran1 God's heaven/ll.''l7

Although the story is set in the saint's bedchamber, the painting has an outdoor set-ting. The charming image may have a double meaning, possibly derived from longlost poetry, that is no longer accessible to us. It may be worth considering whetherthe delightful Eyckian panel in Leipzig of disputed attribution and depicting Love'sEnchanlment (pl.179)" could be by the same hand as the enigmatic painting inGeneva.

A contemporary and equally anonymous artist responded toNetherlandish landscapesettings with almost typographical accuracy whilst he remained bound in the Colognetradition for his figure style. This Master is named after a panel from St Bonifatiuschurch showing a Glorification of the Virgin, now in much restored condition in theWallraf-Richartz-Museum." Another of his works, a wing panel in the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, depicts Sainls Prolecling I"e Cily of Cologne (pl.180),'" an illustra-tion of the local adage that nobody is master of Cologne but God and his saints: 'dal

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180. M<1ster of the Glorification of the Virgin, The Virgin (lI1d Clli/d {llId Saints Alllle, Peter, Gemll1, I7l1d Christopherbefore the City ojCO/OgIIC, Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne

niemantz dey stat von Collen here sie dan gol and sine hilligen '. St Anne, the Virgin andChild, and Saints Christopher, Gereon and Peter are shown as standing on a shallowstage before the traditional brocade cloth of honour and gold ground. In the back-ground, the city of Cologne (pI.180) is described with such topographical accuracythat the painting can be plausibly dated to after 1493by the completion date of cer-tain depicted buildings." The panoramic view extends beyond the city, southwardsalong the Rhine, and includes the small towns of Bruhl, Bonn and Sieburg, theSiebengebirge (seven mountains) and, in the far background, some mountains of theEiffel.lt is instructive to compare the near accurate description of the Citylayout, thatincludes monuments, burghers' houses, people and trade, with the assembly of justthe more important monuments in earlier city views.

The style of the painting, with such emphasis on luxurious garments and on thesplendour of the armour and jewels, as well as the use of brilliant colours, harks

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back to the art of the Dombild Mastel~whose Virgin also informs the features of herrepresentation in this work.''' In contrast, the fold patterns in the robes of the maleprotagonists are realistically described. Presumably as much by inclination as atthe request of more traditionally minded patrons, this able painter combinedCologne's innate love of beauty, elegance and luxury, with those elements ofNetherlandish painting that could enhance the sophisticated effect. The propagan-da message of the Saints' panel expresses an exuberant confidence in the city,which was rekindled when it finally achieved chartered imperial status in 1475.Such conJidence was encouraged by the numerous festive visits of EmperorFriedrich III between 1473 and 1488, and notably reinforced through the lavishimperial wedding celebrations of 147i (see p. 18). The panel of the city saints wasproduced when the new emperol~ Maximilian I, having been crowned in Aachenin 1493, was expected to make his first imperial visit to the city. It is likely that inthe context of the many iJnperiai and royal visits to the city much ephen1eral artwas produced in Cologne that perpetuated the Courtly Style. The implication ofsocial status and power that the style therefore evoked made it a subtle tool also incommemorative religious art commissioned by private patrons, especially whencoupled with elements of realistic painting. Howevel~ for paintings that were basedon the meditation texts that detailed the suffering of Christ or the saints, consistentrealistic description was usually preferred during these decades. The work of theMaster of the Glorification of the Virgin avoids such explicit realism and caninstead be characterized as a judicious updating of the Courtly Style; an instructiveexample of his approach survives in his free copy of the Dombild Master'sDarmstadt Presentation, now in Paris."

No doubt aware of the different impact of the dominant styles, some patrons chosetheir artists according to the subject of their commission. Nicasius Hackeney (d.1518;see Appendix 3), for instance, commissioned a Netherlandish artist to depict thesombre subject of the Virgin's death and a Cologne artist, who incorporated elementsof the Courtly Style in his design, to paint an altarpiece that celebrated the HolyFamily and their kin." Nicasius was the son of a Cologne goldsmith and came toprominence in the service of the emperor; he later married into the established patri-ciate. Having no male heirs, he and his brother George (d.1524; see Appendix 3)strove to keep the family name in memory through grandiose patronage that culmi-nated in a splendid rood screen and a family tomb for St Maria im Kapitol, bothordered by Nicasius in 1517 in Mechelen."' To look after their spiritual needs, thebrothers arranged for intercessional services to be said near the tomb every week andcommissioned, to support that purpose, an altarpiece of the Death of tlte Virgin from)oos van Cleve in Antwerp, with donor figures of the brothers in shining armourdepicted on one wing and those of their elegantly attired wives on the other; a copyof this triptych was then made in Antwerp for the family residence." The brothersleft their mark on the city itself by building a magnificent palace for the use of theemperor (see p. 31).'"Their appreciation of Netherlandish art coupled with their loveof luxury caused Nicasius to turn, for the Altarpiece of the Holy Kinship, to a master inCologne who combined realistic description with the beguiling elegance of costly

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181. Younger Master of the Holy Kinship, Holy Killsfiip, Wallraf~Richartz~Museum, Cologne

brocades, glistening jewels and palatial architecture; the anonymous painter waslater named after this work.

The Altarpiece of the Holy Kinship" (pis 183, 184; colour pis 27, 28) contains in itscentral panel an ambitious iconographic programme that includes Saints Catherineand Barbara among the kindred group as well as depictions of the Presenlalion andDeath of Ihe Virgin in the top corners of the panel. The complex design is steadied bythe vertical emphasis of columns and architecture and by arranging the crowdedfigure groups in sets of parallel diagonals that diverge to feature the Child ill thecentre of the narrative. For all the courtly delight in rich brocades, fash.ionable gar-ments and tapestry-like flowers, a Netherlandish flavour dominates the composi-tion. The realistic figures with their strongly characterized features denoteconsiderable knowledge of recent trends in major Netherlandish workshops, andmany details also indicate direct or indirect access to designs by Hugo van der Goes,with the Death of the Virgin scene as the most obvious exemplar (pI.181).'"Mostremarkable are perhaps the wings, in which the donors and saints are silhouettedagainst a landscape of transparent beauty (colour pI. 28). As the scenery winds

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THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

182. Younger Master of the Holy Kinship,Holy Ki!lsliip, detail of p1.181

towards a far horizon it changes colour in three distinct band.s in a manner alreadyobserved in the work of the Master of the Life of the Virgin, bu t here developedfrom the earlier example with considerable skill and an eye for genre detail; thebackgrounds contain small representations of the Nativity and Assumption. Thedonor, Nicasius Hackeney, is depicted in the left wing (pI.183), accompanied by hispatron saint, Nicasius, and by Saint Roch (with his angel assistant), while his sec-ond wife Christina has Saints Gudula and Elizabeth (with a beggar) as her com-panions in the right wing (pl.184). The identification of the numerous donor figuresand saints, depicted in a brocade-hung loggia on the reverse sides of the wings, isless certain, although the portraits are clearly of members of the same family.'''''Differences in underdrawing style, which on the inside panels bears all the hall-marks of the Cologne convention, confirm the impression given by the surfaceappearance that the reverse sides were painted with considerable workshop assis-tance.""The earliest possible date for the painting would be 1508, the year in whichNicasius married Christina, although a date after 1514 has been suggested afterdendrochronological examination of the wood."" However, as Nicasius is depicted

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THE INFLUENCE OF NETHERLANDISH REALISM

in black garments, albeit sli'ghtly relieved by the dark brown of his patrician fur col-lar; a date soon after his demise in 1518may be inferred.""

The prolific workshop of the Younger Master of the Holy Kinship flourished in thecity from the 1480sand it attracted significant patronage, including that of the countsof Neuenahr for their family Epitaph,'" painted after 1484, and of a confraternity forthe monumental St Sebastia11 Allarpiece, "" painted with considerable workshop assis-tance around a decade later. Although no documents concerning this master havesurvived, it is possible to suggest a chronology for his works with the help of twodated paintings: one·a workshop production of 1486showing the Mass of St Gregory,now in Utrecht,"'" and the other the Epitaph of Jakob Udema1111 of 1492, now inNuremberg.'" The Younger Master of the Holy Kinship was commissioned by theCouncil of Cologne to design the third full window in the north side aisl~ of CologneCathedral, made in 1507or 1508.

Other patrons preferred the purely Netherlandish art of another large workshop,presided over by an immigrant master who takes his name from a cycle of large

183. Younger Master of the Holy Kinship, left wing,Holy Kinship

184. Younger Master of the Holy Kinship, HolyKinship, right wing,

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185. Master of the Legend of St Ursula, Tile Baptism of Sf Ursula, Legend of St Ursula,Germanisches NationClirnuseum, Nuremberg

paintings on canvas, depicting the Legend of St Ursula (pis 185, 186).''" In thesepaintings, the interiors have an Eyckian flavour, while the narrative figure groupingsagainst atmospheric landscapes or city squares are reminiscent of works by theMaster of the Tiburtine Sibyl, a follower of Bouts who is thought to have been activein Haarlem.H" The thin, quickly brushed painting technique of these works differsconsiderably from the careful application of layers of pigment usual in Cologneworkshops. The now scattered cycle, of which nineteen canvas paintings are known,was painted for the church of St Severin by several hands of the workshop, and wassponsored by a variety of donors who each had their good deed inscribed on the rel-evant panel; the series is thought to have been painted between 1495 and 1505.Unfortunately, several of the canvases have been reduced in size, and their donorportraits with arms and inscriptions are missing. FrOlTIthe remaining canvases it is

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186. Master of the Legend of St Ursula, The Saillt alld her companions leave Rome, Legend of St Ursula,Germanisches NationaimuseUll1, Nurernberg

apparent that the donations often came from members of the same family, such as'Wilhem Ynckhuys der jung Kaleryn syn huisfrou' and 'Johan Yl1ckhuys' and 'Enlgyn Syl1huisfrou', and, for the largest and most significant canvas, the Martyrdom ofSt Ursulaol1d her 11,000 Virgins, now in London, the cost was sllared by 'Wynond van Wickroid,Lysbet syn hllisfrou' and 'Heynrich van Wickroid, Hilgen syn huisfrou'. It is particularlyintriguing to note that Johan Ort was obliged to sponsor two panels, one with' Aelheitsyn huisfrou' and another with 'Druidgen syn huisfrou', presumably because one wifehad died during the production period of the cycle and the next one wished to haveher name cornmenlorated as well.

The Master of the Legend of St Ursula appears to have also employed in his work-shop painters who are likely to have trained in Cologne, and the work of one of themis particularly close to that of his master. 1t would appear that, after his apprentice-

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187. Master of St Severin, The Virgin Ellthroned with St Cntherille nl/d Sf Mrry Mngdnlelle,Detroit Institute of Arts, Detroit

THE INFLUENCE or NETHERLANDISH REALISM

ship, he spent many year; as a journeyman in this workshop, and learned to assim-ilate his master's style. Howevel; there is a tendency to reveal small traces of hisCologne inheritance in his independent work, such as the Saints panels in the vestryof the church of St Severin and some of the scenes from a series of twenty canvaspaintings in the same church that record the legend of St Severin.'" From these worksthe anonymous painter has been named the Master of St Severin. In his mature work,for instance the lyrical, centralized composition of the Adoration of the Kings of c.1505in Cologne, '" and the Virgin e71lhrol1edwith Sai11ls in Detroit (pI.187),'" he proves him-self as indebted to the Dombild Master and the Master of the Life of the Virgin as heis to Netherlandish works. By this measure, a fine Porlrail of a Lady (p1.3) inCologne'" which follows in the tradition of the male portraits by the Master of theLife of the Virgin (pis 158 and 159) should also be ascribed to the Master of StSeverin. However, the attribution of this panel, and of many other paintings from thecircle of the Masters of St Ursula and St Severin, is still disputed and only a system-atic analysis of the underdrawing and painting teclmique of all the works in this dis-puted group can lead to a more objective assessment. It is generally agreed, howevel;that it is the Master of St Severin who furnished the designs of several of the otherwindows in the north side aisle of Cologne Cathedral, which were made in aCologne glassworks from 1507 to 1508.

Among the many workshops that flourished in Cologne around the turn of the six-teenth century, only a few had totally abandoned their long-held preference for goldgrounds, for brocades and for elegant garments adorned with precious jewels.Indigenous artists tended to avail themselves of all the opportunities that the con-'stant mercantile and artistic exchange with the Netherlands afforded, to learn aboutthe most recent trends in realistic painting, but then only to adapt them to an admit-tedly ever increasing degree that suited their own artistic interests or the preferenceof their own patrons. At the same time Netherlandish artists were able to establishthemselves in the city. By the end of the fifteenth century, the taste for ostentationprevailed, particularly amongst the new members of the patriciate who seized uponthe propaganda value of costly commissions. Coupled with their need to impresscontemporaries was the desire to be commemorated for posterity, both for spiritualand worldly reasons. This caused them to demand not only veracity in the narrativebut also likeness in the portraiture. The dichotomy of having tomarry luxurious dis-play with truthful representation had so continually exercised the artists of Colognethat by the end of the fifteenth century all possibilities seemed to have been explored.Yet there was one artist in the Citywho was able to fuse the opposing trends of thespiritual and the real, of courtly elegance and naturalistic description, in a personalstyle of such extraordinary character and invention that he was able to imbue latemedieval painting in Cologne with a final refreshing burst of energy. This anony-mous painter has been named the Master of Bartholomew.

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