Language Socialization and Interculturality: Address Terms and Language Maintenance in Colombian Diasporic Working Communities in London.

ID: 12620383

September 2010

MA Communication

Birkbeck College, University of London

Acknowledgements:

I would like give my thanks to Zhu Hua at Birkbeck College, University of London, for her advise during the process of this research project and to Fatma Said at Birkbeck College, University of London for her continued support. I would also like to thank my family for their guidance and all the people that gave their time to take part in this study.

ABSTRACT:

The aim of this study is to gain a wider knowledge of 'interculturality' by analysing intergenerational conflict through language socialization between first and second generation migrants in Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL) communities in London. The research has a particular focus on the Colombian Diasporic Community, investigating the manner in which first and second generation Colombian migrants use culturally appropriate address terms to access and activate membership into Colombian Diasporic working communities in London. A consequence of the trend of community membership is the initiation of a chain which encompasses both first and second generation Colombian migrants as members of these diasporic communities. Through language socialization first and second generation migrants activate social, cultural and linguistic values whereby they negotiate, construct, and renew these values and identities through communication. A key element to understanding how intergenerational conflict arises is in the identification of possible differences in socio-cultural values and language ideologies. These may, to a certain extent, be key indicators of the conflict and imposed identities that are managed between first and second generations in the wider community and diasporic working communities. In identifying these problems between first and second generation migrants, social, cultural and linguistic norms can be negotiated and renewed in order to provide better relations between first and second generation migrants within these communities.

Key words: Interculturality, Colombian diasporic community, address terms, language socialization language maintenance, Colombian diasporic working communities.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction................................................................................page 5

1.2 Rationale....page 51.3 Aims and Objectives of Study... page 71.4 Research Question..page 91.5 Research Method....page 91.6 Assumptions and Limitations.... page 101.7 Conclusion. page 11CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction....page 122.2 Latin American Diaspora in the UK. page 13 2.2.1 Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL) community in London..page 14

2.2.2 Colombian Diaspora in London. .page 15 2.2.2.1 Colombian Diasporic working community.. page 162.3 Interculturality (IC)....page 17

2.4 Language Socialization in diasporas.... page 182.5 A Colombian diasporic working community under study with address terms as an analytical focus .......page 202.6 Conclusionpage 23CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY AND METHODS

3.1 Introduction. page 243.2 Aims of Study..page 24 3.2.1 Research Questions & Hypotheses.page 26 3.2.2 Research Problem.. page 273.3 Target Sample ......page 28 3.3.1 Data Collection & Analysis....page 293.4 Research Approach...page 303.5 Conclusion.....page 31CHAPTER 4 DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF RESULTS

4.1 Introduction..page 32

4.2 Discussion of Results...page 32 4.2.1 Participant Backgrounds... page 34 4.2.2 Determinates of Inter-generational Conflict..... page35 4.2.2.1 Imposed identities and membership.... page 35 4.2.2.2 Social, cultural and language attitudes.... page 42 4.2.2.3 Language maintenance & Linguistic abilities..page 474.3 Address Terms Activating Membership.. page 504.4 Findings... page 574.5 Conclusion....... page 60CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION

5.1 Introduction. page 615.2 Summary of the research. page 615.3 Limitations of the research.. page 635.4 Future development. page 645.5 Conclusion... page 65REFERENCES.....page 66APPENDICES

Appendix A: Interview Transcripts.....page 71Appendix B: Information Sheet for Interviewees..page 129CD: All Interview Voice Recordings

Approved Ethics Form

Signed Consent Forms

TABLES AND GRAPHS

Fig.1. Table of Participants...page 34Fig.2. 1st and 2nd Generation Migrant Community Representation......page 35Fig. 3. Members of Community....page 49Fig. 4. Formal and Informal Address Terms. page 52Fig. 5.1 Option 1: Frequency of Formal & Informal Address Terms. page 54Fig. 5.2 Option 2: Frequency of Formal & Informal Address Terms.. page 54Fig. 6. Negotiated and Renewed Identities page 58CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Introduction

Migration in Britain has developed into something of a natural phenomena that many generations of migrant families and individuals have experienced and grown accustomed to over the past few decades. The increasing influx of non-Commonwealth populations with fewer historical links with the UK is currently contributing to the ever growing 'super-diversity' of London (Vertovec, 2007). Although relatively established as a migrant group in some parts of the UK, Latin Americans (LA) have not been officially recognised or classified as an ethnic group, unlike the United States where this group is prevalent and receives official recognition (Mcllwaine, 2005; Guarnizo, 2008). This oversight of Latin Americas diasporic population is not only evident in ethical demographics but also in the little information about Latin Americans and Spanish Speaking Latinos (SSLs) (Block, 2008) in Britain. Literature discussing multilingualism and Spanish in the UK is limited and originated towards Spanish nationals as opposed to SSLs. This study will examine the process of secondary language socialisation and language maintenance between different generations of SSL diasporic communities, in particular, focusing on the Colombian diasporic working community in London.

1.2 Rationale

Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL) migrants in Britain, particularly in London, are a relatively new and established community known as a 'New Migrant Population' (Kyambi, 2005). This New Migrant Population or SSL community has been gradually increasing but there have been seldom attempts to bring this burgeoning ethnolinguistic group to the attention of a wider audience (Block, 2008). At present, there have been various socio-geographical studies and reports surrounding the phenomenon of Latin American migration into Britain, of which the focus has been on the social impact migration has among Latin American families and employment in London (Mcllawaine, 2005; Miller, 1998; Cock, 2007; Bermdez Torres, 2003; Dempsey & Lema, 1998). However, we can find a rich source of information about SSLs in the United States, with various studies and reports on bilingualism, language maintenance and the effect interculturality has on these diasporic communities as individuals and within the family unit (Zhu, 2010). To a certain extent we can say that the development of culture, identity and language of these migrant communities in the US is a paradigm likely reflected within the SSL community in the UK. It is therefore important that research stays abreast of the distinction between the US and Britains migrant population, with more publications and books looking into these local ethno linguistic issues.

Nevertheless, there have been several books that underline migrant multilingualism and Spanish, however mainly looking at Spanish nationals and providing little, if any, information discussing SSLs. On the other hand, there have been several studies and reports that do focus on SSL migrants, particularly Colombians in London, such as (Bermdez Torres, 2003; Dempsey & Lema, 1998; Mcilwaine, 2005).

These studies are an important source of background information about Colombians living in London. They present a range of information about how migrants survive and negotiate social norms, culture, identity and language in London. Although, these studies present a crucial body of information, it is often not great in detail and sometimes lacks a concrete understanding of language multilingualism in migrant communities living in London.

However, there has been relevant work published on similar migrant populations such as Zhu Hua's study on Bilingualism and Multilingualism in Chinese diasporic families (2010) as well as Li s Second Generation Language Socialization and Multilingualism in Chinese Second Generation Community (2007). Parallel to these studies there have been similar articles on language socialisation practices and cultural identity in Mexican families in the US (Schecter & Bayley, 1997) and language maintenance and family relations of Chinese immigrant children living in Australia (Tonnenbaum & Howie, 2002).

These articles although not directly related to the SSL diasporic community are an invaluable source of background information about how migrant communities learn to assimilate, negotiate and understand renewed forms of socio-cultural values, identities and communication in their new country of residence. The issues that are looked at in this research will allow me to explore and consider the varying attitudes and forms that suggest how migrants build, maintain and practice their relationships in an intercultural context both at home and at work.

1.3 Aims and Objectives of Study:

The principle aim of this study is to examine the subject of 'interculturality' and 'diaspora', focusing on the process of secondary language socialisation among Colombian diasporic working communities in London.

The primary objective of this dissertation is to examine and analyse the methods employed by first and second generation Colombian migrants seeking to gain access to SSL communities which may bolster their employment opportunities and relations by providing links to employers. The study will also focuses on the use of specific contextual cues such as address terms; in addition to social, cultural and linguistic remarks given by participants. The remarks highlight whether the differing attitudes towards language, culture and identity affects relations between first and second generation Colombian migrants. Additionally, the project findings demonstrate that although being an SSL, be it first or second generation helps one gain access to a community, it does not necessarily improve relations and employment opportunities within the wider context of SSL communities across London and the UK.

In order to build successful links and relations within the SSL communities, both first and second generation migrants must learn to negotiate and understand renewed forms of socio-cultural values, identities and communication in their new country of residence. Key to this is secondary language socialisation (Lam, 2004) which enables an outsider to gain and activate membership to specific social groups. It also initiates a process of belonging whereby the outsider becomes a member (e.g. part of a Colombian diasporic working community), and who can in turn can bestow membership upon a newcomer. The process of secondary language socialisation in order to gain membership to communities initiates a self perpetuating chain involving both migrants and second generation Latin Americans.

Here we analyse the strategies used to create and maintain social relations inside and outside work which as a result will assist us to put forward a socio-linguistic strategy to be used in minimising conflicting attitudes and problems between different generations of Colombians that work or socialise together.

1.4 Research Question

As mentioned above the study aims to understand the concept of interculturality and the process of secondary language socialization and language maintenance between different generations of Latin American diasporic working communities. The study focuses on address terms and commentary made by the participants in relation to their attitudes towards social, cultural and linguistic norms in intergenerational communication and behaviour between members of Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL) communities (Block, 2008), particularly focusing on Colombian diasporic working communities in London.

This study will aim to answer the following questions:

1.Do the differences in social, cultural and language ideologies of first and second generation Colombian migrants, affect work-related relationships and membership in the community? If so, how are their cultural, social and linguistic norms negotiated?

2.How are relevant contextual cues such as address terms used to activate the membership and common cultural and ethnic backgrounds of interactants and interlocutors in order to gain access to the Colombian diasporic working community?

1.5 Research Method

The study is based on a qualitative approach since this seems to be the most appropriate choice for achieving the key aims of the current study. A qualitative approach can be properly classified or associated with the collection, analysis, interpretation, and presentation of narrative information which is essentially the approach that was taken when conducting the research. On the other hand, a qualitative approach allows us to discover patters, themes and categories in our data, as opposed to deductive analysis where data is analysed according to an existing framework. As a result, these differences in research objectives influence the way qualitative research generates research questions (Teddlie & Tashakkori, 2009). In addition, it is crucial that this study be as flexible as possible and that a conservatively small number of participants be used because of the in-depth and valuable information they could provide related to the research questions that where under investigation.

1.6 Assumptions and Limitations

There are several limitations that apply to this study. First, the study makes use of a small sample size, limited to a specific socio-economic group in full-time work and all of whom were twenty years of age or above. Therefore, it is not possible to claim that the sample of this study is representative of all Latin American migrants in London and the UK in how it relates to the findings in this project.

The second limitation of this research is the varying lengths each participant used in answering the interview questions. Although all interviews were originally calculated at 45 minutes long, some of the interviews took more or less time than was planned. Some participants elaborated more on certain points leading to interesting discoveries and new information that was used in the research.

1.7 Conclusion

This project consists of five chapters, the first of which shows the area of interest and outlines the problem and research question of the study. The research questions, the aims of the study and objectives are presented and the study's limitations and the selected methodology are briefly discussed.

The second chapter reviews literature on interculturality, diaspora, secondary language socialization and background information about SSLs, particularly Colombians living in London. Additionally, the literature review will discuss how both first and second generation migrants use address terms in order to activate community membership and similar cultural, social and linguistic attitudes. Chapter 3 discusses the methodological approach and the approach used for the collection of data as well as the fieldwork limitations. The fourth chapter presents the findings of the research, using both research material and data collected to answer the questions presented in the first chapter. It presents a thorough discussion of the results in response to the research questions. This discussion will analyse the validity of the research hypotheses and will finally be presented in the research findings. The fifth chapter is the conclusion to the research and presents our recommendations for further study in this area of research.

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

This chapter reviews the existing literature on the Colombian diaspora in London, focusing on language socialisation and interculturality. This section will include literature on secondary language socialisation and address terms used in Colombian diasporic working communities in London. The study will aim to present the growth in importance of Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL) communities in recent years with various publications and reports focussing on Colombians in London (Bermdez Torres, 2003; Block, 2008; Dempsey & Lema, 1998; Mcilwaine, 2005). However, this migrant population has yet to be well documented in comparison to other migrant populations in Britain. SSL migrants in London are an under-studied group (Carlisle, 2006), with few in-depth studies on multilingualism and language socialisation published on this growing migrant group. A small part of this literature focuses explicitly on the migration process of Latin Americans in London, examining the manner in which they negotiate, construct and renew their socio-cultural values and identities outside and within their communities. However, the majority of studies discussed focus on the influence of interculturality on the shift in new social and cultural identities for different generations of Colombian diasporic working communities. With regards to this, the review will discuss the process of language socialisation through which first and second generations part of a Colombian diasporic working community negotiate, construct and renew their socio-cultural values and identities through interaction. Part of the review will additionally discuss address terms looking at how important they are at activating membership as well as initiating common socio-cultural values, identities and culture in the wider community. This review will begin with some background information detailing the Latin American diaspora in the UK, which will lead onto more information on the SSL community and specifically looking into the Colombian diaspora in London. As was mentioned previously the review will look into interculturality, language socialisation and address terms, and part of the review will include a small part discussing language maintenance within the Colombian diasporic community.

2.2 Latin American Diaspora in the UK

Latin American migrants in the UK, particularly in London are a relatively new and established group compared to other longer established migrant groups which hold previous links with the UK such as those who arrived from countries of the former British Empire (Kyambi, 2005; Vertovec, 2007). The Latin American diasporic community in the UK started to form itself in the late 1970s, at the time arriving with work permits for domestic cleaning and catering jobs (Decho and Diamond, 1998). Although the work permit system had been abolished by the early 1980s, Latin American communities, particularly the Colombian community, continued to grow its migrant community arriving as economic and political migrants (Bermudez Torres, 2003). There are a number of studies that identify the various economic and social practices that these migrants have created in order to survive, advert risk and establish themselves in London such as (Dempsey & Lema, 1998; Bermdez -Torres, 2003; Mcilwaine et al, 2006; Guarnizo, 2006). As a result of these studies, it is possible to examine the changes in cultural dynamics and values, Zhu (2010) suggest diaspora as one of the most suitable platforms for addressing the cultural and social changes of these diasporic communities. It is equally important to underline the influence Spanish has on the identity of Colombian migrants. Spanish is often used as the lingua franca of most Spanish Speaking Latinos migrants (Block, 2008) and plays an influential role in the representation of their community and their social and cultural values.

2.2.1 Spanish Speaking Latino (SSL) community in London

While it is difficult to present an exact figure for the population of the SSL community currently residing in London, there is evidence to suggest that the Colombian diasporic community is the largest of all SSL communities present in London (Block, 2008). As one of the biggest and most influential diasporic SSL communities, the Colombian community has seen growth in unprecedented levels due to the socio-political situation in Colombia. A problem that escalated in the 1980s as an effect of the civil war and the increase in violence due to the drugs war (Pellegrino, 2004). However, SSLs still face problems when migrating as the upheaval has a significant effect on the individuals and the family and group dynamics (Alba & Nee, 2003). SSL migrants are likely to attempt to build and sustain multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and their place of settlement. Through this inherent need to maintain their identity, culture and values, diasporic communities sometimes try to preserve and maintain traditional values and beliefs from their place of origin, often rejecting changes taking place in their countries of origin as an effect of globalisation. Simultaneously there are other migrants that embrace change and develop new identities for themselves in their new place of settlement (Mcllwaine, 2005). For example, in Blocks study of SSLs in London (2008), all participants were asked to give an example of the context in which they would use Spanish or English. Most participants stated that English was necessary in order to better themselves both in employment and in order to access different social groups and communities. Despite this explicit reflection on the importance of English, most participants stated that they spent most of their time speaking in Spanish; however one very interesting point that was made was the desire for Colombians in London to preserve Spanish and even to persuade others to speak it.

2.2.2 Colombian Diaspora in London

The preservation of identity, culture and values within the Colombian diasporic community has had a multitude of effects on the wider community (Mcllwaine et al, 2006) There are conflicting opinions and tensions between different generations and, much like second generation migrants there is substantial amount criticism aimed at first generation migrants that change and develop new identities for themselves. Many of the second generation migrants are exposed to their parents cultural values and practices which produces complex problems between trying to develop their own identities and coping with family disintegration (Mcllwaine et al, 2006; Guarnizo, 2008; Block, 2006). Studies have shown that the degree of discrepancies in migrant families increases with the number of years of residence in a foreign country (Zhu, 2010). Mcllwaine (2007) presents a variety of causes and effects that influence problems and family disintegration; these include loss of identity and lack of values. This conflict that arises between first and second generation migrants or immigrant families may be down to their uncompromising attitude to accepting inter-generational differences. Normally in immigrant groups greater respect is demanded and obedience to authority, therefore inter-generational differences may cause conflict between different generations (Phinney et al, 2000).

Language is a recurring theme that is considered both problematic and invaluable to immigrants. Most tension between diasporic communities and the local communities are due to differences in language ideology Silvertein (1979, p.193) explains language ideology as 'sets of beliefs about the language articulated by users as rationalization or justification of perceived language structure and use'. This reflects the speakers views about socio-cultural values of different languages (Zhu, 2010).

The degree of social contact with specific communities and social groups may affect the level of understanding a migrant has of local language ideologies (Kroskrity, 2004). According to Zhu Hua (2008) socio-cultural values of different languages may differ between generations. For example, British-born migrants may consider English as a 'we-code' and therefore prefer it to their parents language. On the other hand, many adult immigrants from East and South Asia in the UK identify English as a 'they-code' (Gumperz, 1982) and prefer to use their native languages (e.g. Cantonese, Urdu) for family interaction. The discrepancies in the language abilities of different generations of diasporic communities are another interesting factor. Second generation migrants, especially younger children, have the ability to learn languages faster and more consistently than the older or first generation migrants (Wong-Filmore, 1991). As a result of the different language ideologies and challenges both first and second generation migrants face in maintaining their communities ethnic language, conflict and tensions may arise on how, when and to what extent each language is used (Schecter, & Bayley, 1997; Zhu, 2008)

2.2.2.1 Colombian Diasporic working community

The Colombian diasporic community in London can be identified by various social, cultural and linguistic forms that unite and represent them in London. Music, dance and retail that have their roots in Colombian culture are some of the few divisions that form the Colombian diasporic community. However, immigrants socio-cultural and linguistic norms are rarely negotiated in these community spaces. Family and work contexts are perhaps the most useful to better understand how members of diasporic communities negotiate and renew their own social, cultural and linguistic norms with those in their places of settlement Diasporic workers in this project are considered as an example of communities of practice defined as, ' a group of people who, united by common enterprises, develop and share ways of doing things, ways of talking, beliefs and values in short, practices' (Zhu, 2010; Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 1999). The concept of community of practice allows us to examine the ways in which individuals access and activate their membership in the diasporic working community through the process of language socialisation - particularly focusing on the attitudes and beliefs of second generation (younger) migrants have towards social, cultural and linguistic norms of a community and looking at how they construct their own social and cultural identities.

2.3 Interculturality (IC)

Interculturality (IC) has become a popular notion used across various different areas of research such as sociology and language teaching (Nishizaka 1995, 1999; Mori 2003; Zhu, 2010). It is important to make a clear distinction as to how this notion will be utilized in the study. For instance, this study makes some key assumptions about intercultural conversation, which includes: 1) showing that interculturality is not always achieved when communicating with interlocutors from different countries who have different first languages this can occur between members of the same community, who speak the same language; 2) demonstrating how knowledge of a culture and its values can be claimed by 'non-members' of a community; 3) showing that although someone has presumed knowledge of a culture and its values, the interlocutor can choose not to enact their membership in a community even if they are criticised (Zimmerman, 2007).

The assumptions above look at interculturality in a different light to its widely established traditional interpretation and approach (Hofstede, 1980; Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner, 2004). The conventional approach looks at participants that come from different cultures as simply 'being' different and these cultural differences influence interlocutors' communication strategies. These differences result in intercultural miscommunication (Shi, 2006). This particular approach to interculturality fails to treat culture as a dynamic process that can be activated and used as a means of achieving a specific goals in discourse and interaction (Scollon & Scollon, 2001). Various studies have taken this paradigm of interculturality and have emphasised the developing 'inter' features of communication, treating cultural differences as an active and progressive process that can be viewed in distinct ways ( Mori, 2003; Higgins, 2007a, Zimmerman, 2007; Axelson, 2007). For instance, Higgins (2007b) argues that cultural differences only arise if they are relevant to a particular situation and that culture and ethical identities are fluid concepts. In fact studies have shown that cultural differences are not always relevant to misunderstandings in conversation. Interculturality can also be a source of friendship and understanding (Higgins, 2007b), however it can also have a negative impact on participants and prevent them from learning about each other (Axelson, 2007).

In order to better understand how participants' cultural and ethnic identities are made salient in conversation, the study will examine the use of specific contextual cues, such as formal and informal address terms. These address terms signal and inform participants of each other's chosen categories of membership and also activate important social, cultural and contextual factors such as status, age, gender, familiarity and intimacy (Mori, 2007).

2.4 Language Socialization in diasporas

Members of a community become socialised into community-specific ways of using language (Bequedano-Lopez & Kattan, 2007) and to a certain extent learn to speak and use the language in a way applicable to that community, and adjust to the beliefs and norms associated with speaking a language (Zhu, 2010). Numerous language socialisation studies (e.g.,Baquedano-Lopez, 2001; Heath, 1983; Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986; Scollon & Scollon, 1981; Valdez, 1996) suggest that communication between generations of speakers in diasporic communities, have indicated that language learning is intrinsically linked to the construction of social roles, cultural affiliations, beliefs, values, and practices among participants in a community. Schieffelin & Ochs (1998 & Schieffelin, 2001) state that the process of language socialization and acquisition are integrated; and that language acts as a tool to initiate the individual into the cultural and social practices of a community, whereby the knowledge of using a language is part of acquiring social competence in that community. As a result of the differences in social and cultural knowledge and even language ideology and linguistic abilities between generations of diasporic families how are cultural and social norms negotiated? This study will explore examples of language socialisation in Colombian diasporic working communities in London and we will argue that the process of language socialisation leads to the construction of interculturality.

Language socialisation plays an important role in the construction of identity within a family, colleagues or community. Studies by (Heath, 1983; Schieffelin & Ochs, 1986; Scollon & Scollon, 1981; Valdez, 1996) suggest that children of migrants and minority children are socialised and guided to adopt different sets of language behaviours that pre-dispose them to adapt to society. Gee (1996) suggests that discourses are not acquired by explicit instruction, but by enculturation into social practices through teaching and supported interaction from parents and other adults and individuals who have a strong understanding of the discourse. While socialisation can result in societal reproduction it can represent societal change through (re)interpretation (Corsaro, 1997). Therefore during the process of language socialisation a child can take on an active and creative social role which allows them to produce, construct and negotiate the identities which have been constructed by others around them. In turn this influences and challenges the identities of those with whom they are socialising. The forms in which these identities can been seen include the use of grammatical, lexical and phonological resources (Ochs & Schieffelin, 1995), codeswitching (Williams, 2005; Zhu, 2008) and TSCLP 'talk about social, cultural and linguistic practices.' (Zhu, 2008).

2.5 A Colombian diasporic working community under study with address terms as an analytical focus

The Colombian diasporic workers that will be studied are based in London. As part of the Latin American community in the UK (Bermdez Torres, 2003), Colombians have the largest population of SSL in the UK. Spanish is widely used throughout the community and has been known to have been used as a lingua franca when communicating with Portuguese, Brazilians and some Western Africans within the Colombian community and spaces (Mcllwaine, 2007). Colombian immigration has seen a steady increase in recent years since the early nineties (Mcllwaine, 2005), with many migrants arriving as economic and political migrants as well as the growing student population. In the Colombian community Spanish is said to have prevalence in the households, work and even in spaces of retail that are Colombian or Latin American influenced (Guarnizo, 2008). Colombians and SSLs are known for taking low-paid jobs usually working in the domestic cleaning services, hotel and catering (Guarnizo, 2008). Many Colombian immigrants have had professional positions, businesses and well-paid jobs in their native country, however due to the ongoing civil war and tough economic climate many have resorted to migration.

All of the participants in this study have a high proficiency in Spanish; they are a group of first generation and second generation migrants. Most of the second generation migrants have worked or are currently employed in the domestic cleaning sector where they interact with first generation migrants in Spanish. The use of address terms, including pronouns, proper nouns, kinship terms and status terms play an important part in the creation and maintenance of social relations at work where both first and second generation migrants socialise on a daily basis (Mhlhusler & Harr, 1990). In Colombian culture communication is very open but at the same time includes a lot respect (Muhlhusler & Harr, 1990). Respect, openness and social relationships are considered very important in Colombian societies. They bring people together and maintain close relationship; therefore address terms are one of the best resources to look at in order to examine the inter-relationship between language and social relations.

There have been various studies that look into the use of address terms in Spanish, particularly looking into the socio-cultural functions as well varieties in usage (Moles, 1974; Mhlhusler & Harr, 1990). These studies indicate that the use of specific forms of address terms is based on the roles, status, degree of intimacy in other words confianza (confidence), age, gender and situational contexts. This 'confianza' points to establishing close and distant relationships as well as the maintenance of social and age hierarchy which help to develop and maintain relationships.

SSLs adopt a number of forms of address in order to activate social and cultural identities as well as friendship and respect. For second generation migrants this knowledge is limited compared to native speakers of Spanish. However, studies show that second generation immigrants do have a variety of tools that are used in order to activate their ethnic identities (Zhu, 2010). This is beginning to take form in popular culture and often clashes with what they have been taught by their parents.

Studies (Hughes, 2005) show that Spanish is predominately used at work, home and in social occasions. For second generation Colombian migrants the use of language is negotiated depending on the situational context. At work second generation Colombian migrants tend to use Spanish in order to communicate with each other; however, this is only used in order to activate identity and cultural membership. For second generation migrants that look for work and access job channels through the Colombian diasporic working community, many fail to add openness and respect into their initiation and approach for looking into jobs. Many second generation migrants tend to resort to using parents or parents of friends to help them find jobs due to their low confidence in their use of Spanish and in communicating with first generation migrants. This low confidence and tension in language use translates itself into the workplace causing communication problems and conflict with first generation Colombians that do not speak English (Mcilwaine, 2005) This study intends to discover common problems between first and second generation migrant communication as well as differences in the use of address terms.

There has been a considerable amount of sociolinguistic studies concerning address terms. Brown and Gilman's (1960) pronominal address framework outlines the influence specific address terms have on power and solidarity. Other studies such as those of Brown and Ford (1964) and Hymes (1967) examine social structures and social distance in communication. On the other hand, Pride (1971) and Moles (1974) investigate formal and informal terms of address as well as culturally influenced forms of address such as confianza (confidence) and respeto (respect). These concepts support the view that address terms can help to negotiate, construct and renew identities and socio-cultural beliefs in diasporic communities (Zhu, 2010).

2.6 Conclusion

The study will go on to use the concepts of language socialisation and address terms in order to determine how first and second generation migrants access and activate the Colombian diasporic community in London. The study will then go on to find the determinants behind the tension that presents itself between first and second generation migrants at work. The Colombian diasporic community will be analysed as a community of practice where both first and second generation migrants socialise, access and activate their community membership. The differences between first and second generation migrants will be considered based on their attitudes and beliefs towards language, cultural and social norms as well as the ways in which they utilise address terms to socialise within the community.

CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY AND METHODS

3.1 Introduction

In this chapter I will present the study's selected research methodology. The methodology selected in this study will be one that is most suitable for the type of research analysis and findings I will intend to achieve. This chapter will review the purpose of the study, present the research questions and hypotheses, discuss the data analysis and data collection methods and the limitations of the research.

3.2 Aims of Study

The purpose of the study is to examine the process of language socialization between both first and second generation migrants in SSL (Spanish Speaking Latino) communities, particularly focusing on the Colombian diasporic working community in London. The motivation behind carrying out the research on this particular community is based on two crucial points that are intrinsically linked to one another. The first is to determine how both first and second generation Colombian migrants gain access to these communities of practice and how they activate membership through their knowledge of the social, cultural and linguistic devices used in the community. In turn, this information will allow me to evaluate and identify the differences and similarities in the social, cultural and linguistic forms used by both generations to access the community. The second part of the study will set out to determine the social, cultural and linguistic differences that exist between first and second generation Colombians that either have contact or are currently actively involved in the Colombian diasporic working community in London.

The study will examine the manners in which first and second generation Colombian migrants negotiate and learn to understand renewed forms of socio-cultural values, linguistic abilities and identity. Above all the purpose of the study is to demonstrate how differences between first and second generation migrants affect their relationships in the community and cause inter-generational conflict at work due to their different language ideologies, beliefs and values. In order to achieve this, it was important to review literature on language socialization, inter-generational communication in diasporic communities, intercultural communication and address terms. With this background information the study could determine whether tensions or conflict exist between first and second generation Colombian migrants in the community based on their generational differences in language ideology, culture and social awareness. Using address terms and pronominal forms in the study could determine each generational group and individual's linguistic competence and knowledge of the social and cultural norms of language that trigger common identities in conversation. This is of course an important feature that will help identify where tensions arise because of their differences as well as what their similarities in language use and linguistic ability are, it will shed light on the migrants knowledge of the community's social and cultural norms. These important points that have been raised should provide the study with the key determinants that cause inter-generational conflict in the Colombian diasporic working community.

Based on the above, several factors call for a constructivist approach to the current research, which will include elements of qualitative research methods. As this is a fairly complex issue the study will be evaluating and analysing the attitudes and opinions of the participants.

3.2.1 Research Questions & Hypotheses

This study intends to answer the following questions in order to prove two hypotheses.

1.Do the differences in social, cultural and language ideologies of first and second generation Colombian migrants affect work-related relationships and membership in the community? If so, how are their cultural, social and linguistic norms negotiated?

2.How are relevant contextual cues such as address terms used to activate the membership and common cultural and ethnic backgrounds of interactants/interlocutors in order to gain access to the Colombian diasporic working community?

H1: In order to enhance employment opportunities and build a support network, Colombian migrants in London must utilise culturally specific address terms and modality in their communication to gain access of existing Spanish-Speaking Latino (SSL) communities.

H2: It is possible that an increased understanding of interculturality and language socialization among the Latin American community in London could lead to improved opportunities for both Spanish-Speaking Latino (SSL) migrants and second generation Latin Americans to pursue higher education and develop new attitudes towards employment and positive work habits.

3.2.2 Research Problem

The study analyses how first and second generation migrants gain and activate membership in Spanish-Speaking Latino communities, particularly the Colombian diasporic working community. The problem that arises is the tension and conflict that often occurs in inter-generational communication. Different beliefs, values and cultural ideologies all influence the ways in which first and second generation migrants identify themselves and impose identities on one another. To understand where these differences present themselves it is important to look into the process of language socialisation through the use of address terms, pronominal uses and language ideology. These linguistic forms are greatly influenced by cultural and social aspects of a language. Depending on how these forms are used and manipulated by an individual, one could determine the individual's social, cultural and linguistic competence of the language they are socialized by. It is therefore important to understand the significance social, cultural and linguistic forms have on the competence of certain groups and individuals involved with interacting with the Colombia diasporic community

As the SSL migrant population grows in London, more second generation migrants follow their parents work dynamics. Generally working in low-paid jobs with poor working conditions they are faced with the challenging task of having to adapt their beliefs and values to one that closely resembles that of their parents. This places substantial pressure and tension on second generation individuals when they interact with second generation work colleagues and share ideas, attitudes and beliefs. There is of course a level of competence that each second generation individual posses and acquires throughout their lives which can affect how they communicate and behave around first generation migrants. However, there are also problems that exist with the first generation group in the form of their aspirations and plans for their children. Very few conform to the British way of living, instead they enact and maintain their existing identity in society, passing on their beliefs, values and desires. When confronted with a nuanced identity of themselves through their children or other second generation migrants tensions arise as a consequence of their reformed identities, skewed concepts of their social and cultural beliefs, as well as their linguistic abilities to communicate in a culturally driven way.

This is a problem that exists within the wider Colombian diasporic community, therefore this study will look into finding ways in which both first and second generation migrants can learn to negotiate and renew their imposed identities in order to attain a more harmonious relationships. There are major developments that can take place within the community, in the sense that there could be more opportunities for both generations to strengthen the community by working together and developing affiliations both nationally and internationally with SSLs and Colombians abroad.

3.3 Target Sample

Sampling was achieved by targeting two specific groups which consisted of a split between first and second generation Colombian migrants living in London. The sample population included five first and three second generation Colombian migrants. The selected sample group were all involved with the Colombian diasporic community either through family or work; this was especially important for analysing the relationships between how first and second generation migrants at work. The sample group was over twenty years of age and either in part-time or full-time employment. The majority of participants were working in the domestic cleaning services job sector.

It was essential to keep the study as flexible as possible and to select a conservatively small number of people because of the possible valuable information they could provide related to the research questions under examination.

Accessing the sample was challenging and time consuming. I employed the snowballing technique to identify specific individuals able to answer the questions I had devised for the study. Although this method of sampling may not have been as efficient as others, it was cost-effective and lead to quality participants who were believed to best suit the scale and relevance of my research.

I had access to a wide variety of migrants, ranging from Latin American charities through to domestic cleaning contractor companies. For reasons of validity and reliability of data all samples that were accessed were examined on the appropriateness of each individual and their compatibility for the research requirements. Once the sample group was selected I decided to build a slightly more informal relationship with the participants as there may have been initial trust issues and lack of understanding of the research. In this manner I could guarantee the reliability and authenticity of the information that was provided. Building the relationships with the participants was crucial in understanding their story and for them to be interested in the research before they agreed to sign the ethics form and participate in the interviews.

3.3.1 Data Collection & Analysis

Once the reliability and validity of participants from the selected sample group was finally approved, they were individually briefed and asked to attend an individual interview. Each participant took part in an in-depth individual interview, which consisted of open and close-ended questions surrounding their attitudes and opinions about culture, society, work, language, inter-generational relationships and discourse markers such as forms of address used to communicate within the community as either a first or second generation Colombian migrant.

All interviews were conducted at each of the participant's households except for two interviews which took place near to the participant's place of employment. Due to the time restrictions and restricted size of sample two individual interviews which took place simultaneously. As I was interviewing only two participants at the time it was not difficult to manage, distribute and coordinate the questions and answers.

After all the interviews were completed and recorded (voice) they were transcribed. All of the first generation interviews were conducted in Spanish and the second generation interviews were conducted in English. After the interviews were transcribed they were translated into English. The data was analysed annotating key points and a small section of data from the transcripts was analysed using SPSS statistical software in order to quantify the data more effectively in manageable sections.

3.4 Research Approach

The research approach that was chosen played a fundamental role in the design and presented the various approaches in which it could contribute or limit the study.

Following the purpose and nature of questions in the study I decided to follow the inductive approach. This approach will allow the study to describe, understand and explain the complex phenomenon of the Colombian diasporic community in London. The phenomenon of the Colombian diasporic community in the UK has had little literature published, nevertheless, there have been some studies that examine into this area (Block, 2008; Mcllwaine, 2005).

The qualitative approach will allow me to gain a deeper understanding of the topic and can be ideal in the collection, analysis, interpretation, and presentation of narrative information. Additionally, this type of analysis will allow me to discover patters, themes and categories in data, as opposed to deductive analysis where data is analysed according to an existing framework.

3.5 Conclusion

In order to effectively answer the proposed research questions and access a richer source of data the study will use a qualitative approach. Using this approach will benefit the study due to the size of the sample and the type of data that will be collected.. The research will look at eight participants and interview them in either Spanish or English based on their preference. The interviews aim to understand the differences in attitudes and beliefs that exist between first and second generation migrants in the Colombian diasporic community.

CHAPTER 4 DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF RESULTS

4.1 Introduction

This chapter presents a summary of the findings, followed by a discussion of the results as related to the questions and hypotheses of the study.

The results of this study are based on a qualitative analysis of the attitudes of both first and second generation Colombian diasporic worker's attitudes towards social, cultural and linguistic practices in the Colombian community. The results are further based on the working and social relationships between first and second generation working migrants in the context of a Colombian diasporic working community. In addition to from commentary and interviews with both first and second generation Colombian migrants, this study will look at the differences in the strategies employed to initiate and maintain relationships through the use of culturally specific address terms. In order to find the social, cultural and linguistic competencies of the second generation Colombians, data on address terms was collected and analysed against the address terms data of first generation Colombians. I looked at how confianza (confidence) affect the use of formal and informal address terms and how this indicates familiarity and knowledge of the community norms and language.

4.2 Discussion of Results

The interviews that were carried out in this study were all based on individuals. Due to the type of method that was employed in this study most of the participants where sampled through snowballing techniques. The aim of the study was to conduct six to eight in-depth individual interviews which would include two second-generation Colombian migrants and four to six first generation Colombian migrants. Initially, it was proposed that the study include a focus group of two second generation and two first generation Colombian migrants, but this was re-evaluated and changed, a pilot study the validity of the responses lacked quality and legitimacy. This was partly due to the restricted freedom participants had to freely express real opinions about each other's habits. Based on this discovery, it was decided that in order to keep the validity and flexibility of the study, interviews would only be carried out on individuals.

The participants involved in the interviews were appropriate for the study as they all had knowledge of the Spanish Speaking Latino community in London and were members of the Colombian diasporic working community in London. All participants had previous experience working with or working for Colombian migrants in the domestic cleaning sector, except Jorge who despite this displayed a considerable amount of knowledge about the community. At the time of the study more than half of the participants were working in the domestic cleaning sector, which was crucial in order to understand the current situation of the diasporic working community in question. Most interviews where conducted in the respondents home except for two interviews that took place in the place of employment of two first-generation Colombian migrants. An hour of interview time was set aside for each interview and all interviews ended before the hour except for one interview with a first generation Colombian migrant which lasted longer than the set time. However, in this case it was important to keep the interview flexible as a lot of important information was being extracted and discussed for the benefit of the study.

A total of eight individual interviews where completed in the space of two weeks. Three were conducted in the first week and five in the following week. All respondents took part in the interviews as individuals on a one to one basis, answering all the questions and pro-actively participated in the study through their responses and extra information.

4.2.1 Participant Backgrounds

Of the participants that were included in the study six were working in the domestic cleaning sector. The other two participants one worked as a chef and the other as an Account Manager. The six participants working in cleaning included four first generation Colombian migrants; Alexandra, Eddy, Hector and Fabio and two second generation Colombian migrants Milton and Toni. Jorge a second generation Colombian migrant, worked for a medium size firm as an Account Manager and Oscar, a first generation migrant worked as a Head Chef at a London restaurant. All second generation migrants were born in the UK, worked and had studied up to at least college level.

Fig. 1 (below) displays a table with the participants' demographic information, including the type of membership they considered themselves to have within the Colombian diasporic community.

Name AgeGeneration TypeOccupationCommunityType

Alexandra

34First Generation MigrantCleanerOut-Community

Eddy55First Generation MigrantCleanerIn-Community

Jorge24Second Generation MigrantAccount ManagerOut-Community

Hector33First Generation MigrantCleanerIn-Community

Fabio46First Generation MigrantCleanerIn-Community

Milton20Second Generation MigrantCleanerOut-Community

Oscar53First Generation MigrantChefOther

Toni21Second Generation MigrantCleanerIn-Community

Fig.1. Table of ParticipantsFig.2. 1st and 2nd Generation Migrant Community Representation

Fig. 2 demonstrates that half of the participant's did not consider themselves to be active participants of the community, and the other 50 percent felt that they played an active role in the community. Of the first generation migrants two migrants did not consider themselves as playing an active role in the community, whereas the other half did consider themselves to be part of the community. Of the second generation migrants only one participant considered himself to be part of the community whereas the other two participants did not feel they played an active part in the community. This demographic information was crucial in measuring the participant's attitudes to social, cultural and linguistic attitudes as well as identifying how they perceive their own identity and others in and outside the community. A review of the transcripts showed that there was a relationship between the 'Type of Community Membership' and the social, cultural and linguistic attitudes displayed towards the wider community.

4.2.2 Determinates of Inter-generational Conflict

The study tested the following determinants of inter-generational conflict, all of which were reviewed in the literature review. These determinants are:

Imposed identities and membership

Contrasting social, cultural and language attitudes

Attitudes towards language maintenance and linguistic abilities

4.2.2.1 Imposed identities and membership

In all eight interviews that were conducted I found that the participants imposed identities on themselves and others within the Colombian diasporic community. All participants had different attitudes and beliefs concerning identity and membership which generally involved a lot of confusion, acceptance and rejection between first and second generation migrants.

In the first section of the interview I asked the participants to explain whether they considered themselves to be active members of the Colombian diasporic community in London or not and what it meant to be part of that community. This data illustrates that although there are more second generation migrants distancing themselves from the community there are still cases of first generation migrants that decide to leave the community.

Alexandra considers herself as a first generation migrant that has isolated herself from the SSL community. She states that:

Before I very much liked staying in contact (with the SSL community) because I felt very lonely and I was in need but after seeing that there was not much help offered, well little by little I started leaving.

Pues antediormente me gustaba mucho estar en contacto porque me sentia muy sola y necesitaba, pero al ver que uno no encuentra como mucha ayuda pues yo me fui alejando poco a poco.

Alexandra demonstrates that she initially found comfort and support with the community as she identified more with the language and the cultural and social norms they managed. She describes how some people's attitudes and personalities change when they leave their native countries. According to Alexandra it is hard to find people that are consistently willing to help others in need. From Alexandra's testimony it is evident that in diasporic communities migrants rely on their fellow members for help but once there is rejection they find new means of support outside the community. Normally this widens the gap between themselves and their regular contact with the community.

As well as changing attitudes and personalities Hector states that there is a lack of trust surrounding the community. These trust issues cause many first and second generation migrants to leave their communities and look for different relationships and contacts outside. Oscar mentions that in some cases Colombian migrants who have spent some time in the UK start to reject their own culture and identify more with British practices. They start to behave, emulate and form identities and personalities that fit into the society and culture. Oscar states:

...they are ashamed to show that they are Colombian, well because Colombians have a bad reputation throughout the world as drug dealers and stuff, so many are ashamed of speaking their language so they speak in English...they start to act like the English, going to restaurants like the English, they go to the theatre like the English, their friends are English, they don't mix with Colombians so they go on to form a different identity... they start enculturating themselves in a new society...

...le da pene que sepan que es colombiano por que pues el Colombiano tiene una mala fama de todo mundo de narcotraficante y de todo esas cosas, entonces muchos les da pena hablar en el idioma uno entonces hablan en ingles...Empiezan a comportarsen como los ingleses, a ir a restaurantes como los ingleses, van al teatro como los ingleses, las amistades son inglesas, no se rozan no se mesclan con Colombianos entonces van creando como una identidad diferente... se van como culturisando en una sociedad... totalmente diferente.

Oscar clearly criticises those Colombians that decide to leave the community but most of all those that reject their own social, cultural and linguistic backgrounds in the way he has mentioned above. Oscar believes that in order to progress and develop in life, there is no need to abandon your identity: he believes that trying to mimic a new foreign indentity is troublesome.

In contrast, Eddy believes that he has experienced a change in his identity as a result of migrating to the UK. He states that he has learned to be more objective about situations and respect both adults and the younger generations. While these changes to Eddy's identity may not seem immediately obvious as changes to his cultural ideologies, respecting and listening to the younger generations is not as common in Colombia as it is in the UK. Due to the high emphasis that is placed on respect and obedience to elders in Colombia and Latin American countries a large amount of problems arise when migrants confront their parents with different social, cultural and language ideologies. This problem projects itself in work situations when first and second generation migrants interact and work with each other. Most of the first generation participants display a mixture of confusion, acceptance and rejection when talking about second generation migrants. However, in examining the second generation migrant's opinions of whether they feel they have preserved their parents socio-cultural values and identity, they appear much clearer about their relationships with first generation migrants. When asked whether migrating has an impact on individuals and the family, Jorge responds:

I think the second generation person becomes a lot different... they become more westernised...and you can definitely see a difference between the two groups... between the second generation Colombian people and the migrants themselves.

When asked whether he felt he preserved his parents beliefs and cultural values Jorge responded that although he had kept some of his parents values he had also developed his own. Milton supports Jorge's view, stating that:

...the society I've grown up in hasn't made me the person my parents want me to be... probably, and I've got a different attitude.... and I tend to speak more English because I'm use to that with my brothers.

To add to the statement above Toni, also a second generation migrant, expresses his belief that there is tension that between 1st and 2nd generation migrants. He adds that first generation migrants see the 2nd generation different because they dress and speak differently.

Oscar believes that there are major cultural differences between first and second generation migrants despite their shared heritage. He adds that many of the key elements that form the key elements that form the identities of Colombians are different to those that second generation migrants manage. Oscar identifies signs of rejection and confusion:

...the culture that they manage, the language that they use is different to our own, so that makes us different, but in no moment do we reject them as Colombians... there's were the question lies... that rejection, exists in the little knowledge of the language and our culture...that is what makes the native Colombian feel a little reserved with the someone that is from here.

...la cultura que ellos manejan nuestra, el lenguaje que ellos manejen nuestro es diferente al nuestro, entonces eso nos hace diferentes, pero en ningun momento nosotros los rechazamos como Colombianos... alli esta la cuestion...ese rechazo esta, es en el poco conosimiento del idioma y de la cultura nuestra...eso es lo que hace que el Colombiano nato se sienta un poquito prevenido con al que a estado aqui.

Furthermore, Oscar believes that second generation migrants have a different culture that is mainly linked to music, fashion and movie stars and has little to do with Colombian culture. Eddy agrees with Oscar's statement adding:

...Young people also change because they are with fashion, and where everything is modern..

...los jovenes tambien cambian por que ellos estan donde esta la moda, donde esta lo moderno...

On the other hand Oscar considers that the identities and sociocultural values of the second generation are often passed down and learnt through imitation of their parents and are occasionally used in family reunions or around other Colombians. Following this observation one can assume that 2nd generation migrants often negotiate and renewed their identities to adapt to first generation migrants based on their understanding of cultural, social and linguistic norms. However, there is no indication in the data that first generation migrants have adapted to the younger generation or second generation migrants. There is a certain confusion that surrounds the community, particular in the significance that 1st generation migrants place on learning English in order to improve their social relations and work opportunities. Fabio expresses the importance of knowing English has on his employment opportunities:

... when you come like this, not knowing the language... it's where you have to go because if you don't understand this language you are not going to have many opportunities... you have to be real and recognise if you know English...you can have better opportunities...

... cuando uno venes asi, sin saber este idioma... es por donde tu te tienes que meter por que si no entiendes este idioma no va a tener muchas puertas abiertas ... hay que ser real y si tu te vienes con el ingles.. puedes tener mejores oportunidades por otro lado...

Fabio acknowledges that knowing English can improve employment opportunities and lead to new possibilities other than sticking in the same community to either work in or find employment.

4.2.2.2 Social, cultural and language attitudes

This section will be looking into the social, cultural and language attitudes of first and second generation migrants. As both first and second generation migrants become socialised into different cultures and societies they can experience changes in their social, cultural and language attitudes. The majority of second generation migrants experience tension and conflict against their newly developed identities, whereas first generation migrants experience this problem both at work and with their children. In order to avoid inter-generational conflict and tension between first and second generation migrants, they must negotiate social, cultural and linguistic norms. A major problem that prevails in most first generation migrants is the lack of language use and language skills. In the case of the second generation Colombian migrants the biggest problem is lack of understanding of culture but most importantly their language ideologies and linguistic abilities. Alexandra recognises language as being one of the major obstacles when arriving to the UK, adding that as result of poor language skills the number of opportunities and time you spend with your children decreases and in the long term affects family and marital relationships. Eddy adds that without the necessary language skills in the UK migrants become outcasts in society.

Although most second generation migrants recognise that there is tension and at times conflict between what is perceived to be their own formed identity and their parents' identity, many fail to see how they can negotiate their own cultural, linguistic and social norms with those of their parents and work colleagues. In the previous section Oscar stated that although native Colombians do not reject second generation migrants as Colombians the rejection that exists due to the limited knowledge they have of the language and culture. When all of the 2nd generation migrants were asked about whether they believed a certain amount of tension existed between first and second generation migrants they all agreed that their parents felt unhappy with the way they have reformed their own identities and attitudes towards the British culture and language.

Alexandra believes that most second generation migrants do not socialise enough with the Latino community or Colombians and feels that they are slowly losing their identities. Alexandra states:

...the parents want the kids to be the same like them when they were in Colombia but now the kids that are brought up here are diffferent to the kids back home. Here the kids don't think things through very well, whereas a kid in Colombia is more on the ball and much faster...

...los papas quieren que los jovenes sean iguales como que ellos cuando estaban en Colombia pero ya los jovenes que se crean aqui son diferentes a los jovenes de alla. Aqui los muchachos no piensan las cosas como muy bien, mientras un muchacho en colombia es mas listo, como mas rapido...

Alexandra adds that second generation migrants try to communicate like their parents and imitate their communication styles. She believes that even if children are born in the UK they should all be given the opportunity to learn how to speak in Spanish and learn about the culture in order to be able to socialise within the Colombian and other Spanish Speaking Latino communities. Alexandra feels that the tension and conflict that is caused between inter-generational migrants is down to the parents and not English culture. She goes on to state that the younger generation born in the UK have already become independent by the time they are sixteen years of age, not a common occurance in Colombia. In Colombia family is very close and it is the norm for children to stay with the family until they graduate or get married. Many Latin American families take on English customs and teach their children only one side of their own identity. Alexandra places high importance on traditional upbringing, which is why she believes that teaching core values such as respect, culture and language benefits children more. Alexandra believes that there is a general lack of discipline and respect in the way children are brought up in the UK, and when children grow up they show less respect shown to adults. Alexandra feels that Latin American families that know how to raise their children with their country's customs, values, education, culture and language in mind to be accomplished individuals in the future.

Eddy agrees with Alexandra's previous comments refering to how second generation migrants lose their parents' values, customs and culture. Eddy believes that some of the younger generation lack respect for their elders. When asked whether he had either experienced or believed that there were difficulties that existed between first and second generation migrants at work Eddy responded:

...the one that is from here doesn't change a bit... the thing is the one that is from here or the one from over there wants to dominate one another, only because the person from over there has his beliefs and impunity that says, I'm the toughest around here and no one is going to f**k with me and the one from here has f**ked himself and now he is trying to lead the other so that he doesnt f**k with him or he is setting rules based on his knowledge, that's how it is.

...el que es de aqui no cambia nada ...lo que pasa es que el de aqui o el de alla quiere dominar al uno o al otro, nomas porque el de alla trae su creyencia y su impunidad,que dice, yo soy el mas beraco y a mi no me va a joder nadie, y el de aqu pues ya se ha jodido y lo esta orientandolo para que no lo jodan o esta imponendo su conocimiento y asi es.

Hector expresses another point on what may tirgger possible tensions and conflicting situations when working with 2nd generation migrants.

...if your brother is a person, lets say... a person that says, I was born here, I am one hundred percept English, lets say for sure that no Latino would not bother to get to know him one hundred percent... because know he will look over his shoulder at a person.

... si tu hermano es una persona mas, digamos... la persona que diga, "yo naci aqui, yo me creo Ingles cien por ciento", degamos por seguro que mas de un latino no se le arrimaria cien por ciento... por que ya el se va a ver por encima de la persona...

Based on the data collected from the interviews, it is evident that in order for second generation migrants to negotiate social, cultural and linguistic norms they must use their knowledge of their parents' culture and language and implement it when communicating within the community. As for first generation migrants, they must learn to understand the culture of the country they are living in and utilize combined knowledge of both the language and culture to understand culturally driven communication and attitudes. When asked whether he thought that second generation migrants had more advantages of acquiring better positions and accessing more resources based on their knowledge of the language itself, Eddy stated:

Errm... yes but not only in English also in the knowledge of how you should behave or maybe knowledge of where to go from a certain place to another where it is much easier. There are many forms of knowledge.

ermm..si pero no solamente en el ingles pero en el conocimiento de como debe manejarse o tal vez el conocimiento de como debe irse de tal parte a tal sitio donde queda mas facil. Hay muchos medios de conocimiento.

Eddy displays a significant piece of understanding that shows that cultural as well as linguistic and social knowledge of the country in which you are working and living in requires more than language awareness. Without the social, cultural and language awareness of a country or community you cannot socialised to community-specific ways of using language. To a certain extent this equally translates itself into the communication that takes place between first and second generation migrants and leads to more successful communication.

4.2.2.3 Language maintenance & Linguistic abilities

The linguistic abilities of second generation migrants vary depending on the level of contact they have with the language as well as their knowledge of social and cultural backgrounds of a community.

When analysing all three second generation interview transcripts (Jorge, Toni and Milton) each mentioned how they felt they had good knowledge of the language, although this varied to a certain degree. Jorge and Toni both felt that they could use and understand the language with fluency but admitted that there were some slight differences between their linguistic abilities and those of a native speaker. For example, Jorge felt that although he usually uses Spanish to speak with his parents, Latin Americans and Spanish people he felt that there was an obvious difference in the competence of first and second generation migrants, that being that first generation migrants had a better command of Spanish that second generations. Additionally, Milton and Toni made some interesting observations when asked whether they had a different language ideology to 1st generation migrants and both participants mentioned that when speaking to an older or first generation migrants, Milton used his language wisely and Toni would communicate with 'respect'. Milton identifies a slight variation in his accent; however he feels fully confident using community-specific ways of using language.

The interview findings showed that Milton and Toni were more interested in maintaining their parents native language and felt that it was important for their sense of identity. They understand that they have formed new identities but feel that maintaining their parents native language is important for socialising and accessing the SSL communities, and in particular the Colombian diasporic community. On the other hand, Jorge felt that maintaining his parents native language was not important as he mainly communicated in English with friends and at work. He felt that losing his linguistic abilities of the language did not affect his identity. These key comments clearly demonstrate how regular contact with the Colombian diasporic community manifests more interest in maintaining the community language and having much more linguistic awareness. Milton and Toni both work in the domestic cleaning sector and as a result have regular contact with Colombians whereas Jorge works and socialises with English friends both in and outside of work. An interesting observation that was made was the significance migrants showed towards learning English but most importantly the emphasis that was put on identity and language maintenance. Seven out of eight participants felt that maintaining their native language or their parents native language which in this case is Spanish was crucial for their identity. See Fig. 3 below.

Fig.3. Members of communityAlthough first generation migrants consider themselves as having different identities to the constructed identities of second generation migrants, Oscar states that their social and cultural norms can be negotiated even if the second generation migrant was not born in the same country but manages to utilize and manipulate both linguistic and cultural concepts to aid communication. According to Oscar:

What highlights the difference and distance between the generations here and the people that come from over there is exactly the use of language and the use of cultural concepts.

Lo que marca la diferencia y el distanciamiento de las generaciones de aqui y la gente que viene de alla es exactamente el manejo del lenguaje y el manejo de los conceptos culturales.

Oscar demonstrates that tension and conflicts between first and second generations may derive from the lack of knowledge 2nd generation migrants have of their parents native language. This knowledge of linguistic and cultural concepts is especially important when accessing and activating membership through SSL communities. There are culturally driven linguistic forms that can be employed to activate membership and common cultural and ethnic backgrounds of interlocutors. The following section will look at these linguistic devices in more detail.

4.3 Address Terms Activating Membership

This section of the study looks at the explicit use of address terms used by first and second generation members of the Colombian diasporic community in London. Interviews with the participants allowed me to extract relevant information on the different types of culturally specific address terms and pronominal uses which included formal and informal address terms. The data that was collected allowed me to understand ways in which cultural, social and linguistic knowledge of language influence relationships between first and second generation migrants in the community. The differences in beliefs and values also influence the way language is used and perceived, therefore by looking at specific linguistic devices such as address terms I was able to measure the participants knowledge of the language on a number of points. These included linguistic competence, social awareness, cultural knowledge and language ideology. These points allowed me to look at how both first and second generation migrants use formal and informal address terms in order to activate membership and establish common cultural, social, linguistic and ethnic backgrounds within the community. This formed as a particularly important part of the study as it provided an insight into why conflict and tension could exist between 1st and 2nd generation members of the Colombian diasporic working community.

In order to test second generation migrants on their linguistic abilities and knowledge of social and culturally recognised address terms I divided the address terms into two categories: formal and informal. From these categories, I was able to attain certain findings and opinions with regards to how participants used culturally specific address terms to initiate and activate common social, cultural and linguistic forms. This was particularly important as it allowed me to achieve a better understanding of the differences that occur between the forms in which first generation migrants communicate when compared to second generation migrants. The analysis was largely influenced by the type of address terms that the participants used and their opinions about their own language ideologies and language proficiency. The address terms that were used by both first and second generation migrants were compared and contrasted, therefore based on this information I was able to assess the extent to which first and second generation migrants used different terms of address.

The data collected was gathered from both first and second generation migrants. I was particularly interested in assessing the manner in which participants would initiate a greeting and had little to do with the variety of terms that could be used to address an individual inside the community. However, the alternatives to using address terms were recorded and considered as important precursors that displayed the participant's knowledge and variation of culturally specific address terms and language. This was especially important in the case of second generation migrants as it showed their linguistic ability, social and cultural knowledge of how to use the language.

The data focused on two major categories of address terms, formal and informal. In this way the information that was elicited could be compared and contrasted against important cultural and social contextual cues in language such as respeto (respect) and confianza (confidence), which to a certain extent are similar to the dimensions of 'power' and 'solidarity' discovered by Brown and Gilman (1960). The selection process of terms in the interview involved the interviewer asking the participants to give a number of examples of terms used to communicate on the initial contact and salutation at the beginning of an interaction to another member of the community. The participants were asked to give examples of address and salutation based on whether they knew the person or in this case have confiaza and the second option was dependent upon not knowing the person or having little contact and confianza with the person with whom they initiate a conversation. The latter option can also be viewed as a sign of respeto (respect), based on power, social hierarchy and employment position at work. The data elicited was categorised and placed into a table outlining the formal and informal address terms used by both first and second generation migrants. Fig 4 displays a variety of formal and informal address terms.

ParticipantsTypeFormalAddressInformalAddress

EddyFirst generation Migrant

Hello, how are you?

Hola, com esta?Hola

How are you?

Como esta?

Good Morning

Buenos das

Buenos dias

AlexandraFirst generation Migrant

Buenos dias, como esta?How are ya, what are you doing around here?

Que'ay, como esta, que hace por aca?

OscarFirst generation Migrant

Buenos diasWhat's happening brother?

Que'ubo hermano?

Good afternoon

Buenas tardes

How's it going?

Quemas?

Sir Don

What's up man?

Utd que hombre?

Mister Senor

Doctor Doctor

Pijuya

Pirobo

ToniSecond generation Migrant

How are you?

Como te encuentras?What's happening?

Entonces que?

Are you alright?

Bien o no?What's hap'ning

Ento'es que?

How is it going?

Quemas?Everything good mate?

Todo bien parsero?

HolaEnto'es que parse?

All good mate?

Todo bien pana?

Hola, como esta?

What's happening big man?

Ento'es que caravana?

MiltonSecond generation Migrant

Hola How are you brother?

Como esta llave?

Hola, como esta?

JorgeSecond generation Migrant

Hello, nice to meet you?

Hola, mucho gusto? What's happening?

Que'ubo?

Hola como esta?

HectorFirst generation Migrant

HolaWhat's up kid?

Que'ubo mjo, utd que?

Hola, como esta?

Entonces que parcerito?

Buenos dias

What's happening man?

Que pasa guevon?

FabioFirst generation Migrant

Hola Bro

Parce

Hola, como esta?

Que maricon?

Buenos dias

Como le ha ido?

How are you friends?

Que tal amigos?

Utd que?

Como estuvo la cosa?

Fig 4. Formal and Informal Address TermsThe tables below display a variety of address terms used to communicate in formal and informal contexts. From the terms above we can find the varieties of address that are more commonly used in this group of participants. Fig 5.1 and Fig 5.2 show the most popular formal and informal address terms used by the participants.

Type of Migrant Generation

First Gen MigrantSecond Gen Migrant

FrequencyFrequency

Formal Address Option1Hola33

Buenos Dias/Buenas Tardes20

Informal Address Option1Que'ubo/Que'ay10

Parce/llave23

Guevon/Marico20

Fig 5.1 Option 1: Frequency of Formal & Informal Address TermsType of Migrant Generation

First Gen MigrantSecond Gen Migrant

FrecuencyFrecuency

Formal Address Option 2Hola00

Buenos Dias/ Buenas Tardes30

other23

Informal Address Option 2Que'ubo11

Parce21

Guevon/Maricon10

other11

Fig 5.2 Option 2: Frequency of Formal & Informal Address TermsFig 5.1 and Fig. 5.2 demonstrate that first generation migrants use a larger variety of address terms than first generation migrants. First generation participants also display higher competency in culturally specific formal and informal address terms, whereas the second generation participants showed more basic knowledge of these terms. These results indicate that although the second generation participants do have knowledge of culturally specific address terms in both formal and informal uses, they lack variety. However, Toni's interview demonstrates that he posses a more complex linguistic variety of address terms. Toni contributed more varieties of address terms than any other second generation participant. Fig.4 shows one of Toni's preferred formal terms of address, bien o no?, carry's a degree of respeto (respect) but at the same time presents a degree of confianza (confidence). This is an example of a complex and culturally specific address term that can be used as both a formal and informal salutation based on the context and relationship with an interlocutor. With these types of address terms there is a degree of confidence and respect that applies to each and every formal address term. Unlike informal address terms, formal pronominal and language use is based on the