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This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Western Australia. Morphology and Sentence Construction in Kurrama: A Language of the Pilbara Region of Western Australia Peter M. Hill Discipline of Linguistics School of Humanities UWA June 2011

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Page 1: Clause and Sentence Construction in Kurrama; a …research-repository.uwa.edu.au/files/3237710/Hill_Peter_M_2011.pdf · Morphology and Sentence Construction in Kurrama: A Language

This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Western Australia.

Morphology and Sentence Construction in Kurrama:

A Language of the Pilbara Region of Western Australia

Peter M. Hill

Discipline of Linguistics School of Humanities

UWA

June 2011

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DECLARATION I certify that the research and writing of this thesis was carried out during my enrolment

as a Doctor of Philosophy student at the University of Western Australia. I also certify

that this Doctor of Philosophy thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgement

any material previously submitted for a degree or diploma in this University or any

other institution. All sources are acknowledged in this thesis and to the best of my

knowledge and belief this thesis does not contain any material previously published or

written by another person where due reference is not made in the text.

Signature: _______________________ Date: _______________________

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ABSTRACT This thesis addresses the nature of simple and complex sentence constructions in

Kurrama, an Australian Aboriginal language spoken in the Pilbara region of Western Australia.

Kurrama has only a few remaining older speakers. The data on which this research is based

consists of materials recorded by Alan Dench, in the 1980’s and 1990’s, with two Kurrama

speakers †Algy Paterson and †Judy July plus material collected by the author, in 2007, with the

assistance of Maudie Dowton and Thomas Cox.

Little research has been done previously on the Kurrama variety. O’Grady (1966)

classified Kurrama as a member of the Ngayarda subgroup of Pama-Nyungan, placing it in a

dialect relationship with Yindjibarndi. Dench (2009: 261-262) avoids a genetic classification

and has instead identified ‘three typologically distinct (and) geographically delimited groups of

languages’ in the Pilbara region: the Northern Pilbara languages, the Central Pilbara languages

and the Southern Pilbara languages. Kurrama is placed in the Central Pilbara group and like

other languages of this group features a consistent pattern of nominative-accusative case

alignment and an active-passive voice contrast in transitive and ditransitive clauses. As part of

the investigation in this study comparisons are made between the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi

dialects. However, the focus of this thesis is on Kurrama sentence construction.

The thesis addresses the following related research questions:

1. What are the differing types of simple and complex sentences used in Kurrama?

2. How are these simple and complex sentences constructed?

3. What are the salient characteristics of these sentences?

Chapters 2 to 5 focus on Kurrama morphology and identify the forms and functions of

the parts of speech that make up Kurrama sentences. Chapters 6 and 7 specifically address the

characteristics of Kurrama simple and complex sentences respectively. Chapter 8 examines the

various grammatical means by which clauses are linked to one another in Kurrama, following

the pattern of the papers collected in Dixon and Aikhenvald (2009).

Chapters 1 and 9 respectively introduce and conclude the discussion in this thesis.

Chapter 1 reviews previous research carried out on Kurrama, presents a brief overview of

Kurrama phonology, and introduces some preliminaries to the chapters that follow. Chapter 9

evaluates the project and assesses its success in answering the research questions.

Presented in the appendix is a narrative related by †Algy Paterson which was recorded

by Alan Dench in 1982. This narrative has served as a primary resource for the analysis

conducted in this project.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

DECLARATION .............................................................................................................. iABSTRACT .................................................................................................................... iiiTABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................ vLIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................... ixACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................... xiABBREVIATIONS AND CONVENTIONS ............................................................... xii1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................. 11.1 Background details of Kurrama ............................................................................... 11.2 Changing Times ....................................................................................................... 51.3 Kurrama Speakers in the Present Day ..................................................................... 51.4 Previous Linguistic Research and Publications ....................................................... 71.5 The Kurrama Corpus ............................................................................................... 81.6 The Research Questions ........................................................................................ 101.7 Kurrama Phonology and the Orthography Used in This Thesis ............................ 12

1.7.1 Consonants ............................................................................................................121.7.2 Vowels ...................................................................................................................181.7.3 The Kurrama and Yindjibarndi reflexes of liquid + stop clusters .........................201.7.4 Stress .....................................................................................................................23

1.8 Acknowledgement of the Sources of Examples Used in Thesis ........................... 261.9 Some Salient Features of the Examples Presented in This Thesis ........................ 26

1.9.1 Ellipsis within the Examples from the Payarrany Narrative .................................271.9.2 Glossing and Interpretation of the Kurrama Discourse Clitics ............................29

1.10 Theoretical Perspective .......................................................................................... 31

2. NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY ............................................................................ 332.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................ 332.2 Cases with a Core Clausal Function ...................................................................... 38

2.2.1 Nominative Case ...................................................................................................382.2.2 Accusative Case .....................................................................................................41

2.3 Nominal Suffixes with a Peripheral Clausal Function .......................................... 452.3.1 Instrumental Suffix ................................................................................................45

2.4 Nominal Suffixes That Have a Phrasal Adnominal Function ............................... 472.4.1 Genitive Suffix .......................................................................................................482.4.2 Comitative and Proprietive Suffixes ......................................................................512.4.3 Privative Suffix ......................................................................................................542.4.4 Associative Suffix ...................................................................................................572.4.5 Dweller/Denizen Suffix ..........................................................................................582.4.6 The Specific Referent Marker (SPEC) and the Proper Name Inflections .............592.4.7 Number marking ....................................................................................................63

2.5 Nominal Suffixes That Have Local Functions ...................................................... 662.5.1 Locative Suffix .......................................................................................................672.5.2 Ablative Suffix .......................................................................................................702.5.3 Allative Suffixes .....................................................................................................73

2.6 Domain of Case and Nominal Suffixes ................................................................. 77

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2.7 Semblative Suffix or Semblative Clitic? ............................................................... 802.8 Comparison with Yindjibarndi Case Marking ....................................................... 822.9 Multiple Case Marking .......................................................................................... 852.10 Concluding Remarks ............................................................................................. 87

3. PRONOUNS AND DEMONSTRATIVES ........................................................ 893.1 First and Second Person Pronouns ........................................................................ 893.2 Demonstratives ...................................................................................................... 99

3.2.1 Singular Demonstrative Forms ........................................................................... 1003.2.2 Dual Demonstrative Forms ................................................................................. 1083.2.3 Plural Nominative Demonstrative Forms ........................................................... 1093.2.4 Other Case Forms of the Plural Demonstratives ................................................ 1133.2.5 ‘Non-Visible’ Demonstratives ............................................................................. 114

3.3 Interrogative/Indefinite Pronominals and Locationals ........................................ 1183.4 Brief Concluding Remarks .................................................................................. 122

4. VERBAL MORPHOLOGY ............................................................................. 1234.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................... 1234.2 Ambitransitive Verbs ........................................................................................... 1244.3 Conjugation Classes ............................................................................................ 1254.4 Conjugation Classes and TAM Inflections .......................................................... 130

4.4.1 Variation in Potential and Perfective Forms ...................................................... 1324.4.2 Changes to Verb Stems When Inflected with Vowel Initial Suffixes ................... 1344.4.3 Comparison of Kurrama and Proto-Ngayarda Verb Inflections ........................ 136

4.5 The Functions of the Kurrama Verb Inflections .................................................. 1384.5.1 Present ................................................................................................................ 1384.5.2 Past ..................................................................................................................... 1404.5.3 Perfective ............................................................................................................ 1414.5.4 Passive Perfective ............................................................................................... 1444.5.5 Habitual .............................................................................................................. 1454.5.6 Potential .............................................................................................................. 1464.5.7 Imperative ........................................................................................................... 1494.5.8 Purpose and Result ............................................................................................. 1504.5.9 RELative .............................................................................................................. 1534.5.10 Progressive ......................................................................................................... 1644.5.11 Might ................................................................................................................... 1674.5.12 Passive Might ...................................................................................................... 1694.5.13 Irrealis mood ....................................................................................................... 1704.5.14 Short Conclusion to Functions of TAM Inflections ............................................. 170

4.6 Verbal Derivations ............................................................................................... 1714.6.1 Collective ............................................................................................................ 1714.6.2 Derivational Passive ........................................................................................... 175

4.7 Verbalising Derivations ....................................................................................... 1794.7.1 Inchoative ............................................................................................................ 1794.7.2 Causative ............................................................................................................ 1824.7.3 Psych – Inchoative .............................................................................................. 187

4.8 Concluding Summary .......................................................................................... 188

5. PARTICLES AND CLITICS ........................................................................... 1915.1 Emphatic Particle and Clitics .............................................................................. 1925.2 Topicaliser Clitics ................................................................................................ 1995.3 Temporal Clitics and Particles ............................................................................. 206

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5.4 Negative Particle .................................................................................................. 2115.5 Dubitative Clitic, Truth Clitic, and Truth Particle ............................................... 2145.6 Intensifier Particle and Clitic ............................................................................... 2175.7 Order of Placement in a Clitic Sequence ............................................................. 2195.8 Concluding Remarks ........................................................................................... 223

6. SIMPLE SENTENCES ..................................................................................... 2256.1 Non-Verbal Clauses ............................................................................................. 225

6.1.1 Ascriptive Non-Verbal Clauses ...........................................................................2266.1.2 Non-Verbal Clauses That Have Accusative Complements ..................................228

6.2 Copula Clauses .................................................................................................... 2316.3 Active Declarative Clauses .................................................................................. 234

6.3.1 Constituent Order in Active Declarative Main Clauses ......................................2366.4 Part - Whole Constructions .................................................................................. 238

6.4.1 Are the Part NP and the Whole NP Separate Constituents? ...............................2406.5 Secondary Predications ........................................................................................ 242

6.5.1 Properties of Kurrama Secondary Predications .................................................2436.5.2 Types of Secondary Predication in Kurrama ......................................................2446.5.3 Arguments That Control Secondary Predicates in Kurrama ..............................247

6.6 Passive Clauses .................................................................................................... 2486.6.1 Some Further Examples of Passive Constructions ..............................................2496.6.2 Case Frames in Ditransitive Passives .................................................................2516.6.3 Passive Use in the Central Pilbara Languages ..................................................2546.6.4 Functions of Kurrama Passives ..........................................................................257

6.7 Imperative Clauses ............................................................................................... 2596.7.1 Case Frames in Ditransitive Imperatives ............................................................2616.7.2 Instrumental marking in Imperatives ..................................................................263

6.8 Commands ........................................................................................................... 2646.9 Questions ............................................................................................................. 266

6.9.1 The Interrogative Clitic .......................................................................................2676.9.2 Interrogative Pronouns and Locationals ............................................................269

6.10 Collective Clauses ............................................................................................... 2716.11 Reflexives ............................................................................................................ 275

7. COMPLEX SENTENCES ................................................................................ 2777.1 Relative Clauses ................................................................................................... 279

7.1.1 RELative Marked Clauses ...................................................................................2807.1.2 Perfective and Passive Perfective NP-relative Clauses ......................................2897.1.3 Subordination and the Adjoined Relative Clause in Kurrama ............................292

7.2 Progressive Clauses ............................................................................................. 2937.2.1 The Morphology and Functions of the Progressive Suffixes ...............................2957.2.2 An Alternate Context in Which the Progressive Is Used .....................................2977.2.3 Concluding Remarks on the Progressive Clauses ...............................................298

7.3 Purpose Clauses ................................................................................................... 2997.3.1 Purpose Clauses Formed with -(r)lu ..................................................................2997.3.2 The Potential Inflection as a Purpose Marker ....................................................301

7.4 Result Clauses ...................................................................................................... 3037.4.1 Further Comments on Purpose vs Result Clauses ..............................................304

7.5 Lest Clauses ......................................................................................................... 3057.6 Clausal Complements .......................................................................................... 306

7.6.1 Clausal Complements of Perception Verbs .........................................................306

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7.6.2 Clausal Complements of Cognition Predicates .................................................. 3087.6.3 Clausal Complements of Predicates Formed on the Stem ‘mirnu’ ..................... 3097.6.4 Clausal Complements of Information Transfer Verbs ........................................ 3107.6.5 Conclusion to Clausal Complements .................................................................. 311

7.7 Final Remarks ...................................................................................................... 312

8. THE SEMANTICS OF CLAUSE LINKING ................................................. 3158.1 Temporal Clause Linking .................................................................................... 321

8.1.1 Temporal Succession .......................................................................................... 3218.1.2 Relative Time ...................................................................................................... 324

8.2 Consequence Clause Linking .............................................................................. 3268.2.1 The Progressive Inflections and Consequence Linking in Brief ......................... 3278.2.2 Purpose and Result Clause Linking in Brief ....................................................... 3288.2.3 Cause Linking Relations Between Clauses ......................................................... 3298.2.4 Other Morphology That Marks Consequence Relations ..................................... 331

8.3 Possible Consequence Clause Linking ................................................................ 3338.4 Addition Clause Linking ..................................................................................... 335

8.4.1 Elaboration Clause Linking ................................................................................ 3368.4.2 Contrast Clause Linking ..................................................................................... 3388.4.3 Contrast and Disjunction Alternatives Clause Linking ...................................... 339

8.5 Alternatives Clause Linking ................................................................................ 3418.6 Manner Clause Linking ....................................................................................... 3438.7 Concluding Remarks ........................................................................................... 345

9. EVALUATION OF PROJECT ........................................................................ 3479.1 Success in Addressing the Research Questions ................................................... 3479.2 Comparisons Between Kurrama and Yindjibarndi .............................................. 3509.3 Limitations of the Project .................................................................................... 353

REFERENCES ............................................................................................................ 355APPENDIX: The Payarrany narrative ...................................................................... 359

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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1 The Pilbara languages and their received/standard classification ................... 4

Table 1.2 Consonant phonemes used in the Kurrama corpus ....................................... 13

Table 1.3 Yindjibarndi consonant phonemes as reported by Wordick (1982: 10) ........ 13

Table 1.4 Reflexes of lateral proto-forms in Yindjibarndi and Kurrama ...................... 21

Table 1.5 Word forms containing differing reflexes of lateral + stop clusters ............. 22

Table 1.6 Word forms containing reflexes of rr + peripheral stop clusters ................. 23

Table 2.1 Inflections for nominals ending in a vowel ................................................... 34

Table 2.2 Inflections for nominals ending in a consonant ............................................ 35

Table 2.3 Headings under which the Kurrama nominal suffixes are discussed ............ 37

Table 3.1 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi1 (Y) pronoun case forms ............................. 90

Table 3.2 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi (Y) alternate generation NOM pronouns .... 96

Table 3.3 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi (Y) singular demonstrative case forms ..... 100

Table 3.4 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi1 (Y) plural NOM demonstratives .............. 110

Table 3.5 The main interrogative/indefinite forms used in Kurrama .......................... 119

Table 4.1 Conjugation membership and transitivity of 135 Kurrama verbs ............... 124

Table 4.2 Conjugation membership and transitivity percentages of Kurrama verbs .. 127

Table 4.3 Conjugation membership and transitivity in Martuthunira and Panyjima .. 128

Table 4.4 Some Kurrama verb forms that belong to two conjugation classes ............ 128

Table 4.5 Frequencies of final vowel of verb in each conjugation class .................... 129

Table 4.6 Summary of Kurrama verb inflections in each conjugation class .............. 130

Table 4.7 Corresponding Yindjibarndi verb inflections in each conjugation class .... 131

Table 4.8 Some TAM inflections of zero conjugation verbs 1 .................................... 135

Table 4.9 Proto-Ngayarda TAM allomorphs (from O'Grady, 1966: 81) .................... 136

Table 4.10 Comparison of Kurrama and Proto-Ngayarda TAM inflections ............. 137

Table 4.11 Subject reference of the Kurrama and Panyjima relative suffixes ............ 155

Table 4.12 Main and subordinate verb valency and the subject reference of –rnu .... 159

Table 4.13 Collective suffix and the transitivity of some Ø-class Kurrama verbs ..... 172Table 4.14 Main functions of the Kurrama verb inflections ....................................... 189

Table 5.1 Some properties of the emphatic clitics from the test sample ..................... 195

Table 5.2 Some properties of the topicaliser clitics from the test sample ................... 200

Table 5.3 Relative order of clitics that are frequently used in a sequence .................. 219

Table 5.4 Clitics rarely used or used alone in the test sample .................................... 220

Table 5.5 Order of attachment of Yindjibarndi clitics ................................................ 222

Table 6.1 Constituent order in a sample of 100 active declarative main clauses ........ 236

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Table 6.2 Passive constructions in a Martuthunira text (M) and a Kurrama text (K) . 255

Table 7.1 Main Properties of the Kurrama subordinate clause types ......................... 277

Table 7.2 Some properties of purpose marked clauses in the Payarrany story .......... 299

Table 8.1 Subcategories of clause linking used in the Payarrany narrative ............... 315

Table 8.2 Semantic relations between the FC and SC in each clause linking type .... 317

Table 8.3 Criteria determining the FC and the SC in each clause linking type .......... 318

Table 8.4 Summary of syntax used to form the Kurrama clause linking types ......... 319

Table 8.5 Summary of syntax used to form the Martuthunira clause linking types ... 320

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First I must thank my supervisor Professor Alan Dench. Alan has conducted

research on the languages of the Pilbara over a number of years and I am thankful for

his knowledgeable advice and patient guidance throughout this project. Alan has also

allowed me to have access to some Kurrama language materials that he recorded in the

1980’s and 1990’s with the elders Algy Paterson and Judy July. Algy and Judy had

passed away before I began my research but I feel I know them through their

recordings. I am thankful that Algy spent time with Alan Dench recording the

Payarrany narrative. This narrative has been a valuable resource for this project.

Without reservation I also thank Maudie Dowton and her family. Although I was

only another ‘whitefella’ asking questions, I was welcomed by Maudie and her family

when I first began my research in Onslow on the Pilbara coast. Over the short time I

was in Onslow, Maudie patiently taught me some of her language and culture. Maudie

was especially patient when answering the many questions that I asked during our time

together. I have lost contact with Maudie while I have been in Perth writing up this

thesis but I hope to visit her soon. Thanks Maudie.

I must also thank the examiners, Dr M. Laughren, Associate Professor J.

Simpson, and Associate Professor C. Bowern, for their thorough critique of this thesis

and their valuable advice. Thanks also to the Linguistics staff and postgraduate students

at UWA for their encouragement and support. Thanks also to my family who have

always stood by me.

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ABBREVIATIONS AND CONVENTIONS

Abbreviations of names of consultants

AP Algy Paterson

JJ Judy July

Phonological conventions

/ / phonemic representation

[ ] phonetic representation

C consonant

Morphological conventions

– morpheme boundary

-L L-conjugation verb stem

-Ø Ø-conjugation verb stem

Syntactic and semantic conventions

A transitive subject

CN common nominal

FC focal clause

NP noun phrase

O transitive object

Nominal suffix abbreviations

ABL ablative

ACC accusative

ALL allative

ANDALL and all

ASSOC associative

COM comitative

comit comitative

CONJ conjunction

DIM diminutive

DirectALL direct allative

DISTRIB distributed

DUAL dual number

DWELL dweller/denizen

MD Maudie Dowton

TC Thomas Cox

N nasal

V vowel

Ø zero marker/empty morpheme

-R R-conjugation verb stem

PN proper name

S intransitive subject

SC supporting clause

V verb

ERG ergative

FACE facing

GEN genitive

INSTR instrumental

LIKE semblative suffix

LOC locative

NEAR near to

NOM nominative

OBJ objective

PL plural number

PRIV privative

PROP proprietive

SPEC specific referent marker

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Pronoun and demonstrative abbreviations

1 first person

2 second person

3 third person

sg singular number

du dual number

pl plural number

excl. exclusive (addressee excluded)

incl. inclusive (addressee included)

Verb suffix abbreviations

BEC causal

CAUS causative

CM conjugation marker

COLL collective

DEP dependent imperfective

Do & Go do verb action then go

DS different subject switch reference

FUT future

HABIT habitual

IMP imperative

imperfSS imperfective same subject

IMPF imperfective

INCH inchoative

IRR irrealis mood

MIGHT might/optative

Particle and clitic abbreviations

ANA anaphoric clitic

CONTRA contrast clitic

DEIC deictic clitic

DET determiner

DUB dubitative clitic

EMPH emphatic particle or clitic

EMPH1-EMPH5 emphatic clitics 1 to 5

INTENS intensifier clitic

INTNS intensifier clitic

INTRRG interrogative clitic

DEF definite

dist distal/far distance from speaker

dist.aug augmented distal

mid.dist mid-distance from speaker

near near to speaker

NV not visible

POSS possessive

PASS passive (derivational)

PAST past

PERF perfective

PMIGHT passive might

POT potential

PPERF passive perfective

PRES present

PRF perfective

PROG progressive

PSYCH psych-inchoative

PURP purpose

REL relative

RSLT result

SS same subject switch reference

usit usitative

NOW temporal clitic

QUOT quoting someone else (clitic)

SEMBL semblative clitc

SORT categorial clitic

THEN temporal clitic

TOP topic clitic

TOP1-TOP7 topicaliser clitics 1 to 7

TRUE truth clitic

TURN sequence clitic

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Other abbreviations

K Kurrama

L L-conjugation class

N N-conjugation class

NG NG-conjugation class

Ø Ø-conjugation class

Proto-Ng Proto-Ngayarda

R R-conjugation class

TAM tense, aspect & mood inflections

Y Yindjibarndi

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1. INTRODUCTION

In this introductory chapter I first discuss some background details and history

of Kurrama; including an overview of the limited previous linguistic research that has

been carried out on the language. I then outline the background details of the research

carried out in this study. This includes presentation of the questions that have guided the

research and description within this investigation, and further acknowledgment of the

language consultants who were vital to this work. Some further preliminaries, that are

also necessary to the following chapters, are then introduced. Kurrama phonology and

the orthography that I use is briefly discussed. Then I consider some notable features of

the Kurrama examples that are presented for analysis and discussion within this thesis.

These features include the frequent use of discourse clitics and the frequent occurrence

of ellipsis. Both of these features are especially apparent in clause and sentence

examples taken from the Payarrany narrative. The Payarrany narrative has been a

valuable resource for the analysis and description in this study; it is presented in

complete form in the appendix. I end this introductory chapter with some theoretical

considerations that are also relevant to the following chapters.

1.1 Background details of Kurrama

The name of the language has been represented by a number of different

spellings over time; these include: Gurama, Karama, Karima, Kerama. Korama and

Kurama plus others (Thieberger, 1993). The spelling ‘Kurrama’ is most often used in

the literature today. Kurrama is an Australian Aboriginal language of the Pilbara region

of north-west Western Australia. As described by the Guruma Elders Group the

traditional Kurrama lands extend from ‘the upper plateaus of the Hamersley Ranges,

north-east towards the sea past the upper reaches of Duck Creek, and (then) following

down the Robe River’ (Brehaut & Vitenbergs, 2001: 1). Von Brandenstein (1967: 3)

states that the name Kurrama (his spelling Kurama) translates as the ‘Highlanders’. The

approximate traditional location of Kurrama, in relation to the other Pilbara languages,

is shown on the map (Figure 1) on the following page.

As many as five named local groups have been reported as speaking varieties of

Kurrama in past times. Brehaut and Vitenbergs (2001: 3) quote the Guruma Elders

Group as stating that the Kurrama people used to be divided into the following groups:

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“The Top End Guruma, Marntalkora, were up in the Ranges, and the Bottom End,

Punukunti, were down at Duck Creek. The Robe River Guruma, they call it

Nhamarrnhamarra, they’re down around Red Hill. The Guruma in the Robe River,

they’re joined with this mob at Duck Creek”. On a recording made with Dench in the

1980’s Algy Paterson (a Kurrama elder now deceased) names five differing Kurrama

varieties. These are: Yarnarri Kurrama, Yinyjiwarndi Kurrama, Mijarranypa Kurrama,

Ngamangamara Kurrama, and Marntartka Kurrama.

Nyangumarta Ngarla Kariyarra Ngarluma Nyamal Yindjibarndi Martuthunira Palyku/Nyiyaparli Nhuwala Kurrama Panyjima Thalanyji Jurruru Pinikura Purduna Thiin Yinhawangka Jiwarli

Payungu Tharrkari Yingkarta Wajarri Malkana

Figure 1: Approximate traditional location of Kurrama and the Pilbara languages1

Kurrama has been classified as belonging to the Ngayarda subgroup of Pama-

Nyungan by O’Grady et al (1966) and O’Grady (1966). However, Dench (2009: 261-

262) states that within the Pilbara region ‘it is useful to distinguish three typologically

distinct, geographically delimited groups of languages’. These are the Northern Pilbara

languages, the Central Pilbara languages and the Southern Pilbara languages. Kurrama

is part of the Central Pilbara group along with its neighbours: Ngarluma, Yindjibarndi,

Panyjima-Yinhawangka and Martuthunira. The Central Pilbara languages are most 1 Based on Dench (2001: 106; 2010: 6)

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notable for their consistent nominative-accusative pattern of case alignment and the

active-passive voice contrast that is possible in transitive and ditransitive clauses.

Kurrama is phonologically, morphologically and syntactically very similar to

Yindjibarndi and the two varieties are most often said to stand in a dialect relationship.

Dixon (2002: 5) states that ‘if two modes of speech are mutually intelligible they are

said to constitute dialects of a single language’. O'Grady et al (1966: 90-91) report a

shared cognate density of 78 percent between Yindjibarndi and Kurrama (based on a

comparison of their core vocabularies) as evidence that the two varieties are mutually

intelligible and are in a dialect relationship. However, in the Pilbara community the two

varieties are generally considered to be distinct languages. They are seen as markers of

the political identity of two separate groups where each group is seen as having its own

language. In deference to this view I continue to call Kurrama a distinct language (or

variety) even though it shares a number of similarities with Yindjibarndi.

Dench (2001; 2010) compiled the following table which lists the classifications

and labels given to the Pilbara languages by various researchers. Table 1.1 includes the

regional labels used by Dench (2001; 2010); the genetic classifications proposed by

O'Grady et al (1966), O'Grady (1966), and Austin (1988); the language codes used by

Dixon (2002); and the Ethnologue codes listed in Lewis (2009). The classifications and

labels assigned to Kurrama are highlighted in yellow.

Overall, Dench (2001) states that it cannot be shown conclusively that the

languages of the Pilbara share a single common ancestor and determining definite

genetic groupings within the Pilbara region is problematic. The shared features of some

languages may be the result of diffusion from one language to another; either by direct

diffusion, through the borrowing of language forms, and/or by indirect diffusion,

through the borrowing of language patterns. The areal delineation of the Central Pilbara

languages as a group can be made based on a collection of features that the languages

share as a result of their historical realignment from split ergative case marking to

consistent nominative/accusative systems. However, Dench (2001) has shown that there

are a number of features/innovations that the Central languages do not share, and some

that they do share, to varying degrees, with some of the Northern and Southern Pilbara

languages. Dench (2001: 130-131) states in his study on language descent and diffusion

in the Pilbara region ‘On balance there is little evidence from this study to suggest

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clearly defined linguistic areas within the region. Instead, we find that different

(language) features have different ranges’ across the region.

However, it is generally accepted that Kurrama and Yindjibarndi can be seen as

being in a dialect relationship. In this thesis I will not only discuss the language features

of Kurrama but I will also briefly discuss some of the features of Yindjibarndi as

reported by Wordick (1982). It will be shown that although the two varieties are very

similar there is some variation.

Table 1.1 The Pilbara languages and their received/standard classification

Language Regional Label O’Grady (1966) Dixon (2002) Ethnologue

Nyamal WHc9 nly Ngarla Northern Pilbara WHc10 nlr Nyiyaparli WHc8 nad

Panyjima WHc3 pnw

Yinhawangka WHc3 —

Yindjibarndi WHc4 yij

Kurrama Central Pilbara Ngayarta WHc4 vku

Ngarluma WHc5 nrl

Martuthunira WHc2 vma

Jurruru WHc7 tju

Thalanyji WHb2 dhl

Purduna Kanyara WHb1 bxn

Payungu Southern Pilbara WHb1 bxj

Tharrkari Mantharta WHa dhr

Jiwarli WHa djl

Yingkarta Kardu WGd yia

Wajarri WGa1 wbv

After Dench (2001: 107; 2010: 10)

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1.2 Changing Times

The early days of European settlement markedly changed the lives of the

Kurrama and the other Pilbara language groups. These changes are documented in a

number of sources. Foremost is the published literature that records the Aboriginal

perspective of these times. A brief overview of life in the Pilbara before and during the

early days of European settlement is presented by Wangka Maya PALC & Karijini

Aboriginal Corporation (1996: 6-9). Other sources which document the Aboriginal

perspective of Pilbara history include the personal histories and stories related by

varying Panyjima, Kurrama and Yinhawangka elders in Olive (1997) and by Kurrama

elders in Brehaut and Vitenbergs (2001). Many of these elders have since passed away

but their contributions to these publications is beyond value as was their contribution to

the lives and history of all in the Pilbara. Olive (1997) also contains some contributions

by younger community members who speak about their lives and history in more recent

times.

As stated earlier, a narrative titled Payarrany is presented in the appendix. This

narrative was related in Kurrama by Algy Paterson and was recorded by Alan Dench (in

1982). This narrative tells the story of an old Kurrama woman, named Payarrany or

Sarah, who was said to be the last of the Kurrama to follow a traditionally oriented life

travelling on foot in the bush and living on bush foods. This story documents, in

Kurrama, the times of change in people’s lives when Europeans first began to move

onto the Kurrama lands and the Kurrama people began to settle on stations or in towns.

This story is not only a contribution to Kurrama history but has also been the resource

for much of the grammatical analysis and description of Kurrama presented in this

thesis.

1.3 Kurrama Speakers in the Present Day

Kurrama is an endangered variety with a limited number of fluent older

speakers. In 1966 O'Grady et al (1966: 91) stated that Kurrama had only a few dozen

speakers, while in 1967 von Brandenstein (1967: 19) listed Kurrama as having no more

than 50 speakers. Thieberger (1993) states that in 1977 Wordick reported less than 50

Kurrama speakers living in Roebourne, Wittenoom and Onslow. In personal

communication with Thieberger in 1990, Dench reported less than 20 speakers living in

either Roebourne or Onslow. The number of fluent older speakers of Kurrama would be

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far less than 20 today. During my research in Onslow in 2007 it was my experience that

Kurrama was rarely spoken. Most of the Kurrama youth seemed to use English in their

interactions and when I asked them about Kurrama they deferred to the knowledge of

the older speakers. The middle aged do claim to know something of Kurrama but again

defer to their elders. However, younger generations may have acquired more of

Kurrama than they are purported to know. As older speakers pass on the younger

speakers may come forward with their knowledge. As Evans (2001: 262) states (for the

Australian situation in general) the death or absence of recognized speakers may ‘alter

community perceptions of who has the right to give information about a language’ and

may ‘lead to certain speakers stepping forward who had previously been silent, or

reluctant to speak, about their abilities’.

In 2007 when first approached by Alan Dench and myself with the idea of

working on Kurrama the Onslow community at large designated Maudie Dowton (MD)

as the person to contact. Consequently most of the Kurrama material that I collected

during my research in Onslow was provided by MD. However, Thomas Cox (TC) did

contribute in some recording sessions when he was visiting from Tom Price. Also,

while working at MD’s home other members of the family would occasionally

contribute details or observations on Kurrama. The data that I recorded with MD and

her family is complemented with data recorded by Alan Dench (in the 1980’s and

1990’s) with Algy Paterson (AP) and Judy July (JJ). Both of these elders have since

passed away. AP’s recordings include not only the Payarrany narrative but also other

short stories and language details that he presented either unprompted or in answer to

elicitation by Dench. JJ’s recordings involve mostly elicitation of Kurrama lexical

items.

I have also accessed a much earlier source of Kurrama data collected by Ken

Hale in 1959. Hale’s (1959) unpublished ‘Gurama field notes’ contain examples of

Kurrama lexical items and sentences, written in phonetic script, that Hale collected with

(a much younger) Algy Paterson and two other speakers, Tumbler and Ruby

Woolhouse. Some of the examples from this collection are presented in the following

chapters. These examples have been rewritten in the orthography that I use for Kurrama

in this study.

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1.4 Previous Linguistic Research and Publications

Dench’s (1991; 1995) published works on Panyjima and Martuthunira, along

with Wordick’s (1982) work on Yindjibarndi, were the starting point for my early

grammatical analysis of Kurrama. The observations of Dench and Wordick on these

related languages provided insights into what I could test as being possible, or not

possible, in Kurrama. Indeed, Wordick’s (1982) grammar of Yindjibarndi, along with

the Yindjibarndi dictionary (Wangka Maya, 2003), provided a guide to my early

attempts at translation and analysis of Kurrama and allowed me to gain some early

understanding of what I was observing in Kurrama grammar. From these beginnings I

was then able to identify instances of difference between Kurrama and Yindjibarndi.

The brief description of Yindjibarndi phonology and morphosyntax provided by

O’Grady et al (1966) was also helpful. Their summary of Yindjibarndi, in simple terms,

helped me to recognize morphological and grammatical patterns that are also apparent

in Kurrama.

The Kurrama Wordlists and Sketch Grammar booklet (Wangka Maya, 2001)

has also been a valuable resource. This publication had input from both the Kurrama

Elders Group and a number of associated professionals and linguists working for the

Wangka Maya Pilbara Aboriginal Language Centre. Vicki Webb compiled the sketch

grammar in this publication and my early research was especially informed by her work.

The main source for Webb’s sketch grammar was Algy Paterson’s Payarrany narrative

which has also been a major resource for my work. Webb’s sketch grammar is made up

of 27 pages of abbreviated but salient grammatical details and observations that are

illustrated with examples from the Payarrany narrative. From these beginnings I have

been able to provide a wider and more detailed description of Kurrama grammar.

However, it should be noted that I do not present a Kurrama wordlist in this thesis. The

Wangka Maya Aboriginal Language Centre has compiled, and is continuing to compile,

wordlists and dictionaries for both Kurrama and Yindjibarndi; I need not replicate, nor

intrude on, this ongoing work. Albert Burgman (2006) has produced an updated version

of the Kurrama dictionary since the original 2001 wordlist edition.

Also, in his 1966 project on ‘Proto-Ngayarda’ phonology, O’Grady (1966)

provides a comparative wordlist of seven languages from the ‘Ngayarda’ subgroup. This

wordlist includes lexical items from Kurrama. In his analysis of the phonology of the

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Ngayarda subgroup O’Grady couples Yindjibarndi and Kurrama together as dialects of

the one language but does note the different, and similar, pronunciation of lexical items

within the two dialects (along with the differences and similarities in the other Ngayarda

languages). During my research I have turned to these wordlists when trying to

determine the meaning of Kurrama lexical items that I cannot determine elsewhere.

1.5 The Kurrama Corpus

The main source of data used for analysis and description in this thesis comes

from the recordings of the field sessions I conducted with Maudie Dowton and the

recordings made by Dench with Algy Paterson. The recordings made with Judy July and

Thomas Cox have also provided some useful data. Overall, the corpus comprises just

over thirty hours of recordings, which includes: elicitation of lexical items; elicited and

unelicited sentences and stories; and explanations of language and cultural details. In

all, Dench recorded thirteen hours (13 hours 9 minutes) of Kurrama data with AP and

just short of an hour (56 minutes) with JJ. These recordings include AP’s narration of

the Payarrany story which runs for nearly an hour (54 minutes). The sessions with MD

comprise some seventeen hours (17 hours 5 minutes) of recordings which includes an

hour (56 minutes) with both MD and TC together2

.

Nearly all of the examples presented in this thesis are taken from these

recordings (but some are from Hale (1959)). Examples, where possible, are taken from

unelicited texts but do include examples from elicited data. AP’s Payarrany narrative is

the best source of lengthy unelicited language use and has provided a standard against

which elicited data can be tested. Although there are examples of reported speech on the

recordings there is no freely occurring conversational data. The language material that

was recorded was collected by the following means:

The early collection of language data by both Dench and myself involved the

elicitation of lexical items and simple sentences. This involved asking the language

consultants for Kurrama translations of English words and sentences. As part of this

process the language informants also provided unelicited examples to illustrate an

alternative, to provide extra details, or to provide a context for the elicited lexical items.

2 The recordings made with MD (and TC) are to be archived at the Wangka Maya Pilbara

Aboriginal Language Centre.

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In later recordings I attempted to partially construct sentences to test apparent syntactic

patterns and rules with MD. As part of this process MD provided grammatical

corrections or provided other unelicited examples to illustrate a point she was making.

AP and Dench had worked together prior to their work on Kurrama, mainly on

Martuthunira, and their recordings reveal an easy rapport between them where AP both

instructs on language use and readily provides long and short illustrative examples.

The recording of AP’s account of the Payarrany narrative was instigated by AP

and was not elicited. One has the impression that AP felt that this story should be told

because Old Sarah was an important character in his life and the lives of others in the

Pilbara. MD was also keen to tell stories that she valued. However, there was a

misunderstanding between us that remained throughout our recording sessions. While I

was keen for MD to tell stories in Kurrama, MD was justifiably concerned with the

content of what she was relating and in her concern that I understand this content she

would most often use English so that I could clearly comprehend. Consequently, I have

no stories narrated completely in Kurrama by MD.

Further, as stated earlier, there is no conversational data in the Kurrama corpus.

Within the stories told by MD and AP there are some examples of reported dialogue.

This speech is understood as taking place in an extra-linguistic context and makes use of

some deictic categories that would be evident in conversation but are generally not used

in the narrative reporting of events (which relies more on linguistic devices to track

reference and to maintain cohesion). However, reported speech does not truly represent

actual conversation and this is an inadequacy within the Kurrama corpus.

There are also other limitations in the data that I collected. Elicitation although a

useful tool ‘to get things started’ has many limitations. The way in which I requested a

Kurrama translation of an English word or sentence, and the grammar that I used, did at

times appear to influence the response given by MD and TC. For instance, MD would at

times misunderstand the English terms that I used when asking a question, or would not

know the meaning of the English terms that I used, and subsequently would struggle to

find a Kurrama translation. Equally, I would sometimes misunderstand what MD was

expressing in Kurrama and would consequently leave her perplexed with my response.

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My construction of Kurrama sentences to test their grammaticality with MD also

had pitfalls. Foremost, was MD’s reluctance to correct me when I was wrong. She

would sometimes politely agree with something I said, or just leave something

unanswered, rather than disagree and appear to offend me (see §6.6.2 for an example of

this). It has been my experience living and working in Aboriginal communities that

situations like this occur in ‘white’ and Aboriginal cross-cultural interaction and are at

times difficult to avoid. However, the longer that MD and I worked together the less this

took place.

1.6 The Research Questions

When first deciding on a topic for research, in the early days of my candidature,

I decided I would work on one of the languages of the Pilbara that had not yet been fully

described. This would complement the work of Dench, Wordick, Austin and others who

have shown that there is a rich tapestry of language use in the Pilbara. My original

intention was to extend the work done by Wordick (1982) on Yindjibarndi. Yindjibarndi

is a viable language that is still spoken by a community of speakers in the Pilbara

(mainly in the Roebourne region); so recording more language materials would be

possible. Also, while Wordick’s (1982) description of Yindjbarndi phonology and

morphology is comprehensive there is room for further research into Yindjibarndi

syntax. To seek to fill this gap, I decided I would research the syntax of clause and

sentence construction in Yindjibarndi. However, despite my best intentions, after a year

of negotiations I was unable to gain final permission from Yindjibarndi community

organisations to carry out this work.

As an alternative, after discussion with my supervisor (Alan Dench), it was

decided that I would address the same topic in Kurrama. Kurrama and Yindjibarndi are

closely related and Dench had already recorded some Kurrama materials with Algy

Paterson and Judy July; including AP’s lengthy Payarrany narrative. However, there

are limitations to the study of an endangered language which made the study of

Kurrama more problematic than an investigation of Yindjibarndi would have been. I

was limited in the range of language materials that I could record on Kurrama. Although

Thomas Cox did help out for a short while, I was essentially restricted to the one

language consultant, Maudie Dowton; and as already stated, we were unable to record

any conversational data or any lengthy text materials related solely in Kurrama. I have

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retained the original intended focus of my research, but rather than address clause and

sentence construction in Yindjibarndi, I have focused on clause and sentence

construction in Kurrama. However, because of the limitations of the Kurrama data, this

study is a hybrid between a sketch description of Kurrama morphology and a slightly

more detailed examination of clause and sentence level syntactic patterns.

The questions that guided the research and description in this investigation are:

1. What are the differing types of simple and complex sentences used in Kurrama?

2. How are these simple and complex sentences constructed?

3. What are the salient characteristics of these sentences?

In seeking to answer these questions I have followed several fundamental steps.

Chapters 2 to 5 focus on Kurrama morphology and identify, as much as is possible, the

forms and functions of the differing parts of speech that make up Kurrama sentences.

Then, the characteristics of Kurrama simple sentences are examined in Chapter 6 and

the characteristics of Kurrama complex sentences are discussed in Chapter 7. Chapter 8

extends this inquiry further and examines the differing grammatical means by which

clauses and sentences are linked to one another in Kurrama. These various clause and

sentence linkages are categorized by a set of semantic relations that Dixon et al (in

Dixon & Aikhenvald, 2009) have identified as occurring commonly crosslinguistically.

The discussion in Chapter 8 mainly uses data from Algy Paterson’s Payarrany

narrative. The Payarrany story is a good source of lengthy unelicited language use, and

allows an insight into the ‘natural’ means of clause and sentence linking used in

Kurrama. The examples presented in Chapters 2 to 5, which illustrate the morphology

of the various parts of speech that make up Kurrama sentences, are taken from the wider

Kurrama corpus but include a number of examples from the Payarrany narrative. The

examples in Chapters 6 and 7, which illustrate the characteristics of simple and complex

sentence constructions, are also from the wider Kurrama corpus but do include a

number of examples from the Payarrany narrative.

To help overcome some of the gaps in the Kurrama data, I have, at times, used

examples from the neighbouring Central Pilbara languages to indicate what may be

possible in Kurrama. In this thesis I have drawn comparisons between the related

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dialects Yindjibarndi and Kurrama to aid both in the understanding of what may occur

in Kurrama and also to ascertain how closely related the two varieties are. When the

differing aspects of Yindjibarndi and Kurrama morphology and syntax are compared it

will be seen that there are differences as well as similarities between these related

dialects. The source I use for information on Yindjibarndi is Wordick (1982).

1.7 Kurrama Phonology and the Orthography Used in This Thesis

In this section, I briefly discuss Kurrama phonology and the orthography used to

represent this phonology. Wordick (1982) has described Yindjibarndi phonology in

detail and I have found that Kurrama phonology varies only a little from this. Thus, I do

not attempt to fully characterize Kurrama phonology in this section. Instead, I provide a

a brief overview that allows the reader to follow the Kurrama examples, and supporting

discussion, presented in this study. However, in §1.7.3, I briefly discuss some instances

where the phonotactic patterns in Kurrama and Yindjibarndi differ. In short, Kurrama

and Yindjibarndi phonological histories show different patterns of simplification of

liquid + stop consonant clusters to avoid the mixing of manners of articulation across

these clusters.

The orthography that I use in this thesis is consistent with that used in the

literature to represent the other Pilbara languages. For instance, Dench (1991, 1995)

applies the same orthography in his representations of Panyjima and Martuthunira.

There are slight differences in the orthography that Wordick (1982) employs for

Yindjibarndi but overall the orthography that I use for Kurrama allows a straightforward

comparison with Yindjibarndi.

1.7.1 Consonants

In the following Table 1.2, I list the consonant phonemes used in the Kurrama

corpus and the orthography that I use to represent these phonemes. There are six points

of articulation for the stop and nasal consonants, four points of articulation for the

laterals, two points of articulation for the rhotics, and three points of articulation for the

glides.

In Table 1.3, I list the consonant phoneme inventory that Wordick (1982: 10)

reports for Yindjibarndi. It is presented for comparison with the Kurrama consonants in

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Table 1.2. The Yindjibarndi consonant matrix contains only two points of lateral

articulation. Also, I favour the orthographical representation j for the Kurrama lamino-

palatal stop while Wordick selects ty for Yindjibarndi.

Table 1.2 Consonant phonemes used in the Kurrama corpus bilabial apico-

alveolar apico- post- alveolar

lamino- dental

lamino- palatal

dorso- velar

stop p t rt th j k

nasal m n rn nh ny ng

lateral l rl lh ly

rhotic rr r

glide w yh y

Table 1.3 Yindjibarndi consonant phonemes as reported by Wordick (1982: 10) bilabial apico-

alveolar apico- post- alveolar

lamino- dental

lamino- palatal

dorso- velar

stop p t rt th ty k

nasal m n rn nh ny ng

lateral l rl

rhotic rr r

glide w yh y

Wordick (1982: 12) states explicitly that Yindjibarndi lacks a set of laminal

laterals even though these are present in Panyjima and Ngarluma. Further, Wordick

(1982: 12) makes the earnest entreaty that the lamino-palatal lateral in Panyjima and

Ngarluma not be represented with the form ly. He states this would not be correct as this

represents a cluster of the alveolar /l/ plus the laminal glide /y/ which is observable in

Yindjibarndi. Yet, presented below are some examples from the Kurrama corpus which

do involve laminal laterals. The numbers of examples of both the lamino-dental lateral

and the lamino-palatal lateral are low in the corpus. I would suggest that these represent

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borrowings probably from the neighbouring Central Pilbara languages or possibly from

neighbouring Southern Pilbara languages.

Most of the words that contain a laminal lateral, in the corpus, were provided by

Algy Paterson; so they may well be borrowings or influences from Martuthunira. AP

also worked with Dench on Martuthunira so it is likely that his use of Martuthunira and

Kurrama overlapped now and then. However, JJ and MD have also provided lexical

items that contain a laminal lateral. The examples provided by AP, MD and JJ follow. It

should be noted, however, that none of these lexical items are present in the

Martuthunira wordlist provided by Dench (1995: 327-355); and only pilyaku is listed in

Dench’s (1991: 232-243) Panyjima wordlist. The Martuthunira and Panyjima term for

‘nose’ is mulha so it is possible that mulhaarti may be derived from this. JJ presented

mutha as the Kurrama word for ‘nose’.

The following nominals provided by AP contain a medial lamino-dental lateral:

pulha ‘head’ yilhirr ‘spindle’

The following nominal provided by JJ contains a medial lamino-dental lateral:

mulhaarti ‘bone that goes through nose’

The following verb and its collective derivation, which were presented by MD, also

contain a medial lamino-dental lateral (collective derivation is discussed in §4.5.1).

waalhu-L ‘to farewell’ waalhu-nmarri ‘to hug and farewell each other’

The following nominals used by AP contain a lamino-palatal lateral:

pilyaku ‘pink and grey galah’ walyurn ‘old’

Also, of interest is the following dual kin term provided by MD which is formed

by the addition of the suffix –yarra onto mukul ‘aunty (father’s sister)’. The resultant

term mukulyarra ‘two aunties together’ contains a medial consonant cluster, made up of

the alveolar /l/ plus the laminal glide /y/. However, under assimilation the resultant

pronunciation of this cluster takes the form of a lamino-palatal lateral.

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There are three examples of lexical items containing a laminal lateral in Hale’s

(1959) fieldnotes. However, these uses of the laminal laterals are again probably

influenced from outside. The frequency of laminal lateral use is very low when

compared with the frequent articulation of the apical laterals within the lexical items

recorded by Hale (1959). The lamino-dental lateral occurs in two nominals in Hale’s

fieldnotes; mulhurra ‘colon’ (Hale, 1959: 11) and pulha ‘head’ (Hale, 1959: 28). Note

that pulha was also presented by AP in his later work with Dench (see above). The third

lexical item is a place name that contains a lamino-palatal lateral. The spelling of this

place name is not clear in Hale’s fieldnotes; it is either Jalyiyarnu or possibly

Jalyiwarnu (Hale, 1959: 15).

In Tables 1.2 and 1.3 it can also be seen that the somewhat unusual lamino-

dental glide /yh/ is used in both Kurrama and Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982: 12) states

that the articulation of this glide ‘resembles a very fronted y’ where the ‘edges of the

tongue often rub the inner sides of the cheeks during its production’. There are a number

of lexical items, in the corpus, that incorporate this glide. For instance, the verb puyhu-Ø

‘to meet’ contains the lamino-dental glide, as does the number ‘two’ kuyharra and the

nominals kuyhi ‘bone’ and payhurru ‘flood’. Also, when naming a number of bush

foods AP lists two types of fruit tree whose Kurrama names contain the lamino-dental

glide; these are: payhaa and miyhiliny. The minimal pair muyhu ‘winter/cold’ and muyu

‘same’ illustrate the contrast between the lamino-dental glide and the lamino-palatal

glide. I could not find an example of a minimal pair illustrating a contrast between the

lamino-dental glide and the lamino-palatal stop /j/.

The following minimal pairs illustrate the apical contrast evident in the Kurrama stop

and nasal consonants:

janta ‘crippled, lame, sore’ jarnta ‘female kangaroo’

kuta ‘short’ kurta ‘older brother, very’

mita ‘separation ground for initiates’ mirta ‘not, no’

yinti ‘to go down’ yirnti ‘forehead

The following minimal pairs illustrate the laminal contrast in the Kurrama stops and

nasals:

jampa ‘moment’ thampa ‘just’

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nyaa ‘to see’ nhaa ‘this.(near)’

jurtu ‘flowers.(generic) thurtu ‘elder sister, truth’

nyanti ‘eyebrow’ nhanti ‘husband’

The following minimal pairs illustrate the apical lateral contrast:

kulu ‘head lice’ kurlu ‘hot’

thula ‘to bark.(dog)’ thurla ‘eye’

wala ‘don’t, that.(mid.distance)’ warla ‘heel’

The following minimal pairs illustrate the rhotic/stop contrast between r/rt :

mara ‘hand’ marta ‘blood’

mari ‘younger sister’ marti ‘mark’

maru ‘mob, many’ martu ‘back’

The following minimal pairs illustrate the rhotic/stop contrast between rr/t.

kurra ‘dance ornament’ kuta ‘short’

mirra ‘to call out’ mita ‘separation ground for initiates’

As in many Australian languages, there is no voicing contrast in Kurrama and

Yindjibarndi. However, Wordick (1982: 11) states that, in Yindjibarndi, stops are

voiced in medial position in a word but are voiceless in the peripheral positions.

Overall, in the Kurrama recordings both AP and MD tend to voice stops between

vowels but articulate voiceless stops in the peripheral positions of a word or following a

nasal. However, there is some variation. Both /p/ and /k/ are often articulated without

voice in intervocalic position and the apical stops tend to be voiced following a nasal.

All stops are articulated without aspiration.

The Kurrama apico-alveolar rhotic tends to be articulated as a tap or short trill in

intervocalic position but is articulated as a longer trill when preceding a consonant or

when in final position. For example, on the recordings, AP pronounces /rr/ in thurra

‘firelight’ and yirrama ‘to sing’ with a tap, or short trill, but uses a longer trill in

manpurr ‘knee’ and wirrwi ‘wind’. Overall, MD tends to articulate the apico-alveolar

with a longer trill than AP. She extends this trill before a consonant or in final position,

and shortens it a little in medial intervocalic position. Also, both AP and MD tend to

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articulate the apico-post-alveolar stop /rt/ as a single retroflex flap when it occurs

intervocalically and the apico-alveolar stop /t/ as a single tap when it occurs

intervocalically.

When discussing the apical consonants in Yindjibarndi, Wordick (1982: 12)

states that: ‘It is often extremely difficult for the native English speaker to hear the

difference between corresponding alveolar and retroflex (post-alveolar) sounds, even

though the two are structurally distinct’. The Kurrama apical articulations are often

difficult to identify because they tend to vary within the environment of differing

vowels. That is, the Kurrama high front vowel /i/ and the high back vowel /u/ tend to

influence the articulation of preceding or following apical consonants. When in the

environment of the high front vowel /i/ the articulation of an apico-post-alveolar

consonant tends to be fronted more towards an apico-alveolar, especially when it

follows the high fronted /i/3

. Alternatively, when in the environment of the high back

vowel /u/ the articulation of an apico-alveolar consonant tends to be backed to a post-

alveolar. The presence of a velar consonant in the environment of an alveolar (and the

vowel /u/) can also back an apical alveolar articulation towards a post-alveolar; as, for

example, in ngunta ‘ceremony/corroboree/meeting’, kuta ‘short’, and kunkurr

‘downhill’.

Clusters containing two consonants do occur medially between vowels in

Kurrama. A consonant cluster can be positioned medially within a single word, or may

be articulated across a stem and suffix boundary or a host and clitic boundary. In

Kurrama medial homorganic nasal + stop consonant clusters are common. Of note here,

is the orthography that I use to represent the homorganic apico-post-alveolar nasal +

stop cluster, and the homorganic lamino-dental nasal + stop cluster. Wordick (1982)

represents these combinations, in Yindjibarndi, with -rnrt- and –nhth- respectively.

However, I represent them with –rnt- and –nth- respectively. There are no instances of

the non-homorganic combinations /rn/ plus /t/, or /n/ plus /th/ in the Kurrama corpus; so

it is possible to represent the homorganic clusters in this manner. In §1.7.3 I will discuss

consonant clusters that are reflexes of earlier liquid + stop combinations.

3 This property has repercussions for the determination of the verb conjugation classes within

Kurrama; see §4.4.

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1.7.2 Vowels

Kurrama has three short vowels and three long vowels. The short vowels are: the

high front unrounded /i/, the low /a/, and the high back rounded /u/. The long vowels are

extended versions of these short vowels which I represent with: /ii/, /aa/, and /uu/. The

short vowels occur far more often than the long vowels in the corpus, but there are some

minimal pairs that indicate a contrast between corresponding short and long vowels.

jarru ‘marchfly’ jarruu ‘slow

kaya ‘older brother’ kayaa ‘sun’

minyma-L ‘to collect’ miinyma-R ‘to look after by providing for’

yathu ‘shelter yathuu ‘tongue’

marla ‘type of yam’ marlaa ‘road’

kurturn ‘grouped together’ kuurturn ‘spotted dove’

marra ‘wing’ marraa ‘younger brother’

Although I have not measured the pronunciation of the long vowels there

appears at times to be a medial volume decrease or trough in their articulation, which

suggests a phonetic sequence of two vowels, but there is never a complete medial

separation. However, the long vowels cannot be considered to be a sequence of two

short vowels at the phonological level; they are single phonemes in their own right that

influence different stress placement and morphophonemic alternation. This is illustrated

by the accusative suffix allomorph that is selected by the common nominal thaa

‘mouth’.

Thaa contains a long vowel that is not considered to be a sequence of two short

vowels. It is made up of one syllable, not two syllables, and will select an accusative

allomorph that differs to that selected by disyllabic common nominals, such as pawa

‘water’. In Kurrama, the syllable length of a common nominal often influences the case

and nominal suffix allomorph that it selects. The accusative allomorph selected by

monosyllabic common nominals containing a long vowel4

4 In Table 2.1, in Chapter Two, it can be seen that a monosyllabic nominal containing a long vowel actually selects the same accusative allomorph as do trisyllabic (or longer) common nominals.

differs from the accusative

allomorphs selected by disyllabic common nominals. In Table 2.1, in Chapter Two, it

can be seen that the accusative allomorph selected by thaa is –wu while the accusative

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allomorph selected by the disyllabic nominal pawa is –yi. Thereby, it can be argued that

long vowels are single phonemes forming a single syllable and are not considered to be

a sequence of two short vowels forming dual syllables.

Overall, the consonant environment in which a vowel occurs influences the

pronunciation of that vowel, and alternatively the vowel environment in which a

consonant occurs influences the pronunciation of that consonant. Nearby nasal

consonants influence some nasalization of vowels. When pronouncing wangka ‘to

speak, talk’ both AP and MD nasalize the first /a/ but not the final /a/. Yet, when

pronouncing wanka ‘raw, unripe’ they do not nasalize the first /a/ as much. Of all of the

nasals, the nasal /ng/ has the most influence in nasalizing vowels in its environment;

more so when the vowel precedes it. In the pronunciation of mungkaangu ‘red ochre’

AP especially nasalizes the first /u/ more than the final /u/. The first /u/ in mungkaangu

is not only influenced by the following /ng/ but is also affected by the preceding bilabial

nasal /m/. Whereas, the articulation of the final /u/ in mungkaangu is only influenced by

the preceding nasal /ng/.

In all, the articulations of short vowels are influenced more by their consonant

environment than are the long vowels. Short vowels before a post-alveolar consonant

may be articulated with some retroflexion. This occurs in both MD and AP’s

articulation of /u/ in mangkurla ‘child’. However, as was noted earlier, the preceding

high back vowel /u/, in mangkurla, also influences the articulation of the following

retroflex consonant /rl/, in turn, by tending to draw back its apical articulation further

into post-alveolar position. Yet, as also reported by Wordick (1982: 19) for

Yindjibarndi, the vowel /i/ is less likely to be coloured by nearby retroflex consonants in

Kurrama. Instead, as noted earlier, the high front vowel /i/ tends to front the articulation

of a following post-alveolar consonant towards an alveolar articulation.

One might therefore ask, for instance, whether the distinction between /irn/ and

/in/ is becoming lost? Both sequences do occur in the Kurrama data but there are more

instances of the use of the sequence /in/ than /irn/. Out of a sample of 75 Kurrama

words that contain either /irn/ or /in/ I found that 53 words contain the sequence /in/

while 22 contain the sequence /irn/. However, the differing phonological environments

that surround these sequences may also influence these differences. I was only able to

locate the verb yinti ‘go’ and the nominal yirnti ‘forehead’ to illustrate an apparent

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contrast between the sequences /in/ and /irn/; however these words are not strictly

minimal pairs, yinti contains the apico-alveolar sequence /n/ and /t/ while yirnti contains

the apico-post-alveolar sequence /rn/ and /rt/. I could not find any minimal pairs in

which the sequences /in/ and /irn/ are followed by a vowel or are placed word final.

Perhaps the distinction is becoming lost?

Alternatively, a short vowel before a laminal consonant is most often articulated

with a short high front vowel off-glide. That is, a high front off-glide is articulated as

movement is made away from the vowel in preparation for the (high) laminal consonant

articulation. This occurs in MD and AP’s pronunciation of wanyja ‘dog’. The

articulation of the short vowel /a/ is especially influenced in this way when followed by

the lamino-palatal glide /y/. For instance, in the pronunciation of ngayi ‘1sg.NOM’ the

off-glide transition from /a/ to /y/ is almost diphthong-like. However, this pronoun is

disyllabic and not monosyllabic with a dimoric count. That is, there is a medial syllable

division in this word and the transition from /a/ to /y/ does not form a long diphthong

vowel. Yet as Wordick (1982: 18) states for Yindjibarndi, ‘When a occurs before the

single consonant y in intervocalic position, it very obviously sounds like a diphthong,

because y is pronounced as if it were geminate in this position, with syllable division

separating the two parts’.

1.7.3 The Kurrama and Yindjibarndi reflexes of liquid + stop clusters

In 1966 O’Grady reconstructed the proto-Ngayarda forms for a set of vocabulary

items collected from seven Pilbara languages. As part of his 1966 investigation

O’Grady reconstructed the phonological changes that Kurrama and Yindjibarndi have

undergone. Dench (1987b: 519-533; 2001: 114-118) has also discussed the

phonological histories of the Pilbara languages and has noted some of the diachronic

changes that Kurrama and Yindjibarndi have undergone. Although the phonological

histories of Kurrama and Yindjibarndi are similar in many respects both O’Grady and

Dench propose some differences. Most noticeable are the differences in the Kurrama

and Yindjibarndi reflexes of earlier lateral consonant forms. The Table 1.4, on the

following page, summarises the changes that have affected these earlier laterals in both

Yindjibarndi and Kurrama.

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O’Grady (1966: 83 & 88-69) proposes four points of articulation for the proto-

Ngayarda laterals; both the laminal and the apical articulations. He also reports that both

Yindjibarndi and Kurrama have only two points of articulation for laterals; only the

apical articulations. In Kurrama the laminal laterals have merged with the corresponding

homorganic stops, in all phonological environments, and are not present within the

native Kurrama consonant inventory (recall my earlier statement that the laminal

laterals in my ‘Kurrama’ corpus are likely to be borrowings). The apical laterals, in

Kurrama, remain unchanged in intervocalic position but are merged with the apical

stops in syllable final and word final positions (Dench, 1987b: 528). However, the

Kurrama present inflection for L-conjugation verbs -lku does retain the apical lateral

(conjugation marker) when it precedes /k/ immediately following a morpheme

boundary; but the apical lateral (conjugation marker) is realized (most often) as /t/ in an

almost similar environment in the L-conjugation class potential and perfective verb

inflections –tkayi and –tkaayi (see §4.4).

Table 1.4 Reflexes of lateral proto-forms in Yindjibarndi and Kurrama

Environment Lateral proto-form Kurrama reflex Yindjibarndi reflex

V ____ V l rl ly lh

l rl j th

l rl j th

____ # l rl ly

t rt j

t rt j

____ p l rl ly

t rt j

t r j

____ k l rl ly

t rt j

rr / Ø r y

From Dench (1987: 529)

The Yindjibarndi pattern is a little different. In Yindjibarndi all laterals have

merged with the corresponding homorganic stops in word final position; and the

alveolar and palatal laterals have merged with the homorganic stops before the

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consonant p. However, the lateral l is either deleted or reflected as the rhotic rr before

the consonant k. That is, if the alveolar lateral is placed immediately after a morpheme

boundary, but precedes k, it is deleted. Otherwise, if it does not follow a morpheme

boundary, but precedes k, the alveolar lateral surfaces as the rhotic rr. Alternatively, the

lateral ly before k is always reflected as the glide y, in Yindjibarndi, while the retroflex

lateral rl becomes the rhotic glide r before all consonants (Dench, 1987b: 528).

In short, the reflexes of clusters involving a lateral + stop differ somewhat in

Kurrama and Yindjibarndi. The following word list illustrates some of these differences.

The corresponding Panyjima equivalents are also presented below; they retain the

original lateral + stop cluster.

Table 1.5 Word forms containing differing reflexes of lateral + stop clusters

Panyjima Kurrama Yindjibarndi Translation

jirlpa jurlpin

jirtpa jurtpin

jirpa jurpin

‘ashes’

‘grey’

pulka jalkarran

putka jatkarran

purrka

jarrkarran

‘spinifex resin/wax’

‘frog’

parlkarra mirlka

partkarra mirtka

parkarra mirka

‘plain’

‘fork of tree/ groin’

Examples of the reflexes of ly + k are more difficult to find. Although I could

not locate the Panyjima equivalent, Wordick (1982: 308) lists the Yindjibarndi term for

‘mountain gum’ as maykan and the Kurrama term as majkan. The reconstructed proto-

form would be malykan.

There are also some differences in the reflexes of clusters involving the apical

rhotic trill and peripheral stops in Yindjibarndi and Kurrama. The following word list

illustrates this.

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Table 1.6 Word forms containing reflexes of rr + peripheral stop clusters

Panyjima Kurrama Yindjibarndi Translation

tharrpa- wirrpi

tharrwa- wirrwi

tharrwa- wirrwi

‘enter’

‘wind’

parrka warrku

parrwa warrwu

parra warru

‘leaf’

‘joey’

The peripheral stops are lenited to the glide /w/ after the apical trill in Kurrama,

and are either deleted or are also lenited to /w/ in Yindjibarndi. Again the Panyjima

word form retains the original cluster. However, there are some exceptions to the

Kurrama pattern. Within the Kurrama R-conjugation present, potential and perfective

verb inflections (-rrku, -rrkayi and –rrkaayi) the peripheral stop /k/ is retained when it

follows the apical rhotic trill immediately after a morpheme boundary (see §4.4). It

could be said that the retention of /k/ after /rr/ in the R-conjugation present, potential

and perfective verb inflections represents a frozen morpheme boundary.

Dench (2001: 117) proposes that the changes in liquid + stop clusters are

motivated by an ‘apparent conspiracy to ‘simplify’ clusters consisting of consonants

with distinct manners’. The comparisons presented here illustrate that there is more than

one means of approaching this simplification. Overall, the examples presented above

illustrate that although the phonologies of Kurrama and Yindjibarndi are similar in

many repects their phonotactic patterns do diverge.

1.7.4 Stress

The following is not a detailed study of stress patterning in Kurrama; more work

(than has been possible in this project) is still required. However, some general rules of

stress placement can be stated. Disyllabic morphemes are assigned stress on the first

syllable. Morphemes of more than two syllables are assigned stress on the first syllable

and then on following alternating syllables except the final rightmost syllable which is

not stressed. Consider the following examples (stress is indicated by underlining).

kurri ‘young.girl’ mi

rta ‘not/no’

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majarra ‘sick/sore’ pilarna ‘cloud’

kakarlurlu ‘crested.pigeon’ ngatharnta

ngu ‘lower grindstone’

kayawuluyungu ‘coppertail snake’ karlawirturtu

ra ‘dragonfly’

When morphemes of two or more syllables are attached, to construct a word,

stress is still placed on the first syllable of each morpheme. Alternating syllables that

intervene between these stressed syllables are also stressed except when this would

result in adjacent stressed syllables. The final syllable in a word is not stressed.

For instance, in the following examples stress falls in a uniform alternating

pattern across the attached morphemes.

karra-nyu

ngu ‘scrub/bush-DWELL’

Yarrarlurlu-wa

rta ‘Yarraloola (location)-ALL

walawanti-nyja

rri-ngu ‘look.back-COLL-REL’

However, in the following sequences of attached morphemes, some of the

intervening syllables between the stressed first syllables in each morpheme do not fall

within an alternating pattern and are not stressed.

thanuwa-nga

rli ‘food-PL’

kamungu-nguli-ngu

marnu ‘hungry-PSYCH-PROG’

muyirri-nyjarri-ngu

marnu ‘run-COLL-PROG’

Attached monosyllabic morphemes are stressed if they fall within an alternating

sequence of stressed syllables across morpheme boundaries.

manku-lu

-wa ‘get-PURP-TOP1’

wangka-nguli-ngu

-yu ‘call-PASS-REL-EMPH4’

wayinyjarri-nha

-wa-yu ‘return-PAST-TOP1-EMPH4’

However, monosyllabic morphemes will not be stressed when they do not fall

within an alternating sequence of stressed syllables between morphemes.

jurntat-ku-warnu ‘like.that-ACC-EMPH5’

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nhungu-mpa-wu

rtu ‘here-TOP2-EMPH3’

There are exceptions to these patterns. Even though it is monosyllabic, the

causative morpheme -ma-L will often attract stress in a morpheme sequence. In the

following causative constructions the stress patterning within the stems is as expected.

However, stress is assigned to the attached monosyllabic causative morpheme and not

the first syllable in the disyllabic habitual and result inflections.

mirnu-ma

-nmarta ‘know-CAUS-HABIT’

murlimurli-ma

-langu ‘wrap-CAUS-RSLT’

Yet this is not always so. If stress on the causative morpheme would result in a

following sequence of three unstressed syllables the causative is not stressed. Instead

stress is retained on the first syllable in the following morpheme (if disyllabic or

longer).

murlimurli-ma-nngu

li-ngu ‘wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL’

mirnu-ma-rnu

marnu ‘know-CAUS-PROG’

Long vowels also introduce some variability. There is some apparent breaking of

the long vowel (/a.a/) across morpheme boundaries where the long vowel is the result of

a suffix initial /a/ in a disyllabic morpheme. In such cases, the second of the two

adjacent vowels is stressed. This is consistent with the general pattern that the initial

syllable of a disyllabic morpheme is stressed. Examples are:

pawa-arta ‘water-ALL’ marn

ta-arta ‘hill-ALL’

ngarrka-ayi ‘eat-PERF’ mu

rna-arri- ‘close-INCH-’.

However, there are some other cases that cannot be explained in this way. In the

following the long vowel does not span a morpheme boundary but these forms also

exhibit the same vowel breaking on some occasions.

ngunhaatu ‘that one/that’s it’ ngu

nhaana ‘that one’

wan

taawa ‘later/somewhere/Well!’

That is, the breaking seems to occur when the long vowel is part of the second

syllable of a trisyllabic word and thus produces what is effectively a four syllable word

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with stress on the first and third syllables. This, however, is not a firm analysis and the

stress patterning of long vowels requires more study than has been possible in this

project.

1.8 Acknowledgement of the Sources of Examples Used in Thesis

The Kurrama examples presented in the following chapters are mainly taken

from Algy Paterson’s Payarrany narrative and from the recordings made with Maudie

Dowton. The Payarrany narrative is presented in its entirety in the appendix. In the

following chapters the source of each Kurrama example is acknowledged at the end of

each example. If the example is from the Payarrany narrative then the code which

numbers its position in the Payarrany narrative is cited. Otherwise, if not from the

Payarrany story, the initials of the consultant who provided the example are cited.

Examples taken from Hale’s (1959) field notes are acknowledged in the conventional

manner with citation of the page number on which they occur. Hale (1959) did not

acknowledge the source of each example in his field notes, but most were provided by

Algy Paterson with some input from Tumbler and Ruby Woolhouse. Examples from

Yindjibarndi and other languages are also acknowledged in the conventional manner.

It should be noted that the number codes of each section of text in the Payarrany

narrative, presented in the appendix, has no real significance. The sections of text were

first numbered during my first early attempts at translation and have subsequently

remained unaltered during further work. Dench was first to translate the narrative (after

recording it with AP) but his numbering differs from the numbering that I use. Dench

worked through the narrative with AP to draw up the original draft of glosses and free

translations. My later work changed some of the glosses and translations based on

comparative data from the wider Kurrama corpus. Subsequent changes have also been

made as suggested by the examiners, listening to the recording again, and on discussion

with Professor Dench.

1.9 Some Salient Features of the Examples Presented in This Thesis

In the description and analysis of Kurrama in the following chapters I provide as

many Kurrama examples as possible. There are two features of these examples that

require some preliminary discussion. These features are, the extensive use of ellipsis

within AP’s examples, and his wide use of discourse enclitic marking.

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As stated earlier, the majority of the examples presented in this thesis are taken

from AP’s Payarrany narrative. The Payarrany narrative is not elicited and provides a

natural presentation of Kurrama use. It will become evident that AP does not always

make direct reference to the participants in his narrative and as such there is frequent

ellipsis of reference to these participants within the clauses and sentences that make up

his narrative. This is discussed in §1.9.1 below.

Also, AP makes extensive use of discourse clitics within his story telling. I have

not been able to determine the full range of functions and meanings that are associated

with some of these clitics. Thereby, the reader will have some queries about the glosses

and translations that I make for some of the Payarrany examples. This is discussed

briefly in §1.9.2. Further detail on the Kurrama clitics is presented in Chapter 5.

1.9.1 Ellipsis within the Examples from the Payarrany Narrative

In Australian Aboriginal texts the ellipsis of reference to a participant often

follows the prior mention of the participant in preceding text. The protagonist is

understood from the context of the preceding text. Yet, overt reference will be made to

new participants and often to those acted upon, or affected by, the ellipsed referent.

Changes in the plot of a narrative may require the re-introduction of reference to a

participant when they have not been part of the narrative for a stretch, or they do

something novel, or something happens to them that would not be recoverable, or

understood, if direct reference to them is not made.

These patterns of ellipsis occur in languages with and without bound

pronominals (that aid in referent tracking). In the Payarrany narrative AP often does not

use overt referring expressions for the main character (the old lady Payarrany) in long

stretches of text that describe her actions. Also, in other instances, overt references to

other participants in the narrative are also absent once they have been introduced at the

beginning of a stretch of text. This ellipsis does not lead to a loss of grammaticality nor

the loss of the ability of a Kurrama listener to understand what is being conveyed.

The following extract, from the beginning of the Payarrany narrative, illustrates

AP’s omission of overt reference to the old lady Payarrany after he has first introduced

her to the story. The extract is presented in the same format as it is in the appendix. In

P.002 to P.004 the old lady is introduced, but then in P.005 to P.013 overt reference to

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the old lady is omitted in the sentences that describe her actions, thoughts, and

experiences. Note that the statement, made in P.005 to P.007, that the old lady’s

husband was wrapped in a sheet by ‘whitefellas’ implies that he was killed by

‘whitefellas’.

P.002 Mangkala-la-yu nhungkat parna-ayi nhuwamalingka-wari.

Red Hill-LOC-EMPH those stay-PERF spouse.group-COM

'Those ones had been staying at Red Hill with the husbands and wives.'

P.003 Ngayu yarukal thurlajinkarri Yithirltany-nguyharntu,

1sg.ACC aunty poor.fellow name.of.person-GEN

karra-nyungu-yu parni-marta wangka-nguli-marta. scrub/bush-DWELL-EMPH live/stay-HABIT tell/say-PASS-HABIT

'That poor old Aunty of mine was Tithirltany's daughter, the old lady who used to live in the scrub, she used to be called Karranyungu, scrub dweller.

P.004 Ngunhaa ngaarta palangku parni-nha Mangkala-la-yu that person those live/stay-PAST Red Hill-LOC-EMPH

‘These people and that one (the old lady) were at Red Hill.’

P.005 Ngarti nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu nhuwa-yi then/next see-COLL-PROG-EMPH spouse-ACC

P.006 warrungkamu-l ngarti-yu murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu one.morning-THEN then/next-EMPH wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL P.007 kaliku-la-wa walypala-ngarli-lu.

sheet-LOC-TOP1 whitefellow-PL-INSTR ‘And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet (killed) by whitefellas.’

P.008 Wantaawa! Well!

P.009 Yanku-ngumarnu waa-wa karra-ngka-wa. go-PROG fear/frightened -TOP1 scrub/bush-LOC-TOP1 ‘Then (she) took off into the scrub frightened.’

P.010 Munti-yaa jurntatma-rnaarnu-la, jurntat-karlaa. True/truly/really-SEMBL like.that-CAUS-PPERF-LOC like.that-PROP

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P.011 jurntat-ku-warnu nhawa-ayi. like.that-ACC-EMPH see-PERF ‘(She) really believed it had happened like that, (she'd) seen how it happened.'

P.012 Yanku-nha wantaawa marnta-ka-wa go-PAST somewhere mountain/hill-LOC-TOP1

P.013 muyirri-nha wantawanta-rri-ngu. kurtawurtu.

run-PAST mad/crazy/silly-INCH-REL true.enough 'So (she) went off somewhere into the hills, ran away, getting crazy alright.'

As ellipsis is common in the examples taken from Payarrany story, the reader

can determine their context (if they need) from the relevant sections contained within

the complete narrative presented in the appendix. The examples provided by MD, that

are presented in the following chapters, generally do not utilize extensive ellipsis; they

are usually isolated elicited clauses and sentences that are mostly ‘self contained’.

1.9.2 Glossing and Interpretation of the Kurrama Discourse Clitics

The wide range of clitics used in Kurrama are discussed in Chapter 5. However,

some of these clitics require some preliminary discussion here. I have not been able to

determine the full range of meanings and functions associated with a number of the

Kurrama clitics. In particular, those that I label the topicaliser clitics and the emphatic

clitics cause the most concern. Under each of these labels are a number of differing

morphemes that may have a number of differing meanings and functions that I have yet

to distinguish. I have identified seven clitics that I group together as topicalisers and

five clitics that I group together as emphatics.

In broad terms the topicaliser clitics appear to be employed to indicate the main

topic of the clause in which they occur; while the emphatic clitics place emphasis on the

host word to which they are attached within a clause. However, as stated, I have not

been able to distinguish the differences (or shades) of meaning and function within each

group. So, rather than force an interpretation I have decided to simply number each

clitic within each group. That is, I gloss the five emphatic clitics as EMPH1 to EMPH5

and gloss the seven topicaliser clitics as TOP1 to TOP7. Each of the differing clitic

morphemes that are glossed with these categories and numbers are presented in §5.1

and §5.2 respectively.

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It will be seen that two of these clitics are homophonous with two accusative

case allomorphs. The full range of Kurrama accusative allomorphs are presented in

Tables 2.1 and 2.2. The topicaliser clitic –yi, which I gloss as TOP4, has the same form

as the accusative allomorph that is added to disyllabic common nominals that end in /a/.

The emphatic clitic –wu, which I gloss as EMPH2, is homophonous with the accusative

allomorph that is added: a) to monosyllabic common nominals that end in a long vowel,

and b) to trisyllabic or longer common nominals that end in any vowel. However, the

distinct clitic and case functions of these forms can be determined from the contexts of

their use in the Payarrany narrative. That is, it is usually quite clear from the context in

which they are used as to whether –yi is acting as an accusative suffix or acting as a

topicaliser clitic, and whether –wu is acting as an accusative suffix or acting as an

emphatic clitic. Even though the functions of the clitics may not be fully understood the

functions of the accusative suffix are better understood and can be differentiated from

the clitics. The functions of the accusative suffix are dicussed in §2.2.2.

The reader will find that it is not uncommon for the same clitic to occur on more

than one host within a clause or sentence from the Payarrany narrative; as shown in the

following examples 1.1 and 1.2. While this might resemble the distribution of case

marking across a constituent this clitic marking is not agreement marking; each use of

the clitic acts independently (as is evident in the following example 1.2 where EMPH4

marks two separate pronouns). Also, as shown in examples 1.3 to 1.5, it is possible for

more than one clitic to be attached to a single host. However, this is not the same as a

series of case markers on a single nominal stem. A series of clitics on a host form a

‘flat’ structure where each of the clitics has scope over the same syntactic unit and their

order of placement on the host does not really matter, even though there is a preferred

order (see §5.7). Conversely, the order of a series of case suffixes on a stem does have

meaning; an outer suffix has scope over the preceding suffixes and the stem (see §2.9).

1.1 Yanku-ngumarnu waa-wa karra-ngka -wa

go-PROG frightened-TOP1 scrub/bush-LOC-TOP1 'Then (she) took off into the scrub frightened.' (P.009)

1.2 Kantharri nyinta-yu ngayu-yu ngarra-rtpunta. Daughter's.chld 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 1sg.ACC-EMPH4 hit-MIGHT 'Granny you might hit me!' (P.118)

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1.3 Purri-tkaayi-wa-yu cleanem-ma-rnu ngurnu, pull-PERF-TOP1-EMPH clean-CAUS-REL that.ACC

pawurta-wu-yu, ngarrarnmarta-la-wa-yu. powder-ACC-EMPH rifle-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 '(You) pull it through and it cleans that powder out of the rifle.' (P.308)

1.4 Nyinta parni-i nhungu, kamungu-nguli-ngu-yu 2sg.NOM stay-POT here hungry/empty-PSYCH-REL-EMPH

nyinta parni-i nhaa-mpa nyinku yurntaa-wayhu-yu-warnu 2sg.NOM be-POT this-TOP7 2sg.ACC flour-DIM-EMPH4-EMPH5

pirntu, nyinta kampa-rrkayi nhurnu. food 2sg.NOM cook-POT this.ACC

‘You stay here. If you get hungry this is a little bit of flour for you, you can cook this.’ (P.493)

1.5 ..kartpa kankala-wurtu-yu parntaya-nmarri-nha … ngani-ngarli

go.up on.top-EMPH3-EMPH4 find-COLL-PAST what-PL

ngunhungku … karrwanyji-wu pirtuwu-la karri-yangu-wa those pigeon-ACC boulder-LOC stand-REL-TOP1

walu-ngarli-la marnta-ngarli-la. boulder-PL-LOC rocks-PL-LOC ‘..(This fella) was going up along the top and found some…what-ya-call these?... pigeons standing on top of some boulders, on some rocks.' (P.115)

The Kurrama topicaliser and emphatic clitics are discussed further in Chapter 5

along with the other clitics that are employed within the Kurrama corpus. In all, the

topicaliser and emphatic clitics mostly occur in examples from the Payarrany narrative

where they are freely used by AP within the flow of his story telling. Most of the

examples provided by MD were elicited and rarely contain the discourse clitics.

1.10 Theoretical Perspective

This thesis is not based on a specific single theoretical framework. Instead this

study is underpinned by several theoretical approaches; but, overall, I adopt a

conservative position. This conservative position mainly rests on the limitations of the

Kurrama corpus at hand. Most of the unelicited language data comes from one

narrative, the Payarrany story, and further supportive data was gained mainly by

elicitation with one speaker. Secondly, in the short time that I spent with this consultant

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we found it difficult to test theoretical hypotheses. Thus only a relatively conservative

approach can be applied to the analysis and description of the limited language

materials in this study. For instance, I was unable to determine a definite pattern of case

marking of the arguments of passive ditransitive verbs in my work with MD; even

though Wordick (1982) does delineate a specific pattern for Yindjibarndi (see §6.6.2).

Therefore, a full ‘picture’ of Kurrama passive use cannot be drawn nor explained by

reference to a defining theoretical perspective.

It is assumed, in this study, that each Kurrama verb root comes with a lexical

specification for the argument types that it selects and the types of case marking that

these arguments receive. For example, because I was unable to delineate an overall

pattern of marking for ditransitive passives it can only be assumed that each ditransitive

verb comes with its own lexically specified argument case frames. Also, in §4.2, I

discuss a group of verbs that I describe as being ambitransitive. In some contexts these

ambitransitives act as intransitive verbs and do not select an object argument but in

other circumstances act as transitive verbs and do select an object argument. This

patterning of the ambitransitives is lexically specified. These verbs cannot easily be

categorized as being either transitive or intransitive.

In Kurrama, case and nominal suffix marking is not assigned to arguments by

virtue of the argument’s structural position in a clause. For example, in §4.5.7 and §6.7,

it is shown that the object arguments of imperative marked transitive verbs are not

assigned accusative marking; even though object arguments are typically assigned

accusative marking in other active transitive constructions.

Yet, it can be argued that there are some general ‘patterns’ or ‘templates’ into

which semantically comparable verbs and their arguments can be slotted. For instance,

the various simple and complex sentence types examined in this study could be

considered as ‘templates’ into which various verbs and their arguments can be inserted.

However, as will be shown in the following chapters, there are variations within the

patterning of the Kurrama sentence types. I take a conservative view and maintain that

these variations are lexically specified. That is, each verb and the arguments that it

selects behave in their own way within the patterning of each sentence type.

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2. NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY

2.1 Introduction

Kurrama, like many Australian languages, does not use prepositions or

postpositions and the function of a NP in a clause or phrase is indicated, instead, by a

system of case and nominal suffix marking. Case and nominal suffix marking in

Kurrama is a dependent marking system where case and nominal suffix inflections are

usually distributed among all the constituents of a NP to indicate the relation of that NP

to the syntactic head of a clause or phrase. In the Kurrama corpus I have identified 13

separate groups of case and nominal suffix allomorphs that encode 13 different

groupings, or categories, of function. The selection of an allomorph from a case or

nominal suffix group is often determined by the lexical category of the nominal to

which it is attached as well as the phonological and syllabic structure of that nominal.

In Table 2.1, presented on the following page, are listed the case and nominal

suffixes (in bold) that are selected by common nominals and proper names that end with

a vowel. In Table 2.2 are listed the case and nominal suffixes selected by common

nominals and proper names that end with a consonant. The consonant or vowel ending

of a common nominal may determine the case or nominal suffix allomorph that a

common nominal will select. The syllabic structure of a vowel final common nominal

may also influence the inflection that it selects. So, in Table 2.2 the inflections assigned

to consonant final common nominals are presented under final consonant divisions, and

in Table 2.1 the inflections assigned to vowel final common nominals are listed under

syllabic structure and (sometimes) final vowel divisions. If the final vowel of a common

nominal does influence the selection of an inflection then this is indicated in the relevant

division in Table 2.1. However, if the final vowel has no influence then only a single

representative common nominal is listed in the relevant division in Table 2.1

For instance, the same comitative allomorph is assigned to every vowel final

common nominal regardless of its syllabic and final vowel configuration. Yet, while

CVV and CVCV dimoric common nominals are assigned the same instrumental

allomorph the longer structures CVNCV and CV(C)VCV are not. And, while the type

of vowel ending in a CVNCV common nominal does influence the instrumental

allomorph that is assigned to it, the vowel endings in the other syllabic structures do not.

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Ta

ble

2.1

Inf

lect

ions

for n

omin

als e

ndin

g in

a v

owel

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Tabl

e 2.

2 I

nfle

ctio

ns fo

r nom

inal

s end

ing

in a

con

sona

nt

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It should be noted that in Table 2.1 the division CVV represents a common

nominal made up of a consonant plus a long vowel and not a consonant plus two short

vowels. That is the CVV structure represents a monosyllabic nominal with a dimoric

count and not a disyllabic nominal with a dimoric count.

Overall, the corresponding Yindjibarndi common nominal and proper name

inflections pattern the same as the Kurrama inflections listed in Tables 2.1 and 2.2.

Wordick (1982: 58) does use the label objective case, where I use accusative case, but

the same allomorphs of this inflection do occur in the same phonological environments

in both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama.

In Tables 2.1 and 2.2 it can be seen that the assignment of case and nominal

suffix allomorphs to proper names is not as complex as common nominal inflection. In

each case or suffix category all vowel final proper names select the same allomorph

regardless of their syllable and final vowel configurations. Consonant final proper

names also often select the same allomorph in each case or nominal suffix division

regardless of their final consonant. However, in some instances consonant final proper

names behave like consonant final common nominals. That is, in some case or nominal

suffix categories the consonant final proper names select the same allomorphs as do

common nominals with the same consonant ending. For example, locative marking of

consonant final proper names is the same as locative marking of consonant final

common nominals: if a proper name and a common nominal end in /n/ they are inflected

with –ta; if they end in /ny/ they are inflected with –tha; and if they end in /t/ or /rr/ they

are inflected with –a etc.

The reader will have observed that only eleven categories of the Kurrama case

and nominal suffix divisions are presented in Tables 2.1 and 2.2. I have only a limited

number of examples of the two remaining categories, dweller/denizen and indirect

allative, so I cannot provide a representative list of their allomorphs. However, the

functions of these categories are briefly discussed in this chapter. Also, the case forms

of the Kurrama pronouns are not listed in Tables 2.1 and 2.2. The pronouns have a

different morphology to that of nominal suffixes and are presented in Table 3.1 in

Chapter Three. Yet, some examples of pronominal case are presented in this chapter to

illustrate instances of case function.

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Table 2.3 Headings under which the Kurrama nominal suffixes are discussed

Lowest syntactic level of operation Case or nominal suffix type

core clausal function nominative, accusative

peripheral clausal function instrumental

phrasal adnominal function genitive, comitative, proprietive, privative, associative, dweller/denizen and specific referent marker

local function locative, ablative, direct and indirect allative

Dixon (2002: 132 - 143) divides Australian case and nominal suffixes into four

categories based on their (lowest) syntactic level of operation; these are: core clausal

functions, peripheral clausal functions, phrasal functions, and local functions (which can

operate at both a phrasal and/or a clausal level). Yet, like those that have a local

function, a range of case and nominal suffixes, in many Australian languages, operate at

more than one syntactic level. Dench and Evans (1988) delineate four levels of function

for Australian nominal suffixes, which are also found in Kurrama; these are: adnominal,

relational, referential and complementiser functions.

The adnominal function of Kurrama nominal marking operates at the phrasal

level and serves to relate ‘NPs to NPs within the one NP constituent’. The relational

function of Kurrama nominal marking serves to indicate the role of NPs within a clause

where arguments are related to predicates. The referential function operates within a

Kurrama clause and relates a secondary predicate to its controller (which is an argument

of the primary predication). The complementiser function, in Kurrama, indicates the

relations between clauses and indicates ‘that one clause is an argument of another .. or

that certain coreference relationships exist between two clauses’ (adapted and quoted

from Dench & Evans 1988: 2).

In the following examination of the Kurrama case and nominal suffixes each

suffix is discussed under one of Dixon’s (2002) categories. The category under which a

suffix is placed represents the lowest syntactic level at which it operates; as summarized

in Table 2.3 above. The higher levels at which a suffix may also operate are then

examined within the discussion of each individual suffix. For example, accusative

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marking is discussed under the heading ‘core clausal function’, and not under the lower

‘phrasal function’ level, but the discussion of this case marker also includes an

examination of its possible referential and complementiser functions.

2.2 Cases with a Core Clausal Function

A simple verbal clause, in Kurrama, most often contains an intransitive verb or a

transitive verb, although ambitransitive and ditransitive verbs are also possible (see §4.1

and §4.2). At its simplest, when there is no ellipsis, an intransitive verb will select a

subject argument S, while a transitive verb will select a subject argument A and an

object argument O (Dixon, 2002: 132). In Kurrama, the case marking of A, S and O

arguments in active verbal clauses follows a nominative-accusative pattern. NPs with

either S or A functions select nominative case while O arguments select accusative case.

Nominative case marking is first examined in the following section and then

accusative marking is discussed. Other situations where nominative and accusative

marking are used, beyond marking the A, S or O arguments of a verbal active clause,

are examined within each section.

2.2.1 Nominative Case

In Kurrama there is no overt nominative case marker for common nominals, and

NPs with either an A or S function in a verbal clause are left unmarked. The following

examples illustrate this. Examples 2.1 to 2.3 illustrate zero5

nominative marking of core

arguments with an A function, and examples 2.4 and 2.5 illustrate zero nominative

marking of core arguments with an S function.

2.1 Warlipi-Ø nhawu-nha wanyja-yi jilirra-wu warru- u. boy-NOM see -PAST dog-ACC big-ACC black-ACC ‘The boy saw the big black dog.’ (MD)

2.2 Mangkurla-Ø ngalhi ngangka-yi piwi-i purtpi. child - NOM cry.PRES mother-ACC breast-ACC want 'The child is crying for mother, (she) wants breast/milk.' (MD)

5 For the purposes of illustration the examples of nominative marking are shown with a zero

marker in this section. In the sections that follow the zero marker is not used and instead nominative NPs are left unmarked.

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2.3 Nhawu-Ø nhawu-nha kurri-i. man - NOM see-PAST young.girl-ACC 'The man saw the girl.' (MD)

2.4 Wirrwi-Ø muyhumuyhu-Ø parraa-rrku. wind-NOM cold-NOM blow-PRES 'A cold wind is blowing.' (MD)

2.5 Warlipi-Ø pangkarri-nha wuntu-warta thampi-yarta. Boy-NOM go-PAST river/creek-ALL wide-ALL 'The boy went to the wide river.' (MD)

Nominative marking also occurs in other contexts beyond the coding of

arguments with an A or S function in an active verbal clause. The subject arguments of

nonverbal predications also select nominative case, as is shown in examples 2.6 and 2.7.

Further, in passive constructions and imperative clauses, the arguments that have a

patient, goal or recipient role may also select nominative case; as is shown in examples

2.8 to 2.12.

2.6 Kari-Ø maru-Ø paja nyinku. Grog-NOM mob/many-NOM no.good/not.right 2sg.ACC 'Too much grog is bad for you.' (MD and TC)

2.7 Nhaa karnti-Ø malu-u wapa. this.NOM tree-NOM shade-ACC good ‘This tree is good for shade.' (MD)

2.8 Kupija-Ø kartpa-nguli-nha ngurra-yi ngangka-lu. baby-NOM take-PASS-PAST camp-ACC mother-INSTR

'The baby was taken home/camp by (her/his) mother.' (MD)

2.9 Nhawu-Ø yungku-nguli-nha pungkanyu-lu martumirri-wu man-NOM give-PASS-PAST woman-INSTR bread/damper-ACC 'The man was given damper by the woman.' (MD)

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2.10 Nganila-Ø parni janka-rnaarnu kurtan-ma-rnaarnu thing-NOM be.PRES tie-PPERF bag-CAUS-PPERF ngunhat martkurra-ma-rnaarnu purntura-Ø thatDEF good-CAUS-PPERF rolled.up-NOM (P.224) 'That thing had been tied up into a bag, had been made neatly and rolled up.'

2.11 Karnti-Ø manku-ma karla-ma-rrkayi stick-NOM get-IMP fire-CAUS-POT 'Get sticks and make a fire!' (TC)

2.12 Waama-nma wanyja-Ø wangka-ma, “pangkarri!” scare/frighten-IMP dog-NOM tell/say -IMP go 'Scare the dog away tell (it), “Go!”’ (MD)

In Kurrama, a secondary predicate is marked in agreement with the case

marking assigned to its controller. So, a secondary predicate will be left unmarked if it

has a nominative controller. This is illustrated in example 2.10, above, where the

secondary predicate purntura ‘rolled up’ selects zero marking in agreement with its

nominative controller nganila-Ø. In example 2.13, below, the secondary predicate

kupiyarri ‘small (plural)’ also selects zero marking in agreement with its nominative

controller mangkurlarra-Ø. Secondary predication in Kurrama is discussed in §6.5.

2.13. Mangkurlarra-Ø nhungu-mu parni-ngu yalaa

child.PL-NOM here-THEN stay-REL now Paparrathalu-la kupiyarri-Ø -mu Wyloo-LOC small.PL-NOM-THEN '(He and his) children were here then, staying now at Wyloo Station, (they were) little then.’ (P.395)

I was unable to find a definite example of nominative complementiser marking

in the Kurrama corpus. The following bracketed clause in example 2.14 is much like

one would expect of a nominative NP-relative but is more likely to be an independent

parenthetical comment rather than a dependent clause. That is, the bracketed clause in

example 2.14 has the initial appearance of a NP-relative clause that is controlled by one

argument of the main clause subject, ‘the old man’, and thereby could be seen as

selecting zero nominative complementiser marking in agreement with this nominative

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controller. However, it is more likely that the demonstrative ngunhu has a pronominal

function in the bracketed clause (see §3.2.1), and thereby the bracketed clause is an

independent clause (with a complete set of arguments) that is inserted into example 2.14

as a qualifying comment (about the old man’) that expresses ‘that.one/he used to kill

dingoes’; rather than acting as the modifying NP-relative ‘that used to kill dingoes’.

2.14 Ngunhangkat payanyji-ngarli, jarrwurti payanyji, juju-nha-wa-nta those policeman-PL three policeman old.man-SPEC-TOP1-INTRG

[ngunhu-mpa-yu yuurru-wu kurruma-nmarta-yu], that.NOM-TOP2-EMPH4 dog-ACC kill-HABIT-EMPH4

jarrwurti ngunhangkat jurlu-wa, kartpa-rna yaayu-warri-ngu. three those all-TOP1 carry-PAST aunty-PRIV-ACC

‘Those policemen, the three policemen, and the old man too, I suppose, [that used to kill dingoes] / [he used to kill dingoes], and all three of those policemen, they carried poor old Aunty’. (P.520)

The corresponding nominative marker of common nominals, and NPs, in

Yindjibarndi is also the zero inflection. The common nominal subjects of the same

range of clause types, as are found in Kurrama, are also left unmarked in nominative

case in Yindjibarndi. Secondary predication and complementiser agreement in

Yindjibarndi can be made with the zero nominative (even though it is not visible).

2.2.2 Accusative Case

The modern accusative markers in the Central Pilbara languages have evolved

from an earlier dative marker (see Dench 1982a; 2001; 2006). However, following

Dench (1991: 139) I choose to label these markers as accusative inflections rather than

as dative inflections. Dench (1991: 139) argues for Panyjima that ‘because the main

function of the modern (accusative) suffix is to mark transitive objects and because

something of the semantics of direct-objecthood adheres to all uses of the morpheme’

he prefers to label the suffix as an accusative marker rather than as a dative. To retain

some consistency with the descriptions of Panyjima, and the other languages in the area,

I label the Kurrama marker in question as an accusative suffix, and not a dative, but

recognize that although it is used mainly as direct object marker it does have other

functions (see below). Note that Wordick (1982) chose to use the classification

‘objective’ case marker for the corresponding suffix in Yindjibarndi.

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In Kurrama, the main function of the accusative suffix is to distinguish an

argument with an O function from the unmarked nominative subject argument A in a

transitive clause. However, as Kurrama does not employ a distinct dative case marker,

the accusative is used to mark both the direct and indirect object arguments in an active

ditransitive clause, and can mark an optional beneficiary or goal NP which can be added

to most clause types. An ambitransitive clause may or may not contain an accusative

marked argument (see §4.2). The accusative suffix can also mark non-subject

complements in nonverbal clauses. For example, the nominal predicates mirnu ‘know’

and purtpi ‘want’ can select accusative complements, as can a range of common

nominals that act as predicates which ascribe a property to the subject of a clause. This

was shown in the earlier examples 2.6 and 2.7 where the property ascribed to the subject

is relative to the perspective of the referent of the accusative marked complement.

The following example 2.15 illustrates an ambitransitive verb that can either

select or not select an accusative argument.

2.15 Wirrwi parraa-rrku , wirrwi parraa- rnu jurli-i

wind blow.(wind)-PRES , wind blow.(wind)-REL sand-ACC 'The wind is blowing, the wind is blowing the sand.' (MD)

The following examples 2.16 and 2.17 illustrate the accusative marking of

complements of the nominal predicate mirnu ‘know’. The earlier example 2.2 illustrated

an accusative marked complement of the nominal predicate purtpi ‘want’.

2.16 Ngayi mirnu ngurnu ngurra-yi wanthila-wu 1sg.NOM know that.ACC camp-ACC where.at-ACC mirnu kurta Yalyarra-ngu wanthila-wu. know very Yalyarra -ACC where.at-ACC (P.167) 'I knew where that camp was. (I) knew where it must be at Yalyarra.'

2.17 Nyinta mirnu ngayu. 2sg:NOM know 1sg.ACC 'You know me.’ (MD)

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The following examples 2.18 and 2.19 illustrate the accusative marking of

arguments of the ditransitive verb yungku ‘give’. In these examples both the theme and

the recipient are marked accusative.

2.18 Nhawu yungku-nha ngayu murla-yi.

man give-PAST 1sg.ACC meat-ACC 'The man gave me meat.’ (MD)

2.19 Ngayi wanyja-yi yungku-nha murla-yi 1sg.NOM dog-ACC give-PAST meat-ACC ‘I gave the dog the meat.’ (MD)

In a Kurrama ditransitive passive

construction one of the arguments of the

passive marked ditransitive verb will select accusative marking. Typically the patient or

theme is marked accusative in a ditransitive passive construction while the beneficiary

or recipient is marked nominative; as was illustrated by the earlier example 2.9. Yet, in

the following example of a ditransitive passive the recipient/beneficiary argument is

assigned accusative marking. However, this example is problematic and is discussed in

further detail in §6.6.2.

2.20 Martumirri yungku-nguli-nha ngayu pungkanyu-lu bread/damper give-PASS-PAST 1sg.ACC woman-INSTR

‘Damper was given to me by the woman.' (MD)

In the passive construction in example 2.8 a goal argument is marked accusative.

In Kurrama it is possible to add an optional accusative marked goal to a number of

differing clause types. Optional accusative marked beneficiaries can also be added to

Kurrama clauses. For instance, in example 2.21, below, an accusative beneficiary is

added to a transitive clause, and in example 2.22 an accusative beneficiary is added to a

nonverbal clause. In effect, in these examples the Kurrama accusative retains the

function of the ancestral dative of earlier times. That is, in the split ergative systems, of

many Australian languages, the dative is used to not only mark the peripheral

complements of predicates that are not transitive verbs (such as the second argument of

intransitive or ‘middle’ verbs such as ‘cry for’, ‘laugh at’ or ‘be sorry for’) but is also

used to mark beneficiary adjuncts in transitive and intransitive clauses, as well as

marking the recipient or beneficiary arguments of ditransitive verbs. (Dixon, 2002:

134). As stated, these functions are covered in Kurrama by the accusative inflection.

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2.21 Ngunhu pungkanyu kampa-rrkayi murla-yi ngaliwumpurruu that woman cook-POT meat-ACC 1pl.inc.ACC 'That woman will cook meat for us.' (MD)

2.22 Nhaa-mpa nyinku nyila-yi this.(near)-TOP7 2sg.ACC water-TOP4 ‘Here's water for you.’ (P.488) Accusative case marking agreement (or case copying) can be used in both

secondary predications and subordinate clauses in Kurrama. In the following examples

2.23 and 2.24 the accusative marking of the secondary predicate indicates that it is

controlled by the accusative marked argument of the primary predication (see §6.5)

2.23 Nhaa nhawungarra-rna ngayu majarra-wu.

this.(near) look.after-PAST 1sg.ACC sick/sore-ACC 'This one looked after me when I was sick.' (MD)

2.24 Pajila-wu ngarrka kampaayi-wu. caper.bush.fruit-ACC eat.PRES ripe-ACC '(You) eat the caper fruit (when it is) ripe.' (MD)

Accusative complementiser marking of a subordinate clause indicates a co-

referential link between the subordinate clause and an accusative marked argument of

the matrix clause; as the following example of an accusative marked NP-relative

illustrates. This example is the Kurrama equivalent of a Panyjima finite relative clause

presented by Dench (1991: 198). I used English, and not Panyjima, to elicit this

response from Maudie Dowton.

2.25 Ngayi purri-rna mangkurla-wu [ pawa-ngka-wu pungka-ayi-wu]. 1sg.NOM pull-PAST child-ACC water-LOC-ACC fall.down-PERF-ACC

‘I pulled out the child who had fallen in the water.' (MD)

Wordick (1982: 66-68) uses the term objective case for the corresponding

Yindjibarndi accusative. This Yindjibarndi objective case marker behaves the same as

does the Kurrama accusative. However, Wordick (1982: 54) classifies the Yindjibarndi

objective case as a clitic because ‘nouns which have been inflected with them become

indeclineables’. Wordick (1982: 78) uses the classification ‘indeclineables’ to refer to ‘a

class of words which resemble nouns, but do not decline. They will accept clitics, but

not suffixes’. I consider the Kurrama accusative to be a nominal case suffix but it must

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be said that a Kurrama nominal once inflected with the accusative is blocked from

receiving further case or nominal suffix marking. It can, however, receive clitic marking

(see §2.6).

2.3 Nominal Suffixes with a Peripheral Clausal Function

In his summary of case and other nominal suffixes in the Australian languages,

Dixon (2002: 133-134) identifies five possible categories of nominal suffix that may

have peripheral clausal functions; these are; purposive, dative, instrumental, causal and

aversive. These are described by Dixon (2002: 133) has having ‘non-core functions at

the clause level’. Dixon sets these apart from suffixes with local functions which may

act at a phrasal level as well as at a peripheral clausal level (see §2.5). The instrumental

suffix is the only category of nominal suffix that could be identified as having ‘a non-

core clausal function’ in Kurrama. I have not identified purposive, causal and aversive

nominal suffixes in the Kurrama corpus and, as already stated, there is no distinct dative

suffix in Kurrama.

The instrumental suffix occurs most often in passive constructions in Kurrama.

The instrumental suffix can be said to have a non-core function in a passive clause

because emphasis is taken away from an agent argument in a passive construction by

placing it in peripheral instrumental function (or by omitting it altogether).

Alternatively, non-agent arguments are placed into prominence in a passive clause by

placing them in core nominative function (see §6.6.4).

2.3.1 Instrumental Suffix

In many Australian languages that have an ergative system for marking core

arguments with an A function, the instrumental suffix has the same form as the ergative

marker. In Kurrama (and in the other nominative-accusative marking Central Pilbara

languages) the modern instrumental suffix has evolved from an earlier

ergative/instrumental case marking form. Today, the main function of the instrumental,

in Kurrama, is to mark the agent or instrument argument of a passive verb, but it can be

used to mark instruments in active declarative clauses, and can also mark secondary

predicate and complementiser agreement. The instrumental inflection is also used to

mark the body part of an ellipsed subject in an imperative clause where the body part

acts as an instrument. This contrasts with the marking of body parts in active declarative

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sentences where a body part is left unmarked if it belongs to the nominative subject of

the sentence (see §6.4).

The following example illustrates instrumental marking in an active declarative

clause where it indicates the use of an instrument (other than a body part) within the

performance of an action. Although it should have been relatively straightforward to

elicit other examples of this use of instrumental marking in active declarative clauses

this is the only example that I have. One could expect, for instance, that external (non-

body part) instruments could also be used in actions such as: wanpi ‘hit/beat’, yurra

‘dig’ and kartaa ‘poke’.

2.26 Ngayi tharni-rna kaju-ngku.

1sg:NOM chop-PAST axe-INSTR

'I chopped (it) with an axe.' (Hale 1959, ex: 38)

Examples 2.27 to 2.30 illustrate the use of the instrumental in passive

constructions. In 2.27 and 2.28 the agent selects the instrumental marker whereas in

2.29 it is an instrument that selects the marker. In 2.30 both the agent and the

inalienably possessed body part/instrument are marked as instrumental.

2.27 Murla mangkurla-lu kampa-rnaarnu

meat child-INSTR cook-PPERF

'The meat was cooked by the child.' (MD)

2.28 Murla nhuwa-ngku ngayarntu-lu kampa-rnaarnu meat spouse-INSTR 1sg.GEN-INSTR cook-PPERF

'The meat was cooked by my wife.' (MD)

2.29 Warrapa nhaa pirntu manku-yangaarnu spinifex this food/seed get-PPERF

ngarra-nnguli marnta-ku pirlin-ta chop-PASS.PRES rock-INSTR flat.rock-LOC (P.403)

'This spinifex seed is collected and pounded on a flat rock, with another rock.’

2.30 Wanyja wanpi-nguli-nha nhawu-ngku mara-ngku dog hit-PASS-PAST man-INSTR hand-INSTR ‘The dog was hit by the man with his hand.’ (MD)

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In the following example 2.31 the manner secondary predicate winimarnu

‘quickly’ is marked instrumental in agreement with its instrumental marked controller

pungkanyu-lu. In example 2.32 the imperative inflected clause contains a body part

marked as an instrument, as also does the potential inflected command in example 2.33

(see also §6.7.2 and §6.8).

2.31 Martumirri karpa-nguli-nha winimarnu-lu 6

bread/damper bring-PASS-PAST quick(ly)-INSTR woman-INSTR pungkanyu-lu

'The bread was brought quickly by the woman.' (MD)

2.32 Mara-ngku manku-ma hand-INSTR get/grab-IMP ‘Get it with (your) hand!’ (MD)

2.33 Mara-ngku wanpi-kayi wanyja-yi Hand-INSTR hit/strike-POT dog-ACC 'Hit the dog with (your) hand.' (MD)

Examples where the instrumental marker functions as a complementizing suffix

are relatively rare in the Kurrama corpus. However, some examples of instrumental

complementiser marking of subordinate clauses are presented in §7.1.1.3. The

corresponding Yindjibarndi instrumental case marker has the same range of functions as

does the Kurrama instrumental suffix.

2.4 Nominal Suffixes That Have a Phrasal Adnominal Function

Included in this category are those nominal suffixes that have an adnominal

function; they relate an NP to another NP within the one NP constituent. In Kurrama

this includes genitive, comitative, proprietive and privative marking. I will discuss each

of these in turn, and then briefly examine the associative, and denizen/dweller suffixes

which also have adnominal functions. I then discuss the specific referent marker (SPEC)

which is used to mainly mark proper names. I end this section with an examination of

dual and plural number marking of nominals.

6 Manner secondary predication is discussed in §6.5.2.3 and also in §6.5.3. It is somewhat problematic as to whether winimarnu-lu does actually form a secondary predicate in this situation.

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In §2.2 and §2.3 we have seen case and nominal suffixes that can have

referential and complementiser functions. But, can a constituent inflected with an

adnominal suffix act as the controller of a secondary predicate or a subordinate clause in

Kurrama? There are no examples of this in the Kurrama corpus so it would seem that if

it does occur it is very infrequent. Although very distantly related to Kurrama, the

following Eastern and Central Arrernte secondary predication illustrates that it is

possible for adnominal suffixes to have a referential role in some Australian languages.

In this Eastern and Central Arrernte example a secondary predicate is marked with a

proprietive suffix in agreement with its proprietive marked controller. However,

adnominal suffixes are only occasionally used in Arrernte secondary predications (Hill,

2004).

2.34 Eastern and Central Arrernte secondary predication

Anyikwe re akenhe akwele itwe anteme kere atw-eke-rle , Father 3sg.ERG mean.while QUOT close now meat kill-PAST-REL

kere intwalpe-akerte akwele arrate-rle.alhe-rlenge arletye-akerte. meat over.shoulders-PROP QUOT appear-Do&Go-DS raw/fresh-PROP

‘Meanwhile the father, having killed some meat, was close by and (he) came into view with the meat over (his) shoulders, fresh/raw.’ (Heffernan, 1989: 24)

In Kurrama, the adnominal suffixes may be used to derive new lexical items that

have their own inflectional possibilities. Examples of this are given in the following

discussion on the associative, semblative and denizen/dweller suffixes. In Kurrama, the

derivational properties of these suffixes can extend to the marking of verbs to derive

new lexical items; as some of the examples in the following sections will illustrate.

2.4.1 Genitive Suffix

In Kurrama, the genitive suffix can be used to indicate that a possessive relation

holds between the persons or entities described in two NPs or it can denote an

associative relation between the persons or entities described in two NPs. Both of these

functions of the Kurrama genitive are discussed below.

As in many Australian languages, there are two main ways of expressing

possession in Kurrama. These two patterns can be identified with alienable and

inalienable possession. Generally, a whole has inalienable possession of its parts, such

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as a person and his or her body parts, and this inalienable relationship is coded in a

clause or sentence by apposition of the expressions that describe the whole and the

parts. The previous example 2.30 illustrates this; the expressions for ‘man’ and ‘his

hand’ are juxtaposed and are both marked with the same nominal suffix, which in this

example is the instrumental suffix.

Alternatively, alienable possession in Kurrama (as in many other Australian

languages) is generally indicated by genitive marking of an NP that describes the

possessor of an alienable possession. However, across the diversity of the Australian

languages, the distinctions between inalienable and alienable possession are somewhat

language specific. It is possible for an alienable possession in one Australian language

to be identified as inalienable possession in another Australian language, and vice versa.

The following examples illustrate Kurrama genitive marking of alienable possession.

Inalienable part/whole relations are discussed in more detail in §6.4

2.35 Nhaa ngarta nhanti pungkanyu-yarntu

this.(near) man husband woman-GEN

‘This man is the woman's husband.’ (MD)

2.36 Wanthila-mpa yaayu-ngarntu yurrama-yu? where-TOP7 aunty-GEN soak-EMPH4 "Where is Aunty's soak?" (P.177)

2.37 Jurntaat ngunhangkat kartpa-nha murtiwarla-arta yini, like.that those carry-PAST car-ALL only

payanyji-ngarli-yarntu-warta murtiwarla-arta. policeman-PL-GEN-ALL car-ALL 'And like that they carried (her) until (they) got to the policemen's car." (P.521)

2.38 Nhaa ngayarntu kantharri-yarntu mangkurla.

this.(near) 1sg.GEN granddaughter-GEN child

'This is my granddaughter's child.' (MD)

The Kurrama genitive suffix can also be used to indicate an associative relation

rather than a possessive relation. The following examples illustrate this. In 2.39 the

‘shirt’ is for a ‘big man’, and in 2.40 the ‘bucket and all’ is for ‘water’. Note, that there

is also an alienable possessive relation indicated by genitive marking in example 2.40.

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2.39 Jaatu ngunhan jilirra-arntu ngartarra nhawu-yarntu, mirta kupija-wu. shirt that big-GEN only man-GEN not little-EMPH2

‘This shirt could only fit (is for) a big man, not a little one.’ (P.300)

2.40 Yanku-nha murruka-arta-mu-wa ngunhat-jarntu-warta-mu-wa go-PAST car-ALL-THEN-TOP1 thatDEF-GEN-ALL-THEN-TOP1

murtiwarla-arta manku-lu pirntu-u, pirraa-minyjarnu-wu car-ALL get/grab-PURP food-ACC bucket-ANDALL-ACC pawa-arntu-u. water-GEN-ACC (P.478) '(He) went back to that car of his to get food, and a bucket (and all) for water.'

An associative relationship between ‘water’ and the genitive marked ‘road’ is

made in the following example 2.41; the water is ‘for the road’ as in ‘for the trip’ (or

more specifically ‘for those who are travelling on the road’). MD did not further inflect

yirtiya-arntu ‘road-GEN’ with the accusative suffix but did overtly state (in English)

that she was expressing that it is ‘water’ that is to be taken ‘for the road’ (so they won’t

perish).

2.41 Ngayi pawa-yi manki-i kartpa-tkayi yirtiya-arntu.

1sg.NOM water-ACC get-POT take-POT road-GEN 'I will get some water to take for the road.' (MD)

In 2.42, below, a lexical item is formed by the use of genitive marking of the

verb pungkurri ‘cover’. This Kurrama name for blankets is derived from their

associative function, or purpose, and can be literally translated as expressing: ‘for

covering over’.

2.42 Ngunhangka-rru Kurrama wangka pungkurri-yharntu-wa

those-NOW Kurrama call.PRES cover-GEN-TOP1 blanket-wu-yu. blanket-ACC-EMPH4

"Pungkurriyharntu, that's what the Kurrama call blankets.' (P.072)

The genitive marking of an associative relation is also used on two other verbs in

the Kurrama corpus. In these instances the associative relationship is also somewhat like

a purpose; in the following example 2.43 ‘for digging’ and in example 2.44 ‘for eating’.

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2.43 Karnti ngarrwi-yangu-la-wa jinkarn-pathu-yu mutha jaapala, stick lie.down-REL-LOC-TOP1 crowbar-DIM-EMPH4 point sharp

ngunhu kurrumanthu7

that goanna dig-CM-GEN anthill-ACC also poke-POT yurra-t-jarntu ngarntula-wu ngantha karta-rtkayi.

‘And there was a stick lying in there, a little digging stick with a sharp point, that was for digging out goannas or breaking out anthills. (P.220)

2.44 Well, ngunha pirntu -ngarli-yu ngarrku-yarntu-ngarli, well that food-PL-EMPH4 eat-GEN-PL ngarluwany, puwayi, ngarku … rush.nut rush.nut onion 'Well, all of these things (in a heavy bag) were foods, things to be eaten (for eating), ngarluwany, puwayi, ngarku ..' (P.276)

The principal function of the corresponding Yindjibarndi genitive case marker is

also to indicate alienable possession. Wordick (1982: 70) does not speak of the genitive

as a marker of associative relations but does state that it can be ‘employed as a

benefactive’. This is illustrated by Wordick (1982: 70) with the following example

where a genitive pronoun acts as a beneficiary.

2.45 Yindjibarndi

Nhaa murla nyinkaarnrtu. This meat you(GEN)

‘This meat is for you.’ (Wordick, 1982: 70)

2.4.2 Comitative and Proprietive Suffixes

There are two morphologically distinct suffixes in the Kurrama data that can be

identified respectively as the comitative and proprietive suffixes. The main form of the

comitative suffix is -wari and the main form of the proprietive suffix is -karlaa. The

proprietive suffix most often marks a person or entity as ‘having’ a certain quality,

property or part; and the comitative most often marks a person or object as

7 Why isn’t kurrumanthu assigned case marking? I cannot say. It would not necessarily select accusative marking because it seems to be part of a phrase with yurra-t-jarntu. However, if it does form a nominal phrase with yurra-t-jarntu wouldn’t it select genitive (concord) marking? This an instance where concord marking is omitted or perhaps the two expressions form the compound kurrumanthu-yurra-t-jarntu.

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accompanying with or being used by a person or entity. The following examples

illustrate this.

In 2.46, below, the comitative suffix translates best as marking an entity that is

used to carry out an action. That is, the translation of 2.46 is better understood as

expressing ‘I’ll get with the bucket..’ rather than ‘I’ll go with the bucket..’. The

comitative in this instance indicates the ‘use’ of something by someone; whereas

proprietive marking would be used to indicate someone as ‘having’ something. In 2.47

the comitative suffix translates best as marking accompaniment with the other

‘husbands and wives’. In example 2.48 the proprietive suffix is best translated as

marking an entity as ‘having’ a certain characteristic or property. In example 2.49 the

proprietive suffix marks the agents as ‘having’ a certain entity, a blanket. The subjects

are taking the blanket so that they can carry the old lady Payarrany, on it, back down

through rough country. The old lady is frail and unwell and is stranded in rough terrain.

At this stage the blanket is not yet used to carry the old lady.

2.46 Ngayi yanku-nha8

1sg.NOM go-PAST waterhole/water-ALL-TOP4 bucket-COM get-PURP kayulu-warta-yi pirraa-wari manku-rlu.

"I'll go to the water hole to get (some water) with the bucket." (P.486)

2.47 Mangkala-la-yu nhungkat parni-aayi nhuwamalingka- wari. Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4 those stay-PERF spouse.group-COM

'Those ones had been staying at Red Hill, with the husbands and wives.' (P.002)

2.48 Mirta ngarrka-yi might be thintharr-karlaa. not/no eat-POT might be poison - PROP 'Don't eat (it), (it) might have poison.' (MD)

2.49 Blanket-karlaa -yu yanku-nha ngunyji jingkakurru tharnayi-mpa blanket-PROP-EMPH4 go-PAST thereNV upriver long.way-TOP7

'(They) went off with a blanket, up the river, it was a long way’ (P.513)

8 AP definitely uses the past suffix here. Perhaps it is a slip that AP makes when retelling what Fred Bashford (a government trapper) says to old Sarah before going to get some water (see P.486 in appendix). It is not clear as to whether Fred spoke Kurrama; perhaps AP is quoting a possible slip that could be made by Fred?

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Dixon (2002: 140) divides the possible meanings of the comitative/proprietive

suffix, in Australian languages, into three different sets. Dixon’s (2002: 140) first set

includes ‘having’ attributes, such as a person ‘having’ a certain physical characteristic

or alienable possession; or a place ‘having’ a certain characteristic; or a person ‘having’

a certain mental or corporeal state. This ‘having’ set corresponds best to the meaning

and use of the proprietive suffix in Kurrama.

Dixon’s (2002: 140) second set includes ‘accompaniment’ where a person is

accompanied by another entity (human, animal, or an inanimate object) who/which

assist, or do not assist, the motion, or state of rest, of the person they accompany. This

set of accompaniment best corresponds to the meaning and use of the comitative suffix

in Kurrama. Also, in Dixon’s (2002: 140) second set of meanings of the comitative

suffix he includes the marking of ‘a person doing something to someone/something

with an instrument’; this too corresponds best to the Kurrama comitative.

Dixon’s (2002: 140) third set includes the comitative as a marker of temporal

relations. The example Dixon (2002: 140) gives is: ‘we wintertime-HAVING go to the

coast’ which translates as: ‘we go to the coast in wintertime’. Dixon (2002: 141) states

that his temporal use of the comitative marker is rare in Australian languages. Dixon

(2002: 141) does not cite any specific languages which use this construction but does

present a comparable Yidinj example that glosses as: ‘we moon-COMIT go.walkabout-

NONPAST’ which translates as: ‘we (could) go walkabout by moonlight’. I have no

comparable examples in the Kurrama data. Instead, the locative suffix is most often

used in Kurrama as a temporal marker and not the proprietive or comitative (see §2.5.1

on locative marking).

In all, there are only a few freely occurring examples of the comitative and

proprietive in the Kurrama corpus, but it is possible to summarise their functions as

follows: The Kurrama comitative marks ‘accompaniment’ with someone/something

and at times may represent ‘use’ of something by someone/something. Alternatively,

the Kurrama proprietive represents someone/something as ‘having’ something. The

functions of the corresponding Yindjibarndi comitative and proprietive can also be

summarized in the same way.

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2.4.3 Privative Suffix

The Kurrama privative suffix is the negative alternative of the comitative and

proprietive suffixes. It codes the lack or absence of the entity denoted by the nominal to

which it is attached. The privative suffix can also be used to negate a verb but this

occurs rarely in the Kurrama corpus. Dixon (2002: 141) maintains that, in most

Australian languages, the ‘semantic range of (the) privative generally covers almost the

semantic range of (the) comitative in that language’. This also holds true for Kurrama

but there are actually two forms of the privative that are used in the Kurrama corpus;

these are –warri and –warrimarta. The suffix –warri most often marks the kinship term,

or a descriptive term, of a person who has passed away and is a convention that denotes

something like ‘poor departed’ or ‘dearly departed’.

The privative suffix –warrimarta has a different etymology and appears to be

made up of the suffix –warri and the following suffix –marta. In Martuthunira the

morpheme –marta is a proprietive marker whereas in Kurrama it is a verb inflection that

codes habitual action. The use of -marta in the formation of the Kurrama privative

suffix -warrimarta appears to have developed from the nominal suffix ancestry evident

in Martuthunira and not from a verbal suffix ancestry. The use of the suffix -marta in

the privative –warrimarta denotes that an entity has the property of ‘having’ a lack of

something (or someone). For instance, in Kurrama, when –warrimarta is attached to the

kin category of someone who has passed away the resultant construction refers to a

person who has lost that kin. For example, kantharri–warrimarta refers to someone

who has lost their kantharri (daughter’s child / mother’s mother) and maali-warrimarta

refers to someone who has lost their maali (father’s father).

The following examples illustrate the use of –warrimarta on common nominals

that have a reference other than that of deceased persons. In these examples it acts as a

typical privative inflection that codes the absence or lack of an entity. Or, perhaps, in

terms of its etymology, the suffix codes the property of ‘having’ a lack, or absence, of

the entity described by the nominal that it marks.

2.50 Nhaa nhawu yurlu marnta-warrimarta. this.(near) man no/nothing money-PRIV 'This man has no money.’ (MD)

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2.51 Yalaa kurlu wirrwi-warrimarta now hot wind-PRIV ‘(There is) no hot wind now.' (MD)

2.52 Murla-ngarli-wu-yu parni-marta manku-ngu meat-PL-ACC-EMPH4 be-HABIT get-REL wanyja-warrimarta-rra. dog-PRIV-DUB '(She) used to get meat without a dog, apparently.’ (P.091)

The following examples 2.53 to 2.56 illustrate the convention of suffixing -warri

to nominals that refer to deceased persons. This convention marks either the kin term of

a person who has passed away (in relation to those who use this term for the deceased)

or it may mark a descriptive term for the deceased; such as jarta ‘old woman’ in

example 2.54 and juju ‘old man’ in example 2.55. The addition of –warri to a kin term

or a descriptive term that refers to a person who has passed away forms an expression

that identifies the deceased person without using that person’s name. Often this

expression is also marked like a proper name with the specific referent marker –nha or

its accusative alternative -ngu. The function of the specific referent marker is discussed

in §2.4.6.

2.53 Ngayi- yu mirta nhawu-nha yaayu-warri-ngu ngulaarta-ngu.

1sg.NOM-EMPH4 not see-PAST aunty-PRIV-ACC there.LOC-ABL

‘I did not see Aunty (who has passed away) from there (on).’ (P.380)

2.54 Mirnu jurlu ngunhungkat jarta-warri-ngu. know all that old.woman-PRIV-ACC 'They all knew the poor old lady (who has passed away).' (P.135)

2.55 ..Karntawayi an’ juju- warri-nha Donkeyman maatha-la-ja-wu. name and old.man-PRIV-SPEC name boss-LOC-TOP6-EMPH2 ‘..Karntawayi and the old man (we've lost), Donkeyman, were with the boss.'

(P.103/104)

2.56 And he mirta mirnu, mirta mirnu mimi-warri-ngu. And s/he not know not know uncle-PRIV-ACC ‘And she didn't know. Didn't know that uncle of mine was gone.’ (P.411)

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Although not numerous, there are examples in the Kurrama corpus where the

privative suffix -warri is used to negate verbs. For instance, in the following example

2.57 the addition of the privative suffix –warri on the verb yanku forms a negative

copula that aids in expressing that the addressee ‘is not to be frightened’. This example

and the use of yanku as a copula verb is discussed further in §6.2. In example 2.58 the

use of the privative suffix –warri on wangka-yinyjarri ‘speak-COLLective’ codes the

negative ‘didn’t speak/talk’. The COLLective suffixes, including –yinyjarri, are

discussed in §4.6.1.

2.57 Wangka-yinyjarri-i kantharri nyinta-yu talk-COLL-POT granny 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 waa yanku-warri ngayi nhaat-ju fright/fear go/be -PRIV 1sg.NOM thisDEF-EMPH1 ‘(Stop and) talk granny, don't you be frightened, this is just me (it's just me).'

(P.127) 2.58 Ah, wangka-yinyjarri-warri-warla purlaawin-marri-nguli-yu-wa.

talk-COLL-PRIV-FIRST firstly-COLL-PASS-EMPH4-TOP1

'Ah, (he) didn't speak straight away, (she) spoke first.' (P.423)

In the following example the suffix –warrimarta is used instead of -warri to

negate the verb murti. However, I am unsure as to whether murti is actually a verb.

There are only a few examples of its use in the corpus. Dench (1991: 236) defines the

use of murti in Panyjima as the intransitive verb ‘run’, whereas Wordick (1982: 313)

classifies murti in Yindjibarndi as a common noun that expresses ‘fast’ or ‘quick’.

Perhaps the selection of the suffix –warrimarta by murti means that it is a nominal.

Alternatively, if it were a verb it would select the suffix –warri; as do the verbs in

examples 2.57 and 2.58 above.

2.59 Jaja walartju murti-warrimarta.

no.good that.one run/quick-PRIV 'That one is no good (he) cannot run/is not quick.’ (AP)

Wordick (1982: 108-109) states that the Yindjibarndi privative suffix

allomorphs -warrimarta and -parrimarta serve ‘as an antonym’ of both the Yindjibarndi

proprietive and comitative suffixes. Wordick (1982) does not seem to discuss the use of

the suffix –warri in Yindjibarndi.

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2.4.4 Associative Suffix

The associative suffix -nyaa is used several times in the Kurrama corpus where

it serves to derive new lexical items. These new lexemes name an entity that is

associated with the referent of the nominal to which the associative suffix is added. For

example, in 2.60 the expression for ‘trousers’ is derived by associative marking of

thurntaarli ‘leg’, and in 2.61 the expression for ‘shirt’ is derived from its association

with a person’s purtu ‘chest’. In 2.62 the expression for ‘waterhole’ is derived from its

association with pawa ‘water’.

2.60 Nhaa-wurtu thurntaarli-nyaa mirta palamuntaa nganthayi yalaa kurta. this-EMPH3 leg-ASSOC not old EMPH new very

'These were trousers, not old ones, but very new.' (P.290)

2.61 Nhaa-yu purtu-nyaa nhaa wara.. this.(near)-EMPH4 chest-ASSOC this.(near) cloth

'This cloth was a shirt.' (P.297)

2.62 Wanthila parni, wanthila ngarrwa-yi, where be-PRES where lie.down –POT

karra-ngarli-la pawa-nyaa-ngarli-la ngurra-ngka. scrub/bush -PL-LOC water-ASSOC-PL-LOC country-LOC

'Where was (she)? Where would (she) camp? (She) was in the scrub, in the country, near the waterholes.' (P.387)

It should be noted here that the Kurrama genitive suffix as well as marking

possessive relations can also indicate an associative relation; as was shown in §2.4.1. It

is not readily apparent (to me) what determines the choice between genitive or

associative marking when expressing an association. Genitive marking appears to be

used when there are at least two distinct expressions involved in the association. For

instance, ‘bucket for water’ or ‘shirt for a big man’. Whereas, associative marking is

used on an individual expression; such as in the examples above where new lexemes are

formed for ‘trousers’, ‘shirt’ and ‘waterhole’ by their association with the one

expression ‘leg’, ‘chest’ or ‘water’. However, this does not explain the derivation of

pungkurriyharntu ‘blankets’ which is formed by marking the individual verb pungkurri

‘cover’ with the genitive marker –yharntu. Perhaps verbs can only be marked with the

genitive suffix to express an associative relation because the associative marker –nyaa is

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not distinguishable from the passive might allomorph –nyaa which is used on Ø-

conjugation verbs to indicate that the action or event, described by the verb, might be

carried out or might occur (see §4.5.12).

Wordick (1982: 108) glosses the nominal suffix use of –nyaa in Yindjibarndi as

‘for/goes here’. The following examples illustrate this associative use of -nyaa in

Yindjibarndi. Note, however, the different interpretation of -nyaa on pawa which was

used in the preceding Kurrama example 2.62 to derive ‘waterhole’.

Pampanyaa ‘Sunday’ ‘lit: for sleep’ pampa ‘sleep’

pawanyaa ‘depression at the base of the throat’ pawa ‘water’

2.4.5 Dweller/Denizen Suffix

The Kurrama dweller/denizen suffix typically denotes where someone or

something originates from. It can also denote where someone or something typically

resides, or may indicate a location that someone or something is typically associated

with. In the following Kurrama examples the dweller/denizen suffix serves to

characterize someone or something in terms of where they live or originate. In example

2.64 the resultant term formed with dweller/denizen marking of karra ‘scrub/bush’ is

treated as a proper name and is inflected with the specific referent marker –nha. The

specific referent marking of proper names is discussed in §2.4.6.

2.63 Paru maru marnta-ngka , paru marnta-nyungu. hill.spinifex mob/many hill-LOC hill.spinifex hill-DWELL 'Lots of spinifex on the hill, hill spinifex (lit: hill dweller). (MD)

2.64 Ngayi mirnu kurta walart-pa-mpa kantharri-nha parni-ngu 1sg:NOM know very thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 granny-SPEC be-REL

pura-nyungu karra-nyungu-nha. bush-DWELL scrub/bush-DWELL-SPEC

“I know who it is, it's Granny who lives in the bush, ‘scrub dweller’.” (P.154) Wordick (1982: 108) cites some examples where –nyungu ‘dweller’ is used on

common nouns in Yindjibarndi. Two of these examples follow.

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warnrtanyungu ‘tree dweller’ warnrta ‘tree’

ngarnkanyungu ‘bird/airplane’ narnka ‘sky’

Wordick (1982: 108 & 109) states that Yindjibarndi Proper nouns take the

‘dweller’ suffix –partu; as is illustrated by the following example where the ‘dweller’

allomorph –warta is used. Gilbert Bobby worked as a Yindjibarndi consultant with

Wordick.

Marrawartu ‘person from Marra’ Marranha ‘Gilbert Bobby’s country’

However, it seems that the ‘dweller’ suffix -nyungu can also inflect Yindjibarndi

Proper nouns; consider the following example provided by Wordick (1982: 108). Long

Mack also worked as a consultant with Wordick.

Thungkawarnanyungu ‘person from Tunkawanna’ Thungkawarna ‘Long Mack’s country’

2.4.6 The Specific Referent Marker (SPEC) and the Proper Name Inflections

Common nominals are not usually marked with an overt nominative marker

when they act as the subject of a Kurrama clause; they are left unmarked. However,

proper names are marked with the overt marker -nha when they are the subject of a

clause. Yet, the specific referent marker -nha can also be used optionally to inflect kin

terms and common nominal expressions. In in these situations the marker serves to

‘elevate’ individual centred kin terms, and common nominal expressions that refer to a

specific individual, to the same status as a proper name.

The preceding example 2.64 illustrates the use of the SPEC marker –nha on the

nominal expression karra-nyungu to specifically refer to an individual with the specific

characterization ‘scrub dweller’. Following are some further examples where the SPEC

marker serves to ‘elevate’ the expression it marks to the same status as a proper name;

that is, they refer to a specific individual.

2.65 Ngunhu kantharri-nha-mpa. that granny-SPEC-TOP7 'That's old Granny!’ (P.129)

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2.66 Wangka-nha ngunhat mirnu-yu juju-nha-yu, tell/say-PAST thatDEF know-EMPH4 old.man-SPEC-EMPH4 ‘Nhungu-mpa murtiwarla-la9

here-TOP7 car-LOC 1pl.inc.NOM leave-POT ngaliwu wantha-rrkayi’.

'The old man knowing where she was, said, "We'll leave the car here”.’ (P.507)

Following are some examples where proper names are inflected with the SPEC suffix.

2.67 a. “Ngana yini nyinta?” who name 2sg.NOM

'Who (what) is your name?'

b. “Ngayi Maudie-nha, nyinta yini Piita-nha.” 1sg.NOM Maudie-SPEC 2sg.NOM name Peter-SPEC

'I am Maudie, your name is Peter.’ (MD)

2.68 Kawayintharri-wurtu ngunhaatu, Kawayintharri Ashburton.side-EMPH3 that.one Ashburton.side ngunhaat-ju, Ngarranngarri-nha nhanthawa. thatDEF-EMPH1 Ngarranngarti-SPEC must.be 'This one is from the Ashburton side, from Ashburton country for sure. That must be Ngarranngarti.’ (P.416)

In the preceding examples, all of the SPEC inflected expressions are nominative

subjects in the clauses in which they appear. So in effect the SPEC inflection serves two

purposes. First, it elevates an expression to proper name status, and second, it acts as an

overt nominative subject marker of both ‘elevated’ proper names, and proper names in

their own right. However, when these proper name expressions act as the accusative

object of a clause, and not the nominative subject, they select the accusative SPEC

alternative –ngu and not the nominative –nha; as the following examples illustrate.

2.69 Ngayi yanku-nha wangka-lu maatha-wu-wa, Jalurrpa-ngu-wa

1sg.NOM go-PAST tell/say-PURP boss-ACC-TOP1 A.Lockyer-ACC-TOP1 'I went to tell the boss, Jalurrpa (Arthur Lockyer).' (P.037)

9 I have no explanation for the locative marking of murtiwarla ‘car’ where one would expect accusative marking. The locative marking implies the translation ‘we’ll leave it here in the car’ but the translation given by AP is ‘we’ll leave the car here’.

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2.70 Ngayi yanku-nha nhawu-lu yaayu-warri-ngu-rru. 1sg:NOM go-PAST see-PURP aunty-PRIV-ACC-NOW

'I went now to see poor old Aunty.' (P.158)

Also, if proper names or specific individual centred kin terms and nominal

expressions have a function other than nominative or accusative they will select the

marking appropriate to that function. For example, in example 2.71, below, an

individual centred kin term acts as the nominative subject in a passive clause and selects

the SPEC inflection. Whereas, in example 2.72, the same individual centred kin term

acts as the agent in a passive construction and selects an instrumental suffix.

2.71 Jiitpa-la manku-nguli-nha-yu yaayu-warri-nha.

Jiitpa -LOC get-PASS-PAST-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-SPEC

‘Old Aunty was picked up (by them) at Jiitpa.’ (P.506)

2.72 Martkurra-ma-rnaarnu wantha-rnaarnu yaayu-warri-lu ngunyji. good-CAUS-PPERF put-PPERF aunty-PRIV-INSTR thereNV

‘(It) was put there neatly by Aunty (a folded blanket)’ (P.077)

In Tables 2.1 and 2.2 it is shown that many of the allomorphs of the Kurrama

nominal suffixes that are selected by proper names differ from those selected by

common nominals (but not always). Like the addition of the SPEC marker, the addition

of any proper name specific allomorph to an individual centred kin term or nominal

expression will serve to ‘elevate’ that term/expression to proper name status. For

instance, in the following example 2.73 the expression yaayu-warri is ‘elevated’ to

proper name status by selection of the proper name genitive inflection –nguyarntu; it is

not marked with the genitive inflection -yarntu which is usually selected by common

nominal expressions.

2.73 Wantaa kurta ngunhangat-pa-mpa ngunhangkat yaayu-warri-nguyarntu,

which very thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 those aunty-PRIV-GEN ngurra-yu yanku-wuntharri-yarntu jurlu-wu-mpa mirnu camp-EMPH4 go-INSTR.NOM-GEN all –EMPH2-TOP7 know pawa-yarntu-ngarli-wu, ngurrara mangkurla-ngu-mu. water-GEN-PL-ACC country child -ABL-THEN 'All around there, those places, these were Old Aunty's places, where (she) would camp. All the paths, the ways to travel, all the places to get water, (she) knew all these. (She) was a child of that country.' (P.088)

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In the following example 2.74 the expression juju ‘old man’ selects the locative

suffix –la and not the locative inflection –ngka which is usually selected by common

nominals with a CVCV configuration (for instance, muyhu ‘winter’ and purlu ‘above’

select the locative inflection -ngka). The locative suffix –la is a marker of proper names

that end in a vowel as well as common nominals with the configuration CV(C)VCV or

longer. So, the selection of the locative suffix –la on juju marks juju as part of the

proper name expression that names the specific individual ‘Old Man Louis Basset’.

2.74 An ngunhangaata-wu, ngayi wangka-nha-wa warnaarti-yu and that-EMPH2 1sg.NOM tell/say-PAST-TOP1 brothers –EMPH4 marraa-yu ngunyji parni yawut Jalyarnu-la young.brother-EMPH4 thereNV live/stay.PRES west Jalyarnu-LOC patiki-yu make'em-ma-rnu juju-la Louis Basset-a. paddock-EMPH4 make-CAUS-REL old.man -LOC Louis Basset-LOC

'And so I told her that her brothers, her younger brothers were over to the west, at Jalyarnu, making paddocks (fencing) with old man Louis Basset. (P.363) Where case and nominal suffix allomorphs are the same for both common

nominals and proper names, no proper name versus common nominal distinction is

effectively made and ‘elevation’ to proper name status is perhaps somewhat irrelevant.

However, a definite distinction between common nominal allomorphs and proper name

allomorphs is pointedly made in genitive, comitative, and direct allative marking where

proper names, and ‘elevated’ proper names, are first marked with the accusative SPEC

suffix –ngu before the appropriate suffix is added. The SPEC suffix –nha is not used in

this fashion. I discuss, in further detail, the morphology of the proper name genitive,

comitative, and direct allative suffixes in the last two paragraphs of §2.6.

So, in summary, in many instances in Kurrama, proper names select different

case and nominal suffix allomorphs to those selected by common nominals. Kin terms

and nominal expressions that refer to a specific individual can be ‘elevated’ to proper

name status by inflection with a suffix allomorph that is usually selected by a proper

name. Most noticeable among these adnominal, and relational, operations is the marking

of proper name and ‘elevated’ proper name subjects with the overt nominative SPEC

suffix –nha which contrasts with the absence of an overt nominative marker for

common nominal subjects.

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I was unable to determine if this pattern also occurs in Yindjibarndi. Wordick

(1982: 56) simply states that the Yindjibarndi noun classifier –nha can be used on

proper nouns ‘as a sort of ersatz nominative case marker’.

2.4.7 Number marking

There is no singular number marker of nominals in Kurrama but there are dual

and plural number markers. The dual and plural markers are adnominal suffixes that are

appended to a nominal to convey the dual or plural form of that nominal. The dual

suffix has two allomorphs –kuyha and –wuyha depending on the final vowel of the

nominal to which it is attached. The main plural marker of nominals is the suffix –ngarli

which denotes a group consisting of more than two entities. There are also other plural

forms used in the Kurrama corpus but they are used sparingly and are restricted to

specific words or small groups of related nominals.

2.4.7.1 Dual

In §3.2.2 it is shown that dual demonstratives are formed by the addition of the

dual allomorphs –kuyha or –wuyha onto a singular demonstrative stem. Dual number

marking of nominals is also coded with the same allomorphs –kuyha or –wuyha; as the

following examples illustrate. Note that example 2.77 also contains a dual

demonstrative. These dual numbering allomorphs also are used in Yindjibarndi.

2.75 Ngunhu kurtan-kuyha 10

that bag-DUAL 1sg.NOM separate-CAUS-PAST other , ngayi pirntiwirnti-ma-rna, wirru

ngungkumarnta wirru wangkarn. heavy other light

'Those two bags, I separated (them), one heavy one light. (P.247)

2.76 Warnaa-ngarli-la ngunhangat-pa-mpa janku-wuyha-yu. brother-PL-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 sibling-DUAL-EMPH4 ‘Those two siblings (were) in amongst/with all the brothers.' (P.060)

10 Ngunhu kurtan-kuyha is not marked accusative. It is a left-dislocated phrase that re-introduces ‘those two bags’ into discussion but is offset from the clause that follows. The accusative object of ‘separate-CAUS-PAST’ is ellipsed in the clause that follows but is understood as being co-referential with the left-dislocated phrase.

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2.77 Ngurnawuyha wajpala-wuyha purlaa-la nhawu-nha, that.DUAL whitefella-DUAL front-LOC see-PAST karri-rnumarnu murruka-wu. stand/stop-PROG car-ACC (P.352)

'These two whitefellas in the front saw (her) and so (they) stopped the car.'

2.4.7.2 Plural

There are several plural marking forms used in the Kurrama corpus. The most

productive plural allomorph is -ngarli but –ngaa is used at times. The nominals

mangkurla ‘child’ and kupija ‘little’ have the specific plural forms mangkurlarra and

kupiyarri respectively and it seems that there are also a number of specific plural forms

of botanical terms. There are likely to be more plural forms of botanical terms in

Kurrama than are present in the corpus, but the two examples that I have located take

forms similar to the plural marking of ‘child’ and ‘little’. The plural form of marruwa

‘snakewood’ is marruwarra while the plural of marratha ‘rivergum’ is marrathaarri.

Some examples of the various forms of plural marking follow.

There are a number of examples of plural marking of nominals with the

productive allomorph -ngarli throughout this thesis. Two examples are presented below.

2.78 Manku-ngu marnta-ngarli-wu-yu ngarra-rnu-yu.

get -REL rock -PLURAL-ACC-EMPH4 throw -REL –EMPH4 '(He) was getting some rocks and was throwing them (at the birds).' (P.116)

2.79 Pirntu-nyaa kurtan, flourbag wangka-nguli-ngu parri-ngarli-lu. food-ASSOC bag flourbag call -PASS-REL whitefella -PL-INSTR '(They were) bags for food, (what are) called flour bags by whitefellas.' (P.237)

The following example illustrates the use of both –ngaa and –ngarli as plural markers.

2.80 Wirru-ngaa-yu parni-yangu-la juju-ngarli, ngunha other-PL-EMPH4 live/stay-REL-LOC old.man-PL that

ngaata patiki-wu makem-ma-rnu nhula Kurruu-la. there paddock-ACC make-CAUS-REL there Kurruu-LOC

'While the others, the old people, are making paddocks there at Kurruu.' (P.051)

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In the following example warnaa ‘brother’ is inflected with the plural number

allomorph -ngaa but in the earlier example 2.76 it was assigned -ngarli. There are only

a limited number of instances of the use of -ngaa in the corpus, so I am unsure as to

what governs its use. Wordick (1982: 52) reports that in Yindjibarndi the plural

allomorph -ngaa only occurs with mani ‘part/rest’ but suggests that the Ngarluma

cognate -ngara ‘evidently has a somewhat wider distribution’. The marker -ngara is

also used in Martuthunira as a productive plural suffix and in Panyjima as a plural

marker of dyadic kinterms (Dench, 1991: 148 & 150; 1995: 95-96). In the Kurrama

corpus the allomorph -ngaa is only used on warnaa and wirru. Perhaps its use on

warnaa ‘brother’ parallels the use of its cognate –ngara on kinterms in Panyjima.

2.81 Yaayu nyinta yanki-i nyunyji-pa parni warnaa-ngaa aunty 2sg.NOM go-POT thisNV-TOP2 live/stay/be.PRES brother-PL

yawut, patiki-la make'em-ma-rnu. west paddock-LOC make-CAUS-REL ‘Aunty, you go this way. Your brothers are over to the west in the paddocks, fencing.’ (P.364)

The following example 2.82 illustrates the use of the plural forms kupiyarri and

mangkurlarra. These contrast with the singular forms used in examples 2.83 and 2.84.

2.82 Kanarri-nyjarri-nha thurrurtpa, kupiyarri-wu, mangkurlarra-yi

come.upon-COLL-PAST straight small(plural)-ACC children -TOP4 nyaa-nyjarri-nha-wa, kantharri-wa-yu wurnta-rnu. see -COLL-PAST-TOP1 granny-TOP1-EMPH come-REL ‘She (granny) came straight on to those little fellas. Those children, (her) grannies, saw (her) coming.' (P.438)

2.83 Jaatu ngunhan jilirra-arntu ngartarra nhawu-yarntu, mirta kupija-wu.

Shirt that big-GEN only man-GEN not small-EMPH2

‘This shirt could only fit (is for) a big man, not a little one.’ (P.300)

2.84 Ngayi wanyja-yi nhawu-nha paa-rnu mangkurla-wu. 1sg.NOM dog-ACC see-PAST bite-REL child-ACC

‘I saw the dog that bit the child.’ (MD)

The following examples illustrate the singular and plural forms of ‘snakewood’.

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2.85 Karnti wala-thu marruwa tree that-TOP3 snakewood 'That is a snakewood tree.' (MD)

2.86 Marruwarra-la ngunhangat-pa-mpa Marryiri-la murna, yirtiya-la snakewood.PL-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 GapWell-LOC close road-LOC parliwarli-la-rra murna wurnta-nha-wa, yaayu-warri-ngu-mpa.

bendy-LOC-DUB close come-PAST-TOP1 aunty-PRIV-ACC-TOP7 'At the snakewood trees, close to GapWell, there where the road is a bit bendy, we came upon poor old Aunty.' (P.350) In Yindjibarndi the form –ngarli is also often used to indicate the plural number

of a common noun. Wordick (1982: 52) states that –ngarli ‘is also employed with

proper nouns, but this practice should be avoided’. Wordick (1982: 52) lists the

allomorphs –pathaa and –wathaa as the correct plural markers of proper nouns.

Wordick (1982: 52-54) also lists some other plural allomorphs that are used on specific

nouns, or groups of nouns, in Yindjibarndi. For instance, the plural –ngaa, which was

discussed above, occurs on mani, while the plural –wirti occurs on a group of botanical

terms which includes warrapa ‘grass’, wirpinykaa ‘tall river spinifex’ and yalarri ‘fan-

top rush’ (Wordick 1982: 53).

2.5 Nominal Suffixes That Have Local Functions

Kurrama, like most Australian languages, has nominal suffixes that have spatial

and temporal functions. The three main spatial and temporal markers, in Kurrama, are:

• locative, which marks a location or point in space or time, with meanings

such as ‘at’, ‘in’, ‘on’, ‘with’, etc;

• ablative, which marks a location or point in space or time that is the

source from which movement is made;

• allative, which marks a location or point in space or time towards which

movement is made.

Nominal suffixes with these local functions can operate at both a clausal and

phrasal level. I will discuss each in turn.

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2.5.1 Locative Suffix

As stated above the main function of the locative suffix is to mark location in

space or time and can be interpreted as having meanings such as ‘at’, ‘in’, ‘on’, ‘with’

etc. The following examples illustrate this. In examples 2.87 to 2.90 the locative marks

a location in space. In example 2.87 the locative marker can be interpreted as having the

meaning ‘in’; in example 2.88 the meaning ‘on’; in 2.89 the meaning ‘in/into’; and in

example 2.90 can be translated as ‘on/along’.

2.87 Ngayi parni yalaa nhungu-yu Onslow-la

1sg.NOM live/stay.PRES now here-EMPH4 Onslow-LOC

‘I live here now in Onslow.' (MD)

2.88 Paru maru marnta-ka. hill.spinifex mob/many hill -LOC ‘There is lots of spinifex on the hill.’ (MD)

2.89 Yanku-ngumarnu waa-wa karra-ngka -wa go-PROG frightened -TOP1 scrub/bush-LOC-TOP1 'Then (she) took off into/in the scrub frightened.' (P.009)

2.90 Wayinypayi ngayi parni-nha watharri-ngu yirra-ngka ngularnta. back.and.forth 1sg.NOM be-PAST look.for-REL bank-LOC there

'(I) went back and forth on/along the bank there searching.' (P.185)

In example 2.91, below, the locative marker can be interpreted as having the

meaning ‘with’ in the first instance and ‘at/in’ in the second instance.

2.91 Yanku-ngumarnu wurnta-tkaayi ngaliya-warri-wu-yu go-PROG come-PERF 1du.exc -PRIV-ACC-EMPH4

Jalurrpa-la-wu parni-yangu ngunhungu-mpa Arthur.Lockyer-LOC-ACC stay-REL there.(far) -TOP7

Pantuwarnangka-la. Pannawonica-LOC. 'And then (she) travelled about and came upon we two who were staying with A. Lockyer there at Pannawonica.’ (P.014 - P.015)

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In the following example 2.92 the temporal use of the locative is illustrated. In

the first instance it marks ‘in winter’ and then in the second instance it marks ‘in/of that

year’. In 2.92 the expression nganila translates as the English idiom ‘thing-a-ma-jig’, or

‘what’s-a-name’. AP’s locative inflection of nganila in 2.92 expresses ‘in/of what’s-a-

name’ as he searches for the correct locative marked expression.

2.92 Ngunhangaata-yu ngayi nhawu-nha ngunhat-ku blanket-ku that-EMPH4 1sg.NOM see-PAST thatDEF-ACC blanket-ACC nganila-la-wa muyhu-ngka-wa wangka-nguli-yangu

what/something –LOC-TOP1 winter-LOC-TOP1 call-PASS-REL

jiwarra-ngarli-lu thirty six-a-wa, nineteen thirty six ngunhaatu, whitefella-PL-INSTR thirty six-Ø-TOP1 nineteen thirty six that.one ngulaata ngunhaat nganila-la yiya-ngka nganila-la there thatDEF what/something-LOC year-LOC what/something-LOC muyhu-ngka ngayi nhawu-nha ngurna.

winter -LOC 1sg.NOM see-PAST that

'Well, when I saw that blanket it was in what’s-a-name, in the winter of, what the white people call '36, it was 1936. That time, it was in, what’s-a-name, in the winter, of what’s-a-name, in/of that year that I saw it again. (P.233)

A single locative marked nominal often only denotes an approximate location in

space or time. Locative marking of a number of nominals, within a more descriptive

NP, may help to define a more exact location; as the following examples illustrate.

2.93 Murla-yi winta-lku kampa-rrkayi karla-ngka yirnta-ka

Meat-ACC cut-PRES cook-POT fire-LOC hot.coals-LOC 'Cut the meat and then cook it in the hot coals in the fire.' (MD)

2.94 Karntirri-wu-wa wat.thurraanu murrini smoke-EMPH2-TOP1 lightning following.PRES

nhungku wurnta-rna maatha-yi murluwarla-la -yu these come-PAST boss-ACC car-LOC-EMPH4

karri-ngumarnu ngunhungat partkarra-la marnta- ka ngurna. stop-PROG there flat-LOC hill-LOC that ‘These others had come following the smoke from the lightning, with the boss in the car and they stopped there on the flat by that hill.’ (P.108)

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2.95 Karra-ngarli-la pawa-nyaa-ngarli-la ngurra-ngka. scrub-PL-LOC water-ASSOC-PL-LOC country-LOC ‘(She) was in the scrub, in the country, near the waterholes.' (P.387)

Looking back over the examples of locative marking presented above it can be

seen that the locative has both adnominal and relational uses. In some examples the

presence of a locative marked expression is essential to the information conveyed in the

clause, whereas in other instances it could have been omitted without detracting from

the essential ‘sense’ of the clause. For instance, the locative marked proper name could

have been omitted from the clause in example 2.87; stating that ‘I live here now’ would

alone covey to the listener that the speaker now lives in Onslow. Whereas, in clauses

2.88 and 2.89 the locative marked nominals provide specific information; the spinifex is

‘on the hill’ and the subject took off frightened ‘into the scrub’. Alternatively, example

2.91 illustrates an adnominal use of the locative that might conceivably be replaced with

the comitative suffix. That is, the reading ‘with Arthur Lockyer’ could possibly be

represented in example 2.91 by comitative marking of Jalurrpa instead of locative

marking.

Further, a subordinate relative clause may also be marked with a locative

complementiser in Kurrama. First, the locative complementiser may mark a NP-relative

where the subordinate relative clause supplies extra information about a locative

argument of a matrix clause. Or second, a locative complementiser may be used to mark

a T- relative. Hale (1976: 79) states that a T- relative occurs when ‘the relative clause is

used to specify the temporal setting of the event depicted in the main clause, or to make

a subsidiary comment holding at the time specified in the main clause’.

Example 2.96, below, illustrates a locative marked T-relative where the temporal

setting of the main event is specified by a two-part relative clause. That is, the people

‘stay at Deepdale’ at the locative marked time when ‘it is becoming winter’ at the

locative marked time when ‘Jalurrpa was boss’.

2.96 Thalaran-ta -wa-yu parni-lu Deepdale-LOC-TOP-EMPH4 stay-PURP muthuu-rri-yangu-la-wa-yu Jalurrpa-la maatha-la. winter-INCH-REL-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 Arthur.Lockyer-LOC boss-LOC '(They) stayed at Deepdale as it became winter, while Arthur Lockyer was the boss.' (P.062)

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The following example 2.97 also illustrates a two part locative marked T-relative

that specifies the (relative) time of the main event - ‘when the people would find the old

lady’. That is, in 2.97, the locative marked ‘while riding around’ and the locative

marked ‘(while) going to look for cattle’ form a T-relative that describes what the

people where doing at the time(s) when they used to find/come across the old lady. The

old lady (Payarrany) was on her own walking about the bush and riders would come

across her while they were looking for cattle. This example is discussed further in §2.6

as example 2.123.

2.97 Parntaya-nmarri-nguli-marta wanyjila nyungunyji thalingka-arri-la

find-COLL –PASS-HABIT anywhere there riding-INCH.PRES-LOC

puliman-ku yanku-yangu-la wayharri. cattle-ACC go-REL-LOC look.for.PRES '(She) used to be found somewhere or other (by these people), while they were riding around looking for cattle.’ (P.345)

The Yindjibarndi locative behaves the same as the Kurrama locative.

2.5.2 Ablative Suffix

The main function of the ablative suffix in Kurrama is to mark a location or

point in space which is the source from which movement is made. The ablative suffix is

usually attached after locative marking of a nominal stem where the locative marked

stem denotes the spatial position from which the ‘movement away’ begins or arises.

The following examples 2.98 to 2.102 illustrate this.

2.98 Ngayi-yu Mangkala-la-ngu wurnta-rna.

1sg.NOM-EMPH4 Red Hill-LOC-ABL come-PAST 'I've come from Red Hill.’ (AP)

2.99 Ngayi wurnta-rtku Yarrarlurlu-la-ngu-yu. 1sg.NOM come-PRES Yarraloola-LOC-ABL-EMPH4 'I was coming from Yarraloola.’ (P.348)

2.100 Murla-yi purri-rtkayi kampa-rna-wa karla-ngka-ngu. Meat-ACC pull-POT cook-PAST-TOP1 fire-LOC-ABL 'Pull the meat from the fire, it is cooked.’ (MD)

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2.101 Wirrwi parraa-rna nhurnuyarntu11

wind blow-PAST 3sg.GEN hat-ACC head-LOC-ABL jangkurru-wu puyha-ngka-ngu.

'The wind blew his hat from his head.' (MD)

2.102 Yinti-ngumarnu ngayi yawarta-la-ngu wartaarni-lu. go.down-PROG 1sg.NOM horse-LOC-ABL look.in-PURP 'So then I got down off/from the horse to look in.' (P.201)

Yet, locative marking need not always precede ablative inflection. A stem that is

inherently a locative nominal does not require locative marking before ablative

inflection. For example, in 2.103 the expression thaanyjarni ‘entrance’ is inherently a

locative nominal, one would expect to pass through an ‘entrance’ or come from an

‘entrance’, so thaanyjarni is not marked locative prior to ablative marking. However, an

inherent locative reading does not apply to the nominal tharra ‘cave’, in example 2.103,

so tharra is inflected with a locative suffix before ablative marking.

2.103 Ngunhaat-pa wurnta-rna thaanyjarni-ngu wurnta-rna tharra-ngka-ngu. thatDEF-TOP2 come-PAST entrance-ABL come-PAST cave-LOC-ABL

‘She came through/from the entrance and came out of the cave.’ (P.117)

Yet, in the examples I have of ablative marking without prior locative inflection

it is not always clear why the locative is not used. In the following examples there is an

anomaly where locative inflection is used in one instance but not in another. The

examples were provided by the same speaker (Algy Paterson) but at different times and

in different contexts (one in a short spontaneous story and one in a longer practiced

narrative).

2.104 Tharna-ngka-ngu wala-yu wurnta-rrku

far.away-LOC-ABL that-EMPH4 come-PRES 'That one is coming from far away.' (AP)

2.105 Kunyjirri wurnta-rna nhawu tharna-ngu one come-PAST man far.away-ABL ‘One man had come from far away.’ (AP)

11 One would expect accusative marking on nhurnuyarntu ‘3sg.GEN’. However, this is an instance where there is not complete concord marking of every element in a constituent; only jangkurru ‘hat’ is marked accusative in the object NP ‘his hat’.

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Overall, there are no examples of ablative marking of temporal nominals in the

Kurrama corpus. There is, however, ablative marking of several demonstratives to

indicate the passing of time from a past point within a narrative to a more recent time

within the same narrative. For instance, the following ablative marked demonstratives

are best translated as expressing: ‘from that time’ in example 2.106, ‘after that’ in

example 2.107, and ‘from there’ in 2.108. These ablative marked demonstratives could

possibly have a spatial reading, but in the context of the narrative a temporal reading is

a more apt translation.

2.106 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu jarta-warri-nha ngunyji that-ABL –EMPH4 old.woman-PRIV-SPEC thereNV

kartpa-nmarri-nguli-nha maya-arta-wa-yu take-COLL-PASS-PAST house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4

'From that time, the old lady was taken over there to the homestead.' (P.337)

2.107 Wantaawa ngulaarta-ngu -yu parni-ngumarnu jampa-wa, well thereLOC-ABL-EMPH4 be-PROG moment-TOP1

walyurn-jarri-ngu-wathu-wa. old-INCH-REL-DIM-TOP1 'Well after that, from then on, (she) was starting to get old, getting a little bit older.' (P.460)

2.108 Ngunhaata-ngu ngayi kurtkaarri-nha ngurnu karnti-ka-wu there-ABL 1sg:NOM think-PAST that.ACC stick-LOC-ACC mutha-ngka-wu parni12

point -LOC-ACC be.PRES (P.314) .

''From there, I thought about that thing that was on the end of that stick.'

However, the ablative marked demonstrative in the following example 2.109

could be interpreted as having either the spatial reading ‘then from there’ or the

temporal reading ‘after that’.

2.109 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu kartpa-nnguli-nha Pirtan-karta ngunyji that-ABL-EMPH4 take-PASS-PAST Onslow-ALL thereNV

12 Note that parni in this instance acts as a copula verb (see §6.2).

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yawutpa parri-ngarli-lu, payanyji-lu. down.hill whitefella-PL-INSTR policeman-INSTR. 'After that / then from there (she) was taken to Onslow, down out of the hills, by the white people, by the policemen.' (P.549)

Notably, in all of the examples of ablative inflection of the demonstratives,

presented above, there is no prior locative marking of the demonstrative stems; they

already have an inherent temporal or spatial locative status.

The Yindjibarndi ablative behaves the same as the Kurrama ablative. Wordick

(1982: 65) does provide the following Yindjibarndi example where the ablative is

‘employed in a time expression’.

2.110 Yindjibarndi

Loopu-la-ngu nhaa Tharrirti yurra. Pampanyaa-la-ngu kunytyirr i yurra. Friday-LOC-ABL this Saturday day Sunday-LOC-ABL one day ‘Saturday is the day after Friday. One day from Sunday.’ (Wordick, 1982: 65)

2.5.3 Allative Suffixes

There are two main allative markers used in the Kurrama corpus, the direct

allative and the indirect allative. Both allatives mark a location or point towards which

movement is made. The direct allative -karta, which has several allomorphs, marks the

expectation that the location or point will be reached. While, the indirect allative, which

is represented by two forms in the corpus -wali and –wurraa, marks the general

direction of a location that is not necessarily expected to be reached.

Wordick (1982: 58-59 & 68) lists three forms of the Yindjibarndi allative: direct,

indirect and directional. The Yindjibarndi direct allative and indirect allative behave the

same as the Kurrama direct and indirect allatives and have the same forms; except the

indirect form -wali is not used in Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982: 68) reports that the

Yindjibarndi directional allative “is used to specify ‘motion in’ a direction, such as a

cardinal or current (flow) direction, and also ‘toward’ a relative, non-fixed position,

such as ‘up’, ‘close’ and ‘way over there’”. The directional allative in Yindjibarndi is

realized by the forms –kurru and –yuurru. For example, -kurru is selected by warta

‘north’ and -yuurru is selected by tyingka ‘south’; while the following Yindjibarndi

relative directional terms are formed with –kurru or its allomorph –urru.

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kankalaurru ‘upwards’ kankala ‘above’

ngunhthiurru ‘in that direction’ ngunhthi ‘way over there’

murnakurru ‘(to) here’ murna ‘close’

I have no examples of the directional allative in the Kurrama corpus. I discuss

the Kurrama direct and indirect allatives in the following sections.

2.5.3.1 Direct allative

Dench (1991: 142) states that in Panyjima the indirect allative is used more than

the direct allative in everyday speech; especially when used in a question ‘where use of

the direct allative would be considered very prying’. However, without examples of

conversational speech I cannot say if this is so in Kurrama. In the examples of allative

use in the Kurrama narrative data it is the direct allative that is most often used. This

could represent a difference in the use of the allatives in Panyjima and Kurrama or it

may represent a difference in the semantics of the allatives in the two languages. Yet,

more likely, it reflects the nature of Aboriginal narratives where descriptions of

movement to definite locations (which have specific geographical, historical, and

spiritual significance) help to ‘paint the picture’ within a story.

The following examples 2.111 to 2.116 illustrate the use of the direct allative.

Note that in examples 2.115 and 2.116 the direct allative marking of a proper name is

preceded by the accusative SPEC marker –ngu.

2.111 Ngayi thuumaya -arta pangkarri

1sg.NOM store/shop-ALL go.PRES 'I am going to the store.' (MD)

2.112 Nhaa kurlkarri-nha pangkarri-ngu ngurra-arta

this think-PAST go-REL camp-ALL 'He thought about going home.' (MD)

2.113 Nhawu pangkarri town-karta manki-i ngamayi-wu man go.PRES town-ALL get-POT tobacco-ACC 'The man is going to town to get tobacco.' (MD)

2.114 Ngayi yanka-angu wuntu-warta nhawu-lu. 1sg.NOM go-RSLT river/creek-ALL see-PURP ‘So I went down the river to see.' (P.023)

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2.115 Wantaawa parni-nha palangku kumarla wurnta-tkayi Thalaran-nguwarta. later be/stay-PAST those together come-POT Deepdale-ALL

'Later, they then came together down to Deepdale.' (P.061)

2.116 Wayinyjarri ngunyji maya-arta payanyji-wu wangka-yi return.PRES thereNV house -ALL policeman-ACC news-ACC thaa-rrkayi ngunyji-wa Pirtan-nguwarta-wa. send-POT thereNV-TOP1 Onslow -ALL-TOP1 ‘(He) returned there to the homestead to send news to the police in Onslow.' (P.494)

Wordick (1982: 58-59) reports that in Yindjibarndi a rarely used alternative

suffix –pathaa, which lenites to –wathaa after a vowel, can act as a direct allative13

marker on Yindjibarndi proper names. There are some instances of the use of –wathaa

in the Kurrama corpus. In the following Kurrama example 2.117 the suffix –wathaa is

used on the proper names Kanarrakuri and Waliji. Yet, in the context of example 2.117,

the Kurrama suffix –wathaa acts as a ‘proximative’ that marks spatial proximity to the

named locations, rather than acting as a direct allative that marks the specific locational

goal of direct movement. Thus, the suffix –wathaa is best translated as denoting

proximity ‘around’ a named location in its first use in example 2.117, and proximity

‘near’ a named location in its second use in example 2.117. Perhaps, then, the label

‘perlative’ may be applicable to –wathaa. That is, in 2.117 –wathaa marks Kanarrakuri

and Waliji as some of the intermediate locations which the old lady passed during the

course of her travels.

2.117 But yaayu-warri- nha mirta parni-nha nhungu-la but aunty-PRIV-SPEC not live/stay-PAST here-LOC yini marnta-ka, nhula yini, Kanarrakuri-wathaa yini only hill -LOC there only name.of.place -ALL only Waliji- wathaa yawut. name.of.place -ALL west 'But Old Aunty didn't stay only around here in the hills, not just here around Kanarrikuri, or near Waliji, there in the west.' (P.085)

13 Note that in §2.4.7.2 I stated that Wordick (1982: 52) lists –pathaa and –wathaa as the plural marker of Yindjibarndi proper nouns. It appears that its employment as a plural marker occurs more often in Yindjibarndi than does its use as an allative marker.

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2.5.3.2 Indirect allative

Following are some examples of the use of the indirect allative markers –wali

and -wurraa. In the following example 2.118 the inexact nature of the indirect allative

–wali is reinforced by the additional use of the term nhungkuyirri ‘here abouts’ which

indicates only a general direction of travel made by the subject. In example 2.119, both

–wali and –wurraa mark the direction of an area bigger than a specific locational point.

Although the term ngurra has many layers of meaning its use in 2.119 refers to a largish

tract of land or ‘country’, named Yarra, and it is in the general direction of this

‘country’ that the subject makes her way.

2.118 …wurnta-rnumarnu wantaawa nhungkuyirri-la ngartimu Jajiwurra- wali. come-PROG somewhere here.abouts-LOC again Robe.River-ALL

'... and then came this way again, here abouts, towards the Jajiwurra (the Robe River).' (P.389)

2.119 Ngunyji-pa ngurra-wali Yarra-wurraa, thereNV-TOP2 country-ALL name.of.country-ALL

Yarra-yu wangka-nguli ngurra. name.of.country-EMPH4 call-PASS.PRES country

'(She) went there towards Yarra country, that country called Yarra.' (P.384)

Another example of the indirect allative –wurraa is presented below. Here it

marks the general direction of the site where a waterbag was tied to a stick/crowbar.

2.120 An’ ngulaarta-yu mutha-ngka-yu parni-yangu-la-mu

and thereLOC-EMPH4 point -LOC-EMPH4 be -REL-LOC-THEN

warla-wurraa-la-yu parni-yangu-la jankaa-rnaarnu-warlu, heel -ALL -LOC-EMPH4 be-REL-LOC tie.up-PPERF-very

wirrumurntaa nganila pawa-nyaa waterbag wangka-nguli. old thing water -ASSOC waterbag call -PASS -PRES

'And there on the end, towards the heel end really tied up, was an old what-cha-ma-callit, waterbag.' (P.221 - P.222)

As stated, the indirect allatives are rarely used in the Kurrama corpus. Also, it is

possible that the allomorph –wali could well be a borrowing from Panyjima. In

Panyjima, Yindjibarndi, and Kurrama, the direct allative is represented by allomorphs of

the suffix –karta. However, as stated earlier, Wordick (1982: 58-59) lists the indirect

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allative allomorphs in Yindjibarndi as –purraa and –wurraa; whereas, Dench (1991:

142-143) reports that –wali is used in Panyjima as the indirect allative. As Kurrama and

Yindjibarndi are closely related one might expect that allomorphs similar to –purraa

would be used in Kurrama as the indirect allative. One would possibly not expect

another extra form, divergent from the –purraa allomorphs, to also represent the

indirect allative; so perhaps -wali has been borrowed from Panyjima. Yet, this is only

conjecture. More research is required. As a result of this uncertainty, and because they

are rarely used in the corpus, I have not listed the indirect allatives in Tables 2.1 and

2.2.

Note that -wali and -wurraa are not built on the base -ngu when they are used to

inflect proper names; as does -nguwarta. Also, -wathaa is not preceded with –ngu when

used to inflect a proper name. In Tables 2.1 and 2.2 it is shown that not all proper name

inflections are built on the -ngu base; for example the locative and instrumental proper

name inflections are not built on this base. There may be a reason for when –ngu is

used, and when it is not, but I am unable to indentify what this might be; it may have

been ‘lost’ (or ‘added’) through changes over time. For more discussion on –ngu, as a

base for proper name inflection, see the last two paragraphs of §2.6.

2.6 Domain of Case and Nominal Suffixes

Kurrama nominal suffix marking mainly follows a pattern of complete concord

where each item of a constituent is marked, but there are exceptions. Nominals with an

inherent locational meaning are not marked with a locative suffix in an otherwise

locative, or locative and ablative, marked NP. In example 2.121, below, there are a

number of inherent locational nominals (highlighted in bold) that do not select locative

marking.

2.121 Munti kurta-mpa-yu kantharri nhaa-mpa

true very-TOP7-EMPH granny this.(near)-TOP7

nyirtiyunu parni thurtiwurru mirta tharnamurti murna poor.fellow sit.PRES other.way not far.away close

kankarni-la nyaa-nyjarri-ngu, kunkurr purnta-ka-wu. above-LOC see -COLL-REL downhill hollow-LOC-ACC

‘True enough alright. This is poor old Granny. (She) was close, sitting facing the other way, not far away, (he) could see (her) from above. (She was) downhill in a little hollow.’ (P.406)

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Further, there are some morphological constraints governing nominal suffix

placement in Kurrama. Identical suffixes cannot be placed in sequence and preceding

accusative or instrumental marking blocks further following nominal suffix inflection.

For example, an accusative argument in a subordinate clause will not select further

additional accusative complementiser marking when the subordinate clause is controlled

by an accusative matrix argument. In the following example 2.122 the NP-relative is

controlled by an accusative matrix argument but the accusative argument yaayu-warri-

ngu ‘aunty-PRIV-ACC’ in the NP-relative is only marked once with an accusative

suffix.

2.122 Payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu jarrwurti murtiwarla-la manku-lu-wa policeman-PL come -RSLT three car-LOC get-PURP-TOP1 nhurnu juju-ngu wanyjaman-ku, [ngurnu nhawa-ayi-wu-yu this.ACC old.man-ACC dingo.trapper-ACC thatACC see-PERF-ACC-EMPH4

yaayu-warri-ngu]. aunty-PRIV-ACC

‘So three policemen came in a car, to get this old dingo man [that had seen poor old Aunty]. (P.504 - P.505)

There are definitely no examples of further inflection of accusative and

instrumental marked stems in the Kurrama corpus. The accusative/dative *-ku and the

ergative/instrumental *-lu are not followed by other inflectional suffixes in most Pilbara

languages. For discussion of the general ban on further inflection of dative/accusative

marked nominal expressions in the Pilbara languages see Dench (2006: 83, 86-87, 99-

100 & 102-103). Also, it is quite common for the ergative suffix to not be followed by

further nominal inflection in many, if not all, Australian languages and Dench (2006:

86) states that ‘it might be possible to make a case for a principled ban here’. The

Kurrama instrumental is the reflex of an earlier ergative. Clitics can be added after

accusative and instrumental marking in Kurrama.

In the following example 2.123 (which was presented earlier as example 2.97)

the accusative marking of puliman ‘cattle’ blocks it from further locative

complementiser marking even though puliman-ku is part of a locative marked T-

relative.

2.123 Parntaya-nmarri-nguli-marta wanyjila nyungunyji [ thalingka-rri-la

find-COLL-PASS -HABIT anywhere there riding –INCH.PRES-LOC

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puliman-ku yanku-yangu-la wayharri ]. cattle-ACC go-REL-LOC look.for.PRES '(She) used to be found somewhere or other (by these people), while they were riding around looking for cattle. ' (P.345)

However, I am unsure as to why wayharri ‘look for’ is not marked locative in

2.123 above; it too is part of the locative T-relative. It seems that wayharri is a verb

because it selects the accusative argument puliman-ku in the T-relative. Also, wayharri

is used in other instances in the Kurrama corpus as a zero conjugation verb that selects

zero conjugation TAM inflections (most often the same subject RELative marker –ngu).

Its lack of overt TAM marking in 2.123 suggests that it is in unmarked present tense.

However, present tense marking in subordinate clauses is unusual, but the inchoative

verb thalingka-rri in the T-relative also seems to be in unmarked present tense. Perhaps

in this instance the unmarked present blocks wayharri from locative complementiser

marking? Yet, why then is thalingka-rri (which is also in present tense) marked with a

locative complementiser? I cannot say14

!

It should also be pointed out that the construction of the genitive, comitative,

and direct allative markers for proper names (and ‘elevated’ proper names) does not

involve the process of inflection with the SPEC accusative suffix where it has a separate

accusative function, and then the addition of another nominal inflection that has a

genitive, comitative, or direct allative function. The SPEC accusative form does precede

another marker in the formation of the genitive, comitative, and direct allative markers

of proper names, but this represents the process of derivation of specific singular

suffixes for proper names which have a singular set of functions. That is, these

constructions only function as genitive, comitative and direct allative markers; the

SPEC accusative base form does not have a separate independent active accusative

function within the make up of these singular suffixes. To restate, there is a constraint,

in Kurrama, against further inflection of stems that already bear an accusative marker

when this accusative marker has an independent active accusative function. 14 It may be that wayharri acts as a secondary predicate of manner in example 2.123 and selects

zero nominative marking in agreement with an unmarked nominative controller. If it is a secondary predicate, its likely controller is ‘these people’ which is ellipsed in the matrix clause. However, the matrix clause in example 2.123 is a passive clause and the ellipsed agent argument ‘these people’ would select instrumental marking, if overt, and not nominative marking. So, wayharri is probably not a secondary predicate, in this instance, as it would select instrumental agreement marking. Also, as stated above, wayharri selects TAM marking in other examples in the corpus which would preclude it from being classed as a secondary predicate (and also preclude it from being classed as a particle).

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This addition of a nominal suffix onto a SPEC accusative base form is similar to

what is described by Austin (1995: 369) as ‘derivational double case’. Austin (1995:

369) states that in the Kanyara and Mantharta languages (to the south of Kurrama)

‘certain affixes .. require that the nominal to which they are attached is already inflected

for case before affixation takes place..’. In the Kanyara and Mantharta languages the

‘locative and dative cases participate in this phenomenon, serving as base forms’ on

which other cases may then be added (Austin, 1995: 369). In effect, in Kurrama, the

accusative SPEC form acts as an inert base form to which proper name genitive,

comitative, or direct allative case marking can then be added. Austin (1995: 369) also

reports that in Jiwarli a locative marked nominal serves as the base form (or ‘founding

form’) to which ablative marking can then be appended; as also occurs in Kurrama on

nominals that are not ‘inherently’ locative in nature (see §2.5.2).

2.7 Semblative Suffix or Semblative Clitic?

In the Kurrama corpus there are examples of a semblative marker that codes an

entity as something that someone or something resembles. In the first examples of the

semblative marker that I examined the marker was added after accusative marking of a

common nominal; as follows.

2.124 Manku-nha ngayi kartpa-nmarta mangkurla-wu-waa

get-PAST 1sg.NOM carry-HABIT child-ACC-SEMBL ngaliyampurraarntu-wu jarta-yu.

1pl.exc.GEN-ACC old.woman-ACC (P.546)

"I picked (her) up, just like we used to carry children, this poor old lady of ours.'

2.125 Ngayi nhawu nhurnu pampikan- ku- waa 1sg:NOM see-PRES thisACC pumpkin -ACC-SEMBL ngarrwi-yangu roundpalarrayi-ku… lie.down -REL round-ACC 'I see this thing like a pumpkin lying there, all rounded.' (P.269)

However, the combination of the accusative and semblative does not form a

singular semblative inflection. In the following example a semblative allomorph is

added immediately to a nominal without a preceding accusative marker.

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2.126 Ngunhat-pa-mpa nganila-wathu yatha-wathu parni-yangu, warrapa-ngarli thatDEF- Ø-TOP2 thing -DIM shade-DIM be-REL spinifex -PL

wantha-rnaarnu kankala-wurru-mpa-rta yamarti-yaa ngunhat kartpa-yi. put-PPERF on.top-FACE-TOP2-? self-SEMBL thatDEF go.up-PRES

‘That poor little humpy, what-cha-ma-callit, bough shade had been made with spinifex. (It) had been made with all the spinifex standing up to look as if it had happened by itself.' (P.189)

As stated in the previous section, further nominal inflection is blocked by

preceding accusative inflection in Kurrama; except in the construction of the genitive,

comitative and direct allative proper name suffixes upon an inert

accusative base.

Therefore, the semblative marker must be a clitic that can be added after an accusative

suffix and not a nominal suffix that could not be added to an accusative suffix. The

following use of the semblative reinforces the conclusion that the semblative is a clitic.

In example 2.127 the semblative is added to the particle munti ‘true’. A nominal suffix

cannot be added to a particle, in Kurrama, but a clitic can.

2.127 Munti-yaa jurntatma-rnaarnu-la, jurntat-karlaa. True/very/really-SEMBL like.that-CAUS-PPERF-LOC like.that-PROP jurntat-ku-warnu nhawa-ayi. like.that-ACC-EMPH5 see-PERF ‘(She) really believed it had happened like that, (she'd ) seen how it happened.' (P.010 - P.011) Further, it is unlikely that the semblative is a separate nominal or particle and

not a clitic. The independent word waa is frequently used as a nominal predicate in

Kurrama with the meaning ‘fear/frightened’, while the independent yaa is commonly

used as an interjection by Kurrama speakers to express surprise. These commonly used

alternative functions would seem to preclude the semblative allomorphs from being

classified as separate words.15

Also, the selection of one of the semblative allomorphs is

determined on the basis of a preceding vowel which conclusively indicates that it is

phonologically bound and must be a clitic.

15 The semblative is represented by a separate word in some Australian languages; as, for instance, in some of the Yolngu languages (Bowern C. pers. comm.).

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Therefore, in summary, the semblative is a clitic that can be added to an

accusative marked host, and not a nominal suffix that would be blocked by preceding

accusative inflection. Nor, as was first thought, is the semblative a nominal suffix that is

built upon an inert accusative base form (as are the genitive, comitative and direct

allative proper name inflections).

Wordick (1982: 106) only briefly discusses the Yindjibarndi semblative. He lists

it as a productive nominal suffix that is realized by allomorphs of –kaa. He does not

classify it is a clitic that forms ‘indeclineables’. An example from Wordick’s (1982:

209) texts illustrates the Yindjibarndi use of the semblative. The semblative is glossed

as LIKE in this example.

2.128 Yindjibarndi

Yurala nyurnrtiwarni-nha. Yuntu parnrta-ku-wa. Muntiwayi nhaa-mpa rainmaker die-PAST rain fall-PRES-EMPH Perhaps this-TOP yuntu-yu puyama-a

rain-DET orphan-LIKE (Wordick, 1982: 209)

‘The rainmaker died. Rain is starting to fall. Perhaps this particular shower that I am talking about is like an orphan’ (that is, it is crying for its father).

2.8 Comparison with Yindjibarndi Case Marking

How do the patterns of Kurrama case and nominal suffix marking compare to

those used in Yindjibarndi? Wordick (1982: 142) states that ‘.. ideally all the nominal

and pronominal constituents in a phrase are marked in parallel by the relevant case

marker. However, in actual situations one can observe that often only a single item is so

marked, the rest appearing in the (unmarked) nominative case’. When looking over the

texts in Wordick (1982: 201- 280) it is evident that they contain more instances of

partial case marking of NP constituents than is evident in the Kurrama corpus.

For instance, in the texts narrated by the Yindjibarndi consultants Gilbert Bobby

and Ken M. Jerrold there are a number of instances where these speakers do not use the

objective16

16 The Yindjibarndi ‘objective’ suffix is the equivalent of the Kurrama ‘accusative’ suffix.

marker where it would be expected. These instances of partial or absent

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objective marking occur more often than is evident in AP’s Payarrany narrative17. In a

sample of 135 instances where objective marking is expected in the longest texts

narrated by Gilbert Bobby there are 25 instances where he only partially marks the

subconstituents of an object NP or leaves out objective marking altogether.

Alternatively, in a comparative sample of 135 instances where objective marking is

expected in the longest18

texts narrated by Ken M. Jerrold there are 47 instances of

incomplete or absent objective marking. This compares with 17 instances of partial or

absent accusative marking located in a sample of 135 expected instances of accusative

marking taken from the Payarrany narrative. These numbers could just represent

speaker differences but may suggest a language difference. More (long) Kurrama and

Yindjibarndi texts, narrated by differing speakers, could help to determine this. Wordick

(1982) does present some Yindjibarndi texts related by Long Mack, Woodley King,

Cheedy Ned, and Harold Ned but these texts do not provide a large enough sample size

to test against Gilbert Bobby’s and Ken Jerrold’s texts.

In the Payarrany narrative it is most often the object arguments of perfective

inflected verbs that are not always marked with the accusative (see §4.5.3). Whereas, in

the Yindjbarndi texts, the object arguments of a broader range of TAM inflected verbs

are not always marked. Consider, for instance, the following example from Wordick’s

(1982: 231) Yindjibarndi texts which was related by Ken M. Jerrold. In this example

only one nominal in the object NP ‘two euros’ is marked with an objective suffix. Also,

the nominal warrapa ‘grass’ is not marked with an objective inflection even though it is

both the object argument of the verb ngarrku ‘eat’ and is part of a NP-relative

controlled by the objective marked NP ‘two euros’.

2.129 Yindjibarndi

Wanytya parnrtaya-rna kuyharra-u pattyarri, parni-yangu Dog find-PAST two-OBJ euro sit-DEP ngarrku-ngu warrapa. eat-IMPF grass ‘The dog found two euros, sitting eating grass.’ (Wordick, 1982: 231)

17 Note, that in both the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi texts there are also instances of object ellipsis

where object arguments are not overtly present at all. 18 Some of Ken Jerrold’s texts are relatively short. They were included so as to make up the

sample size of 135 instances of expected objective marking which is the sample size first counted in Gilbert Bobby’s long texts.

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In comparison there are fewer examples of this ‘incomplete’ concord in AP’s

Payarrany narrative. Indeed, what at first may be mistaken as the lack of case marking

and nominal inflection in many Kurrama clauses and sentences is often actually zero

marking of nominative arguments in frequently used passive constructions. The

following example 2.130 illustrates this. Passive constructions are discussed in §6.6.

2.130 Well, thintharr ngunhu wangka-nguli-ngu, kari,

Well, poison that call-PASS-REL bitter.(poison)

parri-yarntu strychnine wangka-nguli-ngu. whitefella-GEN strychnine call-PASS-REL (P.330)

'Well, that was called poison, it was whitefella poison, what is called strychnine.’

Presented below are some examples that illustrate the general norm of complete

concord marking of case and nominal suffixes in the Payarrany narrative. Example

2.131 illustrates the complete concord marking of two accusative complement clauses.

Example 2.132 illustrates the complete concord marking of a locative adjunct, and

example 2.133 illustrates the complete concord marking of an instrumental argument of

a passive perfective verb.

2.131 Ngayi mirnu [ngurnu ngurra-yi wanthila-wu],

1sg.NOM know that.ACC camp-ACC where-ACC

mirnu kurta [Yalyarra-ngu wanthila-wu]. know very Yalyarra-ACC where-ACC (P.167) 'I knew [where that camp was]. (I) knew [where it must be at Yalyarra].'

2.132 Wurnta-rna parni-ngumarnu [wuntu-wa marratha-la malu-ngka]. come-PAST sit-PROG river/creek-LOC river.gum-LOC shade -LOC (She) came there and then was sitting [in the river bed, in the shade of a river gum].' (P.017)

2.133 Blanket -ngarli ngunyji mirtungka kaliku-la martkurra-ma-rnu-lu blanket -PL thereNV inside sheet-LOC good-CAUS-REL-PURP

murlimurli-ma-rnaarnu [ janka-rnumarnu-lu, ngurriny-a-lu mirriji-lu wrap-CAUS-PPERF tie-PROG-INSTR swag-Ø-INSTR rope -INSTR

swagstrap-u-lu]. swagstrap-Ø-INSTR 'There were blankets inside there, all put together neatly in a sheet, rolled/wrapped up [and then tied with a swag rope, with a swag strap].' (P.216)

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2.9 Multiple Case Marking

In all, there are not that many examples of freely occurring multiple case

marking in the Kurrama corpus, but it does occur. In this section I will discuss multiple

nominal suffix marking of common and proper nominals. Additional nominal suffix

marking of pronouns is discussed at the end of §3.1.

Instances, in the corpus, of multiple attachments to common and proper nominal

stems often include enclitic marking. Yet, sequences of two nominal suffixes do occur

and there are some instances of three suffix sequences. Sequences of three nominal

suffixes, however, usually include combinations of suffixes that customarily occur

together to serve a single function. Such as, locative inflection before ablative marking

of nominals; or the formation of genitive, comitative and direct allative markers of

proper names upon the SPEC accusative base form.

The sequence of the privative –warri and the specific referent marker –nha

occurs often in the data (especially in the Payarrany narrative which tells of people of

the past who have since passed away). As stated in §2.4.3 and §2.4.6, these suffix

sequences ‘elevate’ common nominal expressions or kin names, which refer to specific

deceased persons, to proper name status and also mark these names and expressions as

nominative subjects. Sequences of the privative and other proper name suffixes also

occur in the corpus. These sequences also elevate a kin name or expression, referring to

a deceased person, to proper name status; as well as indicating the syntactic function of

that expression within a sentence.

As can be observed in previous examples, the order of nominal suffixes in a

sequence is governed by what Dench and Evans (1988: 6-7) have described as the

principle of ‘concentric scoping’. Dench and Evans (1988: 6-7) state that in Australian

languages this principle ‘ensures that outer suffixes have logical scope over the entire

preceding string, including the root and preceding suffixes’. However, outer placement

of suffixes on a host word may be used to link this host to a higher constituent where

the ‘host word is not an argument of the case predicate’. In these instances Dench and

Evans (1988: 6-7) propose a second principle they have named ‘concentric constituent

scoping’ where ‘a suffix X will be (placed) outside of a suffix Y if it originates in a

higher constituent than Y’.

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The following example (presented before as example 2.25) is a good illustration

of this. The relevant sections are bracketed in this example to help illustrate the

principle of ‘concentric scoping’. In 2.134 pawa ‘water’ is the locative adjunct of the

subordinate verb pungka ‘fall down’ and is marked with a locative suffix. The locative

marked pawa-ngka is also marked with an accusative complementiser because it is part

of an NP-relative clause that is controlled by the accusative marked matrix argument

mangkurla-wu ‘child-ACC’. With the application of the principle of ‘concentric

constituent scoping’ the accusative complementiser is placed after the locative marking

of pawa because the accusative complementiser originates in a higher constituent than

the locative marker. That is, the accusative complementiser marks a relationship with

the matrix clause while the locative marks a relationship within the subordinate relative

clause.

2.134 Ngayi purri-rna mangkurla-wu ( pawa-ngka -wu pungka-ayi-wu). 1sg:NOM pull-PAST child-ACC water-LOC-ACC fall.down-PERF-ACC … … [ mangkurla ( [ pawa]LOC pungka-ayi )Rel.clause ]ACC

… … [ child ( [ water ]LOC fall.down-PERF )Rel.clause ]ACC

‘I pulled out the child who had fallen in the water.' (MD)

In the following example 2.135 the direct allative marking of payanyji-ngarli

‘policemen’ is placed outside the genitive marking because it marks a higher constituent

than the genitive suffix. That is, the genitive marker indicates the ownership of the ‘car’

expressed within the NP ‘[the policemen’s car]’ whereas the allative marking indicates

the locational direction of travel expressed by the overall

NP ‘to [the policemen’s car]’.

This is a canonical example of Suffixaufnahme as described in Plank (1995). The

nominal denoting the possessor is first marked genitive and then is marked with another

nominal suffix, in this instance the allative suffix, which is distributed to both the

possessor and the possession within the overall allative marked NP.

2.135 Jurntaat ngunhangkat kartpa-nha murtiwarla-arta yini like.that those carry-PAST car-ALL only payanyji-ngarli-yarntu-warta murtiwarla-arta. policeman -PL-GEN -ALL car-ALL ‘And like that they carried her until they got to the policemen's car.’ (P.521)

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The placement of numbering suffixes is also affected by ‘concentric scoping’. In

example 2.135, above, the productive plural suffix –ngarli is placed directly after the

nominal stem/host and before genitive and allative marking. That is, the plural marking

of the nominal stem/host ‘policeman’ denotes the plural expression ‘policemen’.

However, in the following example 2.136 the plural suffix is not added directly to the

nominal stem/host but is instead placed after genitive marking. The genitive marking of

the nominal stem/host pawa has an associative function which translates best as ‘place

for/to get water’ (see §2.4.1). The plural marking of the genitive marked pawa thereby

denotes the plural expression ‘places for/to get water’. In example 2.137 the plural

suffix is placed after locative and ablative marking. This translates best as the plural

expression ‘the mob/group from Robe River’.

2.136 Wantaa kurta ngunhangat-pa-mpa ngunhangkat yaayu-warri-nguyarntu, which very thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 those aunty-PRIV-GEN ngurra-yu yanku-wuntharri-yarntu jurlu-wu-mpa mirnu camp-EMPH4 go-INSTR.NOM-GEN all-EMPH2-TOP7 know pawa-yarntu-ngarli-wu, ngurrara mangkurla-ngu-mu. water-GEN-PL-ACC country child -ABL-THEN 'All around there, those places, these were Old Aunty's places, where (she) would camp. All the paths, the ways to travel, all the places to get water, (she) knew all these. (She) was a child of that country.' (P.088)

2.137 Wurnta-nha Jajiwurra-la-ngu-ngarli ngunhangart-karta come-PAST Robe.River-LOC-ABL-PL there-ALL yanku-ngumarnu. go-PROG ‘The mob that came from Robe River went there then.’ (AP)

2.10 Concluding Remarks

In this chapter I have discussed the forms and functions of the Kurrama case and

nominal suffix markers. Instances of pronominal case and the occasional marking of

verbs with nominal suffixes have also been discussed. A few brief words in most

sections, of the chapter, have also compared the forms and functions of the Yindjibarndi

case and nominal suffixes to those used in Kurrama. They are very similar.

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Overall, case and nominal suffixes play a principal part in the construction of

simple and complex sentences in Kurrama and Yindjibarndi. They can operate at more

than one syntactic level. In an adnominal role the nominal suffixes relate a nominal or

nominal phrase to other NPs within a wider phrase. In their relational and referential

uses the suffixes indicate the role of a nominal or nominal phrase within a clause, while

in their complementiser uses they indicate relations between clauses. Aspects of these

properties are discussed again within the following chapters. They receive particular

attention in Chapters 6 and 7 when I examine the characteristics of the differing types of

simple and complex sentence used in Kurrama.

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3. PRONOUNS AND DEMONSTRATIVES

In this chapter I examine the paradigms of the Kurrama pronouns and

demonstratives. Unfortunately, the data is incomplete and only partial paradigms with

many gaps can be presented. In the field sessions with Maudie Dowton we did not

specifically discuss Kurrama pronouns or demonstratives in any detail. In the short time

that was available we concentrated on other aspects of Kurrama morphology and

grammar. Most of the useful data on Kurrama pronouns and demonstratives comes from

sessions that Alan Dench conducted with Algy Paterson in the 1980’s, as well as from

AP’s narration of the Payarrany story.

In the following discussion I first examine the first and second person pronouns.

I then discuss some of the singular, dual and plural demonstrative forms. Then I

examine demonstratives that indicate that a referent entity or location is not visible to

the speaker. I end the chapter with examples of the use of pronominal and locational

demonstratives that have interrogative and indefinite functions.

Kurrama pronouns and demonstratives pattern much like those in Yindjibarndi.

In the following discussion I compare the Yindjibarndi and Kurrama forms; there are

some observable differences as well as similarities. While more work needs to be done

on the Kurrama pronouns and demonstratives the limited knowledge of Kurrama, in the

Pilbara community overall, will make this difficult. Further investigation of pronoun

and demonstrative use in Yindjibarndi should be more productive and deserves to be a

priority.

3.1 First and Second Person Pronouns

The paradigms of the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi first and second person

pronouns are presented in Table 3.1. This table was originally presented by Dench

(1994: 163; 2010: 61). The Yindjibarndi forms are from Wordick (1982). The Kurrama

and Yindjibarndi first and second person pronouns are a closed class of independent

items that have different forms for singular, dual and plural number. In Kurrama, an

inclusive/exclusive distinction is made in the first person non-singular paradigm where

the inclusive forms include the listener/addressee while the exclusive forms exclude the

listener/addressee. Wordick (1982: 71-73) suggests that Yindjibarndi is in the process of

losing this inclusive/exclusive distinction in the first person non-singular forms.

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Tabl

e 3.

1 K

urra

ma

(K) a

nd Y

indj

ibar

ndi1 (Y

) pro

noun

cas

e fo

rms

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Dench (1994:162-165; 2010:62-69) has reconstructed the possible

developmental changes that the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi pronouns have undergone

historically; so this is not attempted here. Yet, some general structural trends that are

observable in the forms of the pronouns can be noted here. Consider the Kurrama first

person paradigm. In Kurrama, the first person dual inclusive nominative form ngali acts

as the base on which the other case forms of the first person dual inclusive pronouns are

built; and with the addition of the formative -wu is also the basis of most of the first

person plural inclusive case forms. Similarly, in Kurrama, the first person dual

exclusive nominative form ngaliya acts as the base on which the other first person dual

exclusive pronouns are built; and with the addition of –wu is also the basis of most the

first person plural exclusive forms.

The Yindjibarndi first person pronouns pattern in an almost parallel manner

except for the truncated inclusive paradigms where the base form ngali is described by

Wordick (1982: 71-73) as an ‘indeclineable’ that does not accept further case

formatives. Also, as stated earlier, Wordick (1982: 71-73) suggests that Yindjibarndi is

in the process of losing the inclusive/exclusive distinction in the non-singular first

person forms, even though this is still coded in the Kurrama paradigm.

The locative forms of the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi pronouns most often

involve the addition of the formative –la to the nominative forms, while the

instrumental forms most often involve the addition of the formative –lu. However, the

first person singular locative and instrumental pronouns are formed by the addition of

the formatives –la and –lu onto the bound form ngayha and not the nominative form

ngayi. Ngayha appears to be the Kurrama reflex of an older nominative form ngatha

which is used as the free form first person singular nominative pronoun in Panyjima and

is the base form on which the Panyjima first person singular locative ngathala and first

person singular agentive/instrumental ngathalu are built (Dench, 1991: 157).

The Kurrama and Yindjibarndi genitives essentially involve the addition of the

formatives –(a)arntu, –yharntu or –yarntu onto the accusative forms, but these are

sometimes added to a nominative form. In all, the genitive pronoun formatives, and the

locative and instrumental formatives, correspond with genitive, locative and

instrumental allomorphs that can be selected by common nominals. Dench (1994:162-

165; 2010:62-69) discusses in greater detail the formatives that are used in the

construction of the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi pronoun case forms.

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I have not been able to identify the Kurrama form for locative second person

plural. If constructed in the same pattern as the Kurrama locative second person singular

pronoun, and the Kurrama locative second person dual pronoun, the Kurrama locative

second person plural might be expected to take the form *nyintawula. However, this is

the same form as the nominative second person dual pronoun. In Table 3.1 it can be

seen in the Kurrama first person paradigm that the accusative dual exclusive pronoun is

the same as the nominative plural exclusive pronoun, ngaliyawu; so perhaps this overlap

in forms also occurs in locative second person plural and nominative second person

dual, without the homophones causing confusion. This needs to be checked with a

language consultant. The following use of ngaliyawu as a nominative first person plural

exclusive in example 3.1 can be compared with its use as an accusative first person dual

exclusive in example 3.4. The interpretation given to the pronoun is determined by the

context in which it is used.

3.1 Ngaliyawu ngunhangat-pa-mpa Mangkala-la. 1pl.exc.NOM thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 Red Hill-LOC 'We were all there at Red Hill.' (P.524)

The differing Kurrama and Yindjibarndi pronoun case forms have the same

range of case functions as do the case inflected forms of common nominals and proper

names (see §2.2 to §2.5). For instance, an accusative pronoun can act as an argument

with an object (O) function in a transitive clause, while the subject argument (A) in this

transitive clause (or a subject argument (S) in an intransitive clause) can be represented

by a nominative pronoun. Some examples of the different case functions of differing

Kurrama pronouns follow. Consider first the use of some of the Kurrama accusative

first person pronouns.

3.2 Wanyja might paa-rrkayi ngayu. dog might bite -POT 1sg.ACC ‘The dog might bite me.’ (MD)

3.3 Wala nhawu-ngu parni ngalimpawu that.(mid.dist) see-REL be. PRES 1du.inc.ACC 'That (fella) is looking at us two.' (AP)

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3.4 Mirta nhawi-i ngaliyawu not/no see - POT 1du.exc.ACC 'Don't look at us two.' (AP)

3.5 Wala ngaliwumpurruu nhawu-ngu parni that.(mid.dist) 1pl.inc.ACC see-REL be.PRES ‘That (fella) is looking at us mob.' (AP)

3.6 Ngaliyampurruu nhawu-ngu parni-ngu nganaarri-ngu. 1pl.exc.ACC see -REL be -REL forget-REL 'Forget/stop looking at all of us!’ (AP)

Some examples of the use of the Kurrama nominative second person pronouns follow.

3.7 Nyinta yanki-i ngunhangaatu nhawu-marri-lu. 2sg.NOM go-POT there see-COLL-PURP 'You go over there and see (them).' (P.053)

3.8 Nyintawula parni-i ngaliyawula. 2du.NOM sit -POT 1pl.exc.LOC ‘You two sit with us.' (AP)

3.9 Kantharri-watha nyintawu waa yanku-warri, daughter's.chld -NEAR 2pl.NOM fear/frightened go/be-PRIV ngayi nhaat-ju. 1sg.NOM thisDEF-EMPH 'Grannies don't you all be frightened. It's just me." (P.448)

Example 3.8, above, also contains the locative first person plural exclusive

pronoun ngaliyawula. In the following exchange, between a father and son, both the

Kurrama locative first person singular pronoun and the Kurrama locative second person

singular pronoun are used.

3.10 a. Thuku nyinta yanki-i ngayhala-yi…. young.boy 2sg.NOM go-POT 1sg.LOC-TOP4

‘Boy you go with me….’

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3.10 b. Ngawu, papu ngayi pangkarri-i nyintala. yes father 1sg.NOM go-POT 2sg.LOC ‘Yes, father I will go with you.’ (AP)

Some examples of the use of the first person genitive pronouns follow.

3.11 Ngunhaat-pa-mpa ngayarntu ngurriny-ngarli ngarrwi. thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.GEN swag-PL lie/be.PRES 'My swag and everything is there.' (P.164)

3.12 Wala ngaliyaarntu wanyja. that.(mid.dist) 1du.exc.GEN dog 'That dog belongs to us two' (AP)

3.13 Ngunha ngaliyampurraarntu jarta. that 1pl.exc.GEN old.woman 'She is one of our old people.' (P.530)

Examples of the use of most of the Kurrama first and second person pronoun

case forms are present in the data that I have at hand, except for some of the

instrumental forms. Except for the instrumental first person singular pronoun, and the

instrumental first person plural exclusive pronoun, the Kurrama instrumental pronoun

forms presented in Table 3.1 are taken from Dench (2010: 61). Dench (2010: 61)

glosses these pronouns as ‘agentive’ forms but I have used the classification

‘instrumental’ so as to retain consistency with the label that I have assigned to the

corresponding proper name and common nominal ‘instrumental’ suffixes. Some

examples of the use of the instrumental pronouns from the Kurrama data, that I do have,

follow.

3.14 Nyinyji-mpa ngarrwi warangarti-ngarli ngayhalu here.NV-TOP7 lie.down trap-PL 1sg.INSTR wantha-rnaanu wanyja-yi kurnta-rnu. put-PPERF dog-ACC wait-REL ‘Traps are lying here, put by me for dingoes, waiting/(waiting for dingoes).’ (P.481)

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3.15 Nhaa nyinku murla kampa-ayi, nhaa-mpa this.(near) 2sg.ACC meat cook-PERF this.(near)-TOP7 nyinku thii kampa-ayi, parraa kampa-ayi, ngayhalu 2sg.ACC tea cook-PERF tea.leaf cook-PERF 1sg.INSTR kampa-rnaarnu miinyma-rnu-lu nyinku. cook-PPERF provide-REL-INSTR 2sg.ACC 'This is some cooked meat for you. This is some cooked tea for you. The tea is cooked, it has been cooked by me (who) is providing for you.’ (P.492)

3.16 Ngunhaatu-wa parni ngunyji-mpa, ngayhalu that.one -TOP1 stay.PRES thereNV-TOP7 1sg.INSTR parntaya-rnaanu-wa warlunpa-wurnu parni-ngu-yu. find-PPERF-TOP1 crippled - ? stay/be-REL-EMPH4 ‘That poor old thing is staying up there. I found her, all crippled up.' (P.498)

3.17 Ngunhangata-ngu-yu yaayu-warri-nha thurlajinkarri wantaawa there-ABL-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-SPEC poor.fellow somewhere parni-nha ngaliyawulu mirta nhawu-nguli-ngu ngarti, live/stay-PAST 1pl.exc.INSTR not see -PASS-REL again/then yurlu kurta-wa, wantaa kurta. nothing very-TOP1 which very

'Well from that time, Old Aunty, poor thing, stayed away somewhere or other, and wasn't seen by any of us again, not at all, for a very long time.' (P.376)

There are specific pronoun forms that can be used, in Kurrama and Yindjibarndi,

to identify referents who are in differing alternate generation levels. Wordick (1982: 72)

lists some first, second and third person non-singular nominative pronoun and

demonstrative forms that indicate alternate generation relationships in Yindjibarndi.

However, there are only two examples of nominative alternate generation forms in the

Kurrama corpus; they are both first person non-singular pronouns. The following Table

3.2 lists these Kurrama forms and the Yindjibarndi forms that are presented by Wordick

(1982: 72).

There are a number of omissions in Table 3.2. As stated above I only have first

person entries for Kurrama. The Kurrama omissions may pattern the same as the

Yindjibarndi entries but the data is incomplete. Based on Wordick’s (1982) data it

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appears that there are no distinct nominative second person plural and third

person/demonstrative plural alternate generation forms in Yindjibarndi.

Ngayuwarta is the Yindibarndi and Kurrama nominative first person dual

pronoun for referents who are in a differing generation relationship (such as a father and

son), but it seems to have an inclusive reading in the Kurrama corpus. Alternatively,

ngayintharri, which is the nominative first person plural form for referents who are in

different generation levels, seems to have an exclusive reading in the Kurrama data.

However, Wordick (1982: 72) does not make an inclusive or exclusive distinction for

these pronouns in Yindjibarndi.

Table 3.2 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi (Y) alternate generation NOM pronouns Dual Plural

1st

Y person K ngayuwarta

ngayuwarta ngayintharri ngayintharri

2nd nyinkuwi person Y

3rd

demonstrative person / (proximal) Y

19nhurnuwi

(mid-distant) Y walaapi

(distal) Y ngurnuwi

(aug. distal) Y ngurnaapi

Dench (1982b: 114-116) has shown that in neighbouring Panyjima the

inclusive/exclusive distinction is collapsed in the alternate generation forms of the

nominative first person non-singular pronouns (except for an exclusive distinction in the

alternate generation nominative first person dual form which has referents in the same

patrimoiety). So, perhaps an inclusive/exclusive distinction is also not made in the

Kurrama alternate generation nominative first person non-singular forms; as is indicated

by Wordick (1982: 72) for Yindjibarndi.

19 The distinction of proximal, mid-distant, distal, and augmented distal in the 3rd person/demonstrative paradigm is discussed in §3.2.1.

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It should be noted here, that the pronouns presented in Table 3.1 are unmarked

forms that are used when not making a generation distinction. For instance, the Kurrama

nominative first person dual inclusive and exclusive pronouns, ngali and ngaliya, and

the Kurrama nominative first person plural inclusive and exclusive pronouns, ngaliwu

and ngaliyawu, are unmarked forms that do not make a generation distinction; in

contrast to ngayuwarta and ngayintharri which do indicate alternate generations.

Examples of the use of the Kurrama different generation nominative pronouns

ngayuwarta and ngayintharri are presented below. These are followed by some

examples of different generation accusative and genitive pronouns that are built upon

the base form ngayintharri. Note that example 3.18 contains the full statement made by

a father to his son which was abbreviated in example 3.10a.

3.18 Thuku nyinta yanki-i ngayhala-yi thaluma-rrkayi young.boy 2sg.NOM go-POT 1sg.LOC-TOP4 operate.increase.site/rite-POT

ngayuwarta, wirrwi thalu. 1du.(disharmonic) wind increase.site/rite “Boy you go with me and we will operate that wind thalu.” (AP)

3.19 Ngunhat-kuyha-rru-mpa Jalurra-arta ngayintharri thatDEF-dual -NOW-TOP7 ceremonial.song -ALL 1pl(disharmonic) yanku–nha Yathala-ngu. go-PAST Yaleen.Station -ACC ‘For those two songs, now, we went to Yaleen Station.’ (AP)

The following example illustrates an accusative derivation built on the different

generation pronoun ngayintharri.

3.20 Yaayu-warri-nha-yu ngunyjat-pa-mpa yanku-yangu-la-wa

aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH4 thatNV-Ø-TOP2 go-REL-LOC -TOP1 murna-arri-ngu-wa ngayintharri-wu-yu close -INCH-REL -TOP1 1pl(disharmonic)-ACC-EMPH ngunhaata-wu-yu parni-yangu Marryiri-la-wa. there-ACC-EMPH4 be/stay-REL Gap.Well-LOC-TOP1 'Poor old Aunty was travelling along there and was getting close to us staying there at Marryiri.' (P.100)

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The following Kurrama example contains a genitive derivation of ngayintharri.

In the previous examples the use of ngayintharri appears to code an exclusive reading.

Yet, in the context of example 3.21, its genitive derivation does not code an exclusive

reading. The speaker is addressing her children who are frightened by the sudden

unannounced approach of their granny. The statement that the mother makes that the old

lady is ‘one of our people’ includes the addressee children rather than excludes them.

This supports the previous statement that an inclusive/exclusive distinction is not made

in alternate generation first person non-singular pronouns.

3.21 Kantharri-nha karra-nyungu-wa, walangart-pa-mpa granny-SPEC scrub/bush-DWELL-TOP1 there-Ø-TOP7 yanku-marta karra-ngka, mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i, go-HABIT scrub/bush-LOC not fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT ngayintharri-yarntu, mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i. 1pl(disharmonic)-GEN not fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT 'It's old Granny who lives in the scrub, (the one) who travels around in the bush. Don't be frightened, she's one of our people. Don't be frightened.' (P.451)

Like common nominals and proper names it is also possible for pronouns to

select further case marking when they act within several syntactic levels in a sentence.

For instance, in the following example 3.22, the Kurrama genitive first person singular

pronoun ngayarntu is assigned direct allative marking. The pronoun acts, first, at a

phrasal level to code the speaker’s possession of her ngurra ‘camp’. Then at the clausal

level, both the genitive pronoun and the expression ngurra represent the destination

towards which the addressee is urged to go. So, under conditions of complete concord,

both ngurra and the genitive pronoun ngayarntu are thereby assigned direct allative

marking.

3.22 Nyinta purlaa yanki-i wantaa kantharri ngayarntu-warta

2sg.NOM front/first go-POT alright granny 1sg.GEN -ALL

ngurra-arta-yu, walarntat-pa-mpa yawut Nyurnti-la. camp-ALL-EMPH4 there-Ø-TOP7 west Nyurnti.Creek -LOC ‘You go in front, okay Granny, to my camp. It's over there to the west, at Nyurnti Creek.' (P.431)

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Following is another instance of further case marking of the first person singular

genitive pronoun. This time it is inflected with an instrumental suffix. The genitive

pronoun and nhuwa make up the agent argument within the passive relative clause in

this example and are both marked instrumental. The relative clause, which contains

these instrumental marked expressions, is controlled by the accusative main clause

argument murla-yi ‘meat-ACC’. However, the instrumental marked genitive pronoun,

and the instrumental marked nhuwa, do not also receive accusative complementiser

marking in agreement with this controlling argument; their instrumental marking blocks

them from further following inflection (see §2.6).

3.23 Ngayi murla-yi ngarrku-nha nhuwa-ngku ngayarntu-lu

1sg:NOM meat-ACC eat-PAST spouse-INSTR 1sg:GEN-INSTR kampa- rnaarnu20

cook-PPERF .

'I ate the meat that was cooked by my wife.' (AP)

3.2 Demonstratives

The paradigms of the Kurrama demonstratives are morphologically complex. In

the time spent with Maudie Dowton we did not discuss Kurrama demonstratives in any

detail. However, the patterning of the Kurrama demonstratives is similar to the

patterning of the corresponding Yindjibarndi forms reported by Wordick (1982: 71-75).

Wordick describes them as demonstrative pronouns. Also, Dench (2010: 239-249)

discusses both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama demonstratives based on the Kurrama data

that he has collected and the Yindjibarndi data that is presented by Wordick (1982).

In the following I discuss several paradigms of demonstratives evident within

the Kurrama corpus. This discussion begins with a comparison between Kurrama and

Yindjibarndi singular demonstrative forms where the complete Yindjibarndi paradigm

suggests what may be missing from the partial Kurrama paradigm. I then examine some

dual and plural demonstrative forms. I finish this section with an analysis of several

demonstratives that refer to places or entities that are not visible to the speaker.

20 Note that I cannot determine why the verb kampa-rnaarnu ‘cook-P.PERF’ is not inflected

with an accusative complementiser. It too is part of the relative clause that modifies the accusative main clause argument murla-yi.

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3.2.1 Singular Demonstrative Forms

The following Table 3.3 presents a paradigm of singular demonstrative case

forms for both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama. There is a complete set of Yindjibarndi forms

but not of Kurrama forms. The Yindjibarndi forms are taken from Wordick (1982: 74).

Table 3.3 Kurrama (K) and Yindjibarndi (Y) singular demonstrative case forms

Proximal Mid-distant Distal Augmented Distal

Nominative (K)

(Y)

nhaa

nhaa

wala

wala

ngunhu

ngunhu

ngunha(a)

ngunhaa

Accusative (K)

(Y)

nhurnu

nhurnu

walaaku

ngurnu

ngurnu

ngurnaaku

ngurnaaku

Instrumental (K)

(Y)

nhulu

nhulu/nhulungku

walaartu

walaartu

ngulu

ngulu/ngulungku

ngulaartu

ngulaartu

Genitive (K)

(Y)

nhurnuyarntu

nhurnuyarntu

walaatharntu

ngurnuyarntu

ngurnaatharntu

Locative (K)

(Y)

nhula/nhulangka

nhula/nhulangka

walaarta

ngula

ngula/ngulangka

ngulaarta

ngulaarta

Ablative (K)

(Y)

nhulangu

nhulangu

walaartangu

walaartangu

ngurnuwarta

ngurnuwarta

ngulaartangu

ngulaartangu

The Kurrama singular demonstrative case forms that are present in Table 3.3 are

the same as the corresponding Yindjibarndi forms. So comparison with the Yindjibarndi

demonstratives indicates what may be missing from the Kurrama paradigm. Wordick

(1982: 71-75) describes the items in the Yindjibarndi paradigm as third person pronouns

but states that they are also used as demonstratives with the English translations ‘this’

and ‘that'. This is the salient property of these Yindjibarndi and Kurrama forms: they

have a mix of both pronominal and demonstrative functions. They can function as third

person pronominal demonstratives, as adnominal demonstratives, as identificational

demonstratives, or in certain instances as adverbial demonstratives. For instance, the

singular nominative demonstratives listed in Table 3.3 may translate to English as the

third person pronouns ‘he’, ‘she’ or ‘it’, or alternatively as the adnominal or

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identificational demonstratives ‘this’ or ‘that’, while the singular locative

demonstratives translate as ‘here’ or ‘there’.

There are four sets of singular demonstratives listed for both Yindjibarndi and

Kurrama in Table 3.3. These sets mark differing positions of the demonstrative referent

in relation to the position of the speaker and the addressee. That is, the proximal set of

demonstratives mark referents that are located near the speaker and addressee, while the

mid-distant set mark referents that are located at mid-distance from the speaker and

addressee. The distal and augmented distal sets mark referents that are located at a long

distance from the speaker and addressee. Morphological distinctions are evident

between the forms in the distal and augmented distal sets, but as Wordick (1982: 71)

states the sets ‘seem to be essentially synonymous’. Wordick (1982: 71-72) uses the

corresponding terms ‘near’, ‘mid-distant’, ‘far’ and ‘(augmented) far’ as labels for the

four sets of Yindjibarndi demonstratives.

Some examples of the Kurrama singular nominative demonstratives follow.

Consider first some examples of the use of the nominative proximal singular form nhaa.

In example 3.24 nhaa acts as an identificational demonstrative that translates as the

proximal ‘this’; it refers to some cooked food that is close to the speaker (and is being

given by the speaker to the addressee). In 3.25 nhaa acts an adnominal demonstrative

that modifies the nominal jarta ‘old woman’. In 3.26 and 3.27 nhaa acts as a third

person singular pronominal demonstrative that can be translated as expressing ‘he’ or

‘she’ or ‘this one’.

3.24 Nhaa nyinku pirntu kampa-ayi, wanyji kampa-ayi

this.(near) 2sg:ACC food cook-PERF damper cook-PERF “This is for you, (some) cooked food, cooked damper.” (P.491)

3.25 Mayinu nhaa jarta might kuyawuya-warni. poor.fellow this.(near) old.woman might silly-INCH-PRES

'Poor thing, this old lady might be going silly.' (P.040)

3.26 Nhaa waa-rri wanyja-yi this.(near) fear/frightened-INCH.PRES dog -ACC 'This one/she/he is getting scared of the dog.' (MD)

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3.27 Nhaa nhawu-nha kurri-i mujilarri-yangu. this.(near) see -PAST young.girl-ACC run.away-REL

'This one/she/he saw the girl running away.' (MD)

Following are some Kurrama examples of the use of the nominative mid-distant

singular demonstrative wala. In example 3.28 wala acts as an identificational

demonstrative that is used by a speaker who has thrown a spear at a wrongdoer in mid-

distance range. The nominative wala is used in this instance, and not an accusative

form, because object arguments are not assigned accusative case in Kurrama imperative

clauses (see §4.5.7). In example 3.29 wala acts as an adnominal demonstrative that

modifies the nominal wanyja ‘dog’. The same reading could also apply to wala in

example 3.30. However, note that wala is not placed adjacent to wanyja in example 3.30

but is in example 3.29. So wala in example 3.30 is probably best interpreted as acting as

a third person singular pronominal demonstrative; as is shown in the alternative free

translation of this example. In 3.31 wala acts as a third person singular pronominal

demonstrative.

3.28 Wala kurtkayi-nma nyinta payawurtu-yu.

that.(mid.dist) feel-IMP 2sg.NOM savage-EMPH4 “Feel that you wild man.” (AP)

3.29 Wala wanyja parni kurtawa ngalila that.(mid.dist) dog be. PRES stay.with 1du.inc.LOC 'That dog stays with us two.' (AP)

3.30 Wala ngaliyaarntu wanyja. that.(mid.dist) 1du.exc.GEN dog

‘That dog belongs to us two.’ or ‘That one/she/he/it belongs to us two, the dog.’ (AP)

3.31 Wala ngaliwumpurruu nhawu-ngu parni. that.(mid.dist) 1pl.inc.ACC see -REL be.PRES ‘That one/she/he is looking at us mob.’ (AP)

Some examples of the use of the nominative distal singular demonstrative

ngunhu follow. In example 3.32 ngunhu acts as an identificational demonstrative; in the

context in which it occurs it has a referent who is situated at a distance. In example 3.33

ngunhu also acts as an identificational demonstrative; it is used in the retelling of a past

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situation and has a referent that is distant in both space and time. In 3.34 ngunhu is used

within the context of the story as a third person singular pronoun and has a referent who

is distant in time.

3.32 Ngunhu kantharri-nha-mpa.

that.(dist) granny -SPEC -TOP2 'That's old Granny!' (P.129)

3.33 Well, thintharr ngunhu wangka-nguli-ngu kari well poison that.(dist) call-PASS-REL bitter parri-yarntu strychnine wangka-nguli-ngu. whitefella -GEN strychnine call-PASS-REL 'Well, that was called poison, it was whitefella poison, what is called strychnine.’ (P.330)

3.34 Ngunhu kurlkarri-nmarri-nha ngurnu. that.(dist) think- COLL -PAST that.ACC 'She had thought that.' (P.417)

Example 3.35, below, was first introduced as example 2.14 in §2.2.1. In §2.2.1 it

was argued that although the bracketed clause in this example could be viewed as being

a NP-relative it is better translated as an independent parenthetical comment. Thereby,

the demonstrative ngunhu in the bracketed clause, in this example, is best understood as

functioning as a third person singular pronoun that is the subject of the parenthetical

comment. In the context in which it is used this pronoun has a referent who is distant in

time.

3.35 Nunhangkat payanyji-ngarli, jarrwurti payanyji, juju-nha-wa-nta those policeman -PL three policeman old.man-SPEC-TOP1-INTRG [ngunhu-mpa-yu yuurru-wu kurruma-nmarta-yu], jarrwurti ngunhangkat that-TOP7-EMPH4 dog-ACC kill-HABIT-EMPH4 three those jurlu-wa, kartpa-rna yaayu-warri-ngu. all-TOP1 carry-PAST aunty-PRIV-ACC

‘Those policemen, the three policemen, and the old man too, I suppose, [he used to kill dingoes], and all three of those policemen, they carried poor old Aunty’. (P.520)

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In the Kurrama corpus the nominative singular augmented distal demonstrative

most often takes the form ngunha but there are some instances where it appears as

ngunhaa. The two forms seem to have the same range of functions, but this is difficult

to determine conclusively because ngunhaa is rarely used. Examples 3.36 and 3.37

illustrate ngunhaa and ngunha acting as adnominal demonstratives; in 3.36 ngunhaa

points out a particular child to the listener and in 3.37 ngunha refers to a particular

‘whitefella’ who was discussed earlier in the text. In examples 3.38 to 3.40 ngunha acts

as a third person pronominal demonstrative that can be glossed as ‘it’, ‘she’ or ‘he’; in

each example ngunha has an antecedent in preceding clauses.

3.36 Ngunhaa mangkurla kupija.

That child little 'That child is small.' (MD)

3.37 Parrii ngunha yanku-nha ngulaarta wuntu-wa whitefella that go-PAST there.LOC river/creek -LOC jingkaku-rru wurnta-tkayi kurta-wa nhawu-lu-wa. upriver-NOW come-POT very -TOP1 see-PURP-TOP1 'That whitefella went there on/along the river (bed), upriver, and (he) came right on to (her), and so (he) saw (her). (P.473)

3.38 Jankaa-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnu-yu ngunha purntura-ma-rnaarnu. tie.up -PPERF good-CAUS-REL-EMPH4 that rolled.up-CAUS-PPERF 'It had been rolled up, made neat and tied up.’ (P.322)

3.39 Jilirra-wayhu ngunha parni-nha jurnta-wa. big-DIM that be -PAST like.that -TOP1

'It was sort of big, like that.' (P.324)

3.40 Yanku-nha ngunhaatu, wurnta-rna ngunha Mangkala-arta-mu-yu, go -PAST that.one come -PAST that Red Hill-ALL-THEN-EMPH4 wangka-lu ngunhangaata-yu maatha-ngarli-wu-yu. talk -PURP there –EMPH4 boss -PL-ACC-EMPH4 (P.497) 'Off that one went. He came into Red Hill then to talk to the bosses there.'

The singular forms presented in Table 3.3 do not represent the full range of

singular demonstrative forms that are used in Kurrama. There are also a range of

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demonstratives derived by the addition of other formatives onto the singular forms listed

in Table 3.3. However, complete paradigms of all of these different demonstrative types

are not available from the data that I have. Also, because of a lack of numbers it is

difficult to identify the specific function, or functions, of these alternative forms.

For instance, in the Kurrama corpus, the formatives –t or -tu are at times added

to nhaa; and –rt or –rtu are sometimes added to wala(a); while ngunha(a) is at times

assigned –t, -tu or –n(a). The formation of ngunhaatu in example 3.40 above is an

example of this. The use of the formative –tu on ngunhaa seems to form a ‘definite’

demonstrative that refers to a specific referent that the speaker wishes to distinguish

from other possible referents. I have glossed this as ‘that one’. Similarly, ngunhaat and

ngunhaan also are used in the data to indicate the specific referent ‘that one’ but I am

unable to determine any discernible difference in function between these differing

forms. In the following example 3.41 I have glossed the addition of –tu onto the

proximal nhaa as expressing ‘this one’ but I have interpreted nhaat as expressing ‘he’ in

the free translation of example 3.42. Yet in both examples these demonstratives identify

a specific referent: one that is ‘savage’, and one ‘that must be from the Ashburton side’.

Wordick (1982: 75, 118 & 130) reports that –t, -rt, -tu, -rtu, and –na can also be

used on Yindjibarndi demonstratives to specify ‘this one’ or ‘that one’. Wordick (1982:

75, 118 & 130) states that in Yindjibarndi both nhaa and ngunhaa select –t, -tu or –na;

while wala(a) occurs with -rt , -rtu or -rna. Wordick does not indicate any explicit

differences in meaning between these different forms.

3.41 Ngawu payawurtu nhaatu! that's.right savage this.one

'That's right this one is wild/savage.' (AP)

3.42 Shuu, munti-mpa karri nhawu wurnta-tkaayi mirtawaa, Shuu true-TOP7 stand-PRES man come-PERF big

wanthiwa-rru nhaat Kawayintharri nhanthawa. where-NOW thisDEF Ashburton.side must.be

Shuu, sure enough a man, [who just came up], is standing (behind), a big fellow. Now where is (he) from? He must be from the Ashburton side.' (P.414)

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Further, in the earlier example 3.37 I translated the locative singular augmented

distal form ngulaarta as expressing ‘there’. Alternatively, the locative singular proximal

forms nhula and nhulangka (listed in Table 3.2) translate as ‘here’. However, there is

also another locative singular proximal form nhungu which also translates as ‘here’.

This form is used relatively frequently in the Kurrama data. The following examples

illustrate the locational adverbial use of the three locative singular proximal forms. The

form nhula could possibly express ‘at this’ rather than ‘here’. The alternate form

nhulangka contains two locative formatives –la and -ngka but I am unsure as to what

difference this makes to its meaning. Wordick (1982: 74) describes nhulangka in

Yindjibarndi as ‘an uncommon, but acceptable variant’ of nhula which he also

translates as ‘here’.

3.43 But yaayu-warri-nha mirta parni-nha nhungu but aunty-PRIV-SPEC not live/stay -PAST here

yini marnta-ka, nhula yini, Kanarrakuri-wathaa yini only hill-LOC here only name.of.place -DirectALL only

Waliji-wathaa yawut. name.of.place-DirectALL west

'But Old Aunty didn't stay only around here in the hills, not just here around Kanarrikuri, or near Waliji in the west.' (P.085)

3.44 Wanthila-mpa yurrama-yu nhulangka? where-TOP7 soak –EMPH4 here 'Where is the soak around here?' (P.178)

3.45 Karrwanta-mu karrwanta-mu yanku-nha ngunhangkaat autumn -THEN autumn-THEN go/be-PAST those parna-ayi Thalaran-ta-wa-yu nhungu … live/stay -PERF Deepdale -LOC-TOP1-EMPH here ‘And then that autumn, when those people were staying here at Deepdale..’ (P.070)

It also appears that in Kurrama there is a paradigm of singular demonstrative

forms built around the form ngunhunga(a)t; but the data is limited. Consider the

following examples. In examples 3.46 and 3.47 ngunhungat acts as an adverbial

demonstrative that translates as the English ‘there’. However, in example 3.48

ngunhungat takes part in the modification of an accusative argument, so it is assigned

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the accusative formative –ku, and in this context is best translated as expressing the

English ‘where’.

3.46 Yanku-nha maa-wu manku-lu, parni-ngumarnu ngunhungat wangka-ngu go-PAST hand-ACC get -PURP stay-PROG there talk - REL

'(I) went and took (her) hand, and then stopped there for a while talking.' (P.029)

3.47 Jampa parni-nha ngunhungat mirta parraa munti. while stay-PAST there not long.time true '(She) stopped there for a little while though not for very long.' (P.455)

3.48 Yanku-nha ngayi murlurru kurta, wurnta-rtkayi Yalyarra-ngu-yu go -PAST 1sg:NOM straight very come-POT Yalyarra-ACC-EMPH4 wangka-yangaarnu ngunhungat-ku-rra ngurra-yi. call-PPERF there-ACC-DUB camp-ACC ‘I went straight (there) and came to the place called Yalyarra where the camp was apparently.' (P.172)

Lastly, there is also a singular demonstrative form in the Kurrama data that is

pronounced ngunhanga(a)ta (which is similar to ngunhunga(a)ta) which also appears to

express ‘there’ or ‘that’. When inflected with the ablative –ngu it forms the temporal or

spatial ‘from there’ (as in example 3.49); or forms the temporal adverbial ‘from then’ or

‘from that time then’ (as in example 3.50).

3.49 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu kartpa-nnguli-nha Pirtan-karta ngunyji that -ABL-EMPH4 take-PASS-PAST Onslow -ALL thereNV

yawutpa parri-ngarli-lu, payanyji-lu. down.hill whitefella -PL-INSTR policeman-INSTR 'Then from there (she) was taken to Onslow, down out of the hills, by the white people, by the policemen.' (P.549)

3.50 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu, jarta-warri- nha ngunyji that-ABL-EMPH4 old.woman-PRIV-SPEC thereNV

kartpa-nmarri-nguli-nha maya- arta-wa-yu. take-COLL-PASS-PAST house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4 (P.337)

'From that time then the old lady was taken over there to the homestead.'

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3.2.2 Dual Demonstrative Forms

The examples I have of Kurrama dual demonstratives are formed by the addition

the nominal dual suffix allomorphs –kuyha or –wuyha onto a singular demonstrative

stem. However, Wordick (1982: 72) reports that there are two formatives that can be

used in the construction of dual demonstratives in Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982: 73)

states that in Yindjibarndi, same generation dual demonstratives are formed by the

addition of –kuyha or –wuyha onto a singular demonstrative stem, and different

generation duals are formed by the addition of –pi onto a singular demonstrative stem. I

do not have any examples in the Kurrama corpus where dual demonstratives are formed

with the addition of –pi. Also, in the Kurrama corpus the addition of –kuyha or –wuyha

onto a singular stem does not necessarily form a same generation dual demonstrative.

The limited examples of dual demonstratives formed with –kuyha or -wuyha in

the Kurrama corpus make reference to two white people, and to two inanimate entities,

that are not classified by the kinship section system. Therefore, it can be argued that the

dual demonstratives formed with -kuyha or -wuyha are unmarked forms that do not

necessarily have a same generation reading. Instead, they are used in contexts where

generation relationships do not hold or are used when not specifically making a

generation distinction. Some examples of these dual demonstratives follow. In example

3.51, the nominative proximal dual form acts as an adnominal modifier of the dual

inflected NP wajpala-wuyha wirta-wuyha ‘two young whitefellas’.

3.51 Nhurnu-wuyha-yu, wajpala-wuyha-yu wirta-wuyha, this-DUAL-EMPH4 whitefella-DUAL-EMPH4 youth/young.man -DUAL karri-tkaayi-wa murtiwarla-wu, wangka-nha ngayu… stop-PERF -TOP1 car-ACC tell/say-PAST 1sg.ACC These two young whitefellas, having stopped the truck, spoke to me..' (P.354)

In the following example 3.52 the nominative distal dual demonstrative is

formed by the addition of –wuyha onto the accusative distal singular demonstrative stem

ngurnu. Wordick (1982: 72) states that in Yindjibarndi an alternative nominative dual

distal demonstrative can also be formed by the addition the dual formative –wuyha onto

the nominative singular demonstrative stem ngunhu. I have no examples of this in the

Kurrama data.

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3.52 Ngurnuwuyha swagstrap-u-wuyha-yu mirta waji yalaa-wuyha. that.DUAL swagstrap-Ø-DUAL-EMPH4 not bad new-DUAL 'These were two swag straps, not bad ones, quite new.' (P.217)

In the following example 3.53 the nominative augmented distal dual

demonstrative is formed by addition of –kuyha onto the accusative augmented distal

singular demonstrative stem. However, the full accusative augmented distal singular

form ngurnaaku is shortened to ngurnaa when the dual suffix –kuyha is added, so as to

avoid the repetition of -ku within its structure. Wordick (1982: 72) states that in

Yindjibarndi it is also possible to construct an alternative augmented distal dual

nominative form by the addition of –kuyha onto the nominative augmented distal

singular demonstrative stem ngunhaa. I have no examples of this in the Kurrama data.

3.53 Kuyharra cleanpala ngurnaakuyha-mu, martkurra-wuyha two clean that.DUAL-THEN good -DUAL ngurnaakuyha puntha-rnaarnu… that.DUAL wash-PPERF 'Two clean ones (flour bags) that were neat and washed...' (P.238)

3.2.3 Plural Nominative Demonstrative Forms

Presented in Table 3.4, on the following page, is a paradigm of Yindjibarndi

plural nominative demonstrative forms along with a partial paradigm of Kurrama plural

nominative demonstratives gleaned from the Kurrama corpus.

As shown in Table 3.4, the simplest forms of the Yindjibarndi and Kurrama

nominative plural demonstratives involve the addition of the plural formative –ngku

onto a corresponding singular nominative demonstrative stem. However, the proximal

plural form is made upon the stem nhu-, rather than nhaa-. Also, the Kurrama mid-

distant plural palangku is made upon the stem pala-, rather than the expected wala(a)-;

but this does not occur in Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982-72) states that it is not possible

to construct a mid-distant plural nominative demonstrative with the form *walaangku in

Yindjibarndi; he does not mention the form palangku, it appears that it is not used in

Yindjibarndi.

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Tabl

e 3.

4 K

urra

ma

(K) a

nd Y

indj

ibar

ndi1

(Y) p

lura

l NO

M d

emon

stra

tives

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The stem pala- does appear to be used in the construction of Panyjima

demonstrative forms reported by Dench (1991: 161). However, Dench (1991: 161) only

lists it as being used in the formation of adverbial demonstratives that identify the

location or orientation of a place or referent near to the addressee. For instance, the

locative ‘near you’ adverbial demonstrative in Panyjima is palangu, while the

corresponding allative demonstrative is palarni, and the ablative is palanguru. Dench

(1991: 141) lists –nguru as the regular nominal ablative inflection in Panyjima; the

suffixes –ngu and –rni (used on pala-) are not employed as regular locative and allative

nominal markers in Panyjima.

In all, there are far more Yindjibarndi plural demonstrative forms listed in Table

3.4 than there are Kurrama plural forms. It is assumed that the lack of the Kurrama

forms is a gap in the data, rather than a principled absence, and further research, if

possible, could fill some of the gaps in the paradigm. Also, the different functions and

meanings of each of these forms needs to be determined. Wordick (1982) in his

Yindjibarndi dictionary gives virtually the same interpretation for each of the

Yindjibarndi plural nominative demonstrative forms under each of the distance from

speaker divisions. For instance, Wordick (1982: 322) lists ngunhungkaat,

ngunhungkaatu and ngunhungkaana as all expressing ‘those several distant ones’; and

ngunhungkiirri and ngunhungkaajirri as both expressing ‘they’ or ‘those several

distant’.

As Dench (2010: 246) points out, there are not many examples of the use of the

nominative plural demonstratives in the available Yindjibarndi texts and based on this

limited data it is impossible to determine how the varying Yindjibarndi plural forms

differ in meaning and function. Further research into the Yindjibarndi use of the plural

demonstratives should provide some useful data but further research into the

endangered Kurrama, if possible, is likely to not be as fruitful.

Some examples of the use of the distal and augmented distal plural nominative

demonstratives from the Kurrama corpus follow. In example 3.55 the plural nominative

distal demonstrative ngunhungku is used by Algy Paterson as he searches for a word in

the telling of his Payarrany story. Example 3.57 is from a section of text, in the

Payarrany narrative, where AP discusses the contents of some bags that he has found.

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3.54 Mirnu jurlu ngunhungkat jarta-warri-ngu. know all those old.woman-PRIV-ACC 'They all knew the poor old lady.' (P.135)

3.55 ..kartpa kankala-wurtu-yu parntaya-nmarri-nha … ngani-ngarli go.up on.top-EMPH3-EMPH4 find -COLL -PAST what -PL

ngunhungku? … karrwanyji-wu pirtuwu-la karri-yangu-wa those pigeon -ACC boulder -LOC stand -REL-TOP1

walu-ngarli-la marnta-ngarli-la. boulder -PL-LOC rocks -PL-LOC ‘..(This fella) was going up along the top and found some…what-ya-call these?... pigeons standing on top of some boulders, on some rocks.' (P.115)

3.56 Karrwanta-mu karrwanta-mu yanku-nha ngunhangkaat autumn -THEN autumn-THEN go-PAST those

parna-ayi Thalaran-ta-wa-yu nhungu… live/stay-PERF Deepdale -LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 here 'And then that autumn, when those people were staying here at Deepdale’ (P.070)

3.57 Pirntu-ngarli ngunhangkaatu.

food -PL those ‘These were all (different) foods.' (P.257)

Following are some examples of the Kurrama use of the nominative plural mid-distance

demonstrative palangku.

3.58 Wantaawa palangku parni-ngumarnu kumarla-ngarli.

well those live/stay-PROG together-PL ‘Well, those people stayed all together then.' (P.058)

3.59 Wantaawa parni-nha palangku kumarla wurnta-tkayi later stay/be-PAST those together come -POT Thalaran-ngu-warta. Deepdale-ACC-ALL 'Later, they then came together down to Deepdale.' (P.061)

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3.2.4 Other Case Forms of the Plural Demonstratives

Wordick (1982: 75) reports that the Yindjibarndi third person plural

demonstrative pronouns (which I have classified as plural demonstratives) ‘decline in

parallel with common nouns’. Therefore, the expectation is that the plural

demonstratives in Kurrama will also decline like common nominals. However, this is

difficult to determine because there are only a limited number of examples of differing

plural demonstrative case forms used in the Kurrama corpus. These examples are

presented below. Example 3.60 contains a genitive plural demonstrative. Example 3.61

contains an accusative plural demonstrative. Example 3.62 contains a locative plural

demonstrative. Each of these case forms appear to be augmented distal demonstratives;

they are formed on variations of the augmented distal plural stem ngunhangkat. The

formatives added to this stem are similar to allomorphs of the corresponding common

nominal inflections.

3.60 Nhaa nyampali ngunhangkatharntu.

this.(near) elder/boss those.GEN 'He is the boss that belongs to those fellas.' (MD)

3.61 Nhungula-rri-ayi-wa-yu ngaliwu nhawi-i-wa here -INCH -PERF-TOP1-EMPH4 1pl.inc see -POT -TOP1

ngana -wathaa-wu ngunhangkatku. who-else -ACC those.ACC ‘When we get there we'll see who ever they are.' (AP)

3.62 Ngunhu-mpa Jarrungkajarrungka-arta-mpa murna-yu that -TOP2 Rocklea-ALL-TOP7 close-EMPH4 Kartajirri-wu-mpa-yu kuyhaamunti-ngu, Thinungu-mpa-yu Duck.Creek -ACC-TOP2-EMPH4 cross.over.river-REL Yaranti-TOP7-EMPH4

kuyhaamunti-ngu ngamarlarri-la ngunhangkaarta ngartatha-la. cross.over.river -REL side.of.hill-LOC those.LOC foothills -LOC 'She went right up to Rocklea Station, crossed over Duck Creek, at Yaranti, went up that way, in the side of those hills, in the foothills.' (P.087)

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3.2.5 ‘Non-Visible’ Demonstratives

In the Kurrama corpus there are several demonstratives that most often serve to

indicate a location or a referent that is not visible to the speaker (or was not visible at

the time being retold). However, the semantics of these ‘non-visible’ demonstratives is

somewhat unclear. There are times when it seems that a regular ‘visible’ demonstrative

could be applied in the same context in which a ‘non-visible’ form is used. Perhaps

cultural norms govern its use. For instance, they might be used by a speaker who wishes

to be vague about a location or referent, either when being discreet or indirect out of

politeness.

In the Kurrama corpus there are four ‘non-visible’ demonstrative forms:

ngunyja(a)t, ngunyji, nyinyji, and nyunyji. The forms ngunyji and nyinyji have

adverbial functions in the corpus, where ngunyji refers to a location that is distant and

nyinyji refers to a location that is close by. The form nyunyji refers to an entity that is

close by. The forms ngunyjaat and ngunyjat seem to be used interchangeably to code a

distant location, but there is no evidence to suggest that this location is closer or further

away than the distal distance coded by ngunyji. It may well be that ngunyja(a)t is an

augmented distal form, while ngunyji is the regular distal form. However, I do not have

enough evidence to support this proposal.

The following example 3.63 illustrates the contrast of a ‘non-visible’ distal

location versus a ‘non-visible’ proximal location coded by ngunyji versus nyinyji.

However, although ngunyji ‘there’ may refer to a non-visible location one would expect

that the proximal location referred to with nyinyji ‘here’ would be visible to the speaker.

Yet, in example 3.64, a non-visible reading can be applied to nyinyji; the locations of

the hidden traps are not visible even though they have been set nearby.

3.63 Ngunyji-warnu parni patiki-wu warama-rnu thereNV-EMPH5 live/stay/be.PRES paddock-ACC make-REL nyinyji pilakurta-rri-ngu wartat. here.NV. carpenter-INCH-REL north ‘(They're) over there making paddocks (fencing) and (we're) here doing carpentry in the north.’ (P.050)

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3.64 Nyinta-warnu parni-i nhungu mirta yanki-i nyinta, 2sg.NOM-EMPH5 stay-POT here not go-POT 2sg.NOM nyinyji-mpa ngarrwi warangarti-ngarli here.NV-TOP7 lie.down.PRES trap-PL ngayhalu wantha-rnaanu wanyja-yi kurnta-rnu. 1sg.INSTR put-PPERF dog-ACC wait-REL ‘Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere). Traps are lying here, put by me for dingoes, waiting/(waiting for dingoes).’ (P.480-P.481)

In the following examples 3.65 and 3.66 the demonstrative ngunyji indicates a

distal location that is probably not visible. However, one would expect that a distant

location coded by a regular distal demonstrative, such as ngunhungat, is also often not

visible because of its distance from the speaker. But, the use of the indefinite wanthila

‘somewhere’ in conjunction with ngunyji in example 3.65 does add to the speaker’s

vagueness about the location that he is referring to; either because he wishes to be vague

or because he does not know the exact location. In example 3.66 the location marked by

ngunyji is not likely to be visible because it is ‘up top’ in the hills.

3.65 Ngawu! Wanthila ngunyji - pa jingkat. yes somewhere thereNV-TOP2 upriver "Yes, that was somewhere there upriver.' (AP)

3.66 Ngayi wayinyjarri-nha-wa-yu parni-lu Mangkala-la-yu, 1sg:NOM return -PAST-TOP1-EMPH4 stay-PURP Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4 ngunhangaata-wu ngayi parni-lu work'em-pa-rri-ngu, that-EMPH2 1sg.NOM stay-PURP work-Ø-INCH-REL parni-yangu-la ngunyji-mpa kankala. live/stay/be-REL-LOC thereNV-TOP7 on.top 'I came back to stay at Mangkarla. I stayed there working while she was up top there (in the hills).' (P.393)

The following examples illustrate the use of nyunyji. In 3.67, below, the speaker

is curious as to what the contents of a bag may be before he opens the bag to look. The

contents of the bag, which he refers to with the demonstrative nyunyji, are not visible to

the speaker before he looks inside, but are close at hand.

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3.67 Ngani-mpa-yi nyunyji? ngayi kurtkaarri. what-TOP7-TOP4 thisNV 1sg.NOM think.PRES ‘What's this?’ I thought (to myself). (P.240 – P.241)

In the context of the following example it is evident that someone is coming

towards the speaker and her children. The speaker first refers to this person with the

regular ‘visible’ demonstratives nhaa and ngunhat. However, the identity of the referent

is not completely clear, even though she is coming up close, so because of this it

appears that the speaker uses the non-visible proximal form nyunyji (and not one of the

regular ‘visible’ demonstratives) when attempting to identify this person.

3.68 Nhaa ngunhat wurnta-nmarri nyunyji

this.(near) thatDEF come -COLL-PRES thisNV yaayu-nha ngantha waa-marri-ngu. aunty-SPEC also fear/frightened-COLL-REL ‘This fellow that is coming along, it/this must be Aunty, frightening (the kids).’ (P.446) In the following example nyunyji refers to a direction rather than an entity. This

example illustrates that a speaker’s choice of a demonstrative to express the distance of

a referent entity or location (from the speaker and listener/addressee) is somewhat

relative. I assume that the direction to be taken in 3.69 is relatively near and not

markedly distant.

3.69 Yaayu nyinta yanki-i nyunyji-pa parni warnaa-ngaa aunty 2sg:NOM go-POT thisNV-TOP2 live/stay/be.PRES brother- PL

yawut, patiki-la make'em-ma-rnu. west paddock-LOC make-CAUS-REL ‘Aunty, you go this way. Your brothers are over to the west in the paddocks, fencing (lit: making paddocks).’ (P.364)

Some examples of the use of ngunyjat follow. This form is used more often than

ngunyjaat in the corpus. However, its ‘non-visible’ status in these examples is not clear;

it would seem that a regular ‘visible’ distal demonstrative could be used in its place.

Further work, if possible, is required to determine the reason behind its use.

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3.70 Nyinta yanki -i purtpi ngunyjat pulutha-nmarri-ngu. 2sg:NOM go-POT want thereNV meet-COLL-REL "You go over there, you want to meet one another." (P.365)

3.71 Oh, ngayi yanki-i ngunyjat kurta. Ngunyjat Oh 1sg.NOM go-POT thereNV very thereNV parni mimi-nha-yi. be.PRES uncle.(m.b.)-SPEC-TOP4 "Oh, I'll go there. (Your) uncle is there." (P.366)

3.72 Yaayu-warri-nha-yu ngunyjat-pa-mpa yanku-yangu-la-wa aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH4 thereNV-Ø-TOP2 go-REL-LOC-TOP1 murna-arri-ngu-wa ngayintharri-wu-yu ngunhaata-wu-yu close-INCH-REL-TOP1 1pl(disharmonic)-ACC-EMPH4 there-ACC-EMPH4 parni-yangu Marryiri-la-wa. be -REL Gap.Well -LOC -TOP1 'Poor old Aunty was traveling along there and was getting close to us staying there at Marryiri.' (P.100)

3.73 Yurlaarri-nha ngunyjat kurta. pass.away-PAST thatNV very 'She passed away right there.' (P.554)

An example of the use of ngunyjaat follows. It appears to code the same

distance from the speaker as does ngunyji which is first used in this sentence. However,

the ngunyi vs ngunyjaat contrast may relate to a change of perspective. That is, in

example 3.74, the use of ngunyji represents the speaker’s point of view while ngunyjaat

represents the point of view of the person being spoken about (Old Sarah).

3.74 But yanku-nha ngunyji parni-lu parntaya-nmarri-nha but go-PAST thereNV live/stay-PURP find-COLL-PAST parni-ngumarnu ngunyjaat marraa-la-yi. live/stay-PROG thereNV young.brother-LOC-TOP4 'But (she) went off to stay over there. (She) found them and so stayed over there with her young brother.' (P.370)

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In the following example both ngunyjaat and ngunyjat are used, and both code

the same distal distance of the same location. Also, they both seem to code a perspective

from the point of view of the subject of the sentence.

3.75 Munti kurta-wa, yaayu-warri-nha yanku-nha-wa

true very-TOP1 aunty-PRIV-SPEC go -PAST-TOP1 parntaya-nmarri-lu ngunyjaat-pa, ngunyjat-wurtu-wa parni-i. find-COLL-PURP thereNV-TOP2 thereNV-EMPH3-TOP1 stay-POT 'True enough. Old Aunty went to find (them) there, and stayed there.' (P.054)

Further analysis of these ‘non-visible’ demonstratives is handicapped by a lack

of data. Dench (1991: 161) reports that the forms ngunyji and nyinyji are used in

Panyjima ‘to mark a place or referent as not visible to the speaker’. Dench (1991: 161)

also states that, in Panyjima, even though the place or referent may not be visible to the

speaker ‘it may be audible, remembered or may be visible to the addressee’. Perhaps a

simple situation such as the speaker having his or her back turned on a location or

referent may determine his or her use of a ‘non-visible’ demonstrative; that is, it may be

visible to the listener/addressee but not to the speaker, however this is unlikely.

Dench (1991) does not mention the use of nyunyji or ngunyja(a)t in Panyjima;

so I assume that they do not occur. Dench (1995: 124-125) lists two ‘non-visible’

demonstratives in Martuthunira that have forms that are totally different to the Kurrama

forms. Dench (1995: 124) states that the two Martuthunira ‘non-visible’ demonstratives

yilarni and ngularni ‘are extremely rare and are poorly understood’. Wordick (1982)

does not report any ‘non-visible’ demonstrative forms in Yindjibarndi. The closest

Yindjibarndi form that Wordick (1982: 322) does cite is ngunthi which he translates as

expressing ‘way over there, very distant’.

3.3 Interrogative/Indefinite Pronominals and Locationals

There are essentially two classes of interrogative/indefinite forms used in

Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi). The first class includes two sets of interrogative/indefinites

that are based on the form ngana ‘who/someone’ and the form ngani ‘what/something’.

Declinations of these forms function as pronouns that can be used either as

interrogatives or indefinites. The form ngana has human referents while ngani has non-

human referents.

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The second class of interrogatives/indefinites forms are built upon the bound

stems wantha- and wanthi-. This second class of interrogative/indefinites function as

adverbial demonstratives and include, for example, the locational

interrogative/indefinite wanthila which expresses ‘where/somewhere’ and the temporal

interrogative/indefinite wantharta which expresses ‘when/sometime’.

A wide range of interrogatives and indefinites can be formed with the addition

of a variety of suffixes, clitics, verbalisers and supplementary nominals onto ngana,

ngani and the bound stems wanthi- and wantha-. Presented in the following Table 3.5 is

a summary of some of the main interrogative/indefinite forms used in Kurrama. A more

detailed list of interrogative derivations built upon the most productive stems ngani and

wanthi- is presented in §6.9.2.

Table 3.5 The main interrogative/indefinite forms used in Kurrama

‘who/someone/anyone’ ngana

‘what/something/anything’ ngani

‘how many’ nganimalu

‘which’ wanthinha

‘where’ wanthila

‘where to/how’ wantharni

‘when’ wantharta

Some examples of the use of ngana follow. In example 3.76 ngana acts as the

indefinite pronoun ‘someone’ while in example 3.77 it acts as the interrogative ‘who’.

In 3.78 ngana is placed within a passive clause and is inflected with the instrumental

suffix –lu. In the context of example 3.78 this construction is best translated as

expressing ‘by anyone’. In example 3.79 the accusative form nganangu is used as an

indefinite pronoun

3.76 Ngana yirralama-rrkayi pangkarri-i marliya-wu ngarrka-yi. someone make.sharp-POT go-POT wild.honey-ACC eat-POT 'Someone will sharpen (axe) to go and eat honey.' (MD)

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3.77 Ngana wanpi-rna-nta mangkurlawu. who hit/beat -PAST -INTRRG child-ACC 'Who hit the child?' (MD)

3.78 Nhaa-wurtu thurntaarli-nyaa, mirta palamuntaa nganthayi, yalaa kurta. this-EMPH3 leg -ASSOC not old EMPH new very thuumaya- la-ngu- mu wurnta-tkaayi, mirta ngana-lu store/shop -LOC -ABL -THEN come -PERF not anyone-INSTR nganthayi tharrwa-yangaarnu, yurlu kurta. EMPH put.on-PPERF nothing very 'These were trousers, not old ones, but very new, just out of the store, they hadn't been worn by anyone, nothing at all.' (P290 - P.291)

3.79 Wanyja winpa thula-rnu nganangu. dog run/chase bark.(dog) -REL someone.ACC 'The dog is running and barking at someone.' (MD)

The following examples illustrate the use of ngani in its accusative form nganii.

In example 3.80 nganii translates as the accusative form of ‘something’, while in

example 3.81 it is best translated as the accusative form of ‘what’. In example 3.82

nganii translates best as an indefinite ‘anything’ and takes the accusative form because

it is part of the accusative clausal complement selected by the negated (potential

inflected) verb nhawi-i.

3.80 Wala nhawu yamarti parni ngani- i kurtkaarri-ngu.

that.(mid.dist) man alone/self sit-PRES something-ACC think-REL 'That man is sitting on his own thinking about something.' (AP)

3.81 Ngani-i ngunyji kurtkaarri-ngu parni. What-ACC thereNV think-REL sit.PRES 'What is (he) sitting there thinking about?' (AP)

3.82 Mirta nhawi-i [ karla-yi-nyu kampa-rnaarnu , ngani-i -nyu ] , not see-POT fire-ACC-TRUE burn-PPERF anything-ACC-TRUE

yurlu kurta.

nothing very (P.187)

'(I) couldn't see [where a fire had been burning or anything]. Nothing at all.'

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In the Kurrama corpus the most frequently used interrogative/indefinite forms

built upon the bound stems wanthi- and wantha- are wanthila and wantharni. Some

examples of their use conclude this section.

3.83 Ngunyji-pa ngurra-wali Yarra-wurraa, Yarra- yu

thereNV-TOP2 country-ALL name.of.place-towards name.of.place-EMPH4 wangka-nguli ngurra wanthila yaayu-warri-ngaarntu, call-PASS.PRES country where aunty-PRIV-GEN thurlajantu-yharntu-yu, papu-yarntu-yu, Yithirtiny-tharntu. old.woman-GEN-EMPH4 father-GEN-EMPH4 name.of.person -GEN '(She) went there towards Yarra country. That country is called Yarra, that's where (she) was, old Aunty’s country, the old woman's country that (she) inherited from her father, Yithirtiny.' (P.384)

3.84 Wanthila ngayarntu ngurra. where 1sg.GEN camp 'Where is my camp?' (AP)

3.85 Wanthila manku-yangarnu-yu ngurriny-a-wuyha-yu marnta-tkaayi? where get-PPERF –EMPH4 swag-Ø-DUAL-EMPH4 tie.up-PERF

'Where had (she) got two swag straps to tie up (that swag)?' (P.218)

3.86 Wantharni nyinta pangkarri? where.to 2sg.NOM go.PRES ‘'Where to are you going?’ or ‘Where are you going to?’ (MD)

3.87 Wantharni nhaa patjarri-yarntu warrapa tharrwa-nguli-ngu how this euro-GEN spinifex go.in-PASS-REL patjarri-tu ngurra-ma-rnu. euro-INSTR camp-CAUS-REL 'It was how euro’s spinifex is when a euro goes into it to make camp/shelter.

(P.191)

3.88 Wangka-yinyjarri-ngu palangku-wurtu-wa jurntat-ku ngartarra talk-COLL-REL those –EMPH3-TOP1 like.that-ACC again wantharni ngayu muyu wangka-ayi. how 1sg.ACC same tell/say-PERF (She) told those fellas (the story) again, just like that, just the same as how (she) had told me.' (P.055)

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3.4 Brief Concluding Remarks

The paradigms of the Kurrama pronouns and demonstratives presented in this

chapter are incomplete but do provide some insight into their differing forms and

functions. The Kurrama pronoun and demonstrative forms have been compared with the

Yindjibarndi forms, in this chapter, and it has been shown that there are some

differences between the two varieties, but overall the Kurrama forms, so far recorded,

are very similar to the Yindjibarndi forms. The morphology of the Kurrama and

Yindjibarndi demonstratives is notably complex. There are a number of different

demonstrative forms that have a number of different functions. Although not easily

determined it appears that there are a number of different shades of subtle meaning

associated with the differing demonstrative forms. Only a broad understanding has been

achieved in this chapter.

Within the limitations of working with an endangered language it could still be

possible to fill some of the gaps in the Kurrama paradigms. However, gaining an insight

into the differing meanings associated with the varying demonstrative forms in Kurrama

will prove to be difficult. The researcher will need to have become relatively competent

in Kurrama so as to be able to understand the shifts in meaning and the consultant, or

consultants, will require some competency in English so as to be able to help explain

and describe these shifts in meaning to the researcher. The opportunities for such a

detailed investigation into the meaning and functions of the demonstratives may have

now passed for the endangered Kurrama but may still be possible in Yindjibarndi.

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4. VERBAL MORPHOLOGY

4.1 Introduction

Kurrama has a large open category of monomorphemic verb roots that can be

inflected with tense, aspect and mood (TAM) suffixes. There are three conjugation

classes of verbs in Kurrama and each class selects a specific set of TAM inflectional

allomorphs. In the following discussion I identify the three Kurrama conjugation classes

as the Ø, L and R verb classes. Verbal derivation is also possible in Kurrama and the

following sequence is observed: root + derivational suffix + TAM inflection.

Unlike the prototypical pattern of Australian languages with a split

ergative/accusative profile the nominative/accusative pattern of case marking in

Kurrama does not make a clear distinction between the marking of subject arguments of

transitive verbs and the marking of subject arguments of intransitive verbs. In the

Kurrama nominative/accusative case marking system both transitive and intransitive

subjects are in nominative case. Also, accusative marking is selected by both direct and

indirect objects as well as some optional peripheral arguments. Further, ellipsis of

arguments (including both subject and object) is common; they may have been

established in preceding text or are understood from context (see §1.9). As such,

transitivity is not an important grammatical category in Kurrama (and the other Central

Pilbara languages); unlike the importance of transitivity in many Australian languages

that have morphological ergativity. However, as a less than perfect guide, some general

trends of verb transitivity can be observed.

Without ellipsis, intransitive verbs typically select just a subject, whereas

transitive verbs select a subject and an accusative object, and ditransitive verbs select a

subject and two accusative objects. There is, also, a group of verbs, in Kurrama, that do

not fall into this pattern of transitivity; they can be classed as being either transitive or

intransitive. These ambitransitive verbs select an accusative object in some contexts but

in other instances do not. Some examples of Kurrama ambitransitive verbs are presented

in §4.2. In Table 4.1, on the following page, are presented the proportions of ditransitive

(1.5%), transitive (59%), intransitive (31%), and ambitransitive (8.5%) verbs located

within a sample of 135 Kurrama verbs. All of the verbs tallied in Table 4.1 are

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monomorphemic verb roots except for one: the ditransitive causative derivation mirnu-

ma ‘show/teach’ (causative derivation is discussed in §4.6.2).

In the discussion in this chapter I first present some examples of Kurrama

ambitransitive verbs, and then provide an overview of some of the general properties of

the Kurrama conjugation classes. In the Dixon and Blake (1979, 1981 & 1983; 1991 &

2000) handbook series on differing Australian languages the contributors usually

describe some of the properties of the verbs in each conjugation class in each of the

languages under investigation. I follow this practice in this chapter where I describe the

conjugation markers after which the three Kurrama conjugation classes are identified,

examine the transitivity of the verbs in each Kurrama conjugation class, and discuss the

final vowel configurations of the Kurrama verb roots in each class (which can influence

the TAM inflectional allomorphs that the verbs select). I then present the sets of TAM

inflections that belong to each of the Kurrama conjugation classes and discuss the

functions of these inflections. Following this I examine the two main verbal derivations

used in Kurrama: the collective derivation and the derivational passive. I finish with an

analysis of the Kurrama inchoative and causative suffixes which are used to derive

verbs from nominals.

Table 4.1 Conjugation membership and transitivity of 135 Kurrama verbs

Conjugation class

Total Ø L R

Ditransitive 1 0 1 2

Transitive 25 32 23 80

Intransitive 35 3 3 41

Ambitransitive 10 0 2 12

Total 71 35 29 135

4.2 Ambitransitive Verbs

Ambitransitive verbs can either select or not select an accusative marked

argument. If the ambitransitive verb appears without an accusative argument it is not

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implied that an ellipsed accusative argument is associated with the verb. Rather, a

meaning and transitivity shift is involved. That is, the ambitransitive verb acts as a

transitive verb when it selects an accusative argument, and acts as an intransitive verb

when it does not select an accusative argument. Some of the ambitransitive verbs in the

Kurrama corpus include:

kartpa-Ø ‘get up, climb’ kumpa-Ø or kurnta-R ‘wait (for)’

mirra-Ø ‘call out (to)’ kurtkaarri-Ø or kurtkanyja-R ‘think (about)’

ngalhi-Ø ‘cry (for) thurni- Ø ‘laugh (at)’.

In the following examples 4.1a and 4.2a the ambitransitive verbs (presented in

bold) do not select an accusative argument; whereas in 4.1b and 4.2b they do select an

accusative argument (presented in bold and underlined).

4.1a Ngayi wanpi-rna mangkurla-wu ngalha-angu

1sg.NOM hit-PAST child-ACC cry-RSLT 'I hit the child until (s/he) cried.' (MD)

4.1b Mangkurla ngalhi ngangka-yichild cry-PRES mother-ACC breast-ACC want

piwi-i purtpi.

'The child is crying for (her) mother, (s/he) wants breast/milk.' (MD)

4.2a Ngayi kurtkaarri-ngu kurta 1sg.NOM think-REL very ‘(So) I was really thinking (now).’ (P.264)

4.2b Ngunhaata-ngu ngayi kurtkaarri-nha There-ABL 1sg.NOM think-PAST that.ACC

ngurnu

karnti-ka-wu mutha-ngka-wu stick-LOC-ACC point-LOC-ACC be.PRES (P.314)

parni.

''From there, I thought about that thing that was on the end of that stick.'

4.3 Conjugation Classes

I have identified three verbal conjugation classes in Kurrama which I have

labeled the Ø, L and R classes. These labels follow the usual Australian convention

where conjugation classes are named after the conjugation markers that precede (some

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of) the TAM inflections in each class. That is, the L-class is characterized by the

conjugation marker –l-, the R-class by the conjugation marker –rr- and the Ø-class is

characterized by the absence of a conjugation marker. The combination of conjugation

marker and inflection takes the form: verb root (+ conjugation marker) + inflection but

not all TAM inflectional suffixes in the L-class and R-class contain a clear conjugation

marker; as can be seen in Table 4.6 (presented in §4.4). It can also be seen in Table 4.6

that the conjugation markers -l- and -rr- precede some inflections that begin with /k/. In

§1.7.3 it was stated that changes in the phonological history of Kurrama have moved

away from the articulation of /l/ before /k/ or /k/ after /rr/. However, these changes have

not affected the combinations of the conjugation markers plus TAM inflections that

begin with /k/. Note, however that the L-conjugation potential and perfective inflections

do not have the -l- conjugation marker onset but instead begin with /t/ ; this is discussed

further in §4.4.1.

Based on the same sample of 135 verb roots that were presented in Table 4.1 the

following Table 4.2 lists the percentages of ditranistive, transitive, intransitive and

ambitransitive verbs in each of the Kurrama conjugation classes. The overall

percentages of verbs in each conjugation class are also presented; as well as the overall

percentages of verbs in each transitivity category. For instance, 59% of the verbs in the

sample are transitive and of these transitive verbs 31% are in the Ø-conjugation class,

40% are in the L-conjugation class and 29% are in the R-class. Overall, the Ø-

conjugation verbs make up 52.6% of the sample, while 26% are L-conjugation verbs,

and 21.4% are R-conjugation verbs.

Wordick (1982) does not provide an overall count of the percentages of verbs in

each conjugation class in Yindjibarndi. However, he does make some general

statements concerning the transitivity of the verbs in the differing Yindjibarndi

conjugation classes. These statements are in parallel with the overall trends exhibited in

Table 4.2 for Kurrama. Wordick (1982: 81) reports that most Yindjibarndi non-Ø-

conjugation verbs are transitive with just ‘a few’ that are intransitive. Also, he states that

while most Yindjibarndi Ø-conjugation verbs are intransitive there are ‘a large number’

that are transitive. Further, ‘some’ Yindjibarndi Ø-conjugation verbs are ambitransitive,

while only ‘one or two’ non-Ø-conjugation verbs are ambitransitive.

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Table 4.2 Conjugation membership and transitivity percentages of Kurrama verbs

Percentage in each conjugation class Percentage of sample Ø L R

Ditransitive 50.0 0.0 50.0 1.5

Transitive 31.0 40.0 29.0 59.0

Intransitive 85.0 7.5 7.5 31.0

Ambitransitive 83.0 0.0 17.0 8.5

Percentage of sample 52.6 26.0 21.4 100

Dench (1991: 168; 1995: 139) does report some percentages from Panyjima and

Martuthunira that can be compared with Table 4.2. The Panyjima and Martuthunira

figures are presented in Table 4.3 on the following page. In the Kurrama sample the R-

conjugation class has the lowest percentage of members. This pattern is also evident in

Martuthunira and Panyjima. Panyjima does not have an R-class at all. The Panyjima R-

conjugation class has become fully incorporated into the L-class. In Martuthunira there

are only four remaining members in the R-conjugation class; all of which are transitive.

Like Kurrama, the L-conjugation classes in Martuthunira and Panyjima contain a high

number of transitive verbs while the Ø-conjugation classes contain a high number of

intransitive verbs. However, figures for ambitransitive and ditransitive verb membership

are only available for Panyjima. In the Panyjima sample 9 out of 11 ambitransitive

verbs are located in the Ø-conjugation class while two ditransitive verbs are divided

between the Ø-class and the L-class (Dench, 1991: 168).

There are also a small number of Kurrama verb root forms that are located

within two different conjugation classes based on a transitivity contrast; some of these

are presented in Table 4.4 on the following page. The Ø-class forms of these verbs are

all intransitive while the R-class forms and L-class forms are all transitive. In the

preceding tables these verb roots were counted separately so as to include their

membership within two conjugation classes (with their corresponding transitivity).

Similar verbs are also reported for Martuthunira and Panyjima by Dench (1991, 1995).

In these instances the transitive forms all belong to the L-class while the intransitive

forms all belong to the Ø-conjugation class (1991: 168; 1995: 139). See also Dixon

(2002: 181).

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Table 4.3 Conjugation membership and transitivity in Martuthunira and Panyjima

Conjugation classes in:

Martuthunira Panyjima

Ø L R Ø L

Percentage of transitive verbs in each class 16% 79% 5% 15% 85%

Sample size 76 transitive verbs 60 transitive verbs

Percentage of intransitive verbs in each class 66% 34% 0% 75% 25%

Sample size 58 intransitive verbs 39 intransitive verbs

From Dench (1991: 168; 1995: 138)

Table 4.4 Some Kurrama verb forms that belong to two conjugation classes

Conjugation class and intransitive meaning Conjugation class and transitive meaning

kampa- Ø be cooking/burning kampa-L cook/burn something

nhawungarra-Ø look out/keep watch nhawungarra-R look after

puntha-Ø bathe, swim puntha-L wash something

tharrwa-Ø enter tharrwa-R insert, drive in

The final vowels at the end of each of the Kurrama verb roots also correlate for

each conjugation class. The following Table 4.5 presents the frequencies of final vowel

in each of the sample of 135 verb roots for each conjugation class. Overall, in the

sample the Ø-class and the L-class contain verbs that end in the vowels /a/, /i/ and /u/;

while the R-conjugation class contains verbs that end in /a/ and one lone verb that ends

in /i/ (wanpi - ‘hit/beat’).

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Table 4.5 Frequencies of final vowel of verb in each conjugation class

Conjugation class

Ø L R Final vowel in verb root /a/ 22 24 28 /i/ 43 9 1 /u/ 6 2 0

Total 71 35 29

The conjugation classes that I have analysed for Kurrama differ from the classes

that Wordick (1982: 79-81 and 97-100) proposes for Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982: 79-

81) distinguishes four conjugation classes in his Yindjibarndi grammar: Ø, L, R and N.

The extra class that he delineates, the N-class contains a small group of verbs which all

end in the vowel /i/, while his L-class contains a larger number of verbs that end in /a/

or /u/. As an alternative to this I have combined Wordick’s L-class and N-conjugation

class into one conjugation class for Kurrama: the L-class. I explain the reasons for this

in §4.4 after I have presented the sets of TAM inflections for each of the three Kurrama

conjugation classes.

Presented below are some Yindjibarndi verbs that Wordick (1982: 286-379)

classifies as belonging to the N-conjugation class. As stated, I have placed each of the

Kurrama correspondents in the L-conjugation class. Each Kurrama verb has the same

form as the Yindjibarndi verb except for ‘whittle/shave/scrape’ which takes the form

yurruwi in Kurrama and yurrwi in Yindjibarndi. Some of the verbs are

factitive/causative derivations (see §4.7.2).

Some Yindjibarndi verbs that are classified by Wordick (1982: 286-379) as

belonging to the N-conjugation class are:

ngayi-N ‘throw’ parntayi-N ‘find’

pirni-N ‘swear at’ purri-N ‘pull/extract’

thuwayi-N ‘spear by throwing’ kuwartayi-N ‘urinate’

kunayi-N ‘defecate’ yurrwi-N ‘whittle/shave/scrape’

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4.4 Conjugation Classes and TAM Inflections

In simple terms, a conjugation class of verbs is a group of verbs that share the

same patterns of inflection. The following Table 4.6 presents the TAM inflections for

each of the Kurrama conjugation classes. The distinction between the Ø-class inflections

against those of the L- and R-classes is the most marked. There is some overlap in the

L- and R-class allomorphs where some of the forms, across these classes, are the same.

Table 4.6 Summary of Kurrama verb inflections in each conjugation class

Ø L R Discussed in

PRESent -Ø -lku -rrku §4.5.1

POTential -i, -yi -tkayi -rrkayi §4.5.6

PERFective -(a)ayi -tkaayi -rrkaayi §4.5.3

PAST -nha -rna -rna §4.5.2

RELative -ngu, -yangu -rnu -rnu §4.5.9

Passive PERFective -yangaarnu -rnaarnu -rnaarnu §4.5.4

PROGressive -ngumarnu -rnumarnu -rnumarnu §4.5.10

IMPerative -ma -nma -rnma §4.5.7

HABITual -marta -nmarta -rnmarta §4.5.5

PURPose -lu -lu -rlu §4.5.8

ReSuLT -(a)angu -langu -langu §4.5.8

MIGHT -wunta -rtpunta -rtpunta §4.5.11

Passive MIGHT -nyaa -nnyaa -rnnyaa §4.5.12

For comparison, the following Table 4.7 contains a summary of the

corresponding Yindjibarndi verb inflections for each conjugation class reported by

Wordick (1982: 98). There are some noticeable differences between the corresponding

Kurrama and Yindjibarndi inflections. Also, I have named some of the Kurrama

inflections with a differing classification than that used by Wordick (1982). Note that

Wordick does not list a purpose inflection for Yindjibarndi.

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Table 4.7 Corresponding Yindjibarndi verb inflections in each conjugation class

Ø L R N

Present -Ø -ku -ku -ku

Potential -yi, -wayi -kayi -kayi -kayi

Perfective -(a)ayi -kaayi -kaayi -kaayi

Past -nha -rna -rna -na

Imperfective -ngu, -yangu -rnu -rnu -nu

Passive Perfective -yangaarnu -rnaarnu -rnaarnu -naarnu

Progressive -ngumarnu -rnumarnu -rnumarnu -numarnu

Imperative -ma -nma -rnma -nma

Habitual -marta -nmarta -rnmarta -nmarta

Purpose Not listed by Wordick (1982)

Infinitive -(a)angu -langu -langu -langu

Optative -yaa -tyaa -tyaa -tyaa

Passive Optative -nyaa -nnyaa -rnnyaa -nnyaa From Wordick (1982: 98)

A conjugation marker essentially distinguishes one conjugation class from

another. The conjugation markers after which each Kurrama conjugation class is named

are clearly evident in the present tense allomorphs presented in Table 4.6. The Ø-class

has no conjugation marker, the L-conjugation class has -l- as a conjugation marker and

the R-class has -rr- as a conjugation marker. However, this is a somewhat arbitrary

classification as most TAM allomorphs in each conjugation class are not preceded by

these conjugation markers.

O’Grady (1966) reconstructed five original conjugation classes for proto-

Ngayarda which were linked to five distinct conjugation markers (see Table 4.9). These

included the extra classes N and NG which selected sets of TAM inflections that were

characterized by the conjugation markers /n/ and /ŋ/ respectively. In Kurrama the NG-

conjugation class has been lost as has the N-class. Wordick (1982: 79-81, 97-100) does

recognize an N-conjugation class in his Yindjibarndi grammar but, as indicated earlier, I

have combined what Wordick (1982: 79-81, 97-100) classifies as the N- and L-classes

in Yindjibarndi into the single L-conjugation class for Kurrama.

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The small number of verb roots in Wordick’s Yindjibarndi N-class all end in /i/

and select TAM suffixes that begin with an initial alveolar consonant (most often /n/

after which the N-class is named). Whereas, in Wordick’s L-class the verb roots do not

end in /i/ and sometimes select TAM inflections that begin with an initial postalveolar

consonant. Except for these suffix initial alveolar or occasional postalveolar

articulations the TAM suffixes for the Yindjibarndi N-class and L-class are otherwise

the same. Dench (1991: 131) has made the observation that ‘a rule changing

postalveolar stops and nasals to alveolar stops and nasals (in the environment of the

vowel /i/) appears to have some morphophonemic status in Yindjibarndi where it relates

the N- and L-conjugations’.

That is, when a TAM suffix that begins with a postalveolar retroflex nasal or

stop is attached to a verb root that ends in the high front vowel /i/ the initial postalveolar

in the TAM suffix is articulated as an alveolar stop or nasal. Therefore, it is possible to

merge the L- and N-classes because the apparent occasional difference in articulation of

the initial consonant in their TAM inflections is the result of phonological conditioning

by the last vowel in the verb root and is not a distinct morphologically conditioned

difference. This can be said to apply in both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama.

4.4.1 Variation in Potential and Perfective Forms

It should be noted that the articulations of the potential and perfective

inflections, in the Kurrama corpus, are not as consistent as indicated in the

generalizations in Table 4.6. Within the data there is a collapse in the distinctions

between the R-conjugation and L-conjugation forms for these inflections. For instance,

in the Kurrama corpus the R-conjugation verb wurnta ‘come’ is often inflected with the

potential suffix -tkayi or the perfective -tkaayi which are usually L-conjugation

inflections. Or the L-conjugation verb wantha ‘put’ is often inflected with the potential

–rrkayi and the perfective –rrkaayi which are usually R-conjugation inflections.

Further, in the Kurrama corpus, there are some causative derived verb stems (that bear

the causative suffix -ma-) which belong to the L-conjugation class that are inflected, at

times, with the R-class potential and perfective suffixes; such as mirnu-ma-rrkayi ‘to

teach/show-POT’.

The distinction between the alveolar rhotic trill/flap –rr- and the alveolar stop

tap –t- in the initial consonant clusters of the R- and L-class potential and perfective

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suffixes is minimal and is not always easy to recognize, and it seems that the R and L

distinctions for these inflections are merging, but have not yet settled into a single

allomorph; there is still some variation. For instance, when discussing the causative

jina-ma, ‘to track’ with the two consultants Maudie Dowton and Thomas Cox, MD

inflected this L-class verb with –rrkayi while TC seemed to inflect it with –tkayi.

This suggests speaker or dialect variation and it is possible that historically the

potential and perfective morphemes did once have quite distinct L and R forms but

these have since undergone change. Although only conjecture, possible diachronic

change may have occurred in a fashion similar to the following scenario. Historically

the potential L form may have been *–lkaji (like the Panyjima L-class Realis Future

inflection (Dench, 1991: 169)), and the R form may have been *–rrkaji. That is,

historically, both suffixes began with the conjugation marker that characterized the

conjugation class to which they belonged, but over time they began to merge with –lkaji

becoming most often –tkayi, and –rrkaji becoming most often –rrkayi and subsequently

these suffixes are now moving towards a singular articulation.

Notably, in Panyjima there are only two verbal conjugation classes, the Ø-class

and the L-class; there is no R-conjugation class. Dench (1991: 168) proposes that

historically there was once a separate R-class, in Panyjima, but it has since become fully

incorporated into the L-class. It is possible, then, that a similar convergence is beginning

in Kurrama where the L and R forms of the potential and perfective are also merging.

Further, the unsettled nature of the possible merger of the L and R forms of both

the potential and perfective inflections is also evident in another form that is used

occasionally in the Kurrama data. After L-class verbs such as kartaa ‘poke/spear’ and

wartki ‘open’ a differing potential inflection –rtkayi is often used instead of –tkayi. The

retroflex post-alveolar stop onset in this inflection appears to be conditioned by the

preceding retroflex stop in the verb stem, but its occasional use, I would argue, also

suggests that a process of change is going on where there is not yet a definite singular

articulation for these inflections.

In Yindjibarndi there is no difference between the L, R and N forms of the

potential and also no difference between the L, R and N forms of the perfective; as is

shown in Table 4.7. Each of these inflections has lost evidence of the conjugation

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marker that characterizes the conjugation class to which they belong. The Yindjibarndi

L, R and N forms of the present tense inflections also occur without a conjugation

marker.

4.4.2 Changes to Verb Stems When Inflected with Vowel Initial Suffixes

There are some morphophonemic changes made to some Ø-class Kurrama verb

roots when inflected with some of the vowel initial Ø-class TAM inflections. Kurrama

verbs end in a vowel and the TAM inflections most often begin with a consonant

(sometimes a conjugation marker) and there is usually little morphophonemic change

made when a verb root and TAM inflection are combined. However, in the Ø-

conjugation class some morphophonemic adjustments occur when vowel initial

potential, perfective and result allomorphs are added to verb roots that end in /i/ or /u/.

A representation of these changes (in blue) is presented in the following table.

For comparison, I have also listed in Table 4.8 examples of inflection with consonant

initial TAM suffixes that do not influence change in the end vowel of a Ø-class verb

root. As can be seen in Table 4.8 Ø-class verb roots ending in /a/ do not undergo any

marked adjustment when they are inflected with the vowel initial potential, perfective

and result suffixes. In Table 4.8 I represent them as selecting -yi for potential, -ayi for

perfective, and -angu for result. Also, Ø-class verb roots ending in /i/ do not undergo

any marked adjustment when inflected with the vowel initial potential so I have chosen

to represent them in Table 4.8 as selecting the potential suffix -i so as to form the long

vowel /i:/ across the affix boundary.

However, Ø-class verb roots ending in /i/ or /u/ do undergo an adjustment when

inflected with the perfective and result suffixes. I have chosen to represent this

adjustment by changing these final vowels to /a/ when the perfective suffix -ayi or the

resultive suffix -angu are added. Also, Ø-conjugation verbs that end in /u/ undergo

adjustment when inflected with a potential marker. I have chosen to represent this by

changing the final vowel of the verb root to /i/ and adding the potential suffix -i so as to

form the long vowel /i:/ across the affix boundary.

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Tabl

e 4.

8 S

ome

TAM

infle

ctio

ns o

f zer

o co

njug

atio

n ve

rbs 1

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Although rare, there are some examples in the Kurrama corpus where potential

inflection involves the addition of the suffix –wayi onto Ø-class verb roots that end in

the vowel /u/. This is the potential inflection that is used in Yindjibarndi for Ø-class

verb roots that end in /u/ (Wordick 1982: 100). The examples of its use in the corpus

were provided by MD and most likely represent a borrowing or influence from

Yindjibarndi rather than a transition from the common Kurrama form. The following

illustrate MD’s use of the Kurrama form (4.3) and the Yindjibarndi form (4.4).

4.3 Mirta ngarrki-i might be thintharr-karlaa.

not/no eat-POT might be poison-PROP 'Don't eat (it), (it) might be/have poison.' (MD)

4.4 Murla-yi purri-rtkayi kampa-rna-wa karla-ngka-ngu meat-ACC pull-POT cook-PAST-EMPH fire-LOC-ABL ngarrku-wayi eat-POT.

‘The meat is cooked, pull (it) from the fire to eat (it).’ (MD)

4.4.3 Comparison of Kurrama and Proto-Ngayarda Verb Inflections

O’Grady (1966: 81) reconstructed the following paradigm21

for the Proto-

Ngayarda past, present, future and imperative inflections. This reconstruction is based

on ten sets of corpora from ten varieties of the ‘Ngayarda’ subgroup, which include:

Kurrama, Yindjibarndi, Kariyarra, Ngarluma, Palyku, Panyjima, Ngarla, Nyamal,

Martuthunira, and Nhuwala (O'Grady, 1966: 73).

Table 4.9 Proto-Ngayarda TAM allomorphs (from O'Grady, 1966: 81) Ø L R N NG

Present -ku -lku -rku -nku -ngku

Past -nha -rna -rna -rna -nya

Future -yi -rru -ru - -

Imperative -ma -nma -rma - -

21 Note, that I have changed O’Grady’s orthography to one consistent with that used in this

thesis.

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As stated earlier the N- and NG-conjugation classes are not part of present day

Kurrama. The Proto-Ngayarda N- and NG-conjugation classes have become absorbed

into the Ø- and L-conjugation classes in Kurrama. This has come about by the fusion of

some of the N- and NG-class inflections onto ancestral monomoraic verb roots to form

disyllabic stems that now select either Ø- or L-class inflections. For instance, the

Kurrama Ø-conjugation verbs manku ‘get/grab’ and yungku ‘give’ have been formed

by the fusion of N- and NG-class present tense allomorphs (which were originally

purposive/future22

inflections) onto the ancestral monomoraic verb roots *ma- and *yu-.

This historical reanalysis of monomoraic verb stems in the Ngayarda languages is

discussed by O’Grady (1966: 80-81, 124-125), O’Grady and Laughren (1997: 136-138),

and Dench (1998: 95-97).

In Table 4.10 some of the Proto-Ngayarda and Kurrama TAM inflections from

the Ø, L, and R conjugation classes are compared. They prove to be very similar except

for the distinction between the Proto-Ngayarda future tense allomorphs and the

Kurrama potential/future allomorphs. These patterns of correspondence are not

unexpected because the Proto-Ngayarda reconstructions are shaped partly from

Kurrama data along with data from the other Ngayarda languages.

Table 4.10 Comparison of Kurrama and Proto-Ngayarda TAM inflections Ø L R

Kurrama Proto-Ng Kurrama Proto-Ng Kurrama Proto-Ng

Present Ø -ku -lku -lku -rrku -rku

Past -nha -nha -rna -rna -rna -rna

Potential -i, -yi -yi -tkayi -rru -rrkayi -ru

Imperative -ma -ma -nma -nma -rnma -rma

22 O’Grady (1966: 76), Dixon (1980: 381) and Dench (2003) propose that an ancestral

purposive/future inflection has shifted to marking present tense in Kurrama, Yindjibarndi,

Panyjima and Ngarluma. The present tense allomorphs in O’Grady’s (1966: 81) Proto-Ngayarda

paradigm thereby have a purposive marking ancestry.

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Present day parallels between Kurrama and neighbouring languages other than

those of the Central Pilbara group can also be drawn for many of the TAM inflections.

A detailed account of this is not attempted here, but by way of example, in Jiwarli

(which is a member of the Mantharta languages to the south of Kurrama) the same-

subject relative clause inflection allomorphs are –ngu, -rnu and –nhu (Austin, 1981:

323). These are comparable with the Kurrama relative equivalents –ngu and –rnu

(although –rnu is most often used as a different-subject relative marker in Kurrama, see

§4.5.9) Also, similar suffixes –ngu, –rnu, and –nu are used to mark dependent verbs

within subordinate clauses in Walmatjarri, a language spoken well to the north of

Kurrama (Dixon, 1980: 385).

4.5 The Functions of the Kurrama Verb Inflections

4.5.1 Present

In Kurrama, a present inflected verb typically denotes an event or action that is

occurring at the time of speech. The present tense in Kurrama involves an imperfective

aspect where the events denoted by a present inflected verb are continuing, and events

that are telic are not completed. In the narratives in the Kurrama corpus a number of

instances of the use of present tense occur in quoted direct speech. The

historical/narrative present is also used, at times, in narratives that tell of past events and

serves to add an immediacy (and vividness) to the stories. The Yindjibarndi present has

the same functions as does the Kurrama present.

Following are some Kurrama examples of present tense use in direct speech.

4.5 Nhuurnu ngayi yungku-Ø yala nyinku mangumangu-u

this 1sg.NOM give-PRES now 2sg.ACC punishment.spear-ACC

'I am giving you this spear now’. (AP)

4.6 Yaayu, wanthila-ngu nyinta wurnta-rrku ngurra-ngka-ngu-yu? Aunty where-ABL 2sg.NOM come-PRES camp-LOC-ABL-EMPH ‘Aunty, where are you coming from, where's your camp?’ (P.161)

The following was originally elicited to demonstrate the Kurrama progressive

inflection (see §4.5.10). However, the unmarked Ø-conjugation verbs in this example

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code present tense actions that are occurring at the time of speech. Note that this

example is very similar to a Yindjibarndi example provided by Wordick (1982: 208).

4.7 Ngayi karri-Ø. Ngayi parni-ngumarnu. Yalaa parni-Ø -wu. 1sg.NOM stand-PRES 1sg.NOM sit-PROG now sit -PRES-EMPH2

‘I am standing. I am sitting down. Now I am sitting.’ (MD)

The unmarked Ø-conjugation verbs in the following question and response

illustrate speech time present tense use.

4.8 Wanthila nyinta parni-Ø ? Ngayi parni-Ø yalaa Where 2sg.NOM live-PRES 1sg.NOM live-PRES now

nhungu-yu Onslow-la. here-EMPH4 Onslow-LOC

'Where do you live? I now live here in Onslow.' (MD)

The following Kurrama clause, which includes a secondary predication, is

somewhat like a universal truth statement where the primary predicate selects present

tense.

4.9 Pajila-wu ngarrku-Ø kampaayi-wu. caper.bush.fruit-ACC eat-PRES ripe/cooked-ACC

'(You) eat the caper fruit (when it is) ripe.' (MD)

The following examples illustrate the use of the historical/narrative present in the

retelling of events that occurred in the past.

4.10 Ngayi karri-Ø nganila-la-mpa nhawu-Ø. Nhawu-Ø nhaa 1sg.NOM stand-PRES thing-LOC-TOP7 watch-PRES see-PRES this payanyji-ngarli yaayu-warri-ngu manka-ayi-wa-yu. Yanku-ngumarnu policeman-PL aunty-PRIV-ACC get-PERF-TOP1-EMPH4 go-PROG

ngayi.

1sg.NOM

'I am standing at thingy watching. (I) see these policemen who had got Aunty And then I went over (to them).' (P.526-P.527)

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4.11 Ngayi nhawu-Ø nhurnu pampikan-ku-waa 1sg.NOM see-PRES thisACC pumpkin-ACC-SEMBL

ngarrwi-yangu roundpalarrayi-ku. lie.down -REL round-ACC

'I see this thing like a pumpkin lying there, all rounded.' (P.269)

The last example in this section contains the punctual verb ngarra ‘chop/pound’

which is marked with the derivational passive suffix and is also in present tense. This

illustrates that present tense marked verbs that describe punctual actions have an

imperfective aspect reading and are interpreted as being ongoing and iterative. This

sentence also presents a universal truth (like example 4.9).

4.12 Warrapa nhaa pirntu manku–yungaarnu ngarra-nnguli-Ø

spinifex this.(near) food/seed get-PPERF chop-PASS-PRES

marnta-ku pirlin-ta. rock-INSTR flat.rock-LOC

'This spinifex seed is collected and pounded on a flat rock, with another rock’ (P.403)

4.5.2 Past

A past inflected verb describes an event or action that occurred, or was

occurring, before the time of speech. The Kurrama past tense inflection differs from the

Kurrama perfective marker (discussed in §4.5.3) in that it does not specifically code

whether a past event or action is completed; it may still be ongoing. The Kurrama

perfective marker does indicate that a unitary event or action is completed. Wordick’s

(1982: 101) description of the Yindjibarndi past tense is the same as it is for Kurrama.

Wordick (1982: 101) states that the Yindjibarndi ‘past tense is used to describe actions

belonging to the past without reference as to whether they have been completed or are

still going on’

In the Kurrama corpus the past tense marker denotes a relatively recent past.

There is no specific remote past inflection in the Kurrama corpus. In the corpus the

temporal particle palamu ‘long time ago’ is used in conjunction with a past tense

inflected verb to code a remote past event or action. Palamu is also used in the same

manner in Yindjibarndi. Consider the following Kurrama examples.

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In examples 4.13 and 4.14, below, the past tense marking denotes a relatively

recent past.

4.13 Jinkakurru ngayi yanku-nha ngurnu wayharri-ngu.

up.river 1sg.NOM go-PAST that.ACC look.for-REL

'I went up river looking for them.' (P.107)

4.14 Jurntaat ngunhangkat kartpa-rna murtiwarla-arta yini, like.that those take-PAST car-ALL only

payanyji-ngarli-yarntu-warta murtiwarla-arta. policeman-PL-GEN-ALL car-ALL 'And like that they carried her until they got to the policemen's car.’ (P.521)

In examples 4.15 and 4.16, below, the use of the particle palamu in conjunction with a

past tense marked verb serves to denote a more distant past.

4.15 Wangka-nyjarri-ngu parni-nha palamu talk-COLL-REL sit-PAST long.time.ago ‘They sat down to talk a long time ago.’ (MD)

4.16 Ngawu, palamu nyinta-wu jinpayi-nmarri-nha. yes long.time.ago 2sg.NOM-EMPH2 lose-COLL-PAST

“Yes, you lost (him) a long time ago.” (P.426)

4.5.3 Perfective

Comrie (1976: 16) states that cross-linguistically ‘perfectivity indicates the view

of a situation as a single whole, without distinction of the various separate phases that

make up that situation..’. The Kurrama perfective incorporates this property and like the

Yindjibarndi perfective ‘is used to describe any action which has been completed’

(Wordick, 1982: 102). In Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi) this distinguishes the perfective

inflection from the past inflection which does not specifically indicate whether a past

action is ongoing or completed. Overall, the view coded by the perfective effectively

has as its focus the completed endpoint of a singular situation/event/action and can

represent a resultant state.

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Further, in some Kurrama examples the perfective marking appears to resemble

a nominalisation process where the inflected verb acts syntactically like an English

‘adjective’ or ‘participle’. That is, it seems that a perfective inflected verb can appear as

a modifier of one of its argument NPs. For instance, in the following example 4.17 the

perfective marked kampa-ayi ‘cooked’ denotes a unified and completed action that

could be interpreted as describing the resultant state of the pintu ‘food’ and wanyji

‘damper’. That is, the perfective marked kampa appears to act, in these instances, like

an ‘adjectival nominalisation’ which modifies its nominal arguments pintu and wanyji.

4.17 Nhaa nyinku [ pirntu kampa-ayi ] [ wanyji kampa-ayi ].

This 2sg.ACC food cook-PERF damper cook -PERF 'This is for you, (some) cooked food, cooked damper." (P.491)

The perfective inflection also appears to be used in relative clauses which

modify a matrix NP argument; as the following examples illustrate. Example 4.19 was

presented earlier to also illustrate present tense use.

4.18 Shuu munti-mpa karri [ nhawu [ wurnta-rrkaayi ]] mirtawaa,

Shuu true-TOP7 stand.PRES man come-PERF big

wanthiwa-rru nhaat Kawayintharri nhanthawa. where-NOW thisDEF Ashburton.side must.be

Shuu, sure enough [a man [who just came up]], is standing (behind), a big fellow. Now where is (he) from? He must be from the Ashburton side.' (P.414)

4.19 Ngayi karri nganila-la-mpa nhawu. Nhawu [ nhaa 1sg.NOM stand.PRES thing-LOC-TOP7 watch.PRES see.PRES this payanyji-ngarli [ yaayu-warri-ngu manka-ayi-wa-yu ]]. policeman-PL aunty-PRIV-ACC get-PERF-TOP1-EMPH4

'I am standing at thingy watching. (I) see [these policemen [who had got Aunty]].' (P.526)

However, in the corpus, there are some apparent anomalies in the case marking

of NPs associated with perfective marked verbs. For instance, in the earlier example

4.17 the nominals pirntu and wanyji are not assigned accusative case marking even

though they appear to be object arguments of the perfective marked kampa–ayi

‘cooked’. Could one make an alternate translation and interpret example 4.17 as a series

of adjoined clauses, as in: ‘This is for you, the food(NOM) has cooked, the

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damper(NOM) has cooked’? This, seems a little unwieldy in the context in which 4.17

is placed; but, in keeping with examples 4.18 and 4.19, perhaps the perfective marked

verbs are better considered as forming relative clauses in example 4.17. That is, 4.17

could be translated as: ‘This is for you, (some) food(NOM) that is cooked and

damper(NOM) that is cooked’.

However, in the second sentence in example 4.19 above, there is not only no

accusative marking of the object argument of the present inflected matrix verb nhawu

‘see’ but also no accusative complementiser marking of the perfective NP-relative that

modifies this matrix object argument (although the first accusative marking of ‘Aunty’

does block ‘Aunty’ from further accusative complementiser marking (see §2.6)). One

could again interpret 4.19 as a series of adjoined clauses, as in: ‘I am standing at thingy

watching. (I) see (it) (that) these policemen(NOM) have got poor old Aunty(ACC)’.

Yet, why is there a need to look for alternate translations of perfective constructions,

that deviate from the straightforward, when they are mostly not needed in the readings

of constructions made with the other TAM inflections?

In the following example 4.20 the object argument of the perfective marked

martkurra-ma does select accusative marking.

4.20 Palamu-mu-yu juju-ngarli mirnu-ma-rnaarnu

long.ago-THEN-EMPH4 old.man -PL know-CAUS-PPERF jiwarra-ngarli-lu, they kanyja-nmarta-yu ngunhangkat, whitefella -PL-INSTR they keep/have -HABIT-EMPH4 those ngarrarnmarta-wu martkurra-ma-tkaayirifle-ACC good-CAUS-PERF that.ACC

ngurnu.

'Well, long ago the old people had been taught by the whitefellas, they used to keep these things, that was a rifle cleaner (lit: makes good that rifle).' (P.306)

Yet, in the following example 4.21 the object argument of the perfective marked

matrix verb is not marked accusative. This lack of accusative marking of ‘my dinner’

may be because ‘dinner’ is borrowed from English. However, there are many instances

in the corpus where borrowed English expressions are assigned Kurrama nominal suffix

marking appropriate to their syntactic function. One would expect ‘dinner’ to be treated

the same way, and one would expect that the first person genitive pronoun which

modifies ‘dinner’ to also select further accusative marking.

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4.21 Ngayi-yi ngarrka-ayi dinner yurlu-ma-rnu ngayarntu-wi, 1sg.NOM-TOP4 eat-PERF dinner finish-CAUS -REL 1sg:GEN -TOP5 ngayi yanku-nha nhawu-lu yaayu-warri-ngu-rru. 1sg.NOM go-PAST see-PURP aunty-PRIV-ACC-NOW

‘So I ate my dinner, finished everything, and I went now to see poor old Aunty.' (P.157 - P.158)

At this stage, more examples are needed to determine the patterns involved in

the marking of the arguments of perfective inflected transitive verbs. To determine

whether the perfective verb form does act ‘adjectivally’, and can form a NP with its

object, one would need to identify instances where the perfective verb and object are

both marked in concord with a nominal suffix. For instance, is the following

construction possible; and is example (a) its possible translation? This construction,

however, could also possibly be translated as forming a relative clause as represented by

interpretation (b).

? Ngayi ngarrku-nha pirntu-u kampa-ayi-wu.

1sg.NOM eat-PAST food-ACC cook-PERF-ACC (a) ? ‘I ate (some) cooked(ACC) food(ACC).’ (b) ? ‘I ate (some) food(ACC) that is cooked(ACC).’

4.5.4 Passive Perfective

Like the active perfective, the Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi) passive perfective

codes a situation as a single whole which is completed. Its focus is on the endpoint of

this situation and can represent a resultant state. As often occurs in both derivational

and inflectional passives, the agent of a passive perfective may not always be overtly

specified and often an agent may not be identifiable at all. In the following Kurrama

examples the passive perfective marked verbs most often have the appearance of

argument modifying nominalizations, or are used in relative clauses, where they

describe resultant states (rather than events).

4.22 Ngunhangaata-wa-yi kuyharra-nta kurrumanthu kuyharra-nta jarrwurti-nta,

that-TOP1-TOP4 two-INTRG goanna two-INTRG three-INTRG ngarra-rnaarnu yurntaa-ma-rnaarnu martkurra ngunyji-yu. chop-PPERF powder-CAUS-PPERF good thereNV-EMPH4

‘That must have been two goannas, maybe two or three, chopped up, powdered up. That's very good.' (P.282)

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4.23 Kuyharra cleanpala ngurnakuyha-mu, martkurra-wuyha ngurnakuyha two clean thatDUAL-THEN good –DUAL thatDUAL puntha-rnaarnu wirru-yu ngungkumarta, wirru-yu wangkarn. wash-PPERF other-EMPH4 heavy other-EMPH4 light 'Two clean ones (flour bags), that were neat and washed, one was heavy, one was light.' (P.238 - P.239)

4.24 Jankaa-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnaarnu-yu ngunha purntura-ma-rnaarnu. tie.up -PPERF good-CAUS-PPERF-EMPH4 that rolled.up-CAUS-PPERF 'It had been rolled up, made neat and tied up.' (P.322)

4.25 Murla nhuwa-ngku ngayarntu-lu kampa-rnaarnu. meat spouse-INSTR 1sg:GEN-INSTR cook-PPERF

‘The meat was cooked by my wife.' (AP)

4.5.5 Habitual

The habitual inflection in the Kurrama corpus most often implies a past time

reference but it can have a present time setting. As its name suggests a habitual inflected

verb denotes a habitual action that has occurred more than once and is, or was, the

customary way that its subject does, or did, ‘things’. This is illustrated by the following

examples. Wordick (1982: 102) states that the Yindjibarndi habitual also ‘indicates

habitual action’.

4.26 Yanku-marta mirta murna-arta nhula-arta Ngama-ngka.

go-HABIT not close-ALL there-ALL name.of.place-LOC '(She) used to go a long way, not just close by, all over the Ngama (Hamersley foothills and Buckland Hills). (P.086)

4.27 Mirta nhungu yawut parni-marta, Ngama-ngka, yawut ngunyji not here west stay-HABIT place.name-LOC west thereNV Kartayirri-wa, yimpaa-rnmarta ngartat Pinkaan-ta Ngarraminyju-la.

place.name-TOP1 cross-HABIT creek place.name-LOC place.name-LOC

'But (she) didn't stay around here in the west, but in the Ngama. West of Kartayirri. (She) used to cross the creek at Pinkaan, at Ngarraminyju.’ (P.383)

4.28 but kurrumanthu-wu-yu yanku-marta wayharri-ngu kurta. but goanna-ACC-EMPH4 go-HABIT look.for -REL very 'But (she) used to/would go looking/hunting for goanna.' (P.094)

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4.29 Manku-nha ngayi kartpa-nmarta mangkurla-wu-wa get-PAST 1sg.NOM carry-HABIT child-ACC-SEMBL ngaliyampurraarntu-wu jarta-yu. 1pl.exc.GEN-ACC old.woman-ACC "I picked (her) up, just like we used to carry children (just like we would carry a child) this poor old lady of ours.' (P.546)

4.30 Jaat kurta wangka-marta juju-ngarli. shirt very call-HABIT old.man-PL '(That's) what the old people used to call a shirt.' (P.299)

The preceding Kurrama examples of the habitual all have a past time reference.

This is due, in part, to the fact that these examples were selected from the Payarrany

narrative which is set in the past. However, in the following example the habitual

inflection is used in direct speech and has a present temporal setting.

4.31 Kantharri-nha karra-nyungu-wa, granny-SPEC scrub/bush -DWELL-TOP1 walangart-pa-mpa yanku-marta karra-ngka… there-Ø-TOP2 go-HABIT scrub/bush-LOC “It's old Granny who lives in the scrub, (the one) who travels around in the bush.” (P.451)

4.5.6 Potential

In the Kurrama corpus the potential inflection is used to indicate that an action

or event, denoted by a potential inflected verb, has yet to take place. Most often a

potential inflected verb describes an event or action that is an expected or intended

outcome of current events, or situations, and may represent the purpose for a prior

event. Within this parameter the potential can also be used to form mild to moderate

strength commands and hortatives that require an action to be carried out in the future.

The suffix can also be used to mark the stages of a sequence of events or actions.

In the following Kurrama examples the potential inflected verbs denote events

that are about to take place, or are likely to take place, and in most instances code the

purpose for which a prior action is enacted. Note that there is also a specific purpose

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inflection in Kurrama that is used to indicate a more direct and immediate purpose for a

preceding event or action (see §4.5.8).

4.32 Ngana yirralama-rrkayi pangkarri-i marliya-wu

someone make.sharp/sharpen-POT go-POT wild.honey-ACC ngarrki-i. eat-POT

'Someone will sharpen (the axe) to go and eat honey.' (MD)

4.33 Ngunhaat ngurnu ngayi karlungka ngartarra thatDEF that.ACC 1sg.NOM aside again mirna-yu, mirna-wa nhawi-i. while-EMPH4 while-TOP1 see-POT

'Then I (put) that to one side again for a while, to look at it later.' (P.274)

4.34 Ngawu, ngayi-wu-nta kurnta-tkayi yes 1sg.NOM-EMPH2-INTRRG wait-POT

nhungu-mpa payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu-yu, here-TOP7 policeman -PL come-RSLT-EMPH4

yanki-i ngunhangkarta-wa-yu mirnuma-rrkayi-thu go-POT there-TOP1-EMPH4 show-POT-TOP3

‘Yes, perhaps I could stay here and wait until the police come and then go and show them.' (P.500)

The following illustrates the potential inflection as part of a short query about the future.

4.35 Ngarti nhawi-i? next see-POT 'What would (I) see next?' (P.303)

The potential inflection can also be used to form a mild to moderate strength

positive command, but a forceful positive command is formed, in Kurrama, with the

imperative suffix (see §4.5.7). However, in Kurrama, there is not a specific negative

imperative inflection for negative commands and, instead, a negative command is

formed by negating a potential inflected verb with one of the negative particles mirta or

wala. The following example 4.36 illustrates the use of the potential inflection in a

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moderate positive command and also in a negative command. Example 4.37 illustrates

the potential inflection in a mild positive command.

4.36 Nyinta-warnu parni-i nhungu, mirta yanki-i nyinta. 2sg.NOM-EMPH5 stay-POT here not go-POT 2sg.NOM

"Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere)." (P.480)

4.37 Maya-arta yanki-i ngarrku-ngu nyinta winya-arri-ngu house-ALL go-POT eat-REL 2sg.NOM full-INCH-REL

“You go to the house and have a feed, get full.” (P.146)

The potential inflection can also be used in a hortative sentence.

4.38 Ngaliwu jinawa yanki-i nhaa, purtajirri munti ngurra.. 1pl.inc.NOM on.foot go-POT this rough true country

"We'll go on foot (from here), this is very/truly rough country..” (P.508)

Potential marking can also be used to indicate the next stage in a temporal sequence of

events.

4.39 Ngunhu kurtan-kuyha, ngayi pirntiwirnti-ma-rna, wirru ngungkumarnta that bag-dual 1sg.NOM separate-CAUS-PAST other heavy

wirru wangkarn, nhawi-i ngayi ngunhangaata nhawi-i purla other light see-POT 1sg.NOM that see-POT first

wirru-la-wu ngarrayi purla-yu ngungkumarnta-la ngarrayi. other-LOC-ACC first first-EMPH4 heavy-LOC first

'Those two bags, I separated them, one heavy one light. I looked at that one first and put the other aside. First I looked at the heavy one.’ (P.247)

4.40 Parrii ngunha yanku-nha ngulaarta wuntu-wa whitefella that go-PAST there.LOC river/creek-LOC jingkaku-rru wurnta-rrkayi kurta-wa nhawu-lu-wa. upriver-NOW come-POT very-TOP1 see-PURP-TOP1

'That whitefella went there on/along the river (bed), upriver, and (he) came right on to (her), and so (he) saw (her).’ (P.473)

In summary, the Kurrama potential inflection codes the potential for a future

event or action. As part of this overarching function it can be used to code a purpose

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which is the expected or intended future outcome of a preceding event; or it can be used

to command (mildly to moderately) that a future action be carried out or not carried out.

The potential inflection can also be used to specify the next event in a temporal

sequence which follows on from a preceding event. The Yindjibarndi potential also has

this array of functions (Wordick 1982: 102-103).

It should be noted, however, that the allomorph of the Yindjibarndi potential

which is selected by Ø-class verb stems that end in /u/ is –wayi. This differs from the

potential inflection of Ø-class Kurrama verb stems that end in /u/ where the final /u/ of

the verb stem is changed to /i/ and the overall inflection is realized as the long vowel /i:/

across the verb stem and inflection boundary. This was illustrated by the earlier

examples 4.3 and 4.4 where the potential inflection of ngarrku ‘eat’ is ngarrku-wayi in

Yindjibarndi and ngarrki-i in Kurrama.

4.5.7 Imperative

It was shown in §4.5.6 that mild to moderate strength commands can be formed

with the use of the potential suffix. However, stronger and more forceful positive

commands can be made, in Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi), with the use of the imperative

suffix. Both moderate and forceful commands have second person addressee subjects

but often the subject is not overt. The following examples of forceful positive

commands formed with the imperative inflection do not have overt subjects, but overt

addressee subjects would be possible. Further, in the following examples, the object

arguments of the imperative inflected transitive verbs remain unmarked and are not

assigned accusative case. Also, only one argument of an imperative inflected

ditransitive verb is assigned accusative marking. In the ditransitive imperative, in

example 4.44, the argument with a theme/patient role selects accusative marking but the

recipient argument does not, it is left unmarked.

4.41 Pawa manku-ma muyhu-muyhu.

water get-IMP cold 'Get (some) cold water!' (MD)

4.42 Waama-nma wanyja, wangka-ma pangkarri-i. scare/frighten-IMP dog tell/say-IMP go-POT

'Scare the dog away tell (it) to go!' (MD)

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4.43 Karnti manku- ma karla-ma-rrkayi stick get-IMP fire-CAUS-POT 'Get sticks and make a fire!' (TC)

4.44 Yungku-ma murla-yi wanyja give-IMP meat-ACC dog

‘Give the dog (some) meat.’ (MD)

In the Kurrama corpus there are 13 examples of imperative marking of transitive

verbs (which includes 3 examples from Hale’s (1959) field notes). In 2 of these

examples the objects of the imperative transitive verb are ellipsed. However, in 10

instances the objects are overt but are not marked. In 1 instance, in example 3.28, the

object of the transitive imperative is realized as a nominative demonstrative. Further

examples are required, but perhaps the absence of marking of the object arguments of

transitive imperatives represents zero nominative inflection and not just missing

accusative inflection? I have only 5 examples of ditransitive imperatives. I present 4 of

these examples in §6.7.1 when I discuss the possible patterns of marking assigned to the

arguments of imperative inflected ditransitive verbs.

In all, the inflection of a verb with the imperative suffix conveys a positive

command. As discussed in §4.5.6 there is not a specific negative imperative suffix in

Kurrama (or Yindjibarndi) and instead negative commands are conveyed by negating a

potential inflected verb with one of the negative particles mirta or wala. Both positive

and negative commands are discussed in more detail in §6.7 and §6.8.

4.5.8 Purpose and Result

It was shown in §4.5.6 that the purpose for a prior event or action can be

indicated by the potential inflection. However, the purpose inflection –lu or –rlu can be

used in Kurrama to indicate a more direct purpose for a preceding event or action. In

short, the purpose inflection is a marker of subordinate verbs that denote the direct

purpose for a preceding event or action described by a matrix clause. In these purpose

constructions, the subject of the subordinate purpose inflected verb is always the same

as the subject of the matrix clause. The following examples illustrate this.

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4.45 Ngarti-mu- mpa wurnta-tkayi nyaa-nyarri-lu. again/next-THEN-TOP7 come-POT see-COLL-PURP 'And then another time (she) will come again to see (everyone).' (P.082)

4.46 Ngayi kamungu pangkarri ngarrku-lu-wa.

1sg.NOM hungry go.PRES eat-PURP-EMPH 'I am hungry and am going (so as) to eat.' (MD)

4.47 Yinti-ngumarnu ngayi yawarta-la-ngu wartaarni-lu.

go.down-PROG 1sg.NOM horse-LOC-ABL look.in-PURP 'Then I got down from/off the horse to look in.' (P.201)

4.48 Ngayi yanku-nha23

1sg.NOM go-PAST water/water.hole-ALL-TOP4 bucket-PROP kayulu- warta- yi pirraa-wari

manku-rlu. get-PURP "I'll go to the water hole to get (some water) with the bucket.” (P.486)

Of almost parallel use to the purpose inflection, in Kurrama, is the subordinate

result inflection –aangu / –langu. In Kurrama, a result inflected subordinate verb

describes an action, or event, that is the direct result of a preceding action described by a

matrix clause. The subject of a result inflected subordinate verb is always co-referential

with an object argument of the matrix verb, and at first appears to be a different subject

(switch reference) inflection that stands in opposition to the purpose inflection which

has a same subject reference. However, this apparent switch reference opposition of the

same subject purpose inflection and the different subject result inflection is not

complete. The result inflection most often serves to mark the resultant end point of an

action and not the purpose for a prior action. This is explicitly expressed in the free

translations of the following examples where the matrix action is said to be carried out

‘until’ the result marked verb endpoint is reached.

4.49 Ngaliya mirra-nha ngurnu wurnta-langu ngurra-arta 1du.exc.NOM call-PAST that.ACC come-RSLT camp-ALL 'We two called out to him until he came home.’ (MD)

23 I am unsure as to why AP uses the PAST inflection here. In the context of the narrative one would expect POT marking. The speaker is stating what he is going to do next. This example was presented earlier as 2.46 where I also note this inconsistency.

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4.50 Ngawu, ngayi-wu-nta kurnta-tkayi yes 1sg.NOM-EMPH-INTRRG wait-POT nhungu-mpa payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu-yu, here-TOP7 policeman -PL come-RSLT-EMPH4 yanki-i ngunhangkarta-wa- yu mirnuma-rrkayi-thu go-POT there -TOP1-EMPH show-POT-TOP3 ‘Yes, perhaps I could stay here and wait until the police come and then go and show them.' (P.500)

4.51 Ngayi wanpi-rna mangkurla -wu ngalha-angu. 1sg.NOM hit-PAST child -ACC cry-RSLT 'I hit the child until s/he cried.' (MD)

However, at times there is overlap between the functions of the purpose and

result inflections suggesting that they may be merging into an incipient same and

different subject switch reference opposition. In the following example the result

marked verb effectively describes the ‘purpose’ for a preceding action but its subject is

co-referential with the object of the matrix verb. As such it is marked with the different

subject result inflection and not the same subject purpose inflection. The purpose and

result inflections are discussed in further detail in §7.3 and §7.4.

4.52 Ngayi pangkarri nhawu-u nhawi-i wirra-yi warama-langu. 1sg.NOM go.PRES man-ACC see-POT boomerang-ACC make-RSLT

‘I am going to see a man to (get him to) make a boomerang. (MD) Wordick (1982) does not mention a purpose inflection in his Yindjibarndi

grammar. Also, the marker that I have classified as the result inflection is labeled by

Wordick (1982: 102) as an infinitive aspect inflection. Yet, Wordick (1982: 102) does

report that the infinitive aspect ‘is employed to characterize an action which occurs or

may occur as a direct result of another earlier action’. He also states that the infinitve

‘never occurs in independent clauses’ and ‘the subject of the infinitive is always the

object of the verb describing the motivating action’ (Wordick 1982: 102). Therefore, the

Kurrama result and the Yindjibarndi infinitive have the same functions but why isn’t a

inflection with a purpose function reported by Wordick (1982)? I cannot say.

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4.5.9 RELative

The Kurrama relative suffix allomorphs, -ngu, -yangu and –rnu, are often used

to mark dependent verbs in subordinate clauses to indicate that the event described in

the subordinate clause is contemporaneous with the event described in the matrix

clause. Occasionally, some of the relative markers (-ngu and –rnu) are used in

independent clauses (or co-subordinate clauses) where they code imperfective aspect;

but the most common use of the relative suffix is within subordinate relative clauses or

clausal complements. In these subordinate uses, the Kurrama relative markers are part

of an incipient switch reference system which is relatively straightforward for Ø-

conjugation subordinate verbs but somewhat complex for L- and R-conjugation

subordinate verbs.

The relative allomorphs –ngu and -yangu belong to the Ø-conjugation class and

mark same subject reference and different subject reference respectively. However, the

relative suffix is represented by only one relative allomorph in the L- and R-conjugation

classes, –rnu. This L and R relative allomorph marks different subject reference by

default, but does allow same subject reference in certain instances.

4.5.9.1 Relative marking of subordinate clauses

The following discussion examines the subject references coded by the Kurrama

relative allomorphs when used in subordinate clauses. A summary of this discussion is

presented later in Table 4.11. Table 4.11 also includes a summary of the subject

references coded by the relative verb inflections that are used in Panyjima. The

Panyjima system is presented in Table 4.11 for comparison with that used in Kurrama

but the focus of the following discussion is on the Kurrama system. The comparison is

made with Panyjima and not Yindjibarndi, in Table 4.11, because it is difficult to

determine how the Yindjibarndi forms pattern from Wordick (1982).

The three forms in question -ngu, -yangu and -rnu do occur in Yindjibarndi and

are classified by Wordick (1982: 101-102) as allomorphs of the imperfective aspect

suffix. Wordick (1982: 101) states that ‘imperfective aspect is used to describe a

continuous action without reference to past, present or future time’. Wordick (1982:

101-102) does report that the Ø-class form –yangu is used in subordinate clauses and

(like the corresponding Kurrama form) does mark different subject reference; but he

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states that there is no dependent form for non-Ø-class verbs. Wordick (1982: 101-102)

maintains that the forms –ngu and –rnu only occur in independent or conjoined clauses

in Yindjibarndi. This differs from the use of the relative allomorphs –rnu and –ngu in

the Kurrama corpus which are almost always employed as markers of subordinate

clauses.

In Kurrama the Ø-class relative allomorph –ngu can be used on verbs in

independent clauses (see §4.5.9.2) but foremost it is a same subject switch reference

marker which indicates that the subordinate verb that it marks and the matrix verb have

the same subject within a complex sentence (as shown in the following examples 4.53

to 4.55). The Ø-class relative suffix –yangu, which is never used in independent clauses,

is a different subject switch reference marker which indicates that the subordinate verb

that it marks and the matrix verb have different subjects within a complex sentence. The

bare form of the suffix, without further complementiser marking, indicates that the

subordinate verb, that it marks, has a subject that is coreferential with the accusative

object of the main verb (as shown in examples 4.56 to 4.58).

Alternatively, L- and R-conjugation verbs select only one relative suffix –rnu

which by default indicates that the subordinate verb that it marks and the main verb

have different subjects. The bare form of this suffix, without complementiser marking,

typically denotes co-reference between the subject of the subordinate verb and the

accusative object of the main verb (as shown in the following examples 4.59 to 4.61).

Yet, -rnu can be used in same subject situations when it is clear that there is no

possibility that it is actually marking a different subject relationship (as shown in

examples 4.63 to 4.67). In those situations where there may be confusion and same

subject relations are intended, and not different subject relations, then –rnu is not used

and both the main verb and the L- or R-conjugation verb are inflected with a regular

finite verb inflection to form conjoined independent clauses (with the same subject)

rather than forming a matrix and subordinate clause relation (as shown in example

4.62). Nevertheless, like the Ø-conjugation class suffix -ngu, there are some occasional

instances in the Kurrama corpus where the L- and R-conjugation class suffix –rnu

appears as the marker of an independent verb, and not a subordinate verb, but these

instances are rare (see §4.5.9.2).

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Tabl

e 4.

11

Subj

ect r

efer

ence

of t

he K

urra

ma

and

Pany

jima

rela

tive

suff

ixes

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Notably, different subject relative marked subordinate verbs (in all conjugation

classes) are not further inflected with an accusative complementiser when their subject

is co-referential with an accusative argument in the main clause. If a RELative –rnu

marked L- or R-class stem was to be further inflected with an accusative

complementiser it would select –wu as in: ‘Verb-rnu-wu’ (or alternatively would be

pronounced [ɳu:]); so it is possible that there may have been phonological

simplification of this accusative complementiser marking over time. If this accusative

complementiser marking of -rnu was still present the expectation would be that it would

mark different subject reference, while –rnu on its own, without complementiser

inflection, would mark same subject reference. However, this distinction was not made

by the language consultants.

Yet, locative and instrumental complementisers can be added to different subject

–rnu and –yangu inflected subordinate verb stems to indicate that their subjects are co-

referential with the locative or instrumental argument of an active or passive main

clause. As well as forming these locative and instrumental NP-relatives it is also

possible to form a T-relative by marking either -rnu or -yangu inflected subordinate

verb stems with a locative complementiser. Examples of NP-relatives and T-relatives

formed with instrumental or locative complementiser marking of –rnu and -yangu

inflected verb stems are discussed in §7.1.1.2 and §7.1.1.3.

In the following I first present some examples of the inflection of Ø-conjugation

verbs with the relative markers –ngu and –yangu and then examine in further detail the

L- and R-conjugation class relative marker –rnu. The relative markers are also

discussed in §7.1.1

The following examples illustrate the same subject marking of subordinate Ø-class

verbs with the relative suffix –ngu.

4.53 Ngali parni wangkayi-nyjarri-ngu wangka-yi.

1du.inc.NOM sit.PRES talk/converse-COLL-REL language/word-ACC 'We two are sitting talking to one another (about) language/words.’ (MD)

4.54 Kumpa-ngu nyinta parni-nha parraa. wait-REL 2sg.NOM sit-PAST long.time 'You have been sitting waiting for a long time.' (MD)

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4.55 Walharri-ngu pungkanyu pangkarri-nha nhawu-wu look.for-REL woman go-PAST man-ACC 'The woman went looking for the man.’ (MD)

The following examples illustrate the different subject marking of subordinate

Ø-conjugation verbs with –yangu where the subject of the inflected subordinate clause

is co-referential with the accusative object of the main clause. In 4.57 and 4.58 the

matrix clause subject is ellipsed but the accusative matrix argument is overt and is co-

referential with the subject of the –yangu inflected subordinate verb.

4.56 Ngayi nhawu wanyja-yi winpa-yangu

1sg.NOM see.PRES dog-ACC run.away-REL

'I see the dog running away. (MD)

4.57 Karntirri-wu nhawu-ngumarnu jinkarrku kampa-yangu Warluru-la-wu. smoke-ACC see-PROG up.river burn-REL Warleru-LOC-ACC

'And then (they) see smoke burning up river at Warleru.’ (P.110)

4.58 Yanku-ngumarnu wurnta-tkaayi ngaliya-warri-wu-yu go-PROG come-PERF 1du.exc-PRIV-ACC-EMPH4 Jalurrpa-la-wu parni-yangu ngunhungu-mpa Authur.Lockyer-LOC-ACC live/stay-REL there-TOP7

Pantuwarnangka-la. Pannawonica-LOC 'And then (she) travelled about and came upon we two who were staying with A. Lockyer there at Pannawonica.’ (P.014 - P.015) In the following examples the L- and R-conjugation suffix –rnu has a different

subject reading.

4.59 Mangkurlarra-yi nyaa-nyjarri-nha-wa, kantharri-wa-yu wurnta-rnu.

children -TOP4 see-COLL-PAST-TOP1 granny-TOP1-EMPH4 come-REL Those kids, (her) grannies, saw (her) coming.' (P.438)

4.60 Ngayi pajarri-wu thuwayi-rna pawa-yi mija-rnu 1sg.NOM euro-ACC spear.by.throwing-PAST water-ACC drink-REL 'I speared the kangaroo which was drinking water.’ (MD)

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4.61 Ngayi mangkurla-wu nhawu-nha wanpi-rnu wanyja-yi 1sg.NOM child-ACC see-PAST hit-REL dog-ACC 'I saw the child who hit the dog.' (MD)

When discussing example 4.61 with MD she stated that if the verb wanpi ‘hit’

was inflected, instead, with the past tense inflection –rna this ‘would mean that I am

hitting the dog’. That is, the following sentence would be formed with the past

inflection of wanpi.

4.62 Ngayi mangkurla-wu nhawu-nha wanyja-yi wanpi-rna

1sg.NOM child-ACC see-PAST dog-ACC hit-PAST I saw the child and I hit the dog.' (MD)

Thus, same subject reference is gained in 4.62 by conjoining two finite clauses

that share the same subject. But foremost, MD’s statement reinforces my finding that

the relative marker –rnu has a default different subject reading when used in cases like

examples 4.59 to 4.61.

However, in the following examples it appears that a same subject reading can

be applied to the suffix –rnu. In these instances it would not be logical to assign a

different subject reading to it. That is, in 4.63 the accusative object ‘someone’ would

not be ‘barking’ and in 4.64 the inanimate object that is ‘tied up’ would not be able to

‘make anything neat’.

4.63 Wanyja winpa thula-rnu nganangu.

dog run.PRES bark.(dog)-REL someone.ACC 'The dog is running and barking at someone.' (MD)

4.64 Jankaa-rna ngurnaat-ku, ngarti-mu martkurra-ma-rnu. tie.up-PAST thatDEF-ACC again-THEN good-CAUS-REL 'So (I) tied it/that up, made (it) neat again.' (P.259)

There are 18 instances in the corpus where the subordinate verbs marked with

the RELative suffix –rnu have the same subject as the matrix verb. In these instances it

is neither logical nor possible to assign a different subject reading to this marking; as the

following examples illustrate.

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4.65 Ngayi parni kurlkanyja-rnu. 1sg.NOM sit.PRES think.about -REL 'I am sitting and thinking.' (MD)

4.66 Wala kari-i mija-rnu ngarri. that.one grog-ACC drink-REL lie.down.PRES That one is lying down drinking grog.' (MD)

4.67 Yirra-wuyu-kurta ngarra-rna nhungu thangkat-pa edge-SIDE-very chop/cut -PAST here enough -TOP2 waji-ma-rnu-wa thurla-yi. bad-CAUS-REL-TOP1 eye-ACC 'The edge cut/chopped (her) right here and destroyed (her) eye. (P.464)

When first examining the REL suffix –rnu I initially thought that the transitivity

of the main verb and the inflected subordinate verb may possibly influence a same or

different subject reading. The following table lists the results of an analysis of 39

instances of the use of the REL suffix–rnu on transitive and intransitive verbs. As stated

earlier, in each of the 18 instances of a same subject reading of the suffix -rnu it is not

possible, nor logical, for the subject of the subordinate verb to be interpreted as being

co-referential with a main clause accusative argument; they can only be interpreted as

being co-referential with the main clause subject.

Table 4.12 Main and subordinate verb valency and the subject reference of –rnu

MAIN verb

SUBORD verb inflected with

– rnu

DIFFERENT SUBJECT (S of subordinate verb is

co-ref with O of main verb)

SAME SUBJECT (S of subordinate verb cannot be co-ref with O of main verb)

Transitive Transitive 14 7

Transitive Intransitive 7 2

Intransitive Transitive - 5

Intransitive Intransitive - 4

Total 21 18

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Because the overall numbers of different subject and same subject readings are

almost equivalent in Table 4.12 one could reasonably ask if the L- and R-class REL

inflection –rnu actually marks subject switch reference at all. Yet, in the sample tested,

there are no different subject marked subordinate clauses associated with intransitive

matrix clauses. That is, in the sample, there are no different subject marked subordinate

verbs (which would have a main clause object as their subject) associated with

intransitive matrix verbs that have no object. This is what is expected if –rnu does mark

different subject reference; a main clause object is required so that it can act as the

subject of the subordinate clause. Further, in the sample tested, there are nine instances

of –rnu inflected subordinate verbs (both transitive and intransitive) that have a subject

that is co-referential with the subject of an intransitive matrix verb. It is in these

situations that a same subject reading is definitely intended because in each situation a

different subject reading is not possible.

So, based on the data at hand, it has been argued in the discussion above that a

different subject reference is the default reading for the L- and R-class RELative suffix

–rnu when used in a subordinate clause. A same subject reading of the REL suffix –rnu

occurs only when a different subject reading is neither logical nor possible. This is

discussed further in §7.1.1.1.

4.5.9.2 Independent clauses and relative marking

The Ø-conjugation suffix –yangu only marks dependent verbs. Yet, although

relatively rare, there are instances in the Kurrama corpus where the L- and R-class

suffix -rnu and the Ø-class suffix -ngu mark verbs in independent, or co-subordinate,

clauses and in these instances code imperfective aspect. Some examples follow.

In example 4.68 the Ø-conjugation verb parni is inflected with –ngu and acts as

an imperfective copula verb in an independent copula clause. There is no matrix clause

to which the independent -ngu inflected copula clause is subordinate in this instance.

4.68 “Yaayu, nyinta-rnta walartu?” “Nhaat-pa-mpa ngayi-yu aunty 2sg.NOM-INTRRG that.one thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.NOM-EMPH4

parni-ngu ngayu yaangana.” be-REL 1sg.ACC nephew (P.026-P.028)

“Aunty, is that you?” “(Yes), this is me my nephew (lit: ‘this I be my nephew’).”

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In example 4.69, below, the –rnu inflected verb jankaa ‘tie’ has an independent

status while the locative and –yangu inflected verb karri ‘stand’ is part of a dependent

T-relative clause. In 4.69 the T-relative designates the temporal/spatial setting of the

action described by the –rnu inflected clause. That is, the speaker is tying the bag again

‘while the other bags are standing there’ or ‘while amongst the other bags standing

there’. There is no matrix verb to which the –rnu inflected verb is subordinate in this

instance.

4.69 Ngayi ngarrku-nha ngunhart-ku kupijawi-yu, jarrwurti-yu. Ngarti-mu

1sg.NOM eat-PAST thatDEF-ACC little-EMPH4 three-EMPH4 again-THEN

jankaa-rnu wirru-ngaa karri-yangu-la, maru ngartarra wirru-wurtu-wa. tie-REL other-PL stand-REL-LOC many again other-EMPH3-TOP1

‘I ate a few, just three of them. Then (I) tied it up again (a bag containing some bush food) while the others are standing there/while amongst the others standing there; lots of others again (other bags containing bush food).’ (P.251-P.252)

The status of the following complex sentence is somewhat problematic; it may

represent coordination or co-subordination. In 4.70 the events described by the –rnu and

–ngu inflected clauses are temporally co-extensive; that is, both events are occurring

together, are ongoing, and are extending over the same period of time. But, these –rnu

and –ngu marked clauses describe different events; one clause describes ‘aunty

chopping for honey’ and the other describes ‘the children calling out to each other’.

Neither of these clauses is subordinate to a matrix clause; so it could be said that they

represent independent coordinated clauses. Yet, in a sense the –rnu and –ngu marked

clauses are subordinate to one another, each describes an event that is occurring while

the other event is occurring; so perhaps they represent co-subordinate clauses.

4.70 Marliya-wu wirlu-ngka-wu tharni-rnu mangkurlarra-yu

wild.honey-ACC blackheart.gum-LOC-ACC chop-REL children-EMPH4 yirra-marri-ngu jingkaa-la. call-COLL-REL upriver-LOC '(My 'aunty-mum' was over there) chopping honey in a blackheart gum and/while the children were calling out to each other up the river.’ (P.436)

Instances like 4.70 are very rare in the Kurrama corpus and little more can be

said about them without further examples. Yet, it does appear that –ngu and –rnu code

imperfective aspect when used in independent or co-subordinate constructions. The free

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translation of example 4.70 captures the imperfective aspect coded by the suffixes.

Unlike the perfective suffixes discussed in §4.5.3 which code an event as a completed

whole, the use of the –ngu and –rnu suffixes in example 4.70 codes a view from within

the middle of the ongoing events without making reference to the beginning or end of

these events.

As stated earlier, Wordick (1982: 98-102) overtly classifies the corresponding

Yindjibarndi morphemes -ngu, -yangu and –rnu as imperfective aspect allomorphs. He

reports that in Yindjibarndi the allomorphs –rnu and –ngu are used to indicate

independent imperfective aspect and only the allomorph –yangu occurs in ‘non-main’

clauses. However, to also restate, the Kurrama relative allomorphs –rnu and –ngu are

almost always used as markers of subordinate clauses in the Kurrama corpus.

4.5.9.3 A possibility for further research

A trend concerning dependent RELative marked verbs is observable in a

number of Kurrama examples presented in this thesis. The trend concerns the use of a

subordinate REL marked verb in conjunction with an independent ‘stance’ verb or

‘motion’ verb to form a serial verb-like construction. For instance, examples 4.15, 4.28,

4.53, 4.54, 4.55, 4.65 and 6.28 exhibit this trend. In these examples a RELative marked

verb occurs either with the main clause verb parni ‘sit’ or the main clause motion verbs

yanku or pangkarri24

which usually translate as ‘go’. In each of the examples of this

verb collocation the main semantic ‘load’ is carried by the RELative marked verbs;

while the ‘sit’ or ‘go’ verbs act somewhat like auxiliaries that have little semantic

content but carry the tense and aspect marking that extends to the REL marked verbs.

The RELative allomorphs that are used in these situations are the Ø-class same-subject

allomorph –ngu, and the L- and R-class allomorph –rnu which has a same subject

reading in these circumstances.

Consider the following examples (which were previously presented as 4.28 and

4.53 respectively). The event described in 4.71 mainly concerns ‘looking for’ and not

‘going’; while example 4.72 mainly concerns ‘talking’ and not ‘sitting’. That is, the

REL marked verbs carry the main semantic content of the construction; but the ‘go’ and

‘sit’ verbs carry the TAM marking. 24 It appears that pangkarri ‘go’ may be borrowed from Yindjibarndi; while yanku ‘go’ is the

original Kurrama term. Both AP and MD use these verbs interchangeably as ‘go’. Yet, in some instances pangkarri is used to specifically express ‘to return’.

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4.71 but kurrumanthu-wu-yu yanku-marta wayharri-ngu kurta. but goanna-ACC-EMPH4 go-HABIT look.for -REL very 'But (she) used to/would go looking/hunting for goanna.' (P.094)

4.72 Ngali parni wangkayi-nyjarri-ngu wangka-yi. 1du.inc.NOM sit.PRES talk/converse-COLL-REL language/word-ACC 'We two are sitting talking to one another (about) language/words.’ (MD)

Austin (1998) has demonstrated that there is a similar trend in Jiwarli

(traditionally spoken to the south of Kurrama). In Jiwarli the verb kumpa has meanings

such as ‘to sit, camp, stay, live, be’ (like parni in Kurrama). Yet, when kumpa is placed

adjacent to a dependent imperfective same-subject inflected verb and is effectively

‘bleached of its lexical semantics’ it acts like an auxiliary verb that as well carrying

absolute tense also codes continuous aspect (Austin, 1998). The Jiwarli imperfective

same-subject allomorphs are -ngu, -nhu and –rnu (Austin, 1998: 21). Consider the

following example, provided by Austin (1998: 24), where kumpa acts like an auxiliary

that carries usitative marking and expresses continuous aspect; while the imperfective

same-subject inflected verb conveys the primary semantics.

4.73 Jiwarli

Ngatha kumpa-artu tharla-rnu papa-jaka. 1sg.nom sit-usit feed-imperfSS water-comit

‘I used to feed (him) with water.’ (Austin, 1998: 24)

Similarly in the following Kurrama example continuous aspect is also conveyed. 4.74 Ngayi kurtkaarri-ngu parni-nha 1sg.NOM think-REL be-PAST 'I thought about that.' or ‘I was thinking about that.’ (P.165)

Austin (1998: 29) proposes that the frequent juxtaposition of a dependent

imperfective same-subject verb and the verb kumpa, in Jiwarli, ‘is possibly indicative of

incipient grammaticisation of kumpa as an auxiliary verb coding continuous aspect’.

Austin (1998: 30) also lists a number of Australian languages in which there has been

development ‘of ‘sit’ as a compounding or auxiliary verb’; this includes Diyari,

Ngamini and Yankuntjatjarra.

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Further research into this phenomenon could prove to be fruitful (if not in

Kurrama then in Yindjibarndi). Austin (1998) proposes that shifts involving kumpa and

imperfective same-subject marked verbs could represent a possible mechanism of

change from a split ergative language to a nominative/accusative marking language.

Austin (1998: 21 & 29) reports that in Jiwarli dependent imperfective same-subject

verbs select dative marked object arguments ‘rather than the usual accusative case

employed in main clauses’. It is possible that if kumpa where to become fully

grammaticised as an auxiliary that carries tense and aspect and the dependent

imperfective verbs were reanalyzed as main verbs then the dative arguments of the

imperfective could then be reanalyzed as accusative arguments.

As stated in various sections of this thesis it appears that the accusative suffix in

Kurrama is a reflex of an old dative. However, in Kurrama, parni ‘sit’ has not been fully

grammaticised as an auxiliary verb and instead acts like the Jiwarli kumpa ‘sit’. Yet, the

object arguments of the REL marked verbs do select the accusative/dative inflection and

there are instances in Kurrama where the REL allomorphs –ngu and –rnu do inflect

independent verbs (see §4.5.9.2).

As part of further research into the behaviour of parni in the presence of REL

marked verbs it would also be worthwhile investigating the behaviour of the motion

verbs pangkarri and yanku ‘go’ in similar situations. It seems that ‘go’ acts like an

auxiliary that not only carries tense and aspect but also codes motion associated with the

event described by the REL verb, while ‘sit’ codes lack of motion.

4.5.10 Progressive

As will be discussed in §7.2 there are a number of languages in the area that

have an inflection similar to the Kurrama progressive. This inflection has been assigned

different labels in the grammars of each of these languages. However, the labels given

to this inflection on their own do not capture the full range of its uses. Yet, rather than

introduce a new term (which also would not capture all the functions of the inflection) I

have decided to use the label that is used by Wordick for this inflection. In the following

discussion, I first introduce the functions of the Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi) progressive

inflection and provide some examples. Then I briefly discuss the apparent composite

morphology of the progressive inflection which appears to play a part in the functions of

this inflection overall.

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4.5.10.1 The functions of the progressive inflection

The progressive inflection in Kurrama has several related functions. It can mark

a verb to denote the consequence of a preceding action or event, or it may denote that an

event follows on from a preceding event but is not strictly a consequence of that prior

event. In these uses the progressive suffix acts pragmatically like the English ‘and then’.

That is, a preceding event is described as being enacted ‘and then’ the event described

by the progressive inflected verb follows which is sometimes, but not always, a

consequence of the preceding event. This contrasts with the result inflection which

usually codes the resultant end point of a prior event, or action, where the preceding

action, or event, is carried out ‘until’ the result marked verb endpoint is reached.

The progressive suffixes can also indicate movement towards a goal. For

instance, the verb parni ‘sit’ can be marked with the progressive suffix to indicate the

‘progressive’ motion of sitting down but not yet actually being seated; or the suffix may

mark the verb karri ‘stand’ to denote the ‘progressive’ movement of standing up but not

yet standing completely upright. The earlier example 4.7 contains an instance of the

progressive marking of ‘sit’ and is presented again on the next page as example 4.79

(for ease of reference).

In the following examples 4.75 and 4.76 the progressive marked verbs describe

the direct consequence of a preceding action.

4.75 Ngayi nhawu-nha ngurriny-ku kurtkaarri-ngumarnu.

1sg.NOM see-PAST swag-ACC think-PROG 'I spotted the swag and thought about that then.' (P.208)

4.76 Ngurnawuyha wajpala-wuyha purlaa-la nhawu-nha, that.DUAL whitefella -DUAL front-LOC see-PAST karri-rnumarnu25

stop-PROG car-ACC (P.352) murruka-wu.

'These two whitefellas in the front saw (her) and so (they) stopped the car.'

25 This is the only example I have where karri acts as a transitive verb (with the meaning ‘to stop X’). It acts as an intransitive verb when it has the meaning ‘to stand’.

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In the following examples the progressive suffix marks a sequence or

‘progression’ from a preceding event to a following event, but not necessarily a

consequence of that preceding event.

4.77 Yawarta-wu janka-rna ngayi, purri-numarnu ngurriny-ku. horse-ACC tie-PAST 1sg.NOM pull-PROG swag-ACC 'I tied up the horse, and then pulled out that swag.' (P.211 - P.212)

4.78 Wurnta-rna parni-ngumarnu wuntu-wa marratha-la malu-ngka. come-PAST sit-PROG river-LOC river.gum-LOC shade-LOC

'(She) came there and then sat (was sitting) in the river bed, in the shade of a river gum. (P.017)

The following example 4.79 illustrates the progressive marking of the verb parni

to describe movement towards the goal of being ‘seated’.

4.79 Ngayi karri-Ø . Ngayi parni-ngumarnu, yalaa parni-Ø-wu. 1sg.NOM stand-PRES 1sg.NOM sit-PROG now sit-PRES-EMPH2

‘I am standing. I am sitting down. Now I am sitting.’ (MD)

Example 4.79 is very similar to an example (from a short Yindjibarndi text)

which is presented by Wordick (1982: 208). I present the Yindjibarndi example in

§7.2.2 as 7.24. Wordick (1982: 102) states that this use of the Yindjibarndi progressive

occurs in descriptions of goal oriented movements like ‘sitting down’ and ‘standing up’.

He reports that there are no specific verb stems which directly indicate these movements

and instead the progressive is added to verb stems like parni ‘sit’ and karri ‘stand’ to

convey these goal oriented actions.

Otherwise Wordick (1982: 102) reports that the Yindjibarndi progressive usually

‘specifies that the action described by the verb in which it occurs follows the action

described by a preceding verb to which it is conjoined’. This statement conveys that the

Yindjibarndi progressive is used to conjoin independent clauses. However, I would

argue that a progressive marked clause in Kurrama is essentially a subordinate clause. It

will always have same subject as the clause that precedes it and this same subject is

omitted in the subordinate progressive clause under this co-reference. Yet, more

importantly, the temporal reference of the progressive clause is relative to the time

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frame of the preceding main clause. That is, the event described by a progressive clause

follows after the time of the preceding main clause event.

4.5.10.2 The morphological structure of the progressive inflections

The polysyllabic progressive suffix –ngumarnu / -rnumarnu appears to be built

up of transparent monosyllabic parts, as follows:

-ngu or –rnu: the zero class or the L and R class RELative suffixes + ma: the

causative marker + rnu: the L and R class RELative suffix.

Although difficult to substantiate I would argue that these composite parts play a

part in the overall meaning and functions of the progressive inflection. Overall, the

progressive inflection denotes the next stage in a temporal sequence where it acts

pragmatically like the English ‘and then’. In Kurrama the inflections -ngu or -rnu are

not only markers of subordinate verbs but can also encode imperfective aspect (see

§4.5.9.2). Their use in the progressive inflection may denote that the event described by

the inflected verb is in progress. The causative suffix -ma- may further denote that the

event or action described by the inflected verb is in the process of being made to come

about (or made to come into being). That is, when a series of verbs are inflected with

the progressive marker the composite parts of the inflections denote a temporal

sequence where a prior process is occurring and then a following process is made to

come about.

The composite structure of the progressive inflection may have been formed,

historically, to present a ‘flowing movement’ through a sequence of events in

preference to perfective marking which presents an ‘abrupt movement’ from one

completed unitary event to the next. However, such a scenario is difficult to test and

remains conjecture on my part. The progressive inflection is discussed further in §7.2.

4.5.11 Might

The Kurrama active ‘might’ suffix is –wunta (on Ø-class verbs) and –rtpunta (on

L- and R-class verbs). This inflection is added to a verb to indicate that the action or

event described by the verb might be carried out or might occur. The ‘might’ inflection

is often used in lest clauses. That is, the ‘might’ inflection is often used to denote that an

unwanted or undesirable event or situation might occur unless a preceding action is, or

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is not, carried out. Following from this, the inflection is often used in negative or

positive commands to warn against possible danger or an unwanted consequence.

Wordick (1982: 100 & 103) labels the corresponding Yindjibarndi inflection as

an optative mood inflection and quotes one of the Yindjibarndi consultants, Gilbert

Bobby, as stating that an optative marked verb indicates that there is ‘50/50 chance’ of

the described action occurring. However, as can be seen in Tables 4.6 and 4.7, the forms

of the Yindjibarndi active optative and the Kurrama active ‘might’ differ markedly;

even though the Yindjibarndi passive optative and the Kurrama passive ‘might’ have the

same allomorphs.

I use the label ‘might’ instead of ‘optative’ because it reflects how speakers

describe, in English, the function/meaning of this inflection. MD described this

inflection as expressing that ‘something might happen’. Further, Wordick (1982: 103)

reports that an alternate optative can be constructed in Yindjibarndi with the borrowed

mayit ‘might’; as illustrated by the following example 4.80. This borrowing of the

English ‘might’ is also employed by the Kurrama consultants. Dench (1991: 175) uses

the label ‘might’ for the corresponding inflection in Panyjima.

4.80 Yindjibarndi

Ngayi mayit pangkarrii warrungkam’ I might go-POT tomorrow ‘I might go tomorrow.’ (Wordick, 1982: 103)

Some examples of the use of the Kurrama active ‘might’ suffix follow. In

example 4.81 the ‘might’ inflection simply codes the likelihood of an action occurring.

In examples 4.82 to 4.84 the ‘might’ inflection is used in lest clauses.

4.81 Kantharri nyinta-yu ngayu-yu ngarra-rtpunta.

Daughter's.chld 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 1sg.ACC-EMPH4 hit-MIGHT 'Granny you might hit me!' (P.118)

4.82 Mirta pangkarri-i ngurnu-warta jankara manku-wunta. not/no go-POT there-ALL police get-MIGHT 'Don't go there or the policeman might get (you).' (MD)

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4.83 Mirta pangkarri-i murna karla-ngka kampa-rtpunta. not/no go-POT close/near fire-LOC burn-MIGHT ‘Don't go near the fire it might burn (you)’. (MD)

4.84 Nyinta yinti-i pungka-wunta. 2sg.NOM go.down-POT fall-MIGHT

'Get down, you might fall.' (MD)

4.5.12 Passive Might

Like active ‘might’ inflected verbs, passive ‘might’ inflected verbs also denote

events that might occur or actions that might be carried out. The most common usage of

a passive ‘might’ inflection is also in lest clauses, where an addressee is warned of an

unwanted result that might occur, or might not occur, if a preceding action is carried

out, or is not carried out. Following are the passive alternatives of two active lest

clauses that were presented in the previous section. The syntactic properties of the

Kurrama passive inflections along with the derivational passive are discussed in §6.6.

4.85 Mirta pangkarri-i ngurnu-warta jankara-lu manku-nnyaa

not/no go-POT there-ALL police-INSTR get-P.MIGHT 'Don't go there or (you) might be caught by the policeman.' (MD)

4.86 Mirta pangkarri-i murna karla-ngka kampa-nnyaa. not/no go-POT close/near fire-LOC burn-P.MIGHT ‘Don't go near the fire or (you) might be burnt.’ (MD)

In example 4.85, above, the nominative argument of the passive ‘might’

inflected verb is ellipsed, and in example 4.86 the nominative argument and the

instrumental argument are ellipsed, but they are understood from the context of the lest

clauses. The following example from Hale (1959: 40) also illustrates the use of the

passive ‘might’ inflection. In this example the passive ‘might’ inflected verb has an

ellipsed nominative subject argument and an ellipsed instrumental argument, but the

protagonists in this clause are understood from their introduction in the preceding

clause.

4.87 Ngayi warlu-wu waa-rri, paa-nyaa.

1sg:NOM snake -ACC fear/frightened-INCH.PRES bite-P.MIGHT 'I am frightened of the snake, (I) might get bitten (by it). (Hale, 1959: 40)

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The Yindjibarndi passive optative inflection has the same allomorphs as does the

Kurrama passive ‘might’ inflection and also has the same functions.

4.5.13 Irrealis mood

There are no examples of irrealis marking in the Kurrama corpus. However,

Wordick (1982: 100 & 103-104) does discuss a Yindjibarndi irrealis inflection. Wordick

(1982: 100) describes the Yindjibarndi irrealis as being a composite of the potential

inflection allomorphs and the Ø-cojugation imperfective marker –ngu. That is, the

Yindjibarndi Ø-class irrealis allomorphs are –yingu and –wayingu; while the L, R and N

Yindjibarndi irealis allomorphs are –kayingu. If there is a Kurrama irrealis its

allomorphs should prove to be interesting if it is constructed in the same way as the

Yindjibarndi irrealis. How would the conjugation onsets of the irrealis be represented in

Kurrama? As discussed in §4.4.1 there is some variability in the articulation of the

conjugation onsets of the potential allomorphs in Kurrama.

Wordick (1982: 103-104) states that the Yindjibarndi irrealis mood ‘is used in

situations in which information that is contrary to fact is being presented’. Some

examples that Wordick (1982: 103-104) provides follow.

4.88 Yindjibarndi

Yirramakartu-la ngayi parni-ingu yaala-yhu, mitya-rnu muyhmuyhu Roebourne-LOC I be-IRR now-DET drink-IMPF cold kari-i ngawurrarlaa-u. alcoholic.beverage-OBJ beer-OBJ (Wordick, 1982: 103-104)

‘Right now I could be in Roebourne, drinking a cold beer.’ 4.89 Yindjibarndi

Minytyuwa-rna. Muntiyaam’ ngayi thuu-kayingu. point.at-PAST apparently I spear-IRR ‘I was threatening him with it. Apparently I was going to spear him.’ (Wordick, 1982: 104)

4.5.14 Short Conclusion to Functions of TAM Inflections

There are several notable features evident in the functions of some of the

Kurrama tense, aspect and mood inflections. Notable, is the development of incipient

systems of same and different subject switch reference functions exhibited by the

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relative inflections, and also by the different subject result and same subject purpose

inflections. Also notable is the composite morphology of the progressive inflections

which appears to be related to its range of functions. Further, the nominative/accusative

core case marking system in Kurrama allows the use of two inflectional passives; the

passive perfective and the passive ‘might’ inflections.

I now discuss the two main verbal derivations used in Kurrama: the collective

derivation and the derivational passive. I finish the chapter with an examination of the

main verbalising processes used in Kurrama which derive verbs from nominals.

4.6 Verbal Derivations

There are two main productive verbal derivational suffixes used in Kurrama.

These are the collective and the derivational passive suffixes. I classify the collective

and derivational passive as derivational suffixes because they derive new verb stems

that select only Ø-conjugation class TAM inflections regardless of the original

conjugation class of the verb to which the derivational passive or collective is attached.

Unlike collective derivation, the derivational passive does change the grammatical

relations associated with the verb to which it is attached.

As stated, the derivational suffixes are added after a verb root/stem and before

one of the Ø-conjugation class TAM inflections; as follows:

Verb root/stem + derivational suffix + TAM inflection.

Collective and derivation passive constructions also occur in Yindjibarndi. A

brief note on them is made in each relevant section.

4.6.1 Collective

The Kurrama collective derivation does not affect the basic argument structures

of the verbs to which it is attached. However, no matter what conjugation class a

Kurrama verb belongs to, when it is combined with the collective suffix the resultant

stem takes on the features of the Ø-conjugation class and selects Ø-class TAM

inflections. The main allomorphs of the Kurrrama collective are: -nmarri which is

added to L-class verb stems; –rnmarri which is added to R-class verb stems; and –marri

and -nyjarri which are added to Ø-class verb stems. The Ø-class allomorphs –marri and

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–nyjarri are mutually exclusive, yet I am unable to determine a rule that governs their

selection by each Ø-class verb; they seem to be lexically conditioned. Wordick (1982:

90-91) lists the same collective allomorphs for each of the Yindjibarndi verb

conjugation classes (the variant used with L-class verbs is also used for N-class verbs).

Wordick (1982: 90) does state that the allomorph –nyjarri is used on transitive Ø-class

verbs that end in /i/ or /u/. Yet, as observed by Dench (1987a: 323), the Yindjibarndi

transitive Ø-class verb ngarrku ‘eat’ selects the collective allomorph –marri where

Wordick’s (1982: 90) criteria expects –nyjarri.

The following Table 4.13 lists the collective allomorphs that are selected by a

sample of Ø-class Kurrama verbs; their vowel endings and transitivity do not appear to

influence the choice of collective allomorph. In the corpus there are no instances of Ø-

class verb stems selecting one collective allomorph on one occasion and another

collective allomorph on another occasion; they always only select just the one

allomorph. This is discussed later but, by way of example, in Table 4.13 there are listed

two Ø-class verbs, nyaa and nhawu, which both translate as ‘see’. Yet, in the corpus,

nyaa only selects the collective allomorph –nyjarri and nhawu only selects the

allomorph –marri.

Table 4.13 Collective suffix and the transitivity of some Ø-class Kurrama verbs

Zero conjugation verb translation transitivity collective allomorph that the verb selects

yungku ‘give’ ditransitive -nyjarri kurtkaarri ‘think’ ambitransitive -nyjarri wanyaarri ‘listen’ transitive -nyjarri nyaa ‘see’ transitive -nyjarri muyirri ‘run’ intransitive -nyjarri walawanti ‘look back’ intransitive -nyjarri wangka ‘talk’ intransitive -yi-nyjarri nhawu ‘see’ transitive -marri wanta ‘leave’ transitive -marri kurlkayi ‘hear’ transitive -marri parni ‘sit’ intransitive -marri

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There are three possible interpretations associated with the collective derivation

in Kurrama (and in the other Ngayarda languages). Dench (1987a: 334) lists these three

interpretations as follows:

• Action is performed by a group acting together in unison (collective

function)

• Action involves members of a group each acting on the other (reciprocal

function)

• Action involves persons in the same alternating generation set (kin group

function)

There appears to be no correlation between these differing interpretations of the

collective and the choice of collective allomorph selected by a Kurrama Ø-conjugation

verb. Indeed, these functions can overlap and a verb (from any conjugation class) when

combined with a collective allomorph may have more than one interpretation in a

collective clause. Some examples of the use of the collective derivational suffixes

follow.

4.90 Kanarri-nyjarri-nha thurrurtpa kupiyarri-wu mangkurlarra-yi come.upon-COLL-PAST straight small.(plural)-ACC children-TOP4

nyaa-nyjarri-nha-wa kantharri-wa-yu wurnta-rnu. see-COLL-PAST-TOP1 granny-TOP1-EMPH come-REL (P.438)

"She came straight on to those little fellas. Those kids, (her) grannies, saw (her) coming.'

In 4.90, above, the collective derivation kanarri-nyjarri has a singular subject

and has a kin group interpretation. The children the subject ‘comes upon’ are her

grandchildren and are, therefore, in the same alternating generation set. However, in the

second collective clause in example 4.90, the derivation nyaa-nyjarri allows both a

collective reading and a kin group reading; the children ‘saw’ their granny all together.

In the following example the collective marking of the inchoative marked

nominal ‘close’ has a kin group interpretation, as also does the collective marked verb

‘talk’. Both collective constructions have the same (ellipsed) singular subject, and both

the subject and his granny are in the same alternating generation set.

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4.91 Pangkarri kantharri-yarta-yu murna-arri-nyjarri-ngu-yu go.PRES granny-ALL-EMPH4 close-INCH-COLL-REL-EMPH4

wangka-yinyjarri-ngu-wa talk-COLL-REL-TOP1

'(He) went over to his old granny, went up close and talked to (her).' (P.422)

In 4.92, below (which was presented earlier as 4.70), the collective marked ‘call’

allows both a reciprocal reading and a kin group reading. The children are in the same

alternating generation set and they are interacting with one another by ‘calling out to

each other’.

4.92 Marliya-wu wirlu-ngka-wu tharni-rnu mangkurlarra-yu

wild.honey -ACC blackheart.gum-LOC-ACC chop-REL children-EMPH4

yirra-marri-ngu jingkaa-la. call-COLL-REL upriver-LOC

'(My 'aunty-mum' was over there) chopping honey in a blackheart gum and/while the children were calling out to each other up the river. (P.436)

The collective derivations used in the preceding examples are made on Ø-class

verbs. It was stated earlier that the choice between the two possible collective

allomorphs selected by Ø-class verbs, -marri and –nyjarri, is not determined by the

differing interpretations intended for a collective derivation. Each example of a

collective derivation in this section has, at least, a kin group interpretation even though

both allomorphs, –marri and –nyjarri are used. Therefore, a kin group function does not

seem to influence the choice of collective allomorph selected by a Ø-class verb; either

can be selected to indicate a kin group function.

Also, in example 4.90 the Ø-conjugation verb nyaa ‘see’ selects the collective

marker –nyjarri when it has a collective function; but in the following example 4.93 the

alternative Ø-conjugation verb for ‘see’ nhawu selects –marri when it has a collective

function. Therefore, the collective function does not seem to influence the choice of

collective allomorph selected by a Ø-class verb; both allomorphs can be selected to

indicate a collective function (albeit by different Ø-class verbs).

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4.93 Ngarli-yu nhawu-marri-ngumarnu nhuwa-yi. PLURAL-EMPH4 see-COLL-PROG spouse-ACC ‘And then they all saw the husband.’ (AP)

Further, in the following example the Ø-class verb puyhu selects the collective

allomorph -marri but its function is ambiguous; it has both a possible reciprocal

interpretation and a collective interpretation: the ‘tracks’ meet ‘each other’ and meet ‘all

together’. So it can be argued that neither the collective function nor the reciprocal

function influence the choice of collective allomorph selected by a Ø-class verb.

4.94 Marnta- a karri-ngumarnu kankala nhawu-marra-yu

rock/hill -LOC stand-PROG on.top see-COLL?-EMPH4

jina puyhu-marri-wu yawut-ku-mu-yu partkarra-la track meet-COLL-EMPH2 west-ACC-THEN-EMPH4 flat.ground-LOC

partkarra-la-wu parnaa -yu flat.ground-LOC-ACC walking.about-EMPH4

'(He) stood on top of the rock and could see tracks, meeting each other/together from the west, all over this flat where (she'd) been walking about.’ (P.401)

MD did state, in our work on the collective derivation, that each Ø-conjugation

verb exclusively selects only one Ø-class collective allomorph; and the examples in the

corpus support this statement. A Ø-class verb does not select a different allomorph for

each function/interpretation nor does the possible range of functions/interpretations that

can be associated with a Ø-class verb influence the collective allomorph that it selects.

Also, all L-class verbs only select the collective allomorph -nmarri for all collective

interpretations and all R-class verbs only select the collective allomorph -rnmarri for all

collective interpretations. The collective derivation is discussed further in §6.10.

4.6.2 Derivational Passive

It was shown earlier that the Kurrama passive perfective and the passive might

suffixes inherently encode aspect and/or mood and do not select further TAM inflection.

However, there is a derivational passive suffix, used frequently in Kurrama, which does

not inherently encode tense, aspect and/or mood. This derivational passive, like the

inflectional passives, is also used on verbs that select one or more accusative marked

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arguments. A derivational passive marked verb takes on the features of a Ø-conjugation

class verb stem and is further inflected with one of the Ø-conjugation class active TAM

suffixes. The allomorph of the derivational passive suffix selected by Ø-conjugation

class verbs is –nguli-Ø while L- and R-class verbs select –nnguli-Ø.

Like the inflectional passives the derivational passive is a grammatical relation

changing construction. The actor or agent argument of a passive transitive verb is

assigned an instrumental suffix and the patient or theme argument is left unmarked in

nominative case. In a ditransitive

passive the recipient or beneficiary argument is

usually left unmarked in nominative case and the theme or patient argument is usually

marked accusative. The possibility of alternative marking of the arguments of

ditransitive passives is discussed in §6.6.2.

The main use of a passive construction is to realign a verb’s arguments to allow

conjunction or subordination between clauses. In Kurrama only the nominative

argument of a subordinate clause can act as the pivot that links a dependent clause to an

argument in the main clause. So an accusative marked argument in a subordinate active

clause which has coreference with an argument in the matrix clause has to be realigned

to a nominative argument by use of a passive so that it can act as the pivot between the

two clauses. Similarly, two independent clauses can be conjoined when they share the

same nominative argument, so a passive may be used to realign an accusative marked

argument, in one of the active clauses, to a nominative argument to enable conjunction.

Some simple examples of the derivational passive follow.

4.95 Pajarri nhawu-nguli-nha nhawu-ngku

euro see-PASS-PAST man-INSTR

‘The euro was seen by the man.’ (MD)

4.96 Ngayi yungku-nguli-nha murla-yi nhawu-ngku. 1sg.NOM give-PASS-PAST meat-ACC man-INSTR

'I was given meat by the man.' (MD)

4.97 Kupija kartpa-nguli-nha ngurra-yi ngangka -lu baby take-PASS-PAST camp-ACC mother-INSTR

'The baby was taken home/camp by (her/his) mother.' (MD)

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In the following example 4.98 the use of the derivational passive forms a pivot

so that a subordinate clause can be linked to a matrix clause. In the matrix clause the

nominative subject is the expression ‘poor old Aunty’. And by the use of the passive

derivation the expression ‘poor old Aunty’ is realigned as the nominative subject of the

passive subordinate clause. Thereby, the expression ‘poor old Aunty’ acts as a pivot

linking the two clauses. The inflection of the subordinate passive verb stem with the

same subject RELative marker indicates this pivot link between the clauses.

4.98 Wantaawa maya-arta-wa-yu yaayu-warri-nha well house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-SPEC

yanku-nha Yarrarlurlu-warta-wa, [ kartpa-rnmarri-nguli-ngu

go-PAST Yarraloola -ALL-TOP1 take-COLL-PASS-REL

murruka-la-wa Chev 4- la ]. car-LOC-TOP1 Chev.4-LOC 'Well, poor old Aunty went to the homestead then, went to Yarraloola, taken in the car, in the Chev 4. (P.168)

In the following example 4.99 the pivot between the two clauses is the nominal

expression nhuwa ‘spouse/husband’. This expression is the accusative argument of the

main clause and by the use of passive derivation is the realigned nominative subject in

the subordinate clause. The different subject RELative marking of the passive

subordinate verb indicates this pivot link between the clauses.

4.99 Ngarti-yu nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu nhuwa-yi, again/then/next see-COLL-PROG-EMPH5 spouse-ACC

warrungkamu-l ngarti-yu murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu next.morning -THEN again/then/next-EMPH4 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL

kaliku-la-wa walypala-ngarli-lu. sheet-LOC-TOP1 whitefellow-PL-INSTR

‘And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet (killed) by whitefellows.' (P.005-P.007)

In the following example 4.100 the use of a derivational passive allows two

independent clauses to be conjoined. A nominative pivot is shared by both the active

clause and the passive clause. The nominative pivot is actually ellipsed in both clauses

in this example but is understood from the context of the sentence.

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4.100 Wantaawa yanku-nha, mirta-wa nhawu-nguli-nha ngarti. alright go-PAST not-TOP1 see-PASS-PAST again

'Alright (she) went off (somewhere) and wasn't seen again.' (P.343)

Also, in both derivational and inflectional passives an agent, or actor, may not

always be overtly specified and often may not be identifiable at all. In the following

example 4.101 AP avoids specifically stating who the agents are that call his old Aunty

‘Karranyungu’ by the use of a derivational passive. That is, by the use of a passive

construction he is able to leave out the peripheral instrumental marked agent argument.

Specifically identifying the varied ‘agents’ who use this name is not relevant to the

story, in this situation, and is avoided. This device is used a number of times by AP in

the Payarrany narrative; 4.102 is another example.

4.101 Ngayu yarukal thurlajinkarri Yithirltany-nguyharntu,

1sg.ACC aunty poor.fellow name.of.person-GEN

Karra-nyungu-yu parni-marta wangka-nguli-marta. scrub/bush-DWELL-EMPH4 live/stay-HABIT tell/say-PASS-HABIT

'That poor old Aunty of mine was Tithirltany's daughter, the old lady who used to live in the scrub, she used to be called Karranyungu, scrub dweller. (P.003)

4.102 Ngunhu motorcar Chev 4 wangka-nguli murtiwarla-yi. that motorcar Chev.4 call-PASS.PRES car-TOP4 'That car is called a Chev 4.' (P.105)

Yindjibarndi passives are constructed in the same manner as they are in Kurrama

with the same inflectional and derivational passive allomorphs. However, there is a

strict rule that governs case assignment in Yindjibarndi ditransitive passives. In a

Yindjibarndi ditransitive passive only the recipient or beneficiary argument can be

assigned nominative marking and the theme/patient argument can only be marked

accusative. As stated earlier this assignement of case marking also usually occurs in

Kurrama ditransitive passives. Yet, I cannot state conclusively that this pattern of

marking is governed by a strict rule in Kurrama (see §6.6.2). Passive constructions are

discussed further in §6.6.

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4.7 Verbalising Derivations

There are three main ways to derive verbs from nominals in Kurrama. This can

be done by the inchoative verbaliser, by the causative verbaliser or by the psych-

inchoative verbaliser. Each of these is now discussed in turn.

4.7.1 Inchoative

The inchoative verbaliser has several allomorphs in Kurrama. Overall, the

syllabic structure of a nominal and its vowel or consonant ending determines to some

degree the inchoative allomorph that is selected by that nominal, but the selection of

some allomorphs appears to be lexically conditioned. The main allomorphs of the

inchoative verbaliser are: -warni, -arri, -rri and -jarri.

The selection of –jarri is relatively constant; it is selected by nominals (of any

syllable length) that end in any consonant other than /rr/.

For example, kuthurn – jarri ‘become weary/tired’ kuthurn ‘weary/tired’

wangkarn – jarri ‘become healthy’ wangkarn ‘healthy’ mirnart – jarri ‘get ready’ mirnart ‘ready’

The selection of –warni is somewhat constant; it is typically selected by

nominals ending in /rr/ or by disyllabic nominals that end with a vowel.

For example, mirnu – warni ‘learn’ mirnu ‘know’

mankarr – warni ‘become hard’ mankarr ‘hard’

However, disyllabic nominals that have a penultimate laminal consonant, or a

penultimate apical consonant /rt/, before the end vowel do not select –warni. Instead

they select either –rri or –arri; but the choice between the allomorphs –rri or –arri, for

these nominals, appears to be lexically conditioned.

For example, paja – rri ‘become bad/not right’ paja ‘bad/not.right paya - arri ‘become savage/angry paya ‘savage/wild’ winya – arri ‘become full’ winya ‘full’

The allomorph –rri is also selected by nominals of more than two syllable length

that end with a vowel.

For example, majarra – rri ‘become sick/sore’ majarra ‘sick/sore’

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martamarta –rri ‘become ripe/red’ martamarta ‘red’ martkurra – rri ‘become good/recover martkurra ‘good’

Yet, the nominal predicate –waa also selects –rri.

That is, waa –rri ‘become frightened/fearful’ waa ‘fear/fright’

However, monoyllablic nominals that contain a long vowel are rare in Kurrama and

I have no other examples of nominals with the same structure as waa that may also

select –rri.

Wordick (1982: 86 - 89) reports that the same inchoative allomorphs are selected

by nominals with the same configurations in Yindjibarndi. However, he notes some

extra allomorphs selected by Yindjibarndi nominals. Wordick (1982: 88) lists the use of

–karri on Yindjibarndi nominals that ‘describe physical activities concerning the body’.

For instance, thumpurtan ‘somersault’, ngurtu ‘diarrhoea’, and ngayiny ‘breath’ select

the inchoative –karri to form thumpurtankarri ‘to turn a somersault’, ngurtukarri ‘to

have diarrhoea’, and ngayinykarri ‘to breathe’.

Also, Wordick (1982: 88) notes that –ari is used on Yindjibarndi nominals

ending in /rr/ that ‘describe physical activities concerning the body’. For instance, –ari

is added to nominals such as karnrtarr ‘burp’ and nguthurr ‘snoring’ to form

karnrtarrari ‘to burp’ and nguthurrari ‘to snore’.

Lastly, Wordick (1982: 87-88) states that the Yindjibarndi inchoative allomorph

–ri is used on nominals that end in /rr/ plus a short vowel and are trimoraic or longer.

For example, wanarra ‘long’ and nyutyuwirri ‘soft’ select –ri to form wanarrari ‘to get

long’ nyutyuwirriri ‘to get soft’.

I have no examples in the Kurrama corpus like those presented above for

Yindjibarndi; but (given the similarity of the forms that I do have in the data) it is

probable that similar inchoative allomorphs are selected by Kurrama nominals that have

the same configurations and semantics.

Overall, the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi inchoative derives verb stems of the Ø-

conjugation class that select Ø-class TAM inflections. The inchoative derives verbs that

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express the development of a state; such as a physical, mental, spatial or temporal state.

The nominal to which the inchoative suffix is attached determines the state ‘type’ and

the added inchoative suffix codes the development (or ‘becoming’) of that state. The

following Kurrama examples illustrate the subject of an inchoative verb developing a

physical or mental state.

4.103 Mangkurlarra majarra-rri , ngani ngarrku-nha?

children sick/sore-INCH.PRES what eat-PAST

‘The children are becoming/getting sick, what (did they) eat?' (MD)

4.104 Wantha-rtkayi karlungkarra muyhumuyhu -rri -yangu put-POT to.one.side cold-INCH-REL

'Put (it) to one side to get/become cool.' (MD)

4.105 Nhaa waa-rri wanyja-yi.

this fear/fright-INCH.PRES dog-ACC

'This one is getting/becoming scared of the dog.' (MD) 4.106 Pajila martamarta-rri.

caper.fruit red-INCH.PRES 'The caper fruit is becoming red/ripe.’ (MD)

4.107 Kurlu-warni yala

hot-INCH.PRES now/today '(It) is becoming/getting hot now/today.' (MD)

4.108 Ngayi kuthurn-jarri 1sg:NOM weary/tired-INCH.PRES

'I am getting/becoming weary/tired.’ (MD)

4.109 Wantaawa ngulaarta-ngu-yu, parni-ngumarnu jampa-wa, well thereLOC-ABL-EMPH4 be-PROG moment-TOP1

walyurn-jarri-ngu-wathu-wa. old-INCH-REL-DIM-TOP1 (P.460)

'Well after that, from then on, (she) was starting to get old, getting a little bit older.'

The following example 4.110 illustrates the use of an inchoative on a nominal

predicate. In example 4.111 the inchoative appears to be added to a verb. In 4.110 the

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inchoative derivation codes the ‘development’ of a state and in 4.111 the

‘development/instigation’ of an action.

4.110 Ngayi Kurrama-ngu mirnu- warni.

1sg.NOM Kurrama-ACC know-INCH.PRES 'I am learning Kurrama.' (MD correcting Peter Hill)

4.111 Mangkurla kuwartu-rri might ngarrku something. Child crawl-INCH.PRES might eat.PRES something

‘The child is starting to crawl around (s/he) might eat something (and choke).

(MD)

The use of the inchoative in Kurrama most often derives intransitive verb stems.

In most of the preceding examples of inchoative derivation the inchoative verbs are

intransitive. However, some verbs derived by the Kurrama inchoative are ambitransitive

and can occur in both intransitive and transitive clauses. For instance, in the preceding

examples 4.105 and 4.110 the inchoative verbs act in transitive clauses and are assigned

an accusative marked argument. However, both waa-rri in 4.105 and mirnu-warni in

4.110 are ambitransitive and do not always select an accusative argument. They may

also occur in intransitive clauses as the following examples 4.112 and 4.113 illustrate.

Their ambitransitive nature is predictable from their valency as nominal predicates

before inchoative verbalisation. That is, the nominal predicates waa and mirnu (without

an inchoative verbaliser) may or may not select an accusative argument.

4.112 Mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i, kantharri-nha.

not fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT granny-SPEC 'Don't become frightened! Its Granny.' (P.450)

4.113 Ngayi mirnu-warni. Nhaa mirnu-ma-lku ngayu. 1sg.NOM know-INCH.PRES this/3sg.NOM know-CAUS-PRES 1sg.ACC ‘I am learning. This one/she is teaching me.’ (MD correcting Peter Hill)

4.7.2 Causative

The causative verbaliser, in Kurrama, is the marker -ma-. This causative

verbaliser derives verbs of the L-conjugation class which select the L-class TAM

inflections. The Kurrama causative derivations are most often transitive but can be

intransitive or ditransitive. The causative is typically added to a nominal that denotes

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either an entity or a state, and the resultant derivation describes the creation of that

entity or state by the causative verb’s agent subject. The nature of the nominal stem to

which the causative is added determines the transitivity of the derived verb stem.

For instance, the nominal stems in the following list mostly denote ‘states’ and

their causative derivations would select an accusative marked argument.

kurru - ma - L ‘to kill’ murlurru - ma - L ‘to straighten’

dead - CAUS straight - CAUS parli - ma – L ‘to bend’ murlimurli - ma - L ‘to wrap up’ bent - CAUS wrap - CAUS waa - ma - L ‘to frighten’ waji - ma - L ‘to ruin/make bad’ fright/fear - CAUS bad - CAUS

The nominal stems in the following list of causative verbs denote ‘entities’ and

their causative derivations usually do not select an accusative marked argument.

However, they may select an accusative argument that denotes the material out of which

the entity, described by the nominal stem, is made or created.

karla - ma - L ‘to make/light a fire’ fire – CAUS

ngurriny - ma - L ‘roll a swag’ swag - CAUS

ngurra -ma - L ‘to make camp’ camp - CAUS

The causative verb ‘to track’, however, differs from the examples given above.

The causative verb ‘to track’ is derived by the addition of the causative suffix to the

nominal stem jina. The nominal stem jina denotes the entities ‘foot, footprint, or track’.

But, the subject of the causative verb, derived from the nominal stem jina, is not the one

who makes or creates ‘footprints’ or ‘tracks’. Instead, the subject of this causative

derivation is the one who ‘follows’ and ‘reads’ these ‘footprints’ and ‘tracks’.

jina - ma - L ‘to track’ foot/footprint/track - CAUS

The following sentences illustrate transitive actions denoted by causative

derivations. The nominal stems in these causative derivations denote ‘states’.

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4.114 Parni-marta mujira-lu-wa kurru-ma-rnaarnu-wu-wi be-HABIT dingo-INSTR-TOP1 dead-CAUS-PPERF-ACC-TOP5 manku-ngu murla-ngarli-wu. get-REL meat-PLURAL-ACC ‘(She) used to get meat that had been killed by a dingo. (P.092)

4.115 Mirta ngayi nhurnaat-ku waa-ma-rtkayi nyirtiyunu. not 1sg.NOM this/her-ACC fear/fright-CAUS-POT poor.fellow "I'd better not frighten her, poor thing. (P.407)

The causative verbs in the following example select accusative arguments. The

nominal stems in these causative derivations also denote ‘states’ rather than ‘entities’.

4.116 Ngayi kurti-ma-rna ngartila-mu ngurnaat-ku

1sg.NOM round-CAUS-PAST next-THEN that/it-ACC

jankaa-rnumarnu martkurra-ma-rna. tie.up-PROG good-CAUS-PAST

'I made it all round again, tied it up and made it nice and neat.' (P.285)

The causatives in the following example code the creation of an ‘entity’ in the

first instance and then in the second instance code a following ‘state’. The causative

verb stems, in this example, are further inflected with a passive inflection so that the

theme of these verbs (nganila ‘thing’/‘thing-a-ma-jig’) is marked nominative rather than

accusative. The agent (instrumental) argument is ellipsed in this sentence.

4.117 Nganila parni janka-rnaarnu kurtan-ma-rnaarnu

thing be.PRES tie-PPERF bag-CAUS-PPERF

ngunhat martkurra-ma-rnaarnu purntura. thatDEF good-CAUS-PPERF rolled.up 'That thing had been tied up into a bag, had been made neatly and rolled up.'

(P.224)

The following examples illustrate the use of causatives that are intransitive. The

nominal stems in these causative derivations denote an ‘entity’ and not a ‘state’. In

example 4.119 the theme karnti ‘stick(s)’ is an argument of the imperative marked verb

manku-ma and not the causative verb karla-ma. Nominal theme arguments of

imperative inflected verbs are not assigned accusative marking in Kurrama (see §6.7).

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4.118 Wantharni nhaa patjarri-yarntu warrapa tharrwa-nguli-ngu how this euro-GEN spinifex go.in-PASS-REL

patjarri-tu ngurra-ma-rnu parni. euro-INSTR camp-CAUS-REL be.PRES

'It was how euro’s spinifex is when a euro goes into it to make camp.’ (P.191)

4.119 Karnti manku-ma karla -ma-tkayi stick get-IMP fire-CAUS-POT 'Get sticks and make a fire.' (TC)

The following example illustrates the addition of the causative suffix on the

nominal predicate mirnu ‘know’. This forms the causative verb ‘to teach or show’

which is ditransitive. In example 4.120 the ditransitive mirnu-ma-rna selects the indirect

object nhurnu ‘her-ACC’ and the direct object wangka-yi ‘word/story-ACC’.

4.120 Ngayi mirnu-ma-rna nhurnu wangka-yi

1sg.NOM know-CAUS-PAST 3sg.ACC word/story-ACC

'I taught her (those) words/stories.' (MD)

The final Kurrama examples, in this section, illustrate borrowed English verbs

acting as hosts for causative derivation. The causative verbaliser is used in these

instances to derive verbs that can be inflected with Kurrama TAM suffixes in the usual

manner. As expected these derivations select the Kurrama L-class verb inflections.

4.121 Purri-tkaayi-wa-yu cleanem-ma-rnu ngurnu,

pull-PERF-TOP1-EMPH4 clean-CAUS-REL that.ACC

pawurta-wu-yu, ngarrarnmarta-la-wa-yu. powder-ACC-EMPH4 rifle-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 '(You) pull it through and it cleans that powder out of the rifle.' (P.308)

4.122 Mirta kurta ngunhu openem-ma-rnaarnu, yurlu kurta murntu, murntu kurta. not very that open-CAUS-PPERF nothing very CONJ CONJ very

'It had never been opened, never been used at all.' (P.332) Wordick (1982: 83) lists -ma-L ‘make, do’ as the most frequently used factitive

verbaliser in Yindjbarndi. This factitive acts the same as the corresponding Kurrama

causative -ma-L. Yet, he states that -rni-Ø is preferred, instead of -ma-L, as a ‘verbaliser

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for borrowed English nouns, which have come into Yindjibarndi with the pidgin

English ending -am(u-)’. Some examples that Wordick (1982; 26 & 83) provides

follow. The final /u/ in the oblique stem of the noun to which –rni is attached is replaced

by /a/.

payilamarni-Ø ‘boil’ < payilamu- ‘the oblique stem of payilam ‘boil’’ + -rni

warrkamarni- Ø ‘work on’ < warrkamu- ‘the oblique stem of warrkam ‘work’’ + -rni

Wordick (1982: 84-85) also lists a number of other Yindjibarndi verbalisers that

he classifies as factitive verbalisers. For example:

-ka-L e.g. wirtiwirtaa-L ‘hang’ wirtiwirti ‘hanging’

-nytya-L e.g. kurkanytya-L ‘think’ kurka ‘ear’

-yhu-L e.g. maluyhu-L ‘cast a spell on’ malu ‘shade, shadow’

-pi-N e.g. purtatpi-N ‘can’t do’ purtat ‘can’t’

e.g. partuwi-N ‘pluck (a bird)’ partu ‘feather’

-yi-N e.g. kunayi-N ‘defecate’ kuna ‘faeces

Similar verbalisers seem to be frozen on certain nominals, in Kurrama, to form

some commonly used verbs, such as:

kurtkanyjaa-L ‘think’ kurtka ‘ear’

purluyhu-L ‘go.in.front’ purlu ‘above’

jurluwi-L ‘get.all’ jurlu ‘all’

kurtkayi-L ‘hear, listen’ kurtka ‘ear’

kuwartayi-L ‘urinate’ kuwarta ‘urine’

Wordick (1982: 89) does actually list two Yindjibarndi verbalisers that he labels

as causative

verbalisers; these are: -pima-L and –yirraa-R. These causative forms

appear to be composites of some of the factitive suffixes (-ra is listed by Wordick

(1982: 84) as a variant of –ka). I could not locate any examples of these verbalisers in

the Kurrama corpus. Wordick (1982: 89-90) states that -yirraa-R is used on Ø-stem

verbs; but he reports that ‘there are no causative verbalisers for non-Ø-stem verbs’. The

causative -pima-L is used on Yindjibarndi nouns. Some examples that Wordick (1982:

89) provides follow.

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purrkurnpima-L ‘puff on’ purrkurn ‘smoke’

wangkawima-L ‘make someone talk wangka ‘speech’

karpayirraa-R ‘cause something to rise’ karpa-Ø ‘rise’

karriirraa-R ‘ make someone stand up karri-Ø ‘stand’

4.7.3 Psych – Inchoative

The Kurrama psych-inchoative verbaliser is the suffix –nguli- . This verbaliser

derives verbs of the Ø-conjugation class which select Ø-class TAM inflections. The

suffix is homophonous with the derivational passive suffix but has a distinct and

differing function. Like the standard inchoative the psych-inchoative encodes the

development of a state, but unlike the standard inchoative it expresses the development

of psychological states or non-physical body states. When the psych-inchoative suffix is

added to nominals that describe body parts the resultant interpretation is that the subject

of this psych-inchoative verb is developing a pain in this body part or the body part is

not functioning properly.

Dench (1991: 155) reports that an identical psych-inchoative suffix, with the

same function, also occurs in Panyjima, Yindjibarndi, Martuthunira and Jiwarli. Yet,

Dench (1991: 155) notes that although the psych-inchaotive suffix is identical in form to

the derivational passive, in these languages, these homophonous suffixes ‘cannot be

related synchronically and there is no obvious diachronic link’. The same also holds in

Kurrama where there is also no evidence of a synchronic connection between the psych-

inchaotive and the derivational passive.

In example 4.123, below, the addition of the psych-inchoative to the Kurrama

nominal puyha expresses that its subject ‘has, or is getting, a headache’.

4.123 Ngayi puyha-nguli-Ø 1sg:NOM head-PSYCH-PRES

‘I have (or I am getting) a headache.’ (MD)

In the following Kurrama sentences the psych-inchoative verbaliser is added to a

nominal that describes a psychological state in example 4.124, and is added to a

nominal that describes a non-physical body state in example 4.125. The resultant psych-

inchoative derivations code the development of these states.

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4.124 Nhawu-nguli-nha ngunhangaata yaayu-warri-nha, ngunhat see-PASS-PAST that aunty-PRIV-SPEC thatDEF

yalamu munti-yu wanta-nguli-ngu, 1928 in March. first true-EMPH4 mad/crazy-PSYCH-REL

'Aunty was seen there, the first time that she really went a bit mad, was in 1928, in March.' (P.067)

4.125 Nyinta parni-i nhungu, kamungu-nguli-ngu-yu 2sg.NOM stay-POT here hungry/empty-PSYCH-REL-EMPH4

nyinta parni nhaa-mpa nyinku yurntaa-wayhu-yu-warnu 2sg.NOM be.PRES this-TOP7 2sg.ACC flour-DIM-EMPH4-EMPH5

nyinta kampa-rrkayi nhurnu. 2sg.NOM cook-POT thisACC (P.493)

‘You stay here. If you get hungry, here's a little bit of flour, you can cook this.’

Wordick (1982: 89) reports that the Yindjibarndi inchoative verbaliser –nguli

‘is generally used with nouns which describe non-physical body states’. For instance:

muyhu-nguli ‘get cold’ muyhu ‘the cold, winter’

pampa-nguli ‘get sleepy’ pampa ‘sleep’

4.8 Concluding Summary

A brief summary of the verb inflections and derivations discussed in this chapter

follows. The main functions of the Kurrama TAM verb inflections are summarized in

Table 4.14 which is presented on the following page.

The Kurrama collective and derivational passive suffixes where discussed in

§4.6.1 and §4.6.2. They are also discussed further in §6.10 and §6.6 respectively. The

functions of the collective are presented in point form in both §4.6.1 and §6.10. The

derivational passive, like the inflectional passives, is a grammatical relation changing

construction. This property is most often used to place a non-agent argument into

prominence within a passive clause and to move an agent argument to peripheral status.

The derivational, and inflectional, passives can also realign a verb’s arguments to allow

conjunction or subordination between clauses by provision of a relevant nominative

pivot.

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Table 4.14 Main functions of the Kurrama verb inflections

Inflection Main function Discussed in

PRESent Indicates that an event/action is occurring at the time of speech. §4.5.1

POTential

Indicates that an event/action is expected, or intended, to take place. Can denote the purpose for a prior event and may be used to form both moderate positive, and negative, commands or hortatives. Also, can mark the stages of a sequence of events.

§4.5.6

PERFective Denotes an event/action as a single undivided whole that is completed. §4.5.3

PAST Indicates that an event/action was occurring before the time of speech. This event/action need not be completed.

§4.5.2

RELative

Used to mark a dependent verb but some allomorphs occasionally mark independent verbs. In its subordinate use it marks switch reference and indicates contemporaneity between events described in the subordinate clause and the matrix clause.

§4.5.9 and §7.1

Passive PERFective The passive voice alternative of the active voice perfective inflection. §4.5.4

PROGressive

Indicates that an event/action follows on from a preceding event/action and may, or may not be, a consequence of the prior event. Can also mark movement towards a goal.

§4.5.10 and §7.2

IMPerative Used to form forceful positive commands. §4.5.7 and §7.3

HABITual

Denotes a habitual action that has occurred more than once and is the customary way that its subject does, or did, ‘things’. Can have either past or present time reference.

§4.5.5

PURPose Marker of dependent verbs that describe the purpose for a preceding event/action described by a matrix clause.

§4.5.8 and §7.3

ReSuLT Marker of dependent verbs that describe the result of a preceding action/event described by a matrix clause.

§4.5.8 and §7.4

MIGHT Indicates that an event/action described by a verb might occur or might be carried out.

§4.5.11 and §7.5

Passive MIGHT The passive voice alternative of the active voice might inflection.

§4.5.12 and §7.3

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The Kurrama inchoative, causative and psych-inchoative verbalisers derive

verbs from nominals in Kurrama. The inchoative is added to nominals that describe a

state (other than a psychological state) to code the development of that state. The psych-

inchoative verbaliser –nguli-Ø is added to nominals that describe a psychological state

to code the development of that state. The psych-inchoative verbaliser can also be added

to nominals that describe body parts to express the development of a pain in this body

part or to express that the body part is not functioning properly. The causative is added

to nominals that denote either an entity or state to express the creation of that entity or

state by the causative verb’s agent subject.

That then is some of the nature of Kurrama verb morphology. Each verb

inflection or derivation can potentially play a critical role in the construction of simple

and complex sentences. In Chapters 6 and 7 I will expand on some of the descriptions

presented in this chapter when I examine the characteristics of Kurrama simple and

complex sentences. Many of the Kurrama sentence types that I describe in Chapters 6

and 7 are named after the type of verb inflection or derivation that is used in their

construction.

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5. PARTICLES AND CLITICS

Some of the Kurrama discourse clitics were briefly introduced in §1.9.2. In this

chapter I examine a broader range of particles and clitics that are used Kurrama.

However, a detailed description cannot be presented here. The differing functions of

particles and clitics are naturally difficult to elicit (cross-linguistically) and in the field

sessions with Maudie Dowton we had difficulty in determining their differing functions

in detail. Also, the functions of particles and clitics are difficult to determine from text

and I have not gained a detailed understanding from an examination of the Payarrany

narrative. However, the Kurrama particles and clitics are discussed in broad terms, in

this chapter, so as to complete the discussion (which began in Chapter 2) on the forms

and functions of the differing parts of speech that are used in the construction of

Kurrama simple and complex sentences.

Clitics have the potential to be attached to a host from any part of speech, except

interjections, and follow after nominal or verbal suffixes which are first attached to the

host. Particles are free form lexical items that do not select nominal or verbal

inflections; except in instances where they are part of a subordinate clause and are

assigned a complementising nominal suffix. However, particles can host clitic

attachments. Overall, clitics are phonologically dependent on a preceding host but are

otherwise semantically and syntactically comparable with free standing particles.

This chapter begins with a brief examinantion of the functions of the differing

Kurrama clitics and particles. I start with the emphatic particle and the emphatic clitics

which add emphasis to either a word, a phrase, or a clause. I then examine the

topicaliser clitics which appear to indicate the main topic of the clause or sentence in

which they occur. Temporal clitics and particles are then discussed and then two

negative particles. A dubitative clitic that codes the speaker’s uncertainty in what s/he is

saying is then contrasted with a clitic and a particle that code the speaker’s belief in the

truth of what s/he is saying. I then provide some examples of the use of the intensifier

particle kurta.

Sequences of more than one clitic can be attached to a single host word (but a

sequence of more than two clitics is rare). I follow the discussion on the intensifier

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particle with a brief examination of the relative order in which clitics are usually placed

in sequences on a host word. I finish the chapter with some brief remarks on both the

interrogative clitic, which can be used in polar interrogative sentences, and the

semblative clitic, which codes an entity as something that someone or something

resembles. The interrogative and the semblative clitics are discussed in further detail in

other sections within this thesis. The interrogative clitic is discussed in §6.9.1 and the

semblative clitic is discussed in §2.7.

Wordick (1982 129-136) has attempted a more detailed examination of the

functions of the Yindjibarndi clitics but these functions do not always coincide with the

apparent functions of the corresponding Kurrama forms. Within the following sections I

draw comparisons between the forms and functions of the Yindjibarndi clitics described

by Wordick (1982 129-136) and those that I have determined for Kurrama.

Also, as a means of comparing the different uses and properties of the Kurrama

clitics, discussed in this chapter, a large test sample was selected from the Payarrany

narrative for analysis so that comparative counts could be made of the relative

frequencies of use of the differing clitics as well as to determine some of their salient

properties. The results of this analysis is listed in the tables presented in this chapter

where some of the differing properties of the clitics are itemized and the counts of the

varying frequencies of clitic use are compared. The test sample encompasses a large

proportion of the Payarrany narrative and is a good representation of the narrative

overall. The exact count of the use of each clitic, in the sample, is not significant on its

own, but the comparison between the frequencies of use of each clitic serves to indicate

which clitics are rarely used and which are frequently used.

5.1 Emphatic Particle and Clitics

There are five emphatic clitics used in the Kurrama corpus. As stated in §1.9.2 I

gloss these clitics as EMPH1 to EMPH5. The following numbers apply to the differing

emphatic forms:

1. –ju 2. –wu 3. –wurtu 4. –yu 5. –warnu

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There is also a free form particle nganthayi which is used as an emphatic marker

in Kurrama. Overall, the emphatic clitics place emphasis on the host word to which they

are attached within a clause, while the particle nganthayi adds emphasis to the

locutionary content of the phrase, clause or sentence to which it is added. In the

examples I have of its use, nganthayi serves to emphasize contrastive statements made

by the speaker. Some examples of the use of nganthayi follow and then the emphatic

clitics are examined.

In example 5.1 the emphatic nganthayi serves to emphasise in the first instance

that the trousers are ‘not old but are very new’ and in the second instance that the

trousers ‘hadn’t been worn by anyone’.

5.1 Nhaa-wurtu thurntaarli-nyaa, mirta palamuntaa nganthayi,

this-EMPH3 leg-ASSOC not old EMPH

yalaa kurta, thuumaya-la-ngu-mu wurnta-tkaayi, mirta ngana-lu new very store-LOC-ABL-THEN come-PERF not anyone-INSTR

nganthayi tharrwa-yangaarnu, yurlu kurta. EMPH put.on-PPERF nothing very ‘These were trousers, not old ones, but very new, just out of the store, they hadn't been worn by anyone, nothing at all.’ (P.290 - P.291)

In 5.2 below nganthayi serves to emphasize that the subject ‘couldn’t look for

meat’ and only had ‘wild beans to eat’.

5.2 Mirta-wa yanku, mirta-wa wayharri-ngu murla-ngarli-wu

not-TOP1 go.PRES not-TOP1 look.for-REL meat-PL-ACC nganthayi waju-rru yini-lha parni-nha wayhu ngarrku-ngu, EMPH wild.bean-NOW only-? be-PAST DIM eat-REL

ngunhangat-ju. thatDEF-EMPH1 '(She) couldn't go anywhere, couldn't look for meat, there was only wild beans to eat, that was that. (P.467)

In example 5.2 above nganthayi emphasizes the alternative to a prior statement –

old Sarah could not get meat so she had to eat wild beans. In the following example

nganthayi also emphasizes a contrastive alternative - old Sarah would not only be found

near Duck Creek but would also be seen on the top country at Yirranti Spring.

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5.3 Parntaya-nmarta-mpa, Kartajirri-wuyhaa nganthayi ngunyji, find-HABIT-TOP7 Duck.Creek-NEAR EMPH thereNV Thinuu-la nganthayi kankala ngunyji, nhawu-marta-mpa. Yirranti.Spring-LOC EMPH on.top thereNV see-HABIT-TOP7 '(She) would be found near Duck Creek and there at Yirranti Spring, (she) would be seen on the top country, up there.' (P.378)

The emphatic clitics add emphasis to the host word to which they are attached.

However, I am unable to determine why a specific emphatic clitic is used in one

situation and not in another. In the test sample the most frequently used emphatic clitic

is –yu. This is then followed in order of decreasing frequency by -wurtu, -warnu, -wu

and -ju. Each of the emphatic clitics, except –ju, can be added to a host that ends in any

vowel. In the test sample –ju was only added to a host ending in /t/. The hosts to which

the clitics are added seldom end in a consonant so examples of the attachment of

emphatic clitics to a consonant final host are rare (except for the instances of the

attachment of –ju). Yet, in the test sample there is an instance where the clitic –wurtu

follows the consonant /ny/. Also, there are a few instances where -wurtu or -warnu

follow /t/ but in these situations they take the allomorphic forms –purtu and –parnu

respectively in this environment.

In the following Table 5.1, some properties of the emphatic clitics are compared.

These properties are determined from the test sample taken from the Payarrany

narrative. Overall, there are no trends revealed in Table 5.1 that influence the choice of

a clitic in one situation but not in another (other than the selection of –ju as an emphatic

marker of demonstratives ending in /t/). The absence of examples of the clitics in some

of the TAM marked clauses probably reflects the low frequency of the use of these

clitics in the test sample rather than a constraint against their use in these particular

TAM inflected clauses; although this cannot be stated definitively. Emphatic clitic

marking can occur on verbs and in all argument types that are selected by verbs. Factors

such as the marking of hosts located within arguments versus adjuncts, or locted within

subjects versus objects, and in new information versus old do not appear to determine

the selection of a specific clitic; although –yu is used most often in all of these

circumstances.

There are numerous examples of the use of the emphatic clitics throughout this

thesis; some follow (the clitics are marked in bold).

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5.4 Payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu jarrwurti murtiwarla-la manku-lu-wa policeman-PL come-RSLT three car-LOC get-PURP-TOP1

nhurnu juju-ngu wanyjaman-ku-yu, ngurnu this.ACC old.man-ACC dingo.trapper-ACC-EMPH4 that.ACC

nhawa-ayi-wu-yu yaayu-warri-ngu. see-PERF-ACC-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-ACC ‘So three policemen came in a car, to get this old dingo man that had seen poor old Aunty.’ ( P.504-P.505)

Table 5.1 Some properties of the emphatic clitics from the test sample -yu -wurtu -warnu -wu -ju

Host type

Nominal √ √ √ √ Proper noun √ √ Pronoun √ √ √ Demonstrative √ √ √ √ √ Verb √ √ √ √ Particle √ √ √ √

Position of host in clause

Start √ √ √ √ √ Middle √ √ √ √ √ End √ √ √ √ √

Clause type in which located

Main √ √ √ √ √ Subordinate √ √ √ √ √ Non Verbal √ √ √ √ √

TAM marking of the clause in which located

Present √ √ √ √ Past √ √ √ √ √ Potential √ √ √ √ Habitual √ Perfective or Pass.Perfective √ √ √ √ √

RELative √ √ √ √ √ Progressive √ √ √ Purpose √ √

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5.5 Purri-nha ngayi kurtan-ku. Nhaa-wu wirru-yu Pull-PAST 1sg.NOM bag-ACC this-EMPH2 other-EMPH2

kurtan martkurra puntha-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnu-lu. bag good wash-PPERF good-CAUS-REL-INSTR

'I pulled out the bag. This other bag was clean and washed (by her) (she) had cleaned it properly.’ (P.248)

5.6 Kawayintharri-wurtu ngunhaatu, Kawayintharri ngunhaat-ju, Ashburton.side-EMPH3 that.one Ashburton.side thatDEF-EMPH1

Ngarranngarri-nha nhanthawa. Ngarranngarti-SPEC must.be ‘This one is from the Ashburton side, from Ashburton country for sure. That must be Ngarranngarti.' ( P.416)

5.7 Ngayi wangka-nha ngurnatkuyha-wu 1sg.NOM tell/say-PAST that.DUAL-ACC nhaat-pa-mpa-warnu Sarah wangka-nguli-ngu. thisDEF-Ø-TOP7-EMPH5 Sarah call-PASS-REL ‘I said to them, “This one is called Sarah”.’ (P.357)

Wordick (1982: 135) reports that in Yindjibarndi the clitic –pa is ‘ordinarily

used to express emphasis’. I have categorised the clitic –pa as a topicaliser in Kurrama.

Throughout Wordick’s (1982: 199-280) Yindjibarndi texts the emphatic clitic –pa takes

the form –wa when attached to a host ending in a vowel. Wordick (1982: 135-136) also

cites ‘two less important functions’ of the Yindjbarndi clitic –pa.

The Yindjibarndi clitic can translate as the English ‘-time’, as follows:

karrwarn-pa and muyhu-wa summer-EMPH winter-EMPH

‘summertime’ ‘wintertime’ (Wordick, 1982: 135)

Or it can ‘indicate inceptive and cessational action’, as in the following examples:

5.8 Yindjibarndi

Ngayi ngarrku-wa. Ngayi yurra-rna. Mirta-wa yurra-rna. 1sg.NOM eat.PRES-EMPH 1sg.NOM dig-PAST not-EMPH dig-PAST

‘I am starting to eat.’ ‘I was digging.’ ‘(I) stopped digging.’

(Wordick, 1982: 136)

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I could not find any definite examples of these functions of –pa and -wa in the

Kurrama corpus. However, although I categorise –pa as a topicaliser in Kurrama it is

possible to apply an emphatic reading to this clitic in many of the contexts in which it is

employed in the Kurrama corpus (see §5.2).

Wordick (1982) does not list any other clitic forms as being emphatic markers in

Yindjibarndi. Wordick (1982: 134 ) identifies the forms –wurtu and –purtu as being

allomorphs of the categorial clitc in Yindjibarndi and classifies –yu as a determiner

(clitic). The other Kurrama forms that I have classified as emphatics –warnu, –wu, and

–ju are not recognized by Wordick (1982) as being clitic forms (of any category) in

Yindjibarndi.

The Yindjibarndi categorial clitic is interpreted by Wordick (1982: 134) as

having the meanings ‘kind, sort, type’. Wordick states that ‘it is usually found attached

to the free stem paya ‘vicious’ as is shown in the following phrase’:

5.9 Yindjibarndi

Paya-wurtu wanytya vicious-SORT dog ‘Vicious (sort of) dog.’ (Wordick, 1982: 134)

The Kurrama use of –wurtu in example 5.6 could be stretched to encompass this

meaning. For instance a translation of 5.6 could be: ‘This one/fellow is an Ashburton

type/kind, from Ashburton country for sure…’. Indeed in many Kurrama examples the

meanings ‘kind, sort, type’ can be applied to –wurtu . Consider the following.

5.10 ..jurntat-kaa ngunhu ngunta-yu, ngurra-wurtu ngunhaat.

like.that-SEMBL that style-EMPH4 camp-EMPH3 thatDEF 'It was in that style, just like that, that's the sort of camp it was.'

(P.192- P.193) 5.11 Mirta pangkarri-I ngurnuwarta wanyja paya-wurtu.

not/no go-POT there(far)-ALL dog savage-EMPH3 'Don't go over there the dog is savage/vicious (a vicious sort).’ (MD)

So it seems that Wordick’s (1982: 134) interpretation of -wurtu/-purtu can be

applied to its use in Kurrama. However, in the following Kurrama example it is difficult

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to apply the meaning ‘kind, sort, type’ to –wurtu; it seems to predominantly emphasize

the verb content that it marks.

5.12 Murnti-pa piningkarra-ngu kankala kartpa-nha ngunhaa-ku marnta-yi,

true-TOP2 run-REL on.top go.up-PAST that-ACC hill -ACC

yaayu-warri-nha-yu ngunyjat-u-mpa tharra-ngka kupija-la-t aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH4 thatNV-Ø-TOP7 cave-LOC little-LOC-DEF

ngamarlangu-la ngarrwi-ngu, nyaa-nyjarri-ngu-wurtu. hollow-LOC lie.down-REL see-COLL-REL-EMPH3 (P.113) 'True enough, (he) ran to the top, climbed up the hill and Old Aunty was right there, out of sight, in a little cave, lying in a hollow. (She) saw (him).'

Wordick (1982: 136) lists -yu as a variant of the Yindjibarndi clitic -yhu which

he classifies as being a determiner that expresses ‘the, or certain/particular’. Wordick

(1982: 136 & 209) reports that -yu is rarely used in his Yindjibarndi corpus and may be

borrowed from Kurrama. The following Yindjibarndi use of -yhu illustrates the meaning

given to it by Wordick (1982: 261).

5.13 Yindjibarndi

Ngunhaa ngaarta-wa-yhu wangka-nha tyulu-u purpiwarni-nha That man-EMP-DET tell-PAST everyone-OBJ want-PAST patharri-i ngunhaakuyha-arrnrtu manyka-uyha-yi be.painted-POT they.two-GEN son-DUAL-DEIC ‘Those same/particular men told everyone that they wanted those sons of theirs to be painted.’ (Wordick, 1982: 261)

The following Yindjibarndi example illustrates the use of -yu with the meaning

‘certain/particular’; it is also used in a similar sense in the (only) other example of its

use in Wordick’s (1982: 224) Yindjibarndi texts.

5.14 Yindjibarndi

Yurala nyurnrtiwarni-nha. Yuntu parnrta-ku-wa. Muntiwayi nhaa-mpa rainmaker die-PAST rain fall-PRES-EMPH Perhaps this-TOP yuntu-yu puyama-a

rain-DET orphan-LIKE (Wordick, 1982: 209)

‘The rainmaker died. Rain is starting to fall. Perhaps this particular shower that I am talking about is like an orphan’ (that is, it is crying for its father).

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The Kurrama uses of -yu in examples 5.4 and 5.5 can fit the meanings that

Wordick applies to –yu. Yet, in the following Kurrama example from Hale (1959: 47)

the use of –yu on a (causative) verb seems to act as an emphatic rather than having the

meaning ‘certain/particular’. However, Wordick (1982: 136 & 185) states that in

Yindjibarndi the determiner –yhu can also express ‘if/then’. Perhaps –yu has this

function in the following Kurrama example.

5.15 Ngayi yirrarnma-rtkayi jalurra-wu wirra ngayu yungku-ma.

1sg:NOM sing-POT song-ACC boomerang 1sg:ACC give-IMP

Mirta -nta ngayu thurni -i yirrarnma-rnu-yu not/no-INTRRG 1sg:ACC laugh.at-POT sing-REL-EMPH4

'I am going to sing a song, give me the boomerang! Will (nobody) not laugh at me when/if I sing?' (Hale, 1959: 47)

In all, the Kurrama use of –yu is difficult to pin down. It seems to act as an

emphatic but the meanings given to the Yindjibarndi –yhu, as defined by Wordick

(1982; 136), can also be made to fit the Kurrama –yu in differing contexts. This clitic is

the most frequently used clitic (of all the clitics used) in the Payarrany narrative (see

§5.7).

Therefore, overall, although an emphatic reading can easily fit the various clitics

that I have classified as emphatics there are possibly more exact meanings/functions

applicable to their use. Some of Wordick’s alternate interpretations of some of the

functions of the corresponding Yindjibarndi clitic forms can be made to fit the Kurrama

data but not always. Notably, Wordick (1982) classifies –pa as the emphatic clitic in

Yindjibarndi whereas, in the main, I categorise it as a topicaliser clitic in Kurrama.

5.2 Topicaliser Clitics

I have grouped together seven clitics under the title of topicaliser which I gloss

as TOP1 to TOP7. These clitics appear to indicate the main topic of the clause or

sentence in which they occur.

The clitics that I provisionally classify as topicalisers are numbered as follows:

1. -wa 2. -pa 3. -thu 4. -yi

5. -wi 6. -ja 7. -mpa

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In the following Table 5.2 are listed some of the properties of these clitics. The

clitic –pa is discussed after this table. The data used to compile Table 5.2 comes from

the test sample that was selected from the Payarrany narrative.

Table 5.2 Some properties of the topicaliser clitics from the test sample -wa -mpa -thu -yi -wi -ja

Host type

Nominal √ √ √ √ √

Proper noun √ √ √ Pronoun √ √ √ Demonstrative √ √ √ Verb √ √ √ √ √ Particle √ √

Position of host in clause

Start √ √ √ √ Middle √ √ √ √ √ End √ √ √ √ √ √

Clause type in which located

Main √ √ √ √ Subordinate √ √ √ √ √ Non Verbal √ √ √ √

TAM marking of the clause in which located

Present √ √ √ Past √ √ √ Potential √ √ √ √ Habitual √ √ Perfective or Pass.Perfective

√ √ √ √

RELative √ √ √ Progressive √ √ √ √ Purpose √ √ result

Number of times used in test sample 117 71 3 25 2 1

As can be seen in Table 5.2 the clitics -thu, -wi and –ja were rarely used in the

test sample, whereas the clitic -wa occurs extensively. The clitic –pa can also operate as

a topicaliser in Kurrama. However, there are two distinct uses of -pa in the test sample.

It can be used as a topicaliser clitic or it can be used as an empty morpheme that breaks

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up syllable clusters that are not permitted in Kurrama. These functions are distinct.

When -pa acts as an empty morpheme, in the test sample, it is most often added to a

demonstrative host that ends in /t/ to enable addition of the topicaliser clitic –mpa.

Phonological constraints, in Kurrama, do not allow the addition of the clitic –mpa

directly onto a host ending in /t/. In some instances -pa is also attached to a host ending

in /t/ to allow attachment of the emphatic clitic –yu or the interrogative clitic -nta. In the

test sample –pa was used as an empty morpheme 23 times and as a topicaliser clitic 14

times. The possibility that –pa and –wa are actually allomorphs of the same topicaliser

clitic is discussed later in this section.

Examples of the use of the topicaliser clitics occur throughout this thesis but

some examples follow. Perhaps the reader may be able to identify a pattern, or patterns,

of their use that I am unable to determine. The final vowel on the host to which the

clitics are added can vary. In example 5.16 three topicalisers are used and each follow a

different vowel, but in other situations these same clitics follow differing vowels or

differing clitics follow the same vowels. The parts of speech to which the hosts (of these

clitics) belong also vary.

5.16 Ngawu, ngayi-wu-nta kurnta-tkayi nhungu-mpa yes 1sg.NOM-EMPH2-INTRRG wait-POT here –TOP7

payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu-yu, yanki-i ngunhangkarta-wa-yu policeman-PL come-RSLT-EMPH4 go-POT there-TOP1-EMPH4

mirnuma-rrkayi-thu wanthila-wu ngunhat. show-POT-TOP3 where-ACC thatDEF ‘Yes, perhaps I could stay here and wait until the police come and then go and show them where she is." (P.500)

5.17 Parna-ayi thaalu-warrimarta-rra, parni-marta mujira-lu-wa be-PERF pet.dog-PRIV-DUB be-HABIT dingo-INSTR-TOP1

kurru-ma-rnaarnu-wu-wi manku-ngu murla-ngarli-wu. dead-CAUS-PPERF-ACC-TOP5 get-REL meat-PL-ACC 'I don't think (she) had a pet. (She) used to get meat that had been killed by a dingo.' (P.092)

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5.18 Ngayi parnti-nha-wa ngayi ngunhangata-yi, munti-pa 1sg.NOM smell-PAST-TOP1 1sg.NOM thatDEF-TOP4 true -TOP2

nhulangka pepper-murntu salt-murntu parnti. there pepper-CONJ salt -CONJ smell.PRES

'I smelt that stuff. That's right, I could smell salt and pepper in there.' (P.263) 5.19 Maatha, an’ mangkurla kupiyarri-murra Red-ngu-waya Karntawayi,

boss and child small(plural)-LOST Red-ACC-? person's.name

an’ juju-warri-nha, Donkeyman, maatha-la-ja-wu. and old.man-PRIV-SPEC person’s.name boss-LOC-TOP6-EMPH2 ‘The boss, and a little boy who we've lost now, Red's boy Karntawayi, and the old man, Donkeyman, were with the boss.' (P.103)

In the previous example 5.18 the clitic –pa acts as a topicaliser. However, in

example 5.20 below, the form -pa acts as an empty morpheme that enables the addition

of the topicaliser –mpa onto a demonstrative host that ends in /t/.

5.20 Mirta murna, tharna yanku-marta ngunhangkaat-pa-mpa …. ngurra

not close far go-HABIT those-empty.morph-TOP7 country

yini nhawu-nguli-ngu wirru-ngaa-lu. only see-PASS-REL other-PL-INSTR

‘(She) used to go a long way, not just close by, and those people (the others)… only the country was seen by the others (they didn't see her)’. (P.386) Yet, if –mpa is a topicaliser clitic and –pa can also act as a topicaliser clitic, then

why is –pa used as an empty morpheme to allow the addition of –mpa onto a host when

just the addition of –pa as a topicaliser clitic would seem to be sufficient? It is possible

that the Kurrama clitic –mpa has a distinct function similar to the Panyjima clitic –mpa.

Dench (1991: 208) reports that in Panyjima ‘this clitic is used to reintroduce something

which the speaker assumes the addressee already has in mind, either because it has

already been identified in the discourse, or because it can be inferred from the

discourse’. If –mpa has this function in Kurrama then it may differ from –pa and the

other topicaliser clitics.

A number of contributors to Mushin and Baker (2008) report that it is common

for speakers of Australian languages to place their reference to a discourse participant

(or event) in prominent clause-initial position (or sometimes clause-final position) when

reintroducing that participant (or event) back into discourse. Yet, the use of –mpa in

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Panyjima, and perhaps Kurrama, can serve to overtly reintroduce a participant (or event)

back into discourse and does not necessarily rely on clause prominent placement. The

general sense and meaning of the clitic is conveyed by Dench’s (1991: 208) Panyjima

gloss of –mpa as ‘YouKnow’.

In the following Kurrama example, from the test sample, the clitic –mpa does

appear to function like the Panyjima clitic when attached to the demonstrative host

ngurnu. That is, in the context of the Payarrany narrative, the addition of –mpa on

ngurnu, in the following instances, serves to overtly reintroduce the topic/participant

‘that blanket’ back into discussion within the narrative. The blanket had been discussed

earlier on in the story, in some detail, prior to its reintroduction here. Further, in the

context in which –mpa is used in the earlier example 5.20 it also appears to reintroduce

a participant back into discussion within the Payarrany narrative. In example 5.20 it

reintroduces ‘those other people’ who had previously spent time with old Sarah and

who are now expecting to see the old lady again as she travels about.

5.21 Wantha-rna karlungka, ngurriny-ku nhawu-ngumarnu, nhawu-ngumarnu

put-PAST aside swag-ACC see-PROG see-PROG

blanket blanket-ku ngurnu-mpa, ngurnu-mpa blanket-ku blanket blanket-ACC that.ACC-TOP7 that.ACC-TOP7 blanket-ACC

wanyja-yi yirra-ngka-wu kanyja-rnu. dog-ACC edge-LOC-ACC have-REL

'(I) put it to one side and then looked at the swag. And then (I) saw that blanket, you know that blanket I told you about, that blanket which had the (pictures of) dogs around the edges.' (P.229 - P.230)

Wordick (1982: 130) classifies –mpa as a topic clitic in Yindjibarndi. He gives it

a meaning similar to that outlined above. He states, ‘the topic clitic can usually be

translated as that’s what I’m talking about’; as illustrated by the following

Yindjibarndi example.

5.22 Yindjibarndi

Warnrta-a katyarti kurraurra. Nhunhaa-tu-mpa wangka-nguli tree-LOC lizard rough that-ONE-TOP called-PASS.PRES kartantyi dwarf.bearded.dragon.

‘A rough-looking lizard lives in trees. The one that I’m talking about is called the dwarf bearded dragon.’ (Wordick, 1982: 202)

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This Yindjibarndi use appears to be a little different to the Panyjima use outlined

above. From Wordick’s translation it seems it does not serve to reintroduce something

(that the addressee already has in mind) but rather is used by the speaker to point out

immediately what she or he is talking about; as a topic clitic. There is a slight difference

here, but there could well be overlap in the way Yindjibarndi and Panyjima speakers use

this clitic.

Is it possible that the Kurrama clitics –pa and –wa, in their topicaliser function,

represent different allomorphs of the same clitic in differing phonological contexts? In

the Kurrama corpus the clitic –wa always follows a host that ends in a vowel and does

not follow a consonant; there is a phonological constraint against this in Kurrama.

Alternatively, the clitic –pa is most often added to a host that ends in a consonant

(usually /t/ or /rt/). So it may be that –pa and –wa are allomorphs of the same clitic, in

Kurrama, whose use is determined by a consonant versus vowel ending on a host.

However, there are instances in the Kurrama corpus where –pa follows a host

ending in the vowel /i/; but, there are no instances where –pa is added to a host ending

in the vowels /a/ or /u/. Yet, there are instances where the same host ending in /i/ selects

either –wa or –pa in differing contexts. For example, there are instances where the

particle munti ‘true/truly’ selects -wa in one example and –pa in another; and there are

instances where the ‘non-visible’ demonstrative ngunyji selects either –wa or –pa in

differing examples. I was unable to find any instances where the form –pa is added to

hosts (ending in /i/) that are not demonstratives or particles; whereas –wa can be

attached to a host from any part of speech. Overall, this suggests that –wa and –pa have

different functions and are not allomorphs of the same clitic; but determining what these

functions are has so far proven to be difficult. Also, I am not convinced that they are not

allomorphs of the same clitic in some circumstances. The addition of –pa on the particle

munti in the earlier example 5.18 can be compared with the addition of –wa on munti in

the following example 5.23 (munti is discussed in §5.6).

5.23 Yalaa munti-wa ngunhaatu, jilirra-arntu ngunhu nhawu-yarntu.

new true-TOP1 that.one big-GEN that man-GEN

'That one (was/is) truly/really new (brand new) and for a big man too.' (P.292-P.293)

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As was discussed in §5.1 Wordick (1982: 135-136) does identify –pa and –wa

as allomorphs of the one clitic; however, he identifies them as allomorphs of the

Yindjibarndi emphatic clitic. Wordick (1982) only lists –mpa as a topic clitic in

Yindjibarndi; he does not mention any other topic clitic forms. Of the clitic forms that I

have identified as Kurrama topicalisers (other than –mpa) Wordick (1982: 136) only

discusses the clitic –yi ; he identifies it as the Yindjibarndi deictic clitic. However, he

states that the deictic clitic is rarely used and there only ‘three sure examples’ of its use

in the Yindjibarndi corpus. Wordick (1982: 136) does not explain why he uses the

classification ‘deictic’ for the Yindjibarndi clitic –yi nor does he define the clitic’s

meaning/function. He states that the following is the clearest example of its use

(presented earlier as 5.13). This example is from a reasonably lengthy narrative; the

‘men’s sons’ were first introduced earlier on in the story. The use of the deictic seems to

refer/relate again to these same sons.

5.24 Yindjibarndi

Ngunhaa ngaarta-wa-yhu wangka-nha tyulu-u purpiwarni-nha That man-EMP-DET tell-PAST everyone-OBJ want-PAST patharri-i ngunhaakuyha-arrnrtu manyka-uyha-yi be.painted-POT they.two-GEN son-DUAL-DEIC ‘Those same/particular men told everyone that they wanted those sons of theirs to be painted.’ (Wordick, 1982: 261)

The following examples illustrate the use of –yi in the Payarrany narrative. In

example 5.25 the specific ‘winter’ that is referred to was specified earlier on in the

narrative; so Wordick’s deictic function could possibly apply.

5.25 Wanyjarri-ngumarnu, wanyjarri-ngumarnu-warnu,

run.away-PROG run.away-PROG-EMPH

ngulaarta ngunhaan muyhu-ngka-yi. there.LOC that cold/winter-LOC-TOP4 (P.068-P.069)

'And then (she) ran away, (she) ran away again from there that was that winter.' The following example reintroduces the main thread of discussion in the plot of

the Payarrany narrative. Before this sentence AP expanded in some detail on a side

issue; the blankets that the people at Deepdale were given to keep warm. AP’s use of

the clitic –yi seems to mark AP’s return of reference to the people who ‘stayed’ together

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at Deepdale. AP was discussing these people, before he digressed to discuss the

blankets that they had been given (see appendix for clarity, P.070-P.080).

5.26 Ngulaarta-ngu-yu parni- marta-yi martkurra-mu-yu there.LOC-ABL-EMPH live/stay-HABIT-TOP4 good-THEN-EMPH parna-ayi palanku kuma. live/stay-PERF they/those together (P.080) 'Well from there, (they) stayed there, quite happily. They all stayed together.'

In broad terms the use of –yi in the two Kurrama examples above does mark a

topic of discussion (which was first introduced earlier on in the narrative); so it can be

said to be acting as a form of topicaliser. Yet, perhaps Wordick’s deictic classification

narrows down the scope of this clitic by specifying that the topic is relative to what was

discussed before. However, Wordick (1982: 136) does not explicitly define the

meaning/function he assumes for this clitic in Yindjibarndi; so I am not sure that this is

what he intends by using the term deictic.

5.3 Temporal Clitics and Particles

There are a number of particles and clitics used in the Kurrama corpus that have

temporal functions. Their use in forming a temporal succession is discussed in §8.1.1. In

the following brief discussion the temporal clitics –rru, -l and –mu are examined and

also the temporal particles yala, palamu and ngarti(mu).

The temporal clitic –rru NOW indicates that the time of prior described events

is now past and that the time of new events is now taking place. Most often –rru

denotes that the new events are happening ‘now’ at the time of speech. However, the

new events marked by -rru may have a reference time other than the present moment of

speech, but in these situations they still begin after the completion of previously

described events. This is illustrated below in example 5.27 where –rru is used within the

description of events that occurred long before the time of speech. In example 5.27 –rru

marks the new event ‘I went then/now to see poor old Aunty’ which follows after the

subject ‘had finished eating dinner’.

5.27 Ngarrka-ayi ngayi pintuwuyu ngayi-yi, ngarrka-ayi dinner

eat-PERF 1sg.NOM dinner 1sg.NOM-TOP4 eat-PERF dinner

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yurlu-ma-rnu ngayarntu-wi, ngayi yanku-nha nhawu-lu finished-CAUS-REL 1sg.GEN-TOP5 1sg.NOM go-PAST see-PURP

yaayu-warri-ngu-rru. Martkurra munti, mirta wantawanta aunty-PRIV-ACC-NOW good true not mad/crazy/silly

nganthayi, mirnu kurta. EMPH know very 'I was eating dinner. So I ate my dinner, finished everything, and I went now to see poor old Aunty. (She) was very well, not silly or anything, very sharp.’ (P.157-P.159)

The following example is a description of what old Sarah is thinking. The clitic

–rru marks a point of change within these thoughts; it marks the change from her

observation that ‘a man has just come up and is standing behind her’ to the new (present

time) questioning thought - ‘now where is he from?’.

5.28 Shuu, munti-mpa karri nhawu wurnta-tkaayi mirtawaa,

Shuu true-TOP7 stand.PRES man come-PERF big

wanthiwa-rru nhaat Kawayintharri nhanthawa. where-NOW thisDEF Ashburton.side must.be

“Shuu, sure enough a man, who just came up, is standing (behind), a big fellow. Now where is he from? He must be from the Ashburton side.” (P.414)

The Kurrama particle yala is best translated as simply expressing the English

‘now’; it indicates that an event, or situation, is occurring ‘now’ in present time. In the

following example 5.29 the speaker (AP) uses yala to indicate that the situation he is

describing occurred not only in the past but also occurs ‘now too’.

5.29 Well, juju-ngarli nhaa wirrumu-mu-yu, yala nganthayi,

well old.man-PL this long.ago-THEN-EMPH4 now EMPH

yurrama-ma-kayi ngunyji murruwa-arta-la manki-i soak-CAUS-POT thereNV up.stream-ALL-LOC get-POT

karrala-wuyu-mu pawa-yi wurnta-langu. clear-SIDE-THEN water-ACC come-RSLT

'Well, the old people once upon a time, and now too, would make a soak there, up stream a little, to get clear water to come.' (P.179)

In the following threat the speaker uses the particle yala to emphasize the

likelihood that he will spear the addressee in the immediate present.

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5.30 Nhurnu ngayi yungku yala nyinku mangumangu-wu. this.ACC 1sg.NOM give-PRES now 2sg.ACC punishment.spear-ACC ‘I will give you this spear now.’ (AP)

The particle palamu serves to indicate events, or situations, that have occurred

much earlier than the present. There does not seem to be a remote past verb inflection in

Kurrama and instead the particle palamu is used in conjunction with past tense marking

of a verb to describe a distant past event or situation. Palamu is not synchronically

analyzable but appears to be etymologically based on the demonstrative form *pala

which is realized as wala in Kurrama.

5.31 Wanyja-ngarli pangkarri-nha pajarri-nyaa-ngarli dog-PL go-PAST euro-ASSOC-PL thuwayi-nmarta-mu palamu-yu spear.by.throwing –HABIT-THEN long.time.ago/before-EMPH4 kurryarta-wari jilaman-tu yurlu kurta. spear-PROP rifle-INSTR no/nothing very

‘They went along with kangaroo dogs, they didn't have a rifle back then, they used to spear them with a spear.' (AP)

The particles ngarti or ngartimu aid in introducing an event or situation into a

temporal sequence and often indicate that it is a repeated event or situation that first

occurred some time earlier. Examples 5.32 and 5.33, presented below, illustrate this.

The particle ngartimu always codes a repeated event or situation, but the particle ngarti

may introduce a new event or situation into a temporal sequence that is not a repeat.

Example 5.36, which is presented later in this section, illustrates the use of ngarti where

it does not code a repeated event.

5.32 Wantaawa, wantha-rna jurlu-u tharra-ngka-mu ngarti. Alright put-PAST all-ACC humpy-LOC-THEN again/then/next 'Alright, (I) put all those things back into the little humpy again.' (P.334)

5.33 Wantaawa yurni-ngumarnu marnta-arta-mu-wa ngartimu, ngunyjiwa-wa-yu Alright go.away-PROG hill-ALL-THEN-TOP1 again there-TOP1-EMPH4

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Waliji-watha-wu, ngurra-nhanu-la-mu-wa. place.name-NEAR-ACC country-3sg.POSS-LOC-THEN-TOP1

'Alright, and then (she) went away, disappeared into the hills again, somewhere up near Waliji Pool, in her own country.' (P.342)

The particle ngartimu is probably a frozen form that has as its origins the

addition of the temporal clitic –mu onto ngarti. In Kurrama, the clitic –mu denotes a

time frame that is different to the time of speech and is calculated relative to another

time previously presented in the discourse. The clitic –l also appears to have the same

function. However, I would suggest that –l is a borrowing from Martuthunira. It appears

only twice in the test sample while the clitic –mu occurs 32 times. Also, -l is only used

by Algy Paterson, who was also a Martuthunira speaker, and is not used, in the Kurrama

corpus, by the other language consultants. Some examples of the use of –mu and –l

follow.

In the following example the temporal clitic –mu takes part in a secondary

predication used in direct speech. The clitic is added to the depictive secondary

predicate to aid in indicating the time frame when the primary predication took place.

This time frame is not at the time of speech but is calculated in relation to the time of

speech; that is, ‘she didn’t carry me’ at the time of speech but ‘when I was little’.

5.34 Ngayu ngantha tharnangka-rrkaayi kupija-wu-mu 1sg:ACC also piggyback-PERF little-ACC-THEN '(She) used to carry me piggyback when (I) was little.' (P.533)

In example 5.35 the clitic –mu marks a time that is not the time of speech but is

calculated relative to prior past actions; ‘he left her, she stayed’ - ‘then he went back...’.

5.35 Ngunha wantha-rna, ngunhangat parna-angu, that leave-PAST thatDEF stay-RSLT wayinyjarri-nha-mu murtiwarla-arta-mu, juju-nha-yu return-PAST-THEN car-ALL-THEN old.man-SPEC-EMPH4 wanyjamantu. dingo.man

'He left her and she stayed. Then (he) went back to the car then, this old dingo man (dingo trapper).' (P.495)

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In the following sentence the temporal clitic –l is used along with several other

temporal devices; including the use of the particle ngarti (which does not code a

repeated event in this instance) and progressive marking of the verb nhawu ‘see’. The

clitic –l marks the time when the subject saw her husband, ‘one morning’. This time is

not at the time of speech but is calculated in relation to the time of prior events

described in the Payarrany narrative. That is, in the narrative, AP first describes a group

of Kurrama who were living together at Red Hill in the past. Then following this

description he uses the clitic –l to help state ‘then one morning’ the old lady ‘saw her

husband wrapped in a sheet’.

5.36 Ngarti nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu nhuwa-yi

then/next see-COLL-PROG-EMPH5 spouse-ACC

warrungkamu-l ngarti-yu murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu one.morning -THEN then/next-EMPH4 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL

kaliku-la-wa walypala-ngarli-lu. sheet-LOC-TOP1 whitefellow-PL-INSTR ‘And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet (killed) by whitefellows.’ (P.005 – P.007)

Wordick (1982: 129) does not list –l as a clitic form in Yindjibarndi. He does list

-rru- and -mu. Wordick’s classification of the functions of each clitic follows.

Wordick (1982: 130) maintains that -rru- is a variant of –tu. He states that –tu is

added to demonstratives such as nhaa ‘this’ and ngunhaa ‘that’ to express nhaatu ‘this

one’ and ngunhaatu ‘that one’. This also occurs in Kurrama but I have classified this as

a formative process which forms ‘definite’ demonstratives (see §3.2.1). Wordick (1982:

130) states that –tu may lenite to -rru- when another clitic follows. For instance, it is

added to the demonstrative –nhaa before the attachment of -mpa to form the following

end to a Yindjibardi narrative:

5.37 Yindjibarndi

Nhaarrumpa This-ONE-TOP ‘This is it’ (Wordick, 1982: 257)

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Wordick (1982) does not classify 5.37 as an example of the temporal use of –rru

but sees it as a variation of the similar addition of –tu onto the demonstrative nhaa

before –mpa in the expression:

5.38 Nhaatumpa muthayhu this-ONE-TOP end-DET

‘This is the end.’ (Wordick, 1982: 255).

Wordick (1982: 131-132) classifies –mu as an anaphoric clitic in Yindjbarndi

but recognizes that it can be used in a ‘temporal domain’. That is, he states that the

clitic can be used anaphorically to mean ‘previously mentioned’ but can also mean

‘back’, ‘before’ or ‘after’. These temporal uses seem to fit the function that I have

assigned –mu in Kurrama, where the clitic aids in indicating the time frame of a

described event.

For instance, Wordick (1982:131) lists the following Yindjibarndi use of –mu as

expressing ‘before’. It can be interpreted following the formula I have outlined for

Kurrama. In this instance it denotes a time that is not the time of speech but is calculated

in relation to the time of speech; that is, ‘I am not camping there at the time of speech’

but ‘I used to camp there when there wasn’t any water there’.

4.39 Yindjibarndi

Pawa-warrimarta-la-mu ngayi ngarri-marta. water-PRIV-LOC-ANA I lie-HABIT (Wordick, 1982:131) ‘Before when there wasn’t any water there, I used to camp there.’

Wordick (1982: 131) also points out the Yindjibarndi use of –mu on ngarti to

express ngartimu ‘again’. He sees this use of the clitic as expressing ‘back’ and

similarly gives it the same meaning in its replication on palamu-mu ‘long long ago’.

However, as stated previously, the form palamu is not synchronically analyzable but

does appear to be etymologically based on the locative demonstrative *pala plus –mu.

5.4 Negative Particle

The negative particle mirta ‘no/not’ is most often used to negate a predicate that

it precedes. It can be used to negate either verbal or nominal predicates but it can also

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negate regular nominal expressions. I originally also classified the form yurlu as a

negative particle but, with feedback from the examiners, it seems that yurlu is better

classified as a nominal with the meaning ‘none/nothing’.

The following examples illustrate the negation of verbs with mirta. In example

5.40 the particle mirta negates the potential inflected verb yanki-i to express ‘don’t go’.

In this instance mirta immediately precedes the verb. However, this is not always so. In

example 5.41 mirta is not placed immediately adjacent to the verb that it negates; but it

still precedes it. Mirta is always placed before the predicate it negates, although not

always adjacent to this predicate.

5.40 Nyinta-warnu parni-i nhungu, mirta yanki-i nyinta. 2sg.NOM-EMPH5 stay-POT here not go-POT 2sg.NOM "Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere)." (P.480)

5.41 Ngayi wangka-nha-yu, mirta kurta ngayu ngalaarri-nha, 1sg.NOM talk/say-PAST-EMPH4 not very 1sg.ACC forget-PAST wangka-nha thurtapurta. talk/say-PAST straight.away (P.541) 'I spoke to (her), (she) had not forgotten me at all, (she) spoke straight away."

Mirta can also be used to negate a nominal predicate. In the following example

mirta negates the nominal predicate mirnu ‘know’. Note, however, that I am unable

provide an adequate gloss for the later part of this example.

5.42 And he mirta mirnu, mirta mirnu mimi-warri-ngu and s/he not know not know uncle(m.b.)-PRIV-ACC ngawarna marraa-yi thurtu-yu. ? young.brother -TOP4 elder.sister-EMPH4

'And she didn't know. Didn't know that uncle of mine was gone. The younger brother had left the older sister behind.' (P.411)

The following examples illustrate the use of yurlu where it codes the absence of

an entity. In 5.44 the privative nominal suffix –warrimarta is also used to indicate the

lack of an entity (money).

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5.43 Ngayi yurlu murla yurlu. 1sg.NOM no/nothing meat no/nothing 'I have nothing, no meat.' (MD)

5.44 Nhaa nhawu yurlu marnta-warrimarta. this man no/nothing money-PRIV 'This man has nothing, no money.' (MD)

In the following example the speaker (AP) finishes a section of his story, in the

Payarrany narrative, with yurlu. He cuts short his extraneous train of thought

‘ngurnaata-ngu-yu …’ to finalize with this nominal expression.

5.45 An’ ngunhaata thangkat, ngurnaata-ngu-yu….., and there enough there-ABL-EMPH4 ngawu, yurlu-wa ngunhaatu. yes nothing-TOP1 that.one (P.311 – P.313) ‘And, well that's enough of that. From there.....Yes, that's the end/finish of that.'

As previously stated yurlu seems more nominal-like than the particle mirta. It is

not used to negate a verb or nominal predicate. I have no examples where yurlu is

assigned case or nominal suffix marking, in the data, which could indicate it status as a

nominal. However, there is an example of causative derivation of yurlu (which is

presented below). The causative verbaliser is used to derive verb stems from nominals,

and not particles, in Kurrama (see §4.7.2). Wordick (1982: 379) classifies yurlu

‘nothing/none’ as a common noun in Yindjibarndi.

5.46 Ngarrka-ayi ngayi pintuwuyu ngayi-yi, ngarrka-ayi dinner

eat-PERF 1sg:NOM dinner 1sg:NOM-TOP4 eat-PERF dinner

yurlu-ma-rnu ngayarntu-wi. Ngayi yanku-nha nhawu-lu finished-CAUS-REL 1sg:GEN-TOP5 1sg:NOM go-PAST see-PURP

yaayu-warri-ngu-rru. aunty-PRIV-ACC-NOW 'I was eating dinner. So I ate my dinner, finished everything, and I went now to see poor old Aunty. (P.157- P.158) In the following examples 5.47 and 5.48 mirta negates nominal expressions. It

indicates the absence of a fire or anything else in 5.47 and negates the nominal

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palamuntaa ‘old’ in 5.48. Note that example 5.47 is also presented as part of the later

example 5.55 and is discussed further in the footnote appended to 5.55.

5.47 Mirta karla-nyu, mirta ngani-nyu karri-yangu-la. not/no fire-TRUE not/no anything-TRUE stand-REL

'There was no fire at all, and not anything where it (a small spinifex shelter) was standing. (P.197)

5.48 Nhaa-wurtu thurntaarli-nyaa, mirta palamuntaa nganthayi, yalaa kurta. this-EMPH3 leg-ASSOC not old EMPH new very 'These were trousers, not old ones, but very new.' (P.290)

As a last comment, the negative particle mirta is most often placed in clause

initial position. However, the following example illustrates that this is not always so.

Yet, to restate, mirta does always precede the item that it negates but is not necessarily

placed adjacent to it.

5.49 Ngayi-yu mirta nhawu-nha yaayu-warri-ngu ngulaarta-ngu. 1sg:NOM-EMPH not see-PAST aunty-PRIV-ACC thereLOC-ABL ‘I did not see Aunty from there (on).’ (P.380)

5.5 Dubitative Clitic, Truth Clitic, and Truth Particle

The Kurrama dubitative clitic has the form -rra. The Kurrama truth clitic is –nyu

and the truth particle is munti. The dubitative clitic marks the speaker’s uncertainty

about what she, or he, is saying. The truth clitic codes the speaker’s belief in the truth of

what she, or he, is saying. The truth particle also codes the truth of a statement, but it

can also act as a form of intensifier that amplifies the locutionary content of a preceding

expression or statement; somewhat like the English adverb ‘truly’.

In the following examples 5.50 and 5.51 the speaker distances himself, a little,

from what he has been told by others and marks his uncertainty in what he has been told

with the dubitative clitic. In example 5.52 the dubitative clitic marks the speaker’s

uncertainty in what he is recounting.

5.50 Mijirri-ma-rnu-rra parni parraa-mu-yu squashed-CAUS-REL-DUB be.PRES long.time-THEN-EMPH5

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parna-angu murla-ngarli-wu. be/stay-RSLT meat-PL-ACC 'Apparently that squashed goanna meat keeps for a very long time.' (P.095)

5.51 Yanku-nha ngayi murlurru kurta, wurnta-rtkaayi Yalyarra-ngu-yu go-PAST 1sg.NOM straight very come-POT Yalyarra-ACC-EMPH4

wangka-yangaarnu ngunhungat-ku-rra ngurra-yi, pawa-arta. call-PPERF there-ACC-DUB camp-ACC water-ALL ‘I went straight (there) and came to that place called Yalyarra, where the camp was apparently, near water.’ (P.172)

5.52 Murla-ngarli-wu-yu parni-marta, manku-ngu wanyja-warrimarta-rra, meat-PL-ACC-EMPH4 be-HABIT get-REL dog-PRIV-DUB

parna-ayi thaalu-warrimarta-rra, parni-marta mujira-lu-wa be-PERF pet.dog-PRIV-DUB be-HABIT dingo-INSTR-TOP1 kurru-ma-rnaarnu-wu-wi manku-ngu murla-ngarli-wu. dead-CAUS-PPERF-ACC-TOP5 get-REL meat-PL-ACC

‘(She) used to get meat without a dog, apparently. I don't think (she) had a pet. (She) used to get meat that had been killed by a dingo.’ (P.091 - P.092)

In examples 5.53 and 5.54, below, the speaker marks what he believes to be true

with the truth clitic. In 5.55 the speaker uses both the truth clitic and the truth particle to

assert the truth of what he is reporting to have seen.

5.53 Thurntaarli-nyaa mirta kurta ngana-nyu tharrwa-yangu. leg-ASSOC not very someone/anyone-TRUE put.on-REL ‘These trousers no-one at all had worn, it seemed.' (P.294)

5.54 Wantharni-yu yanku-nha, muyirri-nha-nyu kurtkaarri-ngu how-EMPH go-PAST run-PAST-TRUE think-REL

wurnta-rtpunta-wu nganangu. come-MIGHT-ACC someone.ACC

'How could (she) go? (She) surely would have run away had (she) thought someone might come?' (P.514)

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5.55 Mirta karla-nyu, mirta ngani-nyu karri-yangu-la. 26

not/no fire-TRUE not/no anything-TRUE stand-REL-LOC

Yurlu munti, kuyhi-nyu mirta ngani-nyu.Nothing true bone-TRUE not what/anything-TRUE

'There was no fire at all, and not anything where it (a small spinifex shelter) was standing. Nothing at all. There were no bones or anything around.' (P.197 - P.198).

The particle munti in the following examples 5.56 and 5.57 overtly expresses the truth

of a statement.

5.56 Ngayi mirta walawangka ngayi munti wangka

1sg.NOM not lie/speak.wrongly-PRES 1sg.NOM true speak-PRES nyinku. 2sg:ACC 'I am not lying I am telling you the truth.' (MD)

5.57 Ngawu munti pala jurntart. yes(that's.right) true that like.that

‘Yes that's true. It's like that.’ (P.036)

However, in the earlier example 5.55 and in the following example 5.58 the

particle munti not only marks a truth but also acts as an intensifier. In 5.55 it is used

with yurlu to also express ‘(truly) nothing at all’ and in 5.58 is used with purtajirri to

express that the country is ‘truly/very rough’. In 5.59 munti also acts as an intensifier

that asserts a truth.

5.58 Ngaliwu jinawa yanki-i nhaa, purtajirri munti ngurra

1pl.inc.NOM on.foot go-POT this rough true/truly/very country

murtiwarla-wu-yu yanka-angu. car-ACC-EMPH go-RSLT

‘We'll go on foot (from here). This is truly/very rough country for the car to go through.’ (P.508)

26 This example is part of a description of a small camp that was discovered by the speaker. There was barely any sign of it having been occupied. There was no fire place nor bones etc laying about. The locative marking on karri-yangu refers to the location of a small spinifex shelter that was standing in the camp. The shelter was discussed in preceding text.

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5.59 Martkurra munti ngunhaan ngunhaatu. good true/truly/very that that.one 'That's really/truly good, that is.' (P.284)

Wordick (1982: 129, 132-134) also lists the clitics -nyu and –rra as the

Yindjibarndi truth and dubitative clitics respectively. They have the same functions in

Yindjibarndi as they do in Kurrama. Wordick (1982: 312) also lists munti as expressing

‘really/truly’ in Yindjibarndi.

5.6 Intensifier Particle and Clitic

As shown above the truth particle munti can act as an intensifier. However, in

Kurrama, the particle kurta is most often used as an overt single purpose intensifier that

translates best to English as ‘very’ or ‘really’ (or in some instances as ‘at all’). Kurta is

placed after the statement or expression that it intensifies. Some examples follow. Kurta

differs from the emphatic particle and clitics in that it serves to amplify the meaning of

the expression that it modifies (as does the English ‘very’ or ‘really’), whereas the

emphatics add stress to a word or clause so that it is emphasized and stands out (in the

mind of the listener) from the rest of the statement made by the speaker.

In the following example 5.60 the particle kurta is placed immediately after the

expression it intensifies. In examples 5.61 to 5.63 the particle kurta is used to intensify a

negative statement. In each instance in examples 5.61 to 5.63 the intensifier particle is

placed directly after the negatives yurlu or mirta irrespective of where yurlu or mirta are

placed within the negative statement.

5.60 Mathit kurta-wa, majawa-mpa yanku-nha parrii parntaya-rrkaayi.

weak very-TOP1 luckily-TOP7 go/be-PAST whitefella find-PERF

'(She) was very weak (now), but luckily a whitefella found (her).' (P.468)

5.61 Ngayi wangka-nha-yu, mirta kurta ngayu ngalaarri-nha, 1sg.NOM talk/say-PAST-EMPH4 not very 1sg.ACC forget-PAST wangka-nha thurtapurta. talk/say-PAST straight.away

'I spoke to (her), (she) had not forgotten me at all, (she) spoke straight away.’ (P.541)

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5.62 Yurlu kurta-warnu / mirta kurta jurntat. nothing very-EMPH5 not very like.that

‘(It) was really nothing, wasn't really like that.' (P.046)

5.63 But yurlu kurta / yurrama mirta kurta. but nothing very soak not very

'But there was nothing at all, no soak at all.’ (P.180)

I could not find any mention of kurta acting as an intensifier in Wordick (1982).

The corresponding term in Yindjibarndi seems to be parla ‘very’. Wordick (1982: 133

& 140) also lists a Yindjibarndi intensifier clitic -parlu which appears to have

developed from parla. Wordick (1982: 133) lists some examples of the use of the

Yindjibarndi intensifier clitic:

mirta-warlu tyuntaa-parlu yurlu-warlu tyulu-warlu not-INTNS this.way-INTNS nothing-INTNS all-INTNS

‘not at all, never’ ‘always’ ‘nothing at all’ ‘absolutely everything’

There are only two tantalizing glimpses of the use of –warlu in the Kurrama

corpus. First is MD’s use of muntiwarlu to express ‘really true, exactly how’. The

second is a single use by AP in the Payarrany narrative; as follows:

5.64 Ngurriny-murntu-la-wa ngula mirriji-murntu-la, ngunhaatu wanu

swag-CONJ-LOC-TOP1 there rope-CONJ-LOC that.one crowbar

wanarra-wathu-yu kupijaa, an’ ngulaarta-yu mutha-ngka-yu long-DIM-EMPH4 thin and there.LOC-EMPH end-LOC-EMPH4

parni-yangu-la-mu warla-wurraa-la-yu parni-yangu-la be-REL-LOC-THEN heel-TOWARDS-LOC-EMPH4 be-REL-LOC jankaa-rnaarnu-warlu wirrumurntaa nganila pawa-nyaa waterbag tie.up-PPERF-very old thing water-ASSOC waterbag wangka-nguli. call-PASS.PRES 'And there where the swag was tied up, there was a longer crowbar. It was quite thin. And there on the end, towards the heel end really tied up, was an old what-cha-ma-callit, waterbag.' (P.221 - P.222)

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5.7 Order of Placement in a Clitic Sequence

More than one clitic can occur on a host word. In the Kurrama corpus sequences

of three or more clitics are rare but sequences of two clitics are relatively common.

These sequences of clitics are ‘flat’ structures where there is no concentric scoping.

That is, a sequence of clitics may all have scope over the same syntactic unit and the

order of the clitics is not really meaningful. A preceding clitic is not necessarily

included in the scope of a following clitic. Yet, there appears to be a preferred order in

which some clitics are placed on a host. Some of the Kurrama clitics frequently occur in

sequences on a host while some rarely do. The following Table 5.3 lists the preferred

order of placement of those Kurrama clitics that frequently occur in sequences.

Table 5.3 Relative order of clitics that are frequently used in a sequence -mu THEN

-pa TOP2 -mpa TOP7

-wurtu EMPH3

-wa TOP1

-yu EMPH4 -yi TOP4

-warnu EMPH5

The list of preferred clitic order in Table 5.3 was determined by comparing a

sample of differing clitic sequences from the Payarrany narrative. If a clitic A is placed

after a clitic B in one sequence but before a clitic C in another sequence then the clitic

order that is presented in Table 5.3 is: B A C. As stated, sequences of three or more

clitics are rare so the order of clitics in Table 5.3 is determined mostly from a

comparison of differing two clitic sequences. Note that situations do not arise where all

of the clitics listed in Table 5.3 occur together on a single host.

The clitics listed in Table 5.3 occur frequently in the corpus and appear often in

varying sequences. However, there are a number of clitics whose preferred order of

placement is difficult to determine because they appear most often on their own in the

corpus, or appear rarely overall, or appear in only a small number of sequences. These

clitics are presented in the following Table 5.4 where the frequency of their use alone

and with other clitics is listed.

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Table 5.4 Clitics rarely used or used alone in the test sample

Clitic Frequency alone

Frequency with other clitics

Clitics it precedes Clitics it follows

-ja TOP6

0 1 Precedes -wu

-ju EMPH1

7 1 Precedes -warnu

-l THEN

2 0

-nta or –rnta INTRRG

10

5

Follows -wa thrice

Follows once each -pa and -wu

-nyu TRUE

12 1 Follows -wu

-rra DUB

8 7 Precedes -wa five times

Follows –wa once

Follows –mpa once

-rru NOW

5 1 Follows -yu

-thu TOP3

1 2 Follows -wa twice

-waa or -yaa SEMBL

5 0

-wi TOP5

2 0

-wu EMPH2

8 2 Precedes -nta Follows -ja

The total frequency of all of the clitics used in the test sample from which

Tables 5.3 and 5.4 are compiled has not been calculated. However, the frequencies in

Table 5.4 can be compared with the number of times that the clitics –yu and –wa are

used in the test sample. In the test sample –yu appeared alone 89 times and occurred

with other clitics 46 times. While in the same sample –wa appeared alone 80 times and

occurred with other clitics 37 times.

It should be noted that the topicaliser clitic –yi (listed in Table 5.3) does not

occur at all in a sequence with –yu or –warnu in the test sample, but does follow –mpa

or –wa. And, in each of the eight times that the emphatic clitic –ju (listed in Table 5.4)

is used in the test sample it is added to a demonstrative host that ends in /t/.

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Also of note are the two distinct uses of -pa in the test sample. As stated earlier,

it can be used as a topicaliser clitic or it can be used as an empty morpheme that breaks

up syllable clusters that are not permitted in Kurrama. When it acts as an empty

morpheme, in the test sample, it is most often added to a demonstrative host that ends in

/t/ to enable further addition of the topicaliser clitic –mpa. Phonological constraints, in

Kurrama, do not allow the addition of the clitic –mpa directly onto a host ending in /t/.

In the test sample –pa was used as an empty morpheme 23 times and as a topicaliser

clitic 14 times.

Wordick (1982: 129) also notes an ‘order of attachment’ of the Yindjibarndi

clitics on a host. He states, ‘to the best of my knowledge, this ordering is never

violated’. The following Table 5.5 itemizes the order of Yindjibarndi clitic attachment;

a clitic higher on the list precedes one lower on the list (Wordick, 1982: 129).

Note that in Table 5.5 Wordick (1982: 129) includes in the first grouping of ‘0th

order clitics’ some clitics that I have classified as nominal or verbal suffixes in

Kurrama. Wordick’s definition of a Yindjibarndi clitic is: ‘a clitic is a kind of word

ending, which has the ability to attach itself to indeclineables (as well as nominals) and

to transform free nouns, pronouns and verb stems into indeclineables’. An indeclineable

is seen by Wordick (1982: 78) as a class of words which do not decline and will only

accept clitics and not suffixes. The addition of a clitic to a host turns the host into an

indeclineable; it can only accept more clitics but not suffixes. It was shown in §2.6 that

the objective/accusative marker also cannot be followed by further suffix marking in

Kurrama. Similarly instrumental marking also blocks further suffix marking in

Kurrama, but Wordick (1982) does not seem to note this for Yindjibarndi. The other

markers listed in the Yindjibarndi ‘0th

order clitics’ also do not seem to accept further

suffix marking in Kurrama. Although a Ø-class present tense marker is ‘followed’ by a

locative t-complementiser in the later example 7.10 in §7.1.1.2.

There are two Yindjibarndi clitics listed in Table 5.5 that I have not discussed.

The sequence clitic –purtaa and the contrast clitic –rtu. These clitics are not used in the

Kurrama corpus. The sequence clitic is defined by Wordick (1982: 133) as expressing

‘turn’ as in ‘your turn’. Wordick (1982: 134) reports that the contrast clitic ‘indicates

contrast between the word to which it is attached and some other one, which is not

always stated’.

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Table 5.5 Order of attachment of Yindjibarndi clitics

Form Classification Where discussed

0 -ku, -yi Objective case markers §2.2.2 -ku, -Ø Present tense markers §4.5.1 -nha, -rna, -na Classifiers / Past tense markers §2.4.6 & §4.5.2 -tu, -rru, -rtu One §5.3 1 -mpa Topic clitic §5.2 -mu Anaphoric clitic §5.3 -nta Interrogative clitic §5.8 & §6.9.1 -nyu Truth clitic §5.5 -parlu Intensifier §5.6 -purtaa Sequence clitic this section 2 -purtu Categorial clitic §5.1 -rra Dubitative clitic §5.5 -rtu Contrast clitic this section 3 -pa Emphatic clitic §5.1 4 -yhu, (-yu) Determiner §5.1 -yi Deictic clitic §5.2

(From Wordick, 1982: 129).

A Yindjibarndi example of the use of the sequence clitic allomorph –wurtaa,

taken from Wordick’s (1982: 225) texts follows:

5.65 Yindjibarndi

Wangka-nha, “Nyinta-wurtaa yirrama-kayi”. say-PAST you-TURN sing-POT ‘Then (he) said, “It’s your turn to sing”.

Following is an example of the Yindjibarndi use of the contrast clitic –rtu

presented by Wordick (1982: 135):

5.66 a. Yindjbarndi

Nyinta kanytya-ku ngaarnrtu ngamayi-u? You have-PRES my tobacco-OBJ ‘Do you have my tobacco?’

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5.66 b. Yindjibarndi

Mirta! Ngayi kanytya-ku ngaarnrtu-u-mpa-rtu ngamayi-u. No I have-PRES my-OBJ-TOP-CONTRA tobacco-OBJ ‘No! I have my own tobacco. (Wordick, 1982: 135)

5.8 Concluding Remarks

I have compared the clitics and particles that are used in the Kurrama corpus

with those discussed for Yindjibarndi by Wordick (1982). However, there are two clitics

used in the Kurrama corpus that have not been discussed; the interrogative clitic and the

semblative clitic. These clitics are examined in some detail in other chapters within this

thesis. The interrogative clitic is discussed in §6.9.1 and the semblative clitic is

discussed in §2.7. In summary, the interrogative clitic is used in the formation of polar

interrogative sentences that can be answered, at their simplest, with yes or no; while the

semblative clitic codes an entity as something that someone or something resembles.

The frequency with which certain clitics are used in a text will depend on the

speaker and the type of text. The Kurrama interrogative and semblative clitics were used

sparingly in the test sample taken from the Payarrany narrative. As shown in Table 5.2,

in the test sample the interrogative clitic was used 15 times while the semblative clitic

was used 5 times. This can be compared with the use of the emphatic clitic –yu which

occurred 135 times in the same test sample and the topicaliser clitic –wa which occurred

117 times.

In all, the functions of the Kurrama emphatic clitics and the topicaliser clitics are

not properly understood and require further investigation. However, further research in

Kurrama may prove to be difficult but research into Yindjibarndi could be productive.

An understanding of the functions of clitics and particles is difficult to gain just from an

examination of texts. But perhaps discussion with a number of different speakers about

the functions of the clitics and particles used in a range of Yindjibarndi texts may prove

to be fruitful; especially if the speakers can also provide other illustrative examples.

Yet, further research into the use of clitics and particles, in either Yindjibarndi or

Kurrama, will still prove to be challenging.

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6. SIMPLE SENTENCES

There are a number of different clause and sentence types used in the Kurrama

corpus. The list below itemises the main sentence types that I have identified. In this

chapter I examine the simple sentences and then in Chapter 7 I discuss the complex

sentences.

Simple sentences Complex sentences

1. Non-verbal clauses 1. Relative clauses

2. Copula constructions 2. Consequential/ Progressive clauses

3. Active declaratives 3. Purpose and Result clauses

4. Part-whole constructions 4. Might/Lest clauses

5. Secondary Predications 5. Clausal Complements

6. Passive constructions

7. Imperative constructions

8. Commands

9. Questions

10. Collective clauses

Except for the construction of non-verbal clauses, the production of each of the

verbal sentence types, listed above, mainly involves two processes: 1.) the verbs in each

sentence type are assigned specific verbal TAM inflections (and sometimes derivational

suffixes); and 2.) the arguments of the verbs in each sentence type are assigned specific

case or nominal suffixes. Therefore the marking of the verb and its arguments in each of

the Kurrama simple sentence types, and the functions of this marking, is the main focus

of the discussion in this chapter; but first I examine the features of non-verbal clauses.

6.1 Non-Verbal Clauses

There are two main types of non-verbal clause used in Kurrama (and

Yindjibarndi). The first non-verbal clause type is an ‘ascriptive’ non-verbal clause

which is made up of two nominal expressions, where one nominal expression acts as a

subject/topic and the other expression acts as a predicate/comment. The second type of

non-verbal clause, used in Kurrama (and Yindjibarndi), is made up of a nominal

predicate that selects both a subject NP and an accusative marked complement NP.

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Dench (1991: 183; 1995: 205) reports that both of these non-verbal clause types are also

used in the neighbouring languages Panyjima and Martuthunira. Discussion and

examples of the Kurrama use of each of these non-verbal types follows.

6.1.1 Ascriptive Non-Verbal Clauses

The following examples illustrate ascriptive non-verbal clauses which involve

two nominal expressions: a subject/topic and a predicate/comment. Also, included in

this section are some examples of equative and locational clauses which differ a little

from the standard ascriptive forms.

The following ascriptive non-verbal clauses contain an unmarked nominal

predicate that ascribes a property to its subject.

6.1 Nhaa / waji. this.(near) bad 'This (is) bad!' (P.318)

6.2 Ngunhaa mangkurla / kupija. that.(far.aug) child little/small 'That child (is) small.' (MD)

6.3 Yalaa munti-wa / ngunhaatu new true-TOP1 that.one 'That one (is) really/truly new.’ (P.292)

6.4 Wirru-yu / ngungkumarta // wirru-yu / wangkarn. Other-EMPH4 heavy other-EMPH4 light 'One (was) heavy, one (was) light.' (P.239)

In the following example of an ascriptive non-verbal clause the nominal

predicate is assigned a genitive form to indicate that an (alienable) possessive

relationship exists between the predicate and the NP subject.

6.5 Ngaliyampurraarntu / ngunha jarta 1pl.exc.GEN that old.woman ‘That old lady (is) one of our people/belongs to us.’ (P.532)

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The nominal predicate in an ascriptive non-verbal clause can also be inflected

with other nominal suffixes, which have an adnominal function, to identify a specific

relationship that holds between the predicate and its subject. This can include locative,

associative, and dweller/denizen marking, as illustrated below. The comitative marker

could probably be used in place of the locative marker in example 6.6.

6.6 Kurryarta-la yini / juju-ngarli. Spear-LOC only old.man-PL 'The old men only had a spear.' (AP)

6.7 Nhaat-pa-mpa nyirtiyunu / pura-nyungu-yu. thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 poor.fellow bush-DWELL-EMPH4 ‘This poor fellow lives in the bush.' (P.131)

6.8 Nhaa-yu / purtu-nyaa ; nhaa wara. this-EMPH4 chest-ASSOC this cloth 'This was a shirt (associated with chest); this cloth.’ (P.297)

Some ascriptive non-verbal clauses in Kurrama may have the features of an

equative clause where the nominal predicate is the name or expression by which the

nominal subject of the clause is specifically identified. The following is a simple

example of this where the person’s name is recognized as being inalienably possessed

and is related to the subject by a nominative pronoun and not a genitive pronoun.

6.9 Maudie-nha / ngayi yini. Nyinta yini / Piita-nha. Maudie-SPEC 1sg.NOM name 2sg.NOM name Peter-SPEC ‘My name (is) Maudie. Your name (is) Peter.' (MD)

The ascriptive non-verbal clause below also has the features of an equative clause.

6.10 Nhaa-mpa / wirrwi thalu-yi ngurra-yu. this-TOP7 wind sacred.increase.rite-TOP4 site/place-EMPH4

‘This (is) the wind thalu site.’ (AP)

Further, some Kurrama ascriptive non-verbal clauses may have the properties of

a locational clause where the nominal predicate identifies the location of its subject.

Nominals and demonstratives that are inherently locative, or compass terms, can be

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used in this type of clause, but more often a locative marked NP is used; as illustrated

by the following examples.

6.11 Paru maru / marnta-ngka.

hill.spinifex mob/many hill -LOC

'A lot of spinifex (is) on the hill.’ (MD)

6.12 Warnaa-ngarli-la / ngunhangat-pa-mpa janku-wuyha-yu. brother-PL-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 sibling-DUAL-EMPH4 ‘Those two siblings (were) in amongst/with all the brothers.' (P.060)

Although there are no tense, aspect or mood (TAM) inflections used in

ascriptive non-verbal clauses the addition of the temporal clitic –mu on the following

nominal predicate wirta-wuyha, in example 6.13, illustrates that a measure of temporal

reference can be given to a Kurrama non-verbal clause. Temporal adjuncts can also

provide a temporal ‘setting’ within an ascriptive non-verbal clause.

6.13 Ngaliya / wirta-wuyha-mu 1du.exc.NOM youth/young.man-DUAL-THEN 'We two (were) young fellas, then.' (P.016)

6.1.2 Non-Verbal Clauses That Have Accusative Complements

In Kurrama, a non-verbal clause may also be made up of a nominal predicate

that selects an accusative marked nominal complement as well as a nominal subject.

There are three types of nominal predicate that behave this way; simple predicate

nominals, kin or relationship terms, and some common ascriptive nominals. Discussion

and examples of each follow.

Simple predicate nominals that denote a psychological state, such as mirnu

‘know’, waa ‘fear’, and purtpi ‘want’, can select accusative complements. Some

examples follow. In these examples the predicate nominals code the psychological

states ‘know’ and ‘want’, and the themes of these predicates (that which is ‘known’ or

‘wanted’) are marked accusative.

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6.14 Ngayi mirnu [ ngani-i ngurnat-ku ]. 1sg.NOM know what-ACC thatDEF-ACC ‘I know what that (is)!’ (P.265)

6.15 Mirnu ngartarra [ ngayu ]. know still 1sg.ACC '(She) still knew me.’ (P.544)

6.16 Ngayi mirnu [ ngurnu ngurra-yi wanthila-wu ], 1sg:NOM know that.ACC camp-ACC where-ACC mirnu kurta [ Yalyarra-ngu wanthila-wu ]. know very Yalyarra-ACC where-ACC 'I knew where that camp was. (I) knew where it must be at Yalyarra.' (P.167)

6.17 Ngayi purtpi [ murla–yi ]. 1sg:NOM want meat -ACC 'I want (some) meat.' (MD)

6.18 Mangkurla [ piwi- i ] purtpi. child nipple/breast/milk-ACC want 'The child wants breast/milk.' (MD)

Kin or relationship terms within a non-verbal clause can also select accusative

complements. In these situations, the subject of the clause is the one to whom the kin or

relationship term is assigned and the accusative complement refers to the one who

‘possesses’ or is related to this kin.

6.19 Nhaa nhawu papu [ kuyharra-wu manyka-yi]. this man father two-ACC son-ACC

‘This man is the father of two sons.’ (MD)

6.20 Kurri, ngayi [ nyinku] ngangka. young.girl 1sg.NOM 2sg.ACC mother 'Girl, I am mother to you.' (MD) 6.21 Nhaa [ ngurnu nhawu-u ] nyupa.

this that.ACC man-ACC spouse/girlfriend

'This one is spouse/girlfriend to that man.' (MD)

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Some common nominal predicates can also select an accusative complement. In

these situations the nominal predicate ascribes a property to the subject of the clause and

this property holds for the situation, or point of view, of the referent of the accusative

complement; as follows:

6.22 Wala jami martkurra [ ngarnta-yi ]. that medicine good sore/wound-ACC

'That bush medicine is good for sores.' (MD)

6.23 Kari maru paja [ nyinku ]. grog mob/many no.good/not.right 2sg.ACC

‘Too much grog is bad for you.’ (MD)

6.24 Nhaa karnti [ malu-u ] wapa. this tree shade-ACC good

‘This tree is good for shade.’ (MD)

In summary, the accusative suffix is most often used to automatically mark the

non-subject core argument of a predicate in Kurrama. This is most evident in the

marking of the objects of regular primary transitive verbs (such as, wanpi ‘hit’ and

wirnta ‘cut’). It was shown in this section that nominal predicates that describe a

psychological state, and kinship/relationship nominals acting as 2 place predicates, also

select accusative marked core complements.

Yet, it was shown in §2.2.2 that the accusative marker can have uses other than

marking a core argument of a predicate. For instance, it can mark an (optional)

beneficiary or goal and also marks not only the direct object of an active ditransitive

verb but also the indirect object. It was further illustrated in this section that some

common nominal predicates (that ascribe a property to an unmarked subject) can also

select accusative marked complements. Dative marking would often be applied to each

of these non-core arguments in many ergative Pama-Nyungan languages. The use of

accusative marking of non-core arguments in Kurrama therefore seems to be a relic of

the use of the old dative from earlier times. There is, however, an observable trend that

applies to the broad uses of accusative marking in Kurrama which further explains why

it is used on the complements of some common nominal predicates (and on other non-

core arguments).

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It can be argued that common nominals that ascribe a property to their subject

are assigned an accusative marked complement (and goals and beneficiaries are marked

accusative) through an apparent notion of ‘affectedness’ that can be applied to all uses

of the accusative in Kurrama. That is, transitive objects and the accusative complements

of nominal psych-predicates and kinship/relationship nominals typically convey a sense

of being acted upon or affected in some way. Also, accusative marked beneficiary and

goal arguments imply a sense of someone or something being affected. This notion also

seems to apply to the choice of using accusative marking of the complements of some

common nominals (which ascribe a property to an unmarked subject); they too convey a

sense of affectedness. That is, in these instances, the referent of the accusative

complement is affected in some way by the property coded by the common nominal

predicate (adapted from Dench, 1995: 66-71).

6.2 Copula Clauses

Kurrama does not have any verb forms that have a strictly copula function alone.

Instead, several intransitive verbs from the zero conjugation class, which usually have a

‘stance’ meaning, can be used as copula verbs in Kurrama. The ‘stance’ verb parni is

often used as a copula and has the meanings ‘sit’, ‘stop’, ‘stay’ and ‘live’ as well as the

copula function ‘be’. Two other zero conjugation ‘stance’ verbs karri (‘stand’, ‘stop’

and ‘stay’) and ngarrwi / ngarri27

(‘lie’, ‘stop’ and ‘stay’) can also act as copula verbs

but are used less frequently. There are, also, some instances in the Kurrama corpus

where the zero conjugation verb yanku ‘go’ acts as a copula. In this section the use of

yanku as a copula verb is examined after the copula functions of parni, karri, and

ngarrwi / ngarri are discussed.

Of the verbs that can have a copula function in Kurrama it is the verb parni

which acts most like a true copula. It can be used as a relatively semantically ‘empty’

means of bringing tense, aspect and mood to an otherwise verbless clause. The other

two ‘stance’ verbs karri and ngarrwi/ngarri usually retain some of their core semantic

meaning when used in a copula construction. That is, the use of karri or ngarrwi/ngarri

as a copula verb usually conveys the physical dimensions or ‘stance’ orientation of the 27 In the Kurrama corpus the two forms ngarri and ngarrwi are both used to express

‘lie/stop/stay’ and ‘be’. Algy Paterson most often uses ngarrwi and Maudie Dowton most often uses ngarri. Wordick (1982: 318) cites ngarri as the form used in Yindjibarndi. See also §1.7.3.

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subjects of these verbs in a copula clause. For instance, subjects that have a horizontal

orientation, such as rivers and plains, will tend to select the ‘lie’ copula ngarrwi/ngarri;

while subjects with a vertical orientation, such as trees or cliffs, will tend to select the

‘stand’ copula karri.

Presented below are some examples of parni acting as a semantically empty

copula. Then following this are some examples of karri and ngarrwi/ngarri which most

often retain some of their ‘stance’ meaning when used as a copula.

6.25 Jilirra-wayhu ngunha parni-nha jurnta-wa… big-DIM that be-PAST like.that-TOP1 'It was sort of big, like that...' (P.324)

6.26 Nhaa-wurtu blanket parni ngartarra. this-EMPH blanket be.PRES again 'Here was this blanket again.' (P.231) 6.27 Nhaat -pa-mpa ngayi-yu parni -ngu thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.NOM-EMPH4 be-REL '(Yes), this is me (lit: ‘this I be’)’ (P.027) 6.28 Ngayi kurtkaarri-ngu parni-nha 28

1sg.NOM think-REL be-PAST

'I thought about that.' (P.165)

In some of the examples above it is possible to interpret parni as conveying its

meaning ‘sit’, such as in 6.28 for example, but interpreting parni as the dummy copula

‘be’ yields a more apt translation overall. Following are some simple examples of the

copula use of karri and ngarri provided by Maudie Dowton. They illustrate the

selection of a copula that corresponds to the ‘stance’ orientation of its subject.

6.29 Wanarra karnti karri

long/tall tree stand.PRES 'The tree is/stands tall' (MD)

28 It is possible that parni-nha has an aspectual function like the English progressive ‘be’ in this example. That is, a possible translation of 6.28 could be – ‘I was thinking about that’. This deserves investigation in further research; see also §4.5.9.3.

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6.30 Thampi wuntu ngarri wide river/creek lie.down.PRES 'The river is/lies wide.' (MD)

In the following example 6.31 karri is translated as having a copula function but

it also implicitly conveys its meaning ‘stand’. The speaker has come upon his Granny

and is standing behind her when he speaks to her. In example 6.32 the verb karri is best

translated as having a copula function alone rather than also conveying a ‘stance’

meaning. That is, a translation such as: ‘those others stood

out on clear ground in a car’

is unlikely; the subjects are sitting in the car even though the car itself is ‘standing out

on clear ground’. The use of ngarrwi in example 6.33 can be translated equally as ‘lie’

or ‘be’.

6.31 “Ngawu, kantharri. Nhaat-pa-mpa ngayi karri-ngu.” yes granny thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg:NOM be/stand -REL "Yes, Granny. This is me.” (P.418-419)

6.32 Nhungkurtu karri warni-ngka-mu murtiwarla-la-yi those be/stand.PRES clear.ground-LOC-THEN car-LOC-ACC

‘Those others are out on clear ground, in the car.’ (P.109)

6.33 ..ngunhaat-pa-mpa ngayarntu ngurriny-ngarli ngarrwi thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg:GEN swag-PL be/lie.PRES 'My swag and everything is/lies there.' (P.164)

Of course, it should be noted here that each of these ‘stance’ verbs can also be

used in other contexts where they do not act as a copula at all and instead code only

their ‘stance’ meanings alone.

There are some instances, in the Kurrama data, where the motion verb yanku

‘go’ also acts as a copula. In these instances yanku acts like the copula use of puni ‘go’

in Martuthunira as reported by Dench (1995: 212-213). Dench (1995: 213) states that in

Martuthunira the restricted use of puni as a copula in conjunction with an ascriptive

predicate does not code the movement of ‘going’ by the verb’s subject but instead

indicates that an ascribed state will be maintained while the subject performs other

actions. The use of yanku in the following Kurrama example 6.34 exhibits this pattern.

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In example 6.34 the privative marked yanku ‘go’ does not indicate the negation of

movement or motion. Instead, the privative marked yanku acts as a negative copula

which is juxtaposed with the nominal predicate waa to denote the ascribed state ‘don’t

be frightened’. This ‘state’ is to be maintained so that the subject can carry out the

actions of ‘stopping to talk’.

6.34 Wangka-yinyjarri-i kantharri nyinta-yu talk-COLL-POT granny 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 waa yanku-warri ngayi nhaat-ju. fear/frightened go/be-PRIV-PRES 1sg.NOM thisDEF-EMPH1 ‘(Stop and) talk Granny, don't you be frightened, this is just me (it's just me).' (P.127)

The verb yanku also acts as a copula in the following example 6.35 (in the

potential inflected form yanki-i). Its use here in conjunction with the privative marked

wirrwi ‘wind’ denotes a situation where there will be

‘no wind’ for three days while the

subjects wait for the wind to start to ‘blow’. The subjects have just performed a wind

making ritual/rite and are camped, waiting, at a waterhole near a wind making site.

Yanku, in this situation, does not code motion or movement by the subjects; they are

camped waiting for the wind to start up.

6.35 Jarrwurti-la yanki-i karrwu-ngka-yi ngaliwu wirrwi-warrimarta. three-LOC go/be-POT sun-LOC-TOP4 1pl.inc.NOM wind-PRIV

'For three days we will be without wind.' (AP)

6.3 Active Declarative Clauses

Active declarative clauses are the most common verbal clause type used in the

Kurrama corpus. At its simplest an active declarative is a verbal clause that asserts or

reports information in the form of a statement. Active declaratives can occur as either

independent or subordinate clauses and are distinct from passive declarative clauses

which have a differing structure (see §6.6). In the Kurrama corpus, the verb in an

independent active declarative clause is most often inflected with a past tense suffix

(because the data is mostly from narratives about past events) but present, potential,

perfective or habitual marking is also possible. Specific subordinate verb inflections,

such as the purpose, result and the RELative inflections, form subordinate clause types

that differ a little from the basic declarative form; but the perfective, potential and

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habitual inflections are used in the formation of subordinate clauses that do retain the

basic active declarative structure. Subordinate clause constructions are discussed in

Chapter 7 and passive constructions are discussed in §6.6. Some simple examples of

independent active declaratives follow.

In examples 6.36 to 6.39 the constituent order in the active declaratives varies

but the agent or actor arguments select nominative case and the theme or patient

arguments select accusative case. Example 6.40 illustrates a ditransitive active

declarative where the theme and the recipient arguments are both assigned accusative

case. 6.36 Ngayi nhawu-nha ngurriny-ku

1sg.NOM see-PAST swag-ACC 'I saw/spotted the swag. ' (P.208)

6.37 Nhawu-Ø nhawu-nha kurri-i Man-NOM see-PAST young.girl-ACC 'The man saw the girl.' (MD)

6.38 Parntaya-rna-wa ngayi ngurra-yi. find-PAST-TOP1 1sg.NOM camp-ACC 'I'd found the camp.' (P.203)

6.39 Yawarta-wu janka-rna ngayi. horse-ACC tie-PAST 1sg.NOM ‘I tied up the horse.' (P.211)

6.40 Pungkanyu-Ø ngayu yungku-nha martumirri-i

woman-NOM 1sg.ACC give-PAST bread/damper -ACC

'The woman gave me damper.’ (MD)

In the following examples spatial and temporal NP adjuncts are added to an independent

active declarative clause.

6.41 Yaayu-warri-nha ngunhungat purlu-ngka

aunty-PRIV-SPEC there above-LOC mijularri-nha tharra-ngka kupija-la hide-PAST cave-LOC little-LOC 'Old Aunty was there up above hiding in a little cave.’ (P.109)

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6.42 Well, juju-ngarli-Ø nhaa wirrumu-mu-yu, yala nganthayi, well old.man-PL-NOM this long.ago-THEN-EMPH4 now also yurrama-ma-tkayi ngunyji murruwa-arta-la… soak-CAUS-POT thereNV up.stream-ALL-LOC

'Well, the old people once upon a time, and now too, would make a soak there, up stream.. (to get clean clear water).’ (P.179)

6.3.1 Constituent Order in Active Declarative Main Clauses

The following Table 6.1 lists the frequencies of constituent order of the subject

(S), object (O) and verb (V) within a sample of a hundred active declarative main

clauses. The clause sample is taken from a section of text within Algy Paterson’s

Payarrany narrative. The constituent order frequencies include those of both transitive

and intransitive clauses. The most frequent constituent order for transitive clauses is

SVO and for intransitive clauses is SV. Although not counted and presented in the

tallies below, I located 3 instances of object ellipsis in transitive clauses (that had a SV

order) when examining another section of the narrative.

Table 6.1 Constituent order in a sample of 100 active declarative main clauses SOV SVO VSO VOS OSV OVS VO

ellipsed S

OV ellipsed S

Total

Transitive 9 29 4 1 1 2 13 5 64

SV VS V ellipsed S

Total

Intransitive 29 4 3 36

Because there are varying constituent orders in the table presented above this

suggests that Kurrama is a ‘free’ word order language; even though there is a preference

for SVO and SV. Indeed, the ordering of the constituents in a Kurrama clause does not

determine the grammatical relations within the clause. However, as shown (for instance)

by Simpson and Mushin (2008) in narratives from four Australian languages (Warlpiri,

Nyangumarta, Garrwa and Jiwarli), there are some general pragmatic principles that

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appear to determine constituent order within the make up of declarative clauses used in

Indigenous Australian narratives. Clause initial position usually contains pragmatically

important or prominent information that is brought first to the listener’s attention. The

ordering preferences for the rest of the clause are then affected by this choice of clause

initial information. Typically, new information, re-established information, contrastive

information and scene setting elements are placed clause initial.

In the Payarrany narrative the placement of a constituent in clause initial

position marks it as being the most pragmatically important and/or prominent

constituent in the clause. Ellipsed arguments in a clause usually involve recoverable old,

given or less ‘newsworthy’ information. Alternatively, overt subject arguments placed

clause initial describe actors or agents who may be new or reintroduced to the

Payarrany story or otherwise play a prominent role in a specified event or action. Those

verbs that do appear first in clauses (from the Payarrany story) most often have an

ellipsed subject, but they can be placed clause initial before an overt subject and/or

object. These clause initial verbs typically describe a prominent new or contrastive

action that is carried out by the narrative’s participants. The placement of an object in

clause initial position conveys the prominence of its referent’s role in the action being

undertaken. If the speaker wishes to place the object in greater prominence it can be

placed in nominative position by use of a passive voice construction (see §6.6).

Ellipsis of a verb in Kurrama is rare. Even though they don’t appear in non-

verbal clauses, verbs are usually required to overtly describe an event or action. Ellipsis

of object arguments in Kurrama transitive clauses is relatively infrequent; even though

they are usually given a position of lesser prominence in a clause. Overt object

arguments are somewhat necessary to the locutionary content of a transitive clause. That

is, the action or event denoted by a transitive verb is better described, and understood,

when the object on which it acts is overtly presented with the verb. An ellipsed subject

can often be inferred from the context in which an active transitive clause occurs but an

overt object completes the description of a transitive act. That is, ‘something happens to

something’ not ‘something happens to (blank)’.

The subject and object arguments in a Kurrama clause are mostly realized by

common nominals, proper names, nominal phrases, pronominals and demonstratives

acting with a pronominal function. In the Payarrany narrative each of these differing

manifestations of subject and object behave much the same. The Kurrama pronominals

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(and demonstratives) acting as subjects or objects behave in the same manner as do the

other nominals. In his telling of the Payarrany narrative AP often uses the first person

nominative pronominal ngayi as the subject of an active declarative main clause when

describing his own actions. AP does frequently place this pronominal subject in

prominent clause initial position but occasionally places it in middle or final position. In

these varying positions the pronominal subject may be placed before or after the verb

and need not be placed adjacent to that verb.

However, there are some elements that do naturally occur, most often, in clause

initial position in Kurrama. These include the interrogative pronominals and locationals,

the negative particle mirta, and some demonstratives used to link the clauses in a

narrative (such as ngunhangaata-ngu ‘from that time’ or ngartimu ‘then/next/again’).

These elements are given initial prominence in a Kurrama clause because they provide a

‘focus’ for the clause or a ‘point of departure’ from which the clause begins. That is, the

interrogatives introduce a question, the negative particle sets up a contrasting negative

clause, and some (conjunction) demonstratives provide not only a link with a previous

clause or sentence but also set the scene for what is to follow.

6.4 Part - Whole Constructions

There are two main ways of expressing possession in Kurrama. These two

patterns can be identified as alienable and inalienable possession. The distinction

between alienable and inalienable possession varies across Australia’s languages, and is

somewhat language specific but, most often, an alienable possession is viewed as being

separate from its possessor and not an inherent part of that possessor. Whereas, as stated

by Wordick (1982: 143), inalienable possession ‘is based upon the premise that

something which is part of something else is that something else’ and, therefore, is

inseparable from that something else and cannot be possessed by it. For instance, a

person’s parents, a person’s house, or a person’s pet are all alienable possessions; while

a person’s body parts or name are inalienable ‘possessions’.

Alienable possession is usually indicated, in Kurrama, by genitive inflection of

an expression that describes the possessor of an alienable possession (see §2.4.1).

However, although used less often, alienable possession can also be coded, in Kurrama,

by comitative marking (§2.4.2) and by use of the verb kanyja-R ‘to have’.

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Yet, to restate, inalienable possession is most often represented by a whole-part

relationship. In an inalienable whole-part relationship, a part is viewed as being

inseparable from the whole, and is therefore not possessed by that whole. That is, the

part and the whole are the same entity. As stated by Blake (1987: 95) most of the

examples of whole-part relationships in the Australian literature are of humans or

animals and their body parts. For instance, whole-part relationships include a man and

his arm, or a dog and its tail, or a bird and its wing etc. Blake (1987: 95) also states that,

in many Australian languages, inalienable ‘parts’ can also ‘typically include one’s

name, footprints, soul, shadow and substances emanating from the body such as blood,

tears and faeces’. All of these possibilities are found in Kurrama as, also, are whole-part

relationships that involve inanimate entities; such as: a river and its banks, a tree and its

leaves, and a cave in a hill.

In the Kurrama corpus a whole-part relationship is most often expressed by

adjacent placement of the whole NP and the part NP (in either order), and by marking

both the whole and the part NPs with the same case or nominal inflection; as the

following examples illustrate.

6.43 Nhawu purri-rna kurtka-yi wanyja-yi. man pull-PAST ear-ACC dog-ACC 'The man pulled the dog's ear.' (MD)

6.44 Warlupi wanpi-rna kurri-i jirli-i. boy hit-PAST girl-ACC arm/upper.arm-ACC ‘The boy hit the girl’s arm.' (MD)

6.45 Pungkanyu kurri-i yurrurn-ku winta-rna. woman girl-ACC hair-ACC cut-PAST 'The woman cut the girl's hair.' (MD) 6.46 Ngayi nhawu-rna nhawu-u malu-u. 1sg.NOM see-PAST man-ACC shadow-ACC ‘I saw the man's shadow.’ (MD)

In the following examples the person, denoted by a pronoun, and her/his

inalienable name or ‘parts’ are both in nominative case. They are in an inalienable

relation and do not select alienable genitive marking.

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6.47 Maudie-nha ngayi yini. Nyinta yini Piita-nha. Maudie-SPEC 1sg.NOM name. 2sg.NOM name Peter-SPEC ‘My (I) name is Maudie. Your (you) name is Peter.’ (MD)

6.48 Ngayi majarra-rri. Jina ngayi paja. 1sg.NOM sick/sore-INCH.PRES foot.NOM 1sg.NOM bad/weak 'I am becoming/getting sick. My (I) foot is no good.' (MD)

6.49 Wala jina winta-nnguli-rna bottle-lu. 3sg.NOM foot.NOM cut-PASS-PAST bottle-INSTR 'His (he) foot was cut by a bottle' (MD)

6.50 Ngayi pulha majarrarti-yu 1sg:NOM head.NOM sore/hurts/sick -EMPH 'My head aches.' (Hale, 1959:28)

In the following examples the whole and the parts select locative marking in

6.51 and instrumental marking in 6.52. However, example 6.51 is not a definitive

example of a part-whole construction. The locative marked expressions in 6.51 could be

viewed just as just being in apposition (and not forming a part-whole relation); as is

evident in the alternative translation - ‘The boy sat on the hill in a cave’.

6.51 Warlupi parni marnta-ka tharra-ngka. Boy sit.PRES hill-LOC cave-LOC 'The boy sat in the cave in the hill.' (MD)

6.52 Wanyja wanpi-nguli nhawu-ngku mara-ngku. dog hit-PASS.PRES man-INSTR hand-INSTR 'The dog was hit by the man with his hand.' (MD)

6.4.1 Are the Part NP and the Whole NP Separate Constituents?

In the data available I have no definitive evidence that a part NP and a whole NP

form separate constituents in a Kurrama part-whole construction. In the part-whole

constructions presented above the whole NP and the part NP are placed adjacent to one

another. Yet, there are instances in Hale’s (1959) data where the whole and part NPs are

not adjacent; these examples follow. Although it is not a specific requirement that all

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elements of a single constituent be contiguous they are usually placed next to one

another in Kurrama. The separation of the whole and the part expressions in the

following clauses suggests that the whole expression and the part expression are

separate constituents. However, this is not a definitive assumption; they could be

elements of a singular discontinuous constituent.

6.53 Warlu ngayu paa-rna. Ngayi purtpaa-rri-nha-wa snake 1sg:ACC bite-PAST 1sg:NOM swollen-INCH-PAST-TOP1 jirli. arm.NOM ‘A snake bit me. My arm has swollen.' (Hale, 1959: 24)

6.54 Ngayi nyinku yurra-rtkayi murru-u. 1sg:NOM 2sg:ACC scratch -POT back-ACC 'I will scratch your back.' (Hale, 1959: 25)

For a number of Australian languages it can be argued conclusively that the NP

representing the whole and the NP representing the part are separate constituents in a

part-whole construction. In languages where case is only marked on the final word of a

NP constituent, as for instance in the Western Desert dialects or in the Arrernte dialects

of Central Australia, the identical case marking of a part NP and a whole NP identifies

them as separate constituents that are marked in agreement (Bowe, 1990; Goddard,

1985; Henderson, 1998; Wilkins, 1989). However, in Kurrama, where there is a rule of

complete concord marking within a NP constituent, the identical case marking of the

whole NP and the part NP can be said to represent either agreement marking between

two constituents or concord marking within the one constituent.

Also, McGregor (1985) and Hale (1981) have shown that bound pronouns, in

languages like Kuniyanti and Warlpiri, are often used to cross reference a whole entity,

in a part-whole construction, but not the part entity; which suggests that the part and the

whole are represented as separate constituents in these languages. However, without

cross-referencing bound pronouns this test of separate constituency is not possible in

Kurrama.

Examples where the whole and the part NPs are marked with differing case or

nominal suffixes would definitely indicate different constituency in a Kurrama part-

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whole relation. However, I have no examples of this. In our time together, I should have

asked MD how sentences such as ‘I hit the dog’s tail’ versus ‘I hit the dog on the tail’

are represented in Kurrama? I expect that in the first sentence ‘dog’ and ‘tail’ would

both be marked accusative, but are both ‘dog’ and ‘tail’ marked locative in the second

sentence, or is some other configuration used, such as marking ‘tail’ locative and ‘dog’

accusative?

However, ‘hit on

a body part’ constructions may not have been used in earlier

times (prior to European contact) and only ‘hit a (whole’s) body part’ constructions

used. The following locational ascriptive clause recorded by Hale (1959: 23) illustrates

locative marking of a body part, but this example does not strictly form a part-whole

relation. The whole that inalienably possesses the locative inflected maa ‘hand’, in

example 6.55, is omitted from this non-verbal clause.

6.55 Ngarnta ngayi nhaa maa-ngka. sore/wound 1sg:NOM this hand-LOC 'I have this sore on (my) hand.' (Hale, 1959: 23)

There are some possible tests that could be applied, in the future, to help

determine the constituency of a part and a whole. What occurs with control structures in

same subject (or different subject) reference marking when a matrix clause contains a

part-whole construction in subject (or accusative object) position? Will the understood

subject of a subordinate clause marked with same (or different subject) reference refer

to the whole or the part as its controlling argument in the matrix clause (and if so which

one?) or will it refer to a controlling argument made up of both the part and the whole?

Imperative constructions could also provide another test. For instance, if we find ‘me’

presented in accusative form and ‘eye’ not marked in an imperative clause such as -

‘Poke-IMP me-ACC (in) the eye!’- then this could indicate that the whole (‘me’) and

the part (‘eye’) are separate constituents.

6.5 Secondary Predications

Freely occurring examples of secondary predication in the Kurrama texts are

rare. However, some examples of Kurrama secondary predication were provided by MD

in our recording sessions. The examples of secondary predications in the data (both

elicited and unelicited) include depictive, and resultative secondary predications (as

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defined in N. P. Himmelmann & E Schultze-Berndt (2006b)) and also some examples

of modification by manner nominals. In the following discussion I first examine the

general properties of Kurrama secondary predication and then discuss the various types

of secondary predication evident in the Kurrama data.

6.5.1 Properties of Kurrama Secondary Predications

The Kurrama secondary predications exhibit a number of properties that also

occur cross-linguistically in a number of Australian languages. Consider the features of

the following examples of Kurrama secondary predication.

6.56 Pajila-wu ngarrka kampaayi-wu. caper.bush.fruit-ACC eat.PRES ripe-ACC '(You) eat the caper fruit (when it is) ripe.' (MD) 6.57 Nhaa parti-i ngarrku wanka-yi this bardi.grub-ACC eat-PRES alive/raw-ACC ‘This one (s/he) eats bardies alive/raw.’ (MD)

In these examples, above, the secondary predicates kampaayi ‘ripe’ and wanka

‘alive/raw’ are optional adjuncts that are integrated into a single clause with a primary

predication. The primary predications in these examples are: ‘(You) eat the caper fruit’

and ‘this one eats bardies’. The secondary predications in each of these examples are

non-verbal predications which translate as: ‘(when) the caper fruit is ripe’ and ‘the

bardies are alive/raw’. That is, each secondary predicate forms a predicative

relationship with one of the arguments of the primary predication. In examples 6.56 and

6.57 the arguments in the primary predications to which the secondary predications are

linked are the accusative marked controllers: pajila, ‘caper fruit’ and parti, ‘bardi

grubs’. The predicative link between these controllers and the secondary predicates is

indicated by case agreement. That is, in examples 6.56 and 6.57, the secondary

predicates are marked accusative in agreement with their accusative marked controllers.

In Kurrama secondary predications (and in secondary predications cross-

linguistically) secondary predicates are distinct predicates that are not part of the

argument structure of the primary predicate but, instead, share an argument with the

primary predicate. Also, the primary and secondary predicates do not together form a

complex predicate. Instead, the secondary predication forms a predication in its own

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right which is distinct from the primary predication. Yet, because they are non-verbal

and are integrated into the same clause as the primary predication, secondary

predications are reliant on the primary predication for tense, aspect and mood reference

(Himmelmann & Schultze-Berndt, 2006a, 2006b)29

.

6.5.2 Types of Secondary Predication in Kurrama

6.5.2.1 Depictive secondary predication

Schultze-Berndt & Himmelmann (2004: 63) state that a depictive secondary

predication most frequently ‘encodes a physical or psychological state or condition’ of

one of the participants described in a primary predication and can include ‘bodily

position’. For example, a depictive may express the state or condition of a participant

as: ‘hot/cold’, ‘old/young’, or ‘hungry’; or may express a participant’s bodily position

as: ‘sitting’, ‘upright’ or ‘barefoot’. The two preceding Kurrama examples 6.56 and 6.57

are depictive secondary predications; they express the state or condition (‘ripe’ and

‘alive/raw’) of a participant described in the primary predication. The following

Kurrama examples illustrate the physiological condition of a participant described

within a depictive secondary predication.

6.58 Nhaa nhawungarra-rna ngayu majarra-wu-mu. (s)he look.after-PAST 1sg.ACC sick/sore-ACC-THEN 'He looked after me when I was sick.' (MD)

6.59 Nhaa karpa-rna ngayu majarra-wu-mu. (s)he take-PAST 1sg.ACC sick/sore-ACC-THEN 'She used to take/carry me when I was sick.' (MD)

Schultze-Berndt & Himmelmann (2004: 64 - 65) also include secondary

predications that encode ‘a role, function, or life stage’ of a participant as examples of

depictives. The following Kurrama example illustrates a depictive secondary predicate

that expresses the life stage of a participant described in a primary predication.

6.60 Ngayu ngantha tharnangka-rrkaayi kupija-wu-mu 1sg.ACC also piggyback-PERF little-ACC-THEN '(She) used to carry me piggyback when (I)was little.' (P.533) 29 Summarised in Hill (2004: 24)

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6.5.2.2 Resultative secondary predication

The temporal reference of a Kurrama depictive secondary predication holds

within the time frame of the event denoted by the primary predication. Alternatively, a

resultative secondary predication expresses an outcome that occurs as a result of the

event denoted by a primary predication (Himmelmann & Schultze-Berndt 2006a: 4).

Some examples of resultative secondary predication from the Kurrama corpus are

presented below. In these examples the resultative secondary predicates encode a state

or condition that results from the action denoted by the primary predication.

6.61 Nhaa puntha-rna wara-yi jiwarra-wu. this/(s)he wash-PAST cloth/clothes-ACC clean-ACC ‘This one/she washed the clothes clean.' (MD) 6.62 Nhaa pirrwi-rrkayi kaju-u yumpu- u this/(s)he grind/file-POT axe-ACC sharp-ACC ‘This one/he will grind the axe sharp.’ (MD)

These examples of resultative secondary predication were elicited from MD.

There are no freely occurring resultative secondary predications in the Kurrama texts.

This suggests that resultative secondary predications were not used that often in

narratives or in everyday speech. This may be because there are alternate ways to

express the result of an action in Kurrama. This includes use of the inchoative

derivation (§4.7.1), the causative derivation (§4.7.2), and the result inflections (§4.5.8).

6.5.2.3 Manner secondary predication

In a Kurrama secondary predication of manner the secondary predicate role is

filled by a manner nominal that has an adverbial-like function. That is, in a manner

secondary predication a manner nominal codes the manner in which an action described

by a primary predication is performed. Some examples of Kurrama manner secondary

predication follow. In example 6.63 the manner secondary predicate is controlled by the

instrumental argument of the primary predication. In example 6.64 the manner

secondary predicate is controlled by a nominative argument which is ellipsed from the

primary predication in the secondary predication clause, but is overt in an adjoined

clause.

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6.63 Martumirri karpa-nguli winimarnu-lu pungkanyu-lu. bread/damper bring-PASS.PRES quick-INSTR woman-INSTR 'The damper was brought quickly by the woman.' (MD)

6.64 Ngulaarta-ngu-yu parni-marta-yi martkurra-mu-yu there-ABL-EMPH live/stay-HABIT-TOP4 good/happy-THEN-EMPH4 parna-ayi palanku kuma. live/stay-PERF they/those together ( P.080) 'Well from there, (they) stayed there, quite happily. They all stayed together.'

A feature of manner secondary predicates is that they are generally more event-

oriented than depictive secondary predicates. That is, manner secondary predicates, in

general, exhibit a greater semantic orientation towards the event denoted by the primary

predication than to a participant in that event; even though the manner secondary

predicate is marked in agreement with a controller that describes a participant in the

event (usually an agent). For instance, in example 6.63 above, the manner secondary

predicate winimarnu-lu describes, foremost, the manner in which the ‘damper is

brought’ rather than describing the woman as being ‘quick’. However, this distinction is

not made in example 6.64 above. In 6.64 the scope of the manner secondary predicate

martkurra includes both the manner in which the event described by the primary

predication is conducted and the psychological state of the participants in that event.

Because a manner secondary predicate like winimarnu-lu in example 6.63 is

event oriented and not participant oriented it can be argued that it does not actually act

as a secondary predicate at all. That is, it can be argued that winimarnu-lu does not have

a subject in example 6.63 and instead of being part of a secondary predication is

actually acting as just a verb or clausal modifier. Alternatively, because martkurra in

example 6.64 is both participant and event oriented it can be argued that it does have a

subject and is part of a secondary predication. Yet, instead of being a manner secondary

predicate it is possible that martkurra actually acts, in example 6.64, as a depictive

secondary predicate that codes the psychological state of its subject. This interpretation

is feasible.

An example like 6.63 is thus somewhat problematic. Why is winimarnu-lu

marked with instrumental case in apparent agreement with the instrumental marked

agent argument in example 6.63? This is at least similar to secondary predication. More

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examples are required. An example of a manner secondary predicate that is marked in

agreement with an accusative argument in an active primary predication (or in

agreement with a nominative argument in a passive primary predication) could indicate

a process of secondary predication. However, as will be discussed below this may not

be possible.

6.5.3 Arguments That Control Secondary Predicates in Kurrama

In the various examples of the differing types of secondary predication presented

in the preceding sections we have seen secondary predicates that are controlled by

accusative, nominative or instrumental marked arguments of primary predications. In

all, the argument in a primary predication which controls a secondary predicate differs

somewhat for each secondary predication type.

I would argue that a manner secondary predicate has an agent controller who

performs an action (described by a primary predication) in a specific manner. As such, a

manner secondary predicate is controlled by an unmarked nominative subject/agent

argument in an active primary predication or by an instrumental marked agent argument

in a passive primary predication. I cannot think of a possible scenario where the

accusative object of an active primary predication, or the nominative argument of a

passive primary predication, would control a manner secondary predicate. An

agent/actor will always perform the action described by a primary predication and as

such the manner secondary predicate (which codes the manner in which this action is

performed) will agree with the marking given to the agent/actor argument.

However, in depictive secondary predications the secondary predicate indicates

the state or condition of a participant described in a primary predication and thereby a

depictive secondary predicate is most often controlled by an accusative or nominative

argument in an active primary predication which describes that participant. Although I

have no examples it would seem that a nominative or instrumental argument in a

passive primary predication could also control a depictive secondary predicate; the

secondary predicate would indicate the state or condition of the participants described

by these arguments.

Alternatively, a resultative secondary predicate denotes a state or condition that

results from the action described by the primary predication. Thereby, in resultative

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secondary predications, an accusative argument in an active primary predication (or

possibly the nominative argument in a passive primary predication) will most often

control a resultative secondary predicate; it describes the participant or entity that is

acted upon to achieve or produce the resultative state or condition. However, can other

argument types or adjuncts act as the controllers of secondary predicates in Kurrama?

One would not

expect a wide range of controller types to be used in Kurrama

secondary predications because they are limited within secondary predications in other

Australian languages. Dench and Evans ((1988: 15) report that only subjects in a

primary predication can act as controllers of secondary predicates in Yankunytjatjara;

and only subjects and objects can control secondary predications in Kayardild.

However, Dench (1995: 235) states that in Martuthunira secondary predicates can be

controlled by subjects of an active primary predication, by agents in a passive primary

predication, by accusative objects, and by locational adjuncts. So it may be that

locational adjuncts could possibly control secondary predicates in Kurrama; but there

are no examples of this in the Kurrama corpus. As stated earlier, most of the examples

of secondary predication in the corpus were elicited which suggests that they are

probably not commonly used and do not have a diverse range of forms.

6.6 Passive Clauses

There are three possible ways of marking the verb in a passive clause in

Kurrama. The most common way is to attach the derivational suffix –(n)nguli to a verb

(that selects one or more accusative arguments) and then further inflect this stem for

tense, aspect and/or mood with one of the regular (active) Ø-conjugation TAM

inflections. If the verb is transitive its actor or agent argument is then marked with

instrumental case and the patient or theme argument is left unmarked with zero

nominative case. If the derivational passive marked verb is ditransitive the marking of

its arguments is a little more complex, but the usual pattern is to mark the recipient or

beneficiary argument with zero nominative case, and the theme or patient argument

with accusative case, while the actor or agent argument is marked instrumental. A

possible alternative to this pattern is discussed in §6.6.2.

The second way to mark the verb in a passive clause, in Kurrama, is to inflect

the verb (which selects one or more accusative arguments) with a passive perfective

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suffix. The passive perfective suffix inherently codes perfective aspect and the inflected

verb does not require further TAM marking (see §4.5.4). The relations/arguments of a

passive perfective inflected verb are case marked the same as they are in a derivational

passive; as was discussed in the previous paragraph.

The final way to mark the verb in a passive clause, in Kurrama, is to inflect the

verb (which selects one or more accusative arguments) with a passive might suffix. A

passive might inflected verb codes a form of optative mood and is not further inflected

with one of the other TAM suffixes (see §4.5.12). Maudie Dowton simply described the

passive might inflection as indicating that something ‘might’ happen. The

relations/arguments of a passive might inflected verb are marked the same as they are in

derivational passive and passive perfective constructions.

In the following section I present some examples of each of these three means of

marking a passive transitive verb. I then examine the patterns of case marking used in

ditransitive passives in Kurrama. I also present and discuss Table 6.2 which contrasts

the properties of passive constructions used in a selection of text from the Payarrany

narrative against those used in a selection of text from a Martuthunira narrative. I finish

the discussion on Kurrama passives with an examination of some of the functions of

passives in both main and subordinate clauses.

6.6.1 Some Further Examples of Passive Constructions

Examples of the three types of transitive passive constructions used in Kurrama

were presented in §4.5.4, §4.5.12 and §4.6.2. Some further examples are presented

below to compare the marking given to the verb and its arguments in each passive type.

In the following example 6.65 the derivational passive suffix is added to the L-

conjugation class transitive verb winta ‘cut’ to derive a Ø-conjugation class verb stem

that selects a Ø-conjugation inflection (which in this instance is the Ø-class past tense

suffix). The agent in this passive clause, nhawu ‘the man’, is assigned instrumental case

and the theme, murla ‘meat’, is left unmarked in nominative case.

6.65 Murla winta-nguli-nha nhawu-ngku meat cut-PASS-PAST man-INSTR ‘The meat was cut up by the man.’ (MD)

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The previous example 6.65 contrasts with the following active

transitive clause,

where the agent nhawu is left unmarked in nominative case and the theme murla is

assigned accusative case. In this active construction the L-conjugation verb winta

selects the L-conjugation past tense suffix and not the Ø-class past suffix.

6.66 Nhawu winta-rna murla-yi Man-NOM cut-PAST meat-ACC ‘The man cut up the meat.’ (MD)

In the following derivational passive the agent arguments are marked

instrumental but the patient argument is ellipsed. The patient would be in unmarked

nominative case if present.

6.67 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu kartpa-nnguli-nha Pirtan-karta ngunyji that-ABL-EMPH4 take-PASS-PAST Onslow-ALL thereNV

yawutpa parrii-ngarli-lu payanyji-lu down.hill whitefella-PL-INSTR policeman-INSTR

‘Then from there, (she) was taken to Onslow, down out of the hills, by the white people, by the policemen.’ (P.549)

The following examples illustrate passive perfective clauses. In 6.68 the theme

is ellipsed and in 6.69 the agent is ellipsed. Like a derivational passive, in a transitive

passive perfective construction the agent argument, when overt, selects instrumental

marking and the theme or patient argument selects unmarked nominative case. The

passive perfective inflected verb is not assigned any further TAM marking.

6.68 Martkurra-ma-rnaarnu wantha-rnaarnu yaayu-warri-lu ngunyji. good-CAUS-PPERF put-PPERF aunty-PRIV-INSTR thereNV ‘(It) was put there neatly (made good) by Aunty.’ (P.077)

6.69 Nhuwa-yu kaliku-la murlimurli-ma-rnaarnu. spouse-EMPH4 sheet-LOC wrap-CAUS-PPERF '(My) husband was wrapped up in a sheet.' (P.056)

The following example 6.70 illustrates a passive might construction used in

conjunction with a negative potential inflected command. Examples of passive might

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clauses are rare in the Kurrama corpus. In 6.70 the unmarked nominative patient of the

passive clause (who is the addressee subject of the command clause) is ellipsed.

6.70 Mirta pangkarri-i ngurnu-warta jankara–lu manku-nnyaa

not/no go-POT there-ALL police-INSTR get/grab-P.MIGHT

‘Don't go there or (you) might be caught/grabbed by the policeman.’ (MD)

6.6.2 Case Frames in Ditransitive Passives

The patterns of case marking of the arguments of ditransitive passives vary

within the Central Pilbara languages. As a general rule in Martuthunira, all the

arguments of active verbs that are marked accusative can appear as nominative subjects

in a corresponding passive (Dench, 1995: 228). However, this rule does not hold in

Panyjima and Yindjibarndi where only one of the two accusative arguments of an active

ditransitive verb can be assigned nominative case in a corresponding passive; usually

the recipient or beneficiary. The remaining object argument of an active ditransitive

verb, usually the patient or theme, cannot be given nominative marking in a passive, in

both Panyjima and Yindjibarndi, it can only be marked accusative. The following

Yindjibarndi examples30

provided by Wordick (1982: 174) illustrate this:

The following is an active Yindjibarndi ditransitive clause.

6.71 a. Yindjibarndi

Ngaarta yunku-nha ngayu murla-yi. man give-PAST 1sg.ACC meat-ACC

‘A man gave me meat.’ (Wordick, 1982: 174)

A corresponding passive can be constructed, in Yindjibarndi, where the first

person singular pronoun recipient is in nominative form and the theme murla retains

accusative case:

6.71 b. Yindjibarndi

Ngayi yungku-nguli-nha murla-yi ngaarta-lu. 1sg:NOM give-PASS-PAST meat-ACC man-INSTR ‘I was given meat by a man’. (Wordick, 1982: 174)

30 Panyjima examples are presented in Dench (1991: 193-194).

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However, in Yindjibarndi, it is not possible to assign nominative case to the

theme of the ditransitive verb yungku in a passive. That is, murla cannot be assigned

nominative case in this example.

6.71 c. *Murla yungku-nguli-nha ngayu ngaarta-lu. meat give-PASS-PAST 1sg.ACC man-INSTR

‘The meat was given (to me) by a man.’ (Wordick, 1982: 174)

Because Kurrama is closely related to Yindjibarndi one would expect that

Kurrama ditransitive passives would behave in a pattern similar to Yindjibarndi. That is,

one would not expect the patient or theme argument of the ditransitive verb yungku to

be assigned unmarked nominative case in a Kurrama passive. However, the data I have

is inconclusive.

In the two examples of ditransitive passives in AP’s unelicited Kurrama data

there is no nominative marking of the patient/theme arguments, they are only marked

accusative; as in the following example 6.72. In 6.72 the passive clause is highlighted in

bold. The patient/theme, pirntu ‘food’, in this ditransitive passive clause is the only

argument that is not ellipsed and it is marked accusative as one would expect. The

agents ‘who give food’ would be marked with instrumental case if present, while the

ellipsed recipient ‘she’ would be in unmarked nominative case.

6.72 Wantha-rrkayi malu-ngka punaangu-la manyjan-ta-wathu Put-POT shade-LOC bloodwood-LOC groundsheet-LOC-DIM

parna-angu kumpa-ngu pirntu-u yungku-nguli. live/stay-RSLT wait-REL food-ACC give-PASS.PRES

'(I) put (her) down in the shade of a bloodwood tree, on a bit of ground sheet and (she) stayed there waiting to be given some food.’ (P.547)

Based on evidence like this I approached the elicitation sessions on ditransitive

passives with Maudie Dowton with the expectation that theme arguments in Kurrama

ditransitive passives would not select nominative case. However, the sessions with MD

were not conclusive. The lack of a definite answer, as to whether patient or theme

arguments can be assigned nominative case in a ditransitive passive, was due, in greater

part, to the manner in which I conducted the investigation with MD.

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MD was reticent in offering an example of a Kurrama ditransitive passive when

I first asked her in English for an example. I struggled to make clear what it was that I

was asking. However, MD did accept the following when I presented it to her in

Kurrama; the theme is marked accusative. This is virtually the same as the Yindjibarndi

example provided by Wordick (1982: 174) which was presented earlier as example

6.71b.

6.73 Ngayi yungku- nguli-nha murla-yi nhawu-ngku 1sg:NOM give-PASS-PAST meat-ACC man-INSTR ‘I was given meat by the man.'

MD did not offer any other alternate forms but when I presented the following in

Kurrama, to register her response, she seemed to agree that it could be done.

6.74 Murla-Ø yungku-nguli-nha ngayu nhawu-ngku Meat-NOM give-PASS-PAST 1sg.ACC man-INSTR ‘Meat was given to me by the man'

However, when I presented the following example in Kurrama, to check, MD

was unsure. The difference in theme appeared to cause uncertainty.

6.75 Martumirri-Ø yungku-nguli-nha ngayu pungkanyu-lu

bread/damper-NOM give-PASS-PAST 1sg.ACC woman-INSTR ‘Damper was given to me by the woman.'

However, MD seemed willing to accept the following when I presented it to her

in Kurrama. In this example the theme selects nominative case, but the recipient is

ellipsed.

6.76 Martumirri-Ø yungku-nguli-nha pungkanyu-lu

bread/damper-NOM give-PASS-PAST woman-INSTR

'Damper was given by the woman.'

With varying degrees of certainty MD ultimately accepted all of the Kurrama

examples that I presented to her, to measure her response, but did not offer any

examples herself. We were not able to progress past this. As I have found in other

situations, it appeared that MD did not want to disagree with the examples that I

provided and so politely agreed with them, but in doing so left a conclusion

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unanswered. It seemed that the theme of a ditransitive passive could select nominative

case but I was left feeling unsure.

As already stated, there are no instances in AP’s data where the theme is marked

nominative in a ditransitive passive. However, there are only a limited number of

examples in this data. More work needs to be done. As an alternative it may have been

productive in the sessions with MD to also try to determine the marking assigned to the

arguments of the ditransitive causative derivation mirnu-ma ‘show/teach’ in a passive

construction, but I did not do this at the time. This is a possibility for further research.

Also, during our sessions together, I could have tested MD’s frame of mind, at the time,

by presenting sentences that I knew to be incorrect to see if she would accept or reject

them.

6.6.3 Passive Use in the Central Pilbara Languages

A survey of the texts in Wordick (1982: 199-280) and von Brandenstein (1970)

suggests that passive constructions are used sparingly in Yindjibarndi. Of the passives

that are used in the Yindjibarndi texts the derivational passive is the most common,

while the passive optative (‘might’) inflection is rarely used. Dench (1991: 193 & 1995:

227) has presented some statistics on the frequency of passive use in Panyjima and

Martuthunira. He states that ‘passive clauses are reasonably rare’ in Panyjima but are

more common in Martuthunira. As stated earlier, derivational passives and passive

perfective constructions are relatively common in the Kurrama corpus, but passive

might constructions are rare.

In the following table a comparison is made between the properties of passive

constructions used in a sample of text taken from a Martuthunira narrative (from Dench,

1995: 227) and those used in a sample of text taken from the Kurrama Payarrany

narrative. In the column titled wangka are listed the various percentages of passive

constructions made on the Kurrama verb wangka where wangka ‘to name/to call’ is

used to present the names of various people, entities or places into the Payarrany text

sample (as is illustrated by examples 6.77 to 6.79 which follow later). This use of

wangka occurs quite often in the sample, and in the overall count of a 100 passive

clauses located in the Payarrany sample there were 20 instances of passive

constructions made on wangka where it has the meaning ‘to name/to call’. AP is the

narrator of both the Martuthunira text and the Payarrany story. Dench (1995: 227)

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describes the length of the text from which the sample of Martuthunira passives are

taken as ‘a long stretch of narrative text’. The Kurrama selection comes from a sample

of approximately six hundred clauses in length.

Note that Table 6.2 does not present a comparison of the frequencies of passive

versus active clauses used in each text sample, but instead compares some of the

properties of the passive constructions used within these samples. Also, to restate in

different words, the counts under the column K (Kurrama) include all the passive

constructions used in the Payarrany sample including those made on wangka; while the

counts under wangka list its use alone (where it has the meaning ‘to call’ or ‘to name’).

Table 6.2 Passive constructions in a Martuthunira text (M) and a Kurrama text (K) M K wangka

Total number of passive clauses in the sample 150 100 20

Percentage that are subordinate clauses 57% 42% 65%

Percentage of all passives that are agentless 65% 70% 80%

Percentage of main clause passives that are agentless 58% 78% 100%

Percentage of subordinate passives that are agentless 70% 60% 77%

Percentage that are derivational passives 45% 54% 95%

Percentage of derivational passives that are subordinate clauses 66% 52% 68%

Percentage of derivation passives that are agentless 74% 73% 84%

Percentage that are inflectional passives 55% 46% 5%

Percentage of inflectional passives that are subordinate clauses 60% 33% 0%

Percentage of inflectional passives that are agentless 52% 67% 100%

As is shown in Table 6.2 derivational passives occur more frequently than

inflectional passives in the Kurrama sample, whereas in the Martuthunira sample

inflectional passives occur slightly more often. Also, the percentage of inflectional

passives that are subordinate clauses is relatively low in the Payarrany text selection

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when compared with the Martuthunira text selection; while the percentages of

derivational passives that are subordinate clauses are higher in both samples.

However, the most notable feature, evident in Table 6.2, is the high percentage

of agentless passives in both the Kurrama sample and the Martuthunira sample. In both

selections of text, the main clause passives and the subordinate clause passives are often

without an overt agent; and both the derivational and the inflectional passives are also

often without an overt agent. The agentless passives in the Kurrama and Martuthunira

samples represent the speaker’s wish to not make reference to a specific agent in the

situations that he is describing; while, at the same time, he raises the non-agent

arguments into prominence by placing them overtly in nominative function.

The expression wangka has a number of meanings. It can act as a nominal with

English translations such as ‘speech’, ‘talk’, ‘story’, ‘language’ and ‘word’. It can also

act as a verb with English translations such as ‘to speak’, to talk (about)’ and ‘to ask’.

The 20 passive constructions made on wangka, which were counted separately within

the Payarrany narrative sample, are those where wangka has the meaning ‘to name’ or

‘to call’; it is used to present the English or Kurrama name of an entity, place, or person

into the narrative. The following examples 6.77 to 6.79 illustrate this use. Nearly all of

the passive constructions made on wangka in the sample, where it has the meaning ‘to

call/to name’, are derivational passives. Most often the passive derivations of wangka

‘to call/to name’ appear without an overt agent. In only three instances are they

associated with an overt agent (as in 6.77). Further, in most instances the derivational

passive stem wangka-nguli-Ø is also marked with a subordinate RELative marker (as

in 6.77 and 6.78). There was only one instance of an inflectional passive marker used on

wangka ‘to call/to name’ in the sample; this is presented as example 6.79.

6.77 Pirntu-nyaa kurtan, flourbag wangka-nguli-ngu parrii-ngarli-lu. food-ASSOC bag flourbag call-PASS-REL whitefella-PL-INSTR '(They were) bags for food, (what are) called flour bags by whitefellas.' (P.237)

6.78 Nhaa-yu purtu-nyaa nhaa wara jaat wangka-nguli-ngu. this-EMPH4 chest-ASSOC this cloth shirt call-PASS-REL 'This cloth, associated with the chest, it’s called a shirt.’ (P.297-P.298)

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6.79 Yanku-nha ngayi murlurru kurta, wurnta-rtkayi go-PAST 1sg.NOM straight very come-POT

Yalyarra-ngu-yu wangka-yangaarnu... Yalyarra-ACC-EMPH4 call-PPERF

'I went straight (there) and came to that place called Yalyarra…' (P.172)

The names of people and places are important in Aboriginal cultures and this is

reflected in AP’s frequent naming of people and places in the Payarrany narrative. In

all, the use of passive derivation or inflection of wangka allows AP to name a person or

place without going into unnecessary detail about the ‘varied’ agents who use this

name; he can omit the agents by using a passive. Also, the use of subordinate passive

derivation of wangka allows AP to easily link a name to a person or place in his

narrative. He can inflect the derivational passive verb stem, wangka-nguli-Ø, with a

switch reference RELative inflection to link its subject, the name, to a co-referential

argument in a main clause that describes the specific person or place that he is naming.

6.6.4 Functions of Kurrama Passives

As indicated above, a Kurrama passive construction places a non-agent

argument into prominence by putting it in nominative function, and takes the emphasis

off the agent argument by placing it in peripheral instrumental function or by omitting it

altogether. The high number of passive constructions that are agentless in the Payarrany

text sample demonstrates that this property is often utilized. Examples 4.101 and 4.102,

discussed in §4.6.2, illustrate some instances of agentless passives, as also do examples

6.78 and 6.79 in § 6.6.3 above.

Further, as discussed in §4.6.2, passives can be used to realign a verb’s

arguments to allow conjunction or subordination between clauses in Kurrama.

Examples 4.98 to 4.100 were provided in §4.6.2 as instances of this. In summary, a

nominative subject NP of a subordinate clause acts as a pivot that allows a link to be

made with a co-referential argument in the main clause; or alternatively two clauses can

be conjoined if they share a co-referential nominative pivot. A derivational or

inflectional passive can be used to realign an accusative argument (in an active clause)

to nominative status in a passive construction to allow these links to be made if

necessary. If a derivational passive is used in a subordinate clause to gain a subject pivot

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then one of the zero conjugation class REL markers can be used to indicate whether this

pivot is the same or different to the subject of the matrix clause. Yet, is there another

function that the derivational passive can fulfill? Can the derivational passive be used to

avoid the possible subject reference ambiguity of the R- and L-conjugation RELative

inflection –rnu?

As discussed in §4.5.9 the R- and L-conjugation REL inflection –rnu can be

used in both same and different subject reference situations and its use may not

necessarily always clearly indicate the subject reference intended. However, the use of

the derivational passive on L- and R-conjugation verbs does derive a Ø-conjugation

passive stem that can select the REL inflections –ngu and –yangu which do specifically

indicate same or different subject reference. So when a specific same or different

subject reference is required for an R- or L-class verb can the derivational passive be

used to derive a Ø-class passive stem that can be assigned specific same or different

subject REL marking?

A survey of the Kurrama data suggests that the derivational passive is not often

used specifically for this purpose. Instead, the main reason for the use of the passive in

subordinate clauses is to place a subordinate clause argument (which is co-referential

with a matrix argument) into nominative pivot status. But hand in hand with this process

Ø-conjugation verb stems are derived that can be marked with a Ø-conjugation switch

reference REL marker.

Consider the following example 6.80 (which was previously presented as

example 4.99). The derivational passive in the subordinate clause, in this instance,

realigns the argument nhuwa ‘spouse’ into nominative subject position so that it can act

as a pivot between the subordinate clause and the matrix clause. However, hand in hand

with this, the derivational passive also changes the subordinate causative verb

murlimurli-ma from an L-conjugation stem to a Ø-conjugation stem. Thereby, tracking

of the co-referential argument, shared by the matrix clause and the passive subordinate

clause, can be made unambiguously with a Ø-conjugation REL marker; which in this

instance is the different subject marker –yangu.

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6.80 Ngarti-yu nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu nhuwa-yi warrungkamu-l then-EMPH4 see-COLL-PROG-EMPH spouse-ACC next.morning-THEN ngarti-yu murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu kaliku-la-wa then-EMPH4 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL sheet-LOC-TOP1

walypala-ngarli-lu. whitefellow-PL-INSTR 'And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet (killed) by whitefellows.' (P.005 - P. 007)

In the following example 6.81 (which was presented previously as 4.98) the use

of the passive realigns the argument yaayu-warri ‘poor Old Aunty’ into nominative

pivot status within the subordinate clause. But hand in hand with this the collective

suffix and the derivational passive suffix both convert the subordinate L-class verb

kartpa ‘take’ into a Ø-conjugation stem. The same subject Ø-conjugation REL inflection

–ngu can then be used on this collective and passive marked stem to unambiguously

track the co-referential argument yaayu-warri-nha.

6.81 Wantaawa maya-arta-wa-yu yaayu-warri-nha

well house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-SPEC yanku-nha Yarrarlurlu-warta-wa, go-PAST Yarraloola-ALL-TOP1 kartpa-rnmarri-nguli-ngu murruka-la-wa Chev4-la take-COLL-PASS-REL car-LOC-TOP1 Chev.4-LOC 'Well, poor Old Aunty went to the homestead then, went to Yarraloola, taken in the car, in the Chev 4.’ (P.168)

6.7 Imperative Clauses

A strong positive command is produced, in Kurrama, by the use of an imperative

clause where the verb is inflected with one of the allomorphs of the imperative suffix;

either -ma, -nma or –rnma. In the imperative clauses in the Kurrama corpus the

addressee subject of the clause is often omitted but if present the imperative marked

verb selects an addressee second person subject. When overt the subject of an

imperative clause is most often addressed by a second person nominative pronoun

which can be singular, dual or plural in number. However, the subject of an imperative

can also be addressed by other means, such as a proper name, a nickname, or a

kin/relation name. Wordick (1982: 168) reports that it is possible to have third person

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subjects in Yindjibarndi imperative clauses, as in the following example where the third

person imperative clause is introduced with the particle kuyu ‘let/may’. There are no

examples like this in the Kurrama corpus.

6.82 Yindjibarndi imperative clause

Kuyu ngunhu pangkarri-ma Let/may him go-IMP ‘Let him go!’ or ‘May he go!’ (Wordick, 1982: 168)

As discussed in §4.5.7 the common nominal objects of transitive imperatives are

not marked accusative; as in the following example 6.83. However, in example 6.84 the

imperative verb selects an object that is realized by the nominative demonstrative wala,

which has an identificational function in this instance. While, in examples 6.85 and 6.86

the nominative wala acts as an adnominal modifier of the unmarked common nominal

objects mungarti ‘meat’ and patjarri ‘euro’. These examples suggest that perhaps the

absence of marking of the common nominal objects of transitive imperatives represents

zero nominative marking rather than just the absence of accusative inflection.

6.83 Murla purri-nma karla-ngka-ngu

meat pull-IMP fire-LOC-ABL

‘Pull the meat from the fire!’ (MD)

6.84 Wala kurtkayi-nma nyinta payawurtu-yu.

that feel-IMP 2sg.NOM savage-EMPH4 “Feel that you wild man.” (AP)

6.85 Mungarti wala wiyi-nma.

meat that swallow -IMP

'Swallow that meat.' (Hale, 1959: 32) 6.86 Wala patjarri kurruma -nma jurlinypurri-rnumarnu.

that euro kill-IMP gut-PROG

'Kill that roo and then gut (it).' (Hale, 1959: 23)

I could not locate an example where the object of a transitive imperative is

represented by a first person pronoun (or perhaps a second person pronoun). Would

such a pronoun be in accusative or nominative form? In the following example 6.87 the

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accusative pronoun acts as an adjunct in an imperative marked intransitive clause, but

would an imperative marked transitive

verb such as nhawu-ma ‘look at-IMP’ select an

accusative pronoun object such as ngayu ‘1sg.ACC’?

6.87 Ngawu wurnta-rnma wantaa ngayu kantharri. yes come-IMP alright 1sg.ACC Granny ‘Yes, alright, come over here to me, Granny!’ (P.420)

6.7.1 Case Frames in Ditransitive Imperatives

A definite pattern of marking of the object arguments of ditransitive imperatives

is difficult to determine from the data at hand. I only have examples of ditransitive

imperative constructions made on the verb yungku ‘give’. I do not have any examples of

imperatives made on the ditransitive causative derivation mirnu-ma ‘show/teach’. In the

examples available one object argument of the imperative marked yunghu selects

accusative case while the other remains unmarked. However, either object argument, the

theme/patient or the recipient, can select accusative case and either object argument, the

theme/patient or the recipient, can remain unmarked.

Originally I only had two examples of ditransitive imperatives made on yungku

but I have since gained three extra examples from Hale’s (1959) field notes. In example

4.44, presented in §4.5.7, the theme/patient argument of the imperative marked yungku

selects accusative case while the recipient argument is left unmarked; and in the

following example 6.88 the common nominal theme/patient selects accusative case

while the proper name recipient selects the (nominative) specific referent marker. These

examples seem to indicate that the recipient argument, in a ditransitive imperative, takes

a nominative form and is not an accusative argument that has a missing accusative

suffix.

6.88 Yungku-ma murla-yi Piita-nha

give-IMP meat-ACC Peter-SPEC

‘Give the meat to Peter!’ (MD)

However, the following examples from Hale’s (1959) field notes contradict the

assumption that the recipient argument always selects unmarked nominative case in a

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ditransitive imperative. In examples 6.89 to 6.91 the theme/patient argument of the

ditransitive verb is unmarked and the recipient argument is accusative.

6.89 Wala ngayu mungarti yungku-ma…

that 1sg:ACC meat give-IMP 'Give me that meat…' (Hale, 1959: 46)

6.90 Ngayi yirrarnma-rtkayi jalurra-wu. Wirra ngayu yungku-ma. 1sg:NOM sing-POT song -ACC boomerang 1sg:ACC give-IMP 'I am going to sing a song. Give me the boomerangs!' (Hale, 1959: 47)

6.91 Wirra yungku-ma nhungkurtu-wu jarrwurti-wu, yirrarnma-langu boomerang give-IMP those -ACC three -ACC sing-RSLT

jalurra-wu song -ACC

'Give those three the boomerangs, so they can sing a song.' (Hale, 1959: 48)

It may be that when the recipient argument of a ditransitive verb is realized by a

first person pronoun (or possibly a second person pronoun) the pronoun will always

take an accusative form and the theme/patient is then subsequently left unmarked (and

can be modified by a nominative demonstrative). However, this does not explain the

accusative marking of the recipient argument in example 6.91. Perhaps, it is just clearer

to mark ‘those three’ accusative, in this example, so that it is not

interpreted as being an

adnominal modifier of ‘boomerangs’ (as in ‘those three boomerangs), and subsequently

the theme/patient ‘boomerangs’ is thereby left unmarked. I do not know.

Wordick (1982: 169-170) reports that several Yindjibarndi consultants stated

that in a Yindjibarndi imperative made on the ditransitive yungku, which has the

accusative pronoun ngayu as its recipient argument, it is also possible to place the

theme/patient argument in accusative case. The consultants stated that in this situation

an accusative marked theme/patient conveys that all of the theme/patient is to be given;

while an unmarked theme/patient conveys that only some of the theme/patient is to be

given. For instance, Ken M. Jerrold stated that Yungku-ma ngayu wangka! means ‘Give

me some language!’ while Yungku-ma ngayu wangka-yi! means ‘Give me all the

language!’ (Wordick, 1982: 169). Wordick (1982:170) states that, within the domain of

Yindjibarndi imperative sentences, it appeared that zero marking of the theme/patient

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argument represents partitive nominative marking of that theme/patient. However, what

is intended when the theme/patient is marked accusative and the recipient is either

unmarked (as in the Kurrama example 4.44) or is inflected with the nominative specific

referent marker (as in the Kurrama example 6.88)? Wordick (1982: 169-170) does not

present Yindjibarndi examples like these; he has only provided examples of ditransitive

imperatives that have the accusative pronoun ngayu as the recipient argument.

Overall, the patterns of argument marking in Kurrama ditransitive imperatives

could provide insight into the rules that govern the marking of arguments in Kurrama

ditransitive passives

. If there is a set pattern of marking in imperatives it may also occur

in passive constructions. As stated in §6.6.2 it seems that the marking of the

theme/patient and recipient arguments can alternate in ditransitive passives, as seems to

occur in ditransitive imperatives, but I am not completely certain of this. Obtaining

examples of passive and imperative constructions made on the ditransitive causative

derivation mirnu-ma ‘show/teach’ could provide further insight into the patterns of

argument marking in ditransitive passives and imperatives.

6.7.2 Instrumental marking in Imperatives

The following example 6.92 illustrates an instance where a body part is marked

with an instrumental suffix within an imperative clause. As an inalienably possessed

part of the addressee subject one would expect nominative agreement between the

marking given to this body part and the nominative marking that would be assigned to

the ellipsed addressee subject (see §6.4). However, it is possible, instead, that the

instrumental marking of the body part is a relic of the earlier ergative marking once

used in Kurrama. In present day Kurrama the instrumental marker corresponds to the

old ergative marker and, it would seem, that an earlier pattern of ergative agreement

between a subject in A function and his/her body part is retained, partially, within

present day imperative clauses.

6.92 Mara-ngku manku-ma

hand-INSTR get/grab-IMP

'Get it with your hand!’ (MD)

Dench (1991: 204) reports that this pattern is also found in Panyjima,

Yindjibarndi and Martuthunira imperative clauses. However, I cannot state conclusively

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whether this is the preferred pattern in Kurrama without more examples. Also, without

examples, I cannot determine whether a subject ‘whole’ expression (such as ‘you’)

takes an instrumental form or a nominative form when emphatically added to an

imperative clause that contains an instrumental marked ‘part’ expression. My

expectation is that it would take a nominative form.

6.8 Commands

As shown above a strong positive command or order is given, in Kurrama, by

the use of an imperative clause. However, less forceful positive orders and commands

can be formed in Kurrama by inflecting the verb, in the command clause, with a

potential suffix. Negative commands can also be given in Kurrama. Negative

commands are formed by negating the potential inflected verb, in the command clause,

with one of the negative particles mirta or wala.

The following examples illustrate the formation of some mild positive

commands using the potential inflections.

6.93 Kartpa-tkayi ngayu shop-karta.

take-POT 1sg.ACC shop-ALL 'Take me to the shop.' (MD)

6.94 Murla-yi purri-tkayi kampa-rna-wa karla-ngka-ngu ngarrki-i. meat-ACC pull-POT cook-PAST-TOP1 fire-LOC-ABL eat-POT

‘Pull the meat that is cooked from the fire and eat (it).' (MD)

6.95 Wantha- tkayi karlungkarra muyhumuyhu-rri-yangu put-POT to.one.side cold-INCH-REL 'Put (it) to one side to get/become cool (meat from fire).’ (MD)

Like the imperative clauses, potential inflected commands address second

person subjects and, as is illustrated by the examples above, the subject is often omitted

from the command. In a potential inflected command all objects of transitive and

ditransitive verbs are assigned accusative marking. This differs from transitive

imperative constructions where common nominal objects are unmarked, and is unlike

the examples of ditransitive imperatives provided in §6.7 where one object argument is

marked accusative and the other is unmarked.

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Hortatives are also formed with the potential inflection in Kurrama and, as

would be expected, address first person (non-singular) pronoun subjects. The following

examples illustrate.

6.96 Ngali pangkarri-i. .

1du.inc.NOM go-POT ‘Let’s go’ (lit: ‘you and I go’). (MD)

6.97 Nhungu-mpa murtiwarla-la31

here-TOP7 car-LOC 1pl.inc.NOM leave-POT ngaliwu wantha-rrkayi.

‘We'll leave the car here!' (P.507)

In Kurrama there is no specific negative imperative inflection. Instead, negative

commands are formed by negating a potential inflected verb with one of the negative

particles mirta or wala. However, there are some instances in the Kurrama data where a

negative command is formed by the negation of a nominal predicate with a negative

copula. In these instances the negative copula is formed by the privative inflection of

yanku ‘go/be’. Negative commands address second person subjects but often the subject

is omitted.

Following are some examples of negative commands formed by negation of a

potential marked verb with the particle mirta.

6.98 Mirta wurnta-rtkayi murnakurru.

Not come-POT this.way

'Don't come this way!' (MD)

6.99 Nyinta-warnu parni-i nhungu, mirta yanki-i nyinta. 2sg.NOM-EMPH5 stay-POT here not go-POT 2sg.NOM "Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere)!" (P.480)

6.100 Mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i. not fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT 'Don't be/become frightened!’ (P.450)

31 This hortative clause was presented earlier in example 2.66. As stated earlier I cannot explain why LOC marking is used on murtiwarla instead of ACC marking (see also footnote 9).

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6.101 Mirta nhawi-i ngaliyawu. not see/look-POT 1du.exc.ACC 'Don't look at us two.' (AP)

The following example illustrates the formation of a negative command with the

negative particle wala.

6.102 Wala kurtka parni-nyjarri-wunta nyinta-yi.

don't think be-COLL-MIGHT 2sg.NOM-TOP4 (P.427) 'Now don't you think about that!’ (lit: ‘Now, don’t might you think about that’).

A negative command is formed with the privative suffix -warri in the following

example. The privative suffix is added to yanku ‘go/be’, in its copula function, so as to

negate the nominal predicate waa ‘fright’.

6.103 Kantharri-watha, nyintawu waa yanku-warri, ngayi nhaat-ju.

granny-NEAR 2pl.NOM fright go/be-PRIV 1sg.NOM thisDEF-EMPH1 ‘Grannies don't you (all) be frightened. It's just me.’ (P.448)

The privative suffix –warri is foremost a nominal suffix. However, examples

were provided in §2.4.3 where the privative –warri is used to inflect verbs other than

yanku. Therefore, the use of the privative suffix –warri on the verb yanku, in its copula

function, is not confined just to negative commands.

Negative hortative clauses are constructed like negative commands but have first

person (non-singular) subjects. Following is a negative hortative clause that has a dual

first person subject. This example is the negative alternative of the earlier positive

hortative presented in example 6.96.

6.104 Ngali mirta pangkarri-i.

1du.inc.NOM not/no go-POT

‘Let’s you and I not go.’ (MD)

6.9 Questions

A common strategy used when asking a question, in Kurrama, is to use a rising

intonation. Questions, in Kurrama, predominately take a declarative form and a rising

intonation alone may be all that is required to indicate that a question is being asked.

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However, there are some formal grammatical devices that can be used when asking a

question in Kurrama. Questions that require information answers are formed with the

use of various interrogative pronouns and locationals; and polar questions that require,

at their simplest, the polar answers ‘yes’ or ‘no’ can be formed by attaching the

interrogative clitic –(r)nta to a host word within the question. However, apart from

these properties both polar questions and information questions retain a declarative

structure. The formation of polar questions with the interrogative clitic is first discussed

in the following section, and then the formation of information questions with various

interrogative pronouns and locationals is examined.

6.9.1 The Interrogative Clitic

Following are some examples of questions formed with the interrogative clitic.

These polar questions can be answered with just ‘yes’ or ‘no’.

6.105 Nyinta-rnta manku-rna marnta-yi? 2sg.NOM-INTRRG get-PAST money-ACC 'Did you get money?' (MD)

6.106 Kantharri nyinta-yu ngayu-yu mirnu-nta ? Granny 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 1sg.ACC-EMPH4 know-INTRRG ‘Granny you know me don't you?’ (P.126)

6.107 Yaayu, nyinta-rnta walartu? aunty 2sg.NOM-INTRRG that.one 'Aunty, is that you?' (P.026)

6.108 Nyinta-warnu nhaatpa-nta? 2sg.NOM-EMPH5 thisDEF-INTRRG 'Is this/that you? (P.361)

In the following example both the interrogative marker and an interrogative

pronoun are used to form a question.

6.109 Ngani-wa-nta nhaa-yu? what-TOP1-INTRRG this-EMPH4 'What can this be?' (P.315)

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In the previous example 6.109 the speaker asks a question of himself. In the

following examples the use of the interrogative marker has a slightly different function

but it still retains the nature of forming a ‘question’. The interrogative clitic in these

examples marks the choice between several options that the speaker makes as he

ponders over particular matters. In 6.110 the speaker marks his choice between several

options by attaching the interrogative clitic to the numbers of goannas that he thinks

may have been ‘chopped and powdered up’. In 6.111 the speaker uses the interrogative

clitic to mark what he thinks the subject of the clause may have been ‘chopping’.

6.110 Well ngunhangaata ngunhangaata-wa-yi kuyharra-nta kurrumanthu well that that-TOP1-TOP4 two-INTRRG goanna kuyharra-nta jarrwurti-nta ngarra-rnaarnu two-INTRRG three-INTRRG chop-PPERF yurntaa-ma-rnaarnu martkurra ngunyji-yu. powder-CAUS-PPERF good thereNV-EMPH4

'Well there it was. That must have been two goannas, maybe two or three

, chopped up, powdered up. That's very good.' (P.282)

6.111 Marliya-wu-nta tharni-rnu-wathu wild.honey-ACC-INTRRG chop-REL-DIM

'(She was) probably chopping honey or something.' (P.462)

Although I have no parallel Kurrama examples, Dench (1991: 207) reports that

in Panyjima the interrogative clitic can also be used to ask an addressee to choose from

a set of options. Given the instances in examples 6.110 and 6.111, where the

interrogative clitic marks the choice of options made by a Kurrama speaker, it is highly

likely that it could also be used to mark the choice of options for a Kurrama addressee.

The following Panyjima example provided by Dench (1991: 207) indicates what could

be possible.

6.112 Choice of options marked by the interrogative clitic in Panyjima

Nyinta yana-ku wuntumarra-la yirtiya-la-nta 2sg.NOM go-PRES river-LOC road-LOC-INTRRG ‘Are you going by the river or by the road?’ (Dench, 1991: 207)

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In conclusion, the questions that are formed with the interrogative clitic have the

same grammatical form as declaratives except for the addition of the clitic to a host

word in the clause. But, as was stated earlier, the interrogative clitic is not always

necessarily used in Kurrama, instead a rising intonation may be all that indicates that a

polar question is being asked.

6.9.2 Interrogative Pronouns and Locationals

The most common interrogative pronouns and locationals used in Kurrama to

form questions that require an information answer are: ngana ‘who’; ngani ‘what’; and

wanthila ‘where’ or ‘where at’. These interrogative expressions occur, most often, in

clause or sentence initial position when forming a question. It should be noted, however,

that the interrogatives ngana and ngani can also be used as indefinite pronouns in

Kurrama. In these instances ngana translates as ‘someone’ or ‘anyone’, and ngani

translates as ‘something’ or ‘anything’. As shown in §3.3 when acting as indefinites

these pronouns (and their derivations) are not necessarily placed sentence initial; they

may also occur medially or at the end of a sentence.

Following are some examples of questions formed with ngana, ngani, and

wanthila. These questions are juxtaposed with an information answer. The interrogative

pronouns and the interrogative locational are placed at the beginning of the question.

6.113 Ngana yini nyinta? Ngayi Maudie-nha Kurrama. who name 2sg.NOM 1sg.NOM Maudie-SPEC Kurrama ‘Who (what) is your name?' ‘I am Maudie Kurrama.' (MD)

6.114 Ngani nhaa? Nhaa ngayarntu. what this.(near) this 1sg.GEN 'What is this?' ‘This is mine.' (MD)

6.115 Wanthila nyinta parni? where 2sg.NOM live.PRES 'Where do you live?’ Ngayi parni yalaa nhungu-yu Onslow-la. 1sg.NOM live.PRES now here-EMPH4 Onslow-LOC ‘I now live here in Onslow.' (MD)

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In Kurrama a number of different interrogative pronouns and locationals can be

formed with declinations of the stems ngana, ngani and the bound stems wanthi- and

wantha-. Presented below are some examples of interrogative derivations of both ngani

and wanthi-. Ngani inflects as a common noun and wanthi- inflects as a proper noun. A

range of suffixes, clitics, verbalisers and supplementary nouns can be added to these

stems to form a variety of interrogatives.

ngani- nganingka (-ngka = Locative suffix) ‘what in/at?’

nganiyarntu (-yarntu = Genitive suffix) ‘what is that for/belongs to what?’

nganiyaa (-yaa = Semblative clitic) ‘what are you like/how are you?’

nganinyaa (-nyaa = Associative suffix) ‘what now?’

nganimalu (-malu = ‘quantity’) ‘how many?’

nganiwarni (-warni = Inchoative verbaliser) ‘what is the matter?’

nganiwarnaayi (-warn-aayi = Inchoative-Perfective aspect) ‘what is wrong?’

nganiyala yurra (-yala= ‘now/today’ yurra = ‘day/sun’) ‘what day is it?’

wanthi-

wanthila (-la = Locative suffix) ‘where/where at?’

wanthilangu (-la-ngu = Locative -Ablative suffixes) ‘where from?’

wanthinha (-nha = ‘one’) ‘which/which one?’

wanthiwa (-wa = Topicaliser clitic) ‘how are you?’

Declinations of ngana are not common in the Kurrama corpus. Also declinations

made on the bound stem wantha- are not as productive as those made on wanthi-, but

the apparently frozen form wantharni is often used to ask ‘where to?’, ‘which way?’ or

‘how’.

Following are some examples of questions formed with some of the

interrogative pronouns and locationals that are presented above. Some additional

interrogative pronouns and locationals, whose composite morphology I found difficult

to parse, are also presented with these examples.

6.116 Wanthilangu nyinta-yu wurnta-rna yaayu? where.from 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 come-PAST aunty 'Where have you come from, Aunty?' (P.030)

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6.117 Wantharni nyinta pangkarri. where.to 2sg.NOM go.PRES ‘Where to / which way are you going?' (MD)

6.118 Nganimalu parni wangka-nyjarri-ngu wangka-yi how.many sit.PRES talk-COLL-REL story/word-ACC ‘How many are sitting down talking story together?' (MD)

6.119 Nganimaku nyinta. what.doing 2sg.NOM ‘What are you doing?' (MD)

6.120 Nganaarrayi nyinta kamungu what's.wrong 2sg.NOM hungry/empty ‘What's wrong (are) you hungry?’ (MD)

6.121 Wantharta nyinta wurnta-rtkayi ngayu nhawi-i when/how.long 2sg.NOM come-POT 1sg.ACC see-POT 'When are you coming to see me?’ (MD)

In the examples above the interrogative pronoun and locational expressions are

placed in clause or sentence initial position. However, in the following example the

interrogative expression does not introduce the question. This example 6.122 is more an

expression of dissatisfaction, rather than a question, but I am unsure as to whether this

influences the position of the interrogative pronoun within this sentence. MD expressed

this example with a relatively ‘flat’ intonation but did articulate the last word marnta-yi

with some rising intonation (yet, not to the same level as in her earlier questions).

6.122 Parni kumpa-ngu wantharta manki-i marnta-yi sit.PRES wait-REL how.long get-POT money-ACC ‘How long do (I) have to sit and wait to get money?' (MD)

6.10 Collective Clauses

The Kurrama collective derivational suffix was discussed in general terms in

§4.6.1. In this section I provide a more detailed account of collective clauses and then

provide some examples to illustrate.

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The addition of the collective suffix to a verb does not affect the transitivity and

the basic argument structure of that verb. It derives a Ø-conjugation verb stem (to which

Ø-conjugation TAM suffixes can be added) regardless of the original conjugation class

of the verb to which it is attached. The collective suffix attaches to both transitive and

intransitive verb stems and has three possible interpretations which were presented

previously in §4.6.1. For ease of reference they are listed again below:

• Action is performed by a group acting together in unison (collective function) • Action involves members of a group each acting on the other (reciprocal

function)

• Action involves persons in the same alternating generation set (kin group function)

As a general rule when the collective suffix is used on an intransitive verb it

usually has a collective function. For instance, the collective marking of parni ‘sit’,

karri ‘stand’, or ngarri/ngarrwi ‘lie’, most often represent actions that are performed

collectively and not actions that are carried out reciprocally. Alternatively, in Kurrama,

the use of the collective suffix on a transitive verb stem typically has a reciprocal

function. For instance, the collective marked wanpi ‘hit’ is more likely to have a

reciprocal function rather than a collective function. However, this is not always so. The

meaning of the verb, to which the collective suffix is added, can determine, to some

degree, whether the stem has a collective or reciprocal meaning. For instance, the

collective marked transitive verbs ngarrku ‘eat’ and mija ‘drink’ are more likely to be

carried out collectively by participants rather than reciprocally.

In its collective or reciprocal functions a collective marked verb will select a

non-singular subject. However, in its kin group function the collective suffix can select

either singular or non-singular subjects. In the Kurrama section system an individual has

membership in one of two alternating generation sets. An individual and his/her

siblings, spouse, cousins, grandparents and grandchildren belong to one generation set;

and an individual’s parents and children and their siblings, spouses, cousins,

grandparents and grandchildren belong to another generation set (Dench, 1987a: 328).

In its simplest form of kin group function a collective marked verb may have a singular

subject and a singular object who are both in the same generation set. But, a collective

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marked clause, with a kin group function, can potentially have any number of

participants as long as they are all in the same generation set.

As would be expected, the reciprocal and collective functions are separate and

do not occur at the same time (although there are some situations where the function

intended may be ambiguous; see example 4.94). Also, the kin group reading is separate

from the reciprocal and collective readings. It is possible to have a singular subject and

object with a kin group reading but this is not possible with a reciprocal or a collective

reading. Further, a collective or reciprocal reading can be applied to a collective marked

verb that has a non-singular subject, but a kin reading is not possible when all of the

subject participants are not in the same generation set. Alternatively, there may be some

ambiguity when non-singular subjects are in the same generation set. In this situation, it

is possible to have a collective and kin group interpretation, or a reciprocal and kin

group interpretation.

Knowledge of the kin relations that hold between the participants (described in a

collective clause) is required to determine if a kin group reading is possible or intended

when a collective marked verb is used to describe their actions. Kurrama speakers, and

listeners, are familiar with the kin relations that hold between the participants in a

speech act and can determine if a kin group reading is possible or intended when a

collective marked verb is used. Dench (1987a: 336 - 337) states that in the Ngayarda

languages the use of the collective derivational suffix does not provide new or extra

information about the kin relations that hold between the participants. However, it does

indicate that the speaker is focusing on a kin relationship that s/he and the addressee

recognize and is ‘asking the addressee to think about the implications of that

relationship’.

Among many Aboriginal groups a person’s interaction with others depends on

the kin relation that holds between them. Alternate generation divisions often influence

the roles that people play in both day to day affairs and in ceremony. Members of the

same generation set often interact collectively day to day and in ceremony. Dench

(1987: 337) suggests that ‘the perception that collective activity is typical of same

generation set membership has led to the use of the collective suffix to mark this

relationship’. That is, when used in its kin group function the collective implicitly

emphasizes the social roles and expectations that hold between the participants. This,

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most often, involves cooperation and collective interaction between members of the

same generation set; unlike differing generation membership which often involves

restrained interaction between participants and avoidance in some situations.

Following are some examples of the different functions of the collective suffix.

Further examples were presented in §4.6.1. Unlike the speaker of these examples, or a

Kurrama listener, the only way I can determine the intended or possible function of the

suffix is to rule out what it cannot be. In the following example 6.123 the use of

collective derivation on nhawu ‘see’ appears to have a collective function; the transitive

action is carried out by a group of ‘others’. A kin group function can probably be ruled

out in this instance because this group of ‘others’ are most likely to be of mixed kin

relations. Yet, in 6.123 the collective marked transitive verb puyhu ‘meet’ is best

understood as having a reciprocal reading rather than a collective reading. In the

Payarrany narrative, from which this example is taken, the participants ‘met up’ with

each other by chance rather than deliberately ‘meeting’ all together.

6.123 Parraa-mpa ngunyji-wa Kartajirri puyhu-marri-wa long.time-TOP7 thereNV-TOP1 Duck.Creek meet-COLL-TOP1 nhawu-marri-nguli-ngu mani-ngku-yu. see-COLL-PASS-REL others-INSTR-EMPH4

‘A long time later, over there on Duck Creek, (she) was seen by some other people. (They) met up with one another.’ (P.344)

In the following example 6.124 the collective marking of nhawu ‘see’ can only

have a kin group interpretation. The subject is singular in this instance which rules out

collective and reciprocal functions. In the narrative the ones the subject is urged to ‘see’

are her brothers, who are in the same generation set, so in this instance the collective

marking does definitely have a kin group function.

6.124 Nyinta yanka-ayi ngunhangaatu nhawu-marri-lu 2sg.NOM go-PERF there see-COLL-PURP 'You go over there and see (them).’ (P.053)

In the following example 6.125 the collective marking of ‘see’ can also only

have a kin group reading. The ellipsed subject is singular and he is looking for his

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Granny’s tracks which are inalienably possessed by her. Both the subject and his

Granny are in the same generation group.

6.125 Yanku-nha marnta-ka-yu kurlka-kurta jina-yi go-PAST hill-LOC-EMPH4 think-very track-ACC nhawu-marri-ngu wanthila parni-yangu ngani-ngka-wathu. see-COLL-REL where.(at) be-REL what-LOC-DIM '(He) went into the hills thinking (he) would see her tracks somewhere about.' (P.398)

6.11 Reflexives

In this chapter I have examined the main types of simple sentence used in the

Kurrama corpus. However, as I think back over what I have written in this chapter it is

apparent that I have not discussed reflexive constructions. Amongst all that I wished to

discuss, and did discuss, with Maudie Dowton and Thomas Cox, in our sessions

together we did not get to discuss reflexive clauses. Further, there are no true definitive

examples of reflexives in the data recorded with Judy July and Algy Paterson.

It would seem that the expression yamarti (which glosses as ‘alone’ or ‘by

oneself’) could possibly have a role in Kurrama reflexive constructions. Consider the

following example (which I cannot completely parse).

6.126 Yirra wuyu kurta ngarra-rna nhungu thangkat-pa

edge side very chop -PAST here enough-TOP2 waji-ma-rnu-wa thurla-yi. Wantharni ngarra parni-nha bad -CAUS-REL-TOP1 eye-ACC how (chop?) be -PAST

martkurra-rri-nyu yamarti? good-INCH-TRUE alone/by.oneself ''The edge cut/chopped (her) right here and destroyed (her) eye. How did (she) manage to recover by herself (on her own)? (P.464-P.465)

Yet, 6.126 is not a clear example of a reflexive construction where the subject

acts upon herself; such as ‘washing’ herself. However, Wordick (1982: 78) does provide

examples of reflexive constructions in Yindjibarndi. He reports that the reflexive

pronoun tyarnku which he translates as ‘self’ is used in Yindjibarndi reflexive

constructions. An example that Wordick (1982: 78) provides is:

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6.127 Yindjibarndi reflexive construction

Ngayi punhtha-kayi tyarnku-u. 1sg.NOM wash - POT self-OBJ

‘I will wash myself.’ (Wordick, 1982: 78)

This may well be how reflexives are formed in Kurrama. In all, obtaining

examples of reflexive constructions in Kurrama should be relatively straightforward, but

this must wait for further research.

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7. COMPLEX SENTENCES

In this chapter I examine the main types of complex sentence construction that

are used in Kurrama. These complex sentences are made up of matrix and subordinate

clause combinations. There are several specific types of subordinate clause that are used

in Kurrama complex sentences. The subordinate clause types that I discuss in this

chapter are: relative clauses, progressive clauses, purpose clauses, result clauses and lest

clauses. The following table summarizes the main formal and notional properties of

each of these subordinate types.

Table 7.1 Main Properties of the Kurrama subordinate clause types Clause type Formal properties Notional properties

Relative -most often formed with the RELative verb inflection allomorphs -ngu, -yangu or -rnu but there are examples of NP-relatives formed with the perfective and passive perfective verb inflections

-the REL allomorphs are part of an incipient switch reference system

-involves complementiser marking which varies in different situations -T-relatives can be specifically formed with locative marking

-Two functional types that can overlap:

NP-relatives which supply additional information about an argument in the main clause;

T-relatives which specify the temporal setting of the main clause event

Progressive -marked with the progressive verb inflection allomorphs -ngumarnu or

–rnumarnu -has the same subject as the main clause

-specifies a temporal sequence where the matrix event is enacted ‘and then’ the subordinate event follows

Purpose -marked with the purpose verb inflection allomorphs -lu or –rlu

-or marked with the potential verb inflection allomorphs

-has the same subject as the main clause

-specifies the purpose for the prior matrix clause event -time frame relative to time of main clause

Result -marked with the result verb inflection allomorphs -aangu or -langu

-has a subject that is different to the subject of the main clause

-specifies the result of the prior matrix clause event -time frame relative to time of main clause

Lest -marked with the active ‘might’ verb inflection allomorphs –wunta or –rtpunta

-or marked with the passive ‘might’ verb inflection allomorphs -nyaa, -nnyaa or

-rnnyaa

-warns of an unwanted event that may occur if the matrix clause event is, or is not, carried out

-time frame relative to time of main clause

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In brief, a subordinate clause cannot stand alone whereas an independent main

clause can. Also, the interpretation of a subordinate clause depends on its link with a

main clause. For instance, subordinate purpose or result clauses cannot stand alone

without a main clause. The interpretation of a subordinate purpose or result clause

depends on its links with a main clause; they describe the purpose or result of an action

described in the main clause. Overall, there are some general syntactic features that are

common to the differing subordinate clauses listed in Table 7.1; these are summarized

below:

1. Most often the subordinate clause follows the main clause (that is, it is most

often adjoined to the main clause). However, in some situations a subordinate

clause may be placed within the structure of the main clause (that is, it can be

embedded within the main clause). For instance, a NP-relative clause can be

embedded in a main clause where it is placed following the head of the main

clause NP argument that it modifies.

2. Verbs in subordinate clauses select the same range of arguments as do

independent verbs.

3. The A or S argument of a subordinate clause acts as the pivot that links a

dependent clause to a main clause. This pivot argument is usually omitted from

the subordinate clause, but may be omitted from the main clause.

4. Complementiser marking is used in a subordinate clause to specifically indicate

the main clause argument with which it is co-referential. In Kurrama, each sub-

constituent of a subordinate clause is usually assigned complementiser marking

but there are some exceptions and constraints which modify this pattern; these

are listed below:

• Sequences of identical suffix morphemes are blocked. For instance, a

locative argument of a subordinate clause cannot be further inflected

with a locative complementiser when, for example, the subordinate

clause is co-referential with a locative matrix argument.

• Accusative and instrumental suffixes block further nominal suffix

inflection. For example, an instrumental marked argument in a

subordinate passive clause is not further inflected with any form of

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complementiser that might link the subordinate passive clause to an

argument of the main clause.

• Different subject REL marked subordinate verbs are not further inflected

with an accusative complementiser when their subject argument is co-

referential with an accusative matrix argument; but different subject REL

marked verbs are assigned instrumental or locative complementiser

marking when their subject is co-referential with an instrumental or

locative inflected matrix argument. A different subject REL marked verb

stem may also select locative marking when forming a T-relative.

In this chapter I discuss the formal and notional properties of each of the

subordinate clause types listed in Table 7.1. Further, in Kurrama, verbal and nominal

predicates of cognition, perception and information transfer can select clausal

complements. I finish this chapter with an examination of the characteristics of these

clausal complements; they could potentially take all of the subordinate forms that are

listed in Table 7.1.

7.1 Relative Clauses

In the Kurrama corpus, the construction of a relative clause most often involves

marking the subordinate verb with a REL inflection allomorph; either -ngu, -yangu, or

–rnu. However, in the corpus, there are a limited number of NP-relative clauses that are

formed by perfective or passive perfective marking of a subordinate verb. These

dependent perfective and passive perfective NP-relatives provide additional information

about, or specification of, one of the arguments in the matrix clause with which they are

co-referential (as described by Hale (1976: 269) for Australian (adjoined) relative

clauses).

There are no examples of perfective or passive perfective relative clauses that

have a T-relative function in the Kurrama data. There is, however, an example of a T-

relative formed by locative inflection of a potential marked subordinate verb stem and

another formed with the locative marking of a present inflected subordinate verb stem.

Hale (1976) defines T-relatives as relative constructions that specify the temporal or

logical conditions under which the event described by the matrix clause occurs. In the

data there are also examples of T-relatives that are formed by locative inflection of

RELative marked subordinate verb stems.

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In the following discussion I first examine the properties of RELative inflected

subordinate clauses and then discuss the perfective and passive perfective NP-relatives.

Within the discussion on the RELative inflected subordinate clauses I provide some

examples of the potential, present, and REL marked T-relatives that were described

above. I finish this section with further comments on the subordinate status of

Kurrrama relative clauses even though they are not necessarily embedded within a main

clause.

7.1.1 RELative Marked Clauses

In the Kurrama corpus there are over a hundred instances of RELative marked

clauses that have NP-relative functions and/or T-relative functions. As was discussed in

§4.5.9.1, the Kurrama RELative allomorphs are members of an incipient switch

reference system. In the following discussion I first add to what was said earlier in

§4.5.9.1 on the switch reference functions of the RELative inflection allomorphs. Then,

following this, I provide some examples of REL marked T-relatives, plus some

examples of potential and present inflected T-relatives. I finish with examples of REL

marked clauses that are linked to instrumental arguments within passive matrix clauses.

7.1.1.1 Switch reference and the RELative markers

Some examples of the incipient switch reference system of the Kurrama REL

inflection allomorphs were discussed in §4.5.9.1. In this discussion it was shown that

the Ø-conjugation REL allomorph –ngu consistently indicates same subject reference;

while the Ø-conjugation REL allomorph –yangu consistently indicates different subject

reference. That is, a subordinate Ø-conjugation verb marked with –ngu has a subject

which is co-referential with the subject of the main clause, while a subordinate Ø-

conjugation verb marked with –yangu has a subject which is co-referential with an

accusative argument in the main clause. However, as discussed in §4.5.9.1, L- and R-

conjugation verbs only select the one RELative allomorph –rnu. This suffix appears to

indicate different subject reference by default but can allow same subject reference

when a different subject reading is neither logical nor possible. Examples of this were

provided in §4.5.9.1.

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The following additional examples further illustrate the default different subject

function of –rnu. In these examples the subject of the –rnu inflected subordinate verb is

co-referential with an accusative argument in the matrix clause. The subordinate verb

inflected with –rnu does not select an accusative complementiser. However, I cannot

determine definitively whether the other sub-constituents of a -rnu inflected subordinate

clause select accusative complementiser marking. In the following examples 7.2 and 7.3

the accusative marked arguments of the –rnu inflected subordinate verbs would not be

assigned further accusative complementiser marking because of the constraints, in

Kurrama, which ban sequences of identical suffixes and prevent further inflection of

stems that already bear accusative marking; so accusative complementiser marking in

these subordinate -rnu inflected clauses cannot be observed.

Further, in example 7.1 the locative marked yirra-ngka may either be part of the

object NP of the REL inflected subordinate verb or a separate locative adjunct. That is,

the accusative marking of yirra-ngka is somewhat ambiguous; it may represent

accusative marking of an object NP or accusative complementiser marking of a sub-

constituent of the subordinate –rnu inflected clause. I have no examples in the corpus of

accusative marking in a –rnu inflected subordinate clause that clearly represents

complementiser marking. Examples of this would clearly indicate that –rnu did have a

different subject reading in such situations.

7.1 Nhawu-ngumarnu blanket blanket-ku ngurnu-mpa,

see-PROG blanket blanket-ACC that.ACC-TOP7

ngurnu-mpa blanket-ku [wanyja-yi yirra-ngka-wu kanyja-rnu]. that.ACC-TOP7 blanket-ACC dog-ACC edge-LOC-ACC have-REL

'And then (I) saw that blanket, you know that blanket I told you about, that blanket [which had the (pictures of ) dogs around the edges].' (P.229 - P.230)

7.2 Ngayi wanyja-yi nhawu-nha [ paa-rnu mangkurla-wu32

1sg.NOM dog-ACC see-PAST bite-REL child-ACC ].

"I saw the dog that bit the child.' (MD)

32 Note that the order of the RELative marked verb and its arguments is not significant. In examples 7.2 and 7.3 the REL marked verb and its accusative argument are placed in either order. Overall, there is no marked preference for a specific order in the corpus.

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7.3 Ngayi wanyja-yi wanpi-rna [mangkurla-wu paa-rnu] 33

1sg.NOM dog-ACC hit-PAST child-ACC bite-REL .

'I hit the dog that bit the child.' (MD)

Yet, a number of examples were provided in §4.5.9.1 where the –rnu inflection

has a same subject reading. In these examples a different subject reading is neither

logical nor possible and it is only then, in these circumstances, that a same subject

reading can be made. The same is true in the following example. In example 7.4 it

would not be logical for the accusative marked main clause object yurraamu-ngarli

‘rams/sheep’ to ‘look after’ the one who is ‘shepherding’ them. So the –rnu marking of

nhawungarra ‘look after’ has a same subject reading. That is, the subject of the –rnu

marked verb can only be co-referential with the subject of the main clause; its subject is

not co-referential with the accusative matrix argument ‘rams/sheep’.

Further, in the following example 7.4, the –rnu inflected verbs occur within a

description of a number of actions that are carried out by the same subject. The Ø-

conjugation verbs that describe some of these actions bear unambiguous same subject

suffixes: both the same subject REL suffix–ngu and the same subject purpose –lu

inflection. Therefore, the implication is that the –rnu inflected verbs in this description

also have a same subject reading. It is not until the last clause in this example that there

is a subject change and this different subject reference is indicated with the

unambiguous Ø-class RELative suffix –yangu.

7.4 Mirna-wa-yu parraa-la-wa-yu, ngayi pangkarri-nha while-TOP1-EMPH4 long.time-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 1sg.NOM return-PAST yurraamu-ngarli-wu-yu parni-lu japat nhawungarra-rnu, ram.(sheep)-PL-ACC-EMPH4 stay-PURP shepherd look.after-REL Yartalulu-la-ngu-yu parni-lu nhungu Marryiri-la-wa Yarraloola-LOC-ABL-EMPH4 stay-PURP here Gap.Well-LOC-TOP1

33 Note that in these examples of relative clauses, formed with REL marking, the relative clause is placed in sentence final position and is adjoined to the main clause. That is, in examples like 7.2 and 7.3, the relative clause is not embedded adjacent to the main clause argument that it modifies but instead is placed after the main clause where its subject is indicated by switch reference (see §7.1.3).

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japatjarri-ngu, mirta japatjarri-ngu, nhawungarra-rnu, shepherding-REL not shepherding-REL look.after-REL

patiki-la-wu34

paddock-LOC-ACC be-REL parni-yangu.

'Sometime later, a good long time, I came back to stay shepherding, to look after the sheep. (I) came from Yarraloola to camp here at Gap Well, shepherding. (Well) not shepherding, looking after (them), (they) were in the paddock.' (P.098)

The following examples are a little more complex and there may be some

confusion as to whether a same or different subject reading could be applied to –rnu.

That is, it would be a little more difficult to track whether a same or different subject

reading was intended if the allomorph –rnu was used. So, perhaps because of this

ambiguity, the –rnu suffix is not used and instead the verbs in each clause are inflected

with an independent TAM inflection to form two independent clauses that are

effectively conjoined.

7.5 Wanyja-yi wanpi-rna mangkurla ngayi mangkurla-wu wanpi-rna dog-ACC hit-PAST child 1sg.NOM child-ACC hit-PAST 'The child hit the dog and I hit the child.' (MD)

7.6 Ngayi wanyja-yi yungku-nha murla-yi winta-rna35

1sg.NOM dog-ACC give-PAST meat-ACC cut-PAST .

‘I gave the dog the meat that (I) cut.' (MD)

As was described in §4.5.9.1, when discussing the use of the REL suffix –rnu

Maudie Dowton stated that the second clause, in the following example 7.7, would

express ‘I hit the dog’ if wanpi-rna was used instead of wanpi-rnu. Therefore, based on

this observation, and the examples presented in this section and in §4.5.9.1, it can be

argued that the Kurrama REL suffix –rnu marks different subject reference by default

and not same subject reference.

34 In this example the locative adjunct patiki-la is marked with an accusative complementiser in the subordinate -yangu inflected clause; this clearly indicates the different subject reference.of -yangu.

35 In this example both the subject and the object of the second clause are co-referential with those in the first clause. These arguments are ‘dropped’ from the second clause as part of the coordination/conjunction of the two clauses. Similarly in example 7.8 the co-referential subject can be omitted in the second clause.

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7.7 Ngayi mangkurla-wu nhawu-nha wanpi-rnu wanyja-yi. 1sg.NOM child-ACC see-PAST hit-REL dog-ACC 'I saw the child who hit the dog.' (MD)

7.8 Ngayi mangkurla-wu nhawu-nha (ngayi) wanyja-yi wanpi-rna

1sg.NOM child-ACC see -PAST (1sg.NOM) dog-ACC hit-PAST ‘I saw the child and (I) hit the dog.' (MD)

Thus, in summary, same subject reference only applies to the L- and R-class

RELative allomorph -rnu when a different subject reading is not logical or possible.

Example 7.4 illustrates an instance where it would not be logical for the accusative

argument of the main clause to be the subject of the –rnu marked subordinate verb; so a

same subject reading applies. Further, as shown in Table 4.11, in §4.5.9.1, a different

subject reading of –rnu is not possible when the main clause verb is intransitive. An

intransitive matrix verb does not select an accusative argument with which the

subordinate –rnu marked verb could be co-referential; so a same subject reading

applies. Yet, in instances where there may be ambiguity, and it would be difficult to

track subject reference, it appears that the REL marker is not used. Instead, the verbs in

each clause are assigned an independent TAM inflection and the independent clauses

are then conjoined; as was done in examples 7.5 and 7.6.

7.1.1.2 REL marked clauses with a T-relative function

When translating examples of RELative marked clauses it is often possible to

gloss the events described by the matrix clauses as occurring ‘while’ the events

described by the subordinate REL clause are enacted. This T-relative interpretation is

acceptable as most often the temporal setting of a dependent REL marked clause is

contemporaneous with the matrix clause to which it is linked. However, there is a more

definite and explicit way to express a T-relative in Kurrama.

A T-relative can be constructed in Kurrama by locative inflection of a

subordinate verb where the locative marked subordinate verb denotes the temporal

setting of the event described in the matrix clause (or alternatively it makes a

supplementary comment that holds at the time identified in the main clause). In the

Kurrama corpus, a T-relative is most often formed by locative inflection of a different

subject REL inflected subordinate verb. However, T-relatives can also be constructed

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with locative marking of subordinate verbs that bear other TAM inflections; this is first

illustrated by the following example.

Example 7.9 illustrates a T-relative clause that is constructed with locative

marking of the perfective inflected subordinate verb wangka-ayi ‘talk-PERF’. The event

described in the matrix clause ‘that one/he laughed’ occurred at the time described by

the T-relative - ‘when I talked’. This example is a little unusual in that the T-relative

subordinate clause occurs in first position in the sentence, but there is no constraint

against this.

7.9 Ngayi wangka-ayi-la ngunha thurni-nha.

1sg:NOM talk-PERF-LOC that laugh-PAST 'When I talked that one/he laughed.' (Hale, 1959: 42)

The following example 7.10 (presented earlier in §2.5.1 and §2.6) illustrates a

two part T-relative where a zero present inflected subordinate verb and a different

subject REL inflected subordinate verb are both marked with a locative suffix. These

locative marked subordinate verbs form the T-relative ‘while riding around’ and the T-

relative ‘while going to look for cattle’ which specify the temporal setting of the main

clause event - ‘when the people would find the old lady’.

7.10 Parntaya-nmarri-nguli-marta wanyjila nyungunyji thalingka-arri-Ø-la find-COLL-PASS-HABIT anywhere there riding-INCH-PRES-LOC

puliman-ku yanku-yangu-la wayharri. cattle-ACC go-REL-LOC look.for.PRES '(She) used to be found somewhere or other (by these people), while they were riding around looking for cattle.’ (P.345)

In the following example the locative and REL inflected verb parni-yangu-la

acts in a subordinate T-relative to code the time of the main clause event. That is, the

main clause event ‘I moved to stay at Red Hill station’ occurs at the time specified by

the T-relative - ‘while (she) was up there staying in the hills’.

7.11 Mirna-wa- yu ngayi yanku-nha nhungula-nyuwa-mpa

while-TOP1-EMPH4 1sg.NOM go-PAST here-?-TOP7

Mangkala-arta, parni-lu Mangkala-la-wa-yu Red Hill-ALL live/stay-PURP Red Hill-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4

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parni-yangu-la ngunyji-mpa kankala marnta-ka live/stay-REL-LOC thereNV-TOP7 on.top hill-LOC 'Meanwhile, I had moved to this place, to Red Hill station, to stay at Red Hill while (she) was up there staying in the hills.’ (P.391 - P.392)

The T-relative interpretations given above can be contrasted with the NP-

relatives in example 7.12 below. In this example there is no T-relative interpretation.

The subordinate verb parni (in its copular function) is inflected with the different

subject suffix –yangu and a locative suffix, but this serves to determine the position of

the ‘water bag’ on the locative marked mutha ‘end’ and warla ‘heel’ of the crowbar. It

does not indicate a temporal relation between the locative inflected copula verbs and the

matrix clause.

7.12 Ngurriny-murntu-la-wa ngula mirriji-murntu-la, ngunhaatu wanu

swag-CONJ-LOC-TOP1 there rope-CONJ-LOC that.one crowbar

wanarra-wathu-yu kupijaa, an’ ngulaarta-yu mutha-ngka-yu long-DIM-EMPH4 thin and there.LOC-EMPH end-LOC-EMPH4

parni-yangu-la-mu warla-wurraa-la-yu parni-yangu-la be-REL-LOC-THEN heel-TOWARDS-LOC-EMPH4 be-REL-LOC jankaa-rnaarnu-warlu wirrumurntaa nganila pawa-nyaa waterbag tie.up-PPERF-very old thing water-ASSOC waterbag wangka-nguli. call-PASS.PRES 'And there where the swag was tied up, there was a longer crowbar. It was quite thin. And there on the end, towards the heel end really tied up, was an old what-cha-ma-callit, waterbag.' (P.221 - P.222)

Further, rather than indicating a co-referential link with a locative matrix

argument or indicating a temporal relation between a matrix and a subordinate clause,

the two part locative marked T-relative in the following example 7.13 provides an

explanation for the main clause event. The inflection of the negated verb wurnta ‘come’

with a potential and a locative suffix in the first instance, and a RELative and locative

suffix in the second instance, forms a two part T-relative that explains how the speaker

knows that her younger brother has died. The light in her dream won’t come and

because the light in her dream doesn’t come to her the speaker knows that her brother

has left her (has died).

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7.13 Wanthawa kantharri-ngalaarnu nganthayi, ngayarntu marrkaa how.about.it! granny-2sg.POSS EMPH 1sg:GEN young.brother

wanta-marri-nha-wa ngalaa-yu. / Karlamarrkantu kanayirrayirra-la-wa leave-COLL-PAST-TOP1 1du.exc-EMPH4 light dream-LOC-TOP1

ngayhala / mirta-rra-wa wurnta-tkayi-la / ngayu wurnta-rnu-la / 1sg.LOC not-DUB-TOP1 come-POT-LOC 1sg.ACC come-REL-LOC ngaliya-wu wanta-marri-nha-wa. 1du.exc.NOM-EMPH2 leave -COLL-PAST-TOP1 'Well it's your granny isn't it? My young brother has left me, we've left one another. / That light in my dream / it won’t come / because it doesn’t come to me / we (must) have left one another.’ (P.424 – P.425)

7.1.1.3 Instrumental matrix arguments and the different subject markers

Co-reference, in a NP-relative, between the subject of a subordinate clause and

an instrumental argument in a passive matrix clause can be indicated by inflecting the

subordinate verb with a different subject REL marker (either –yangu or –rnu) and an

instrumental complementiser. The following examples illustrate this.

In example 7.14, below, the instrumental pronoun argument ngayhalu, in the

passive matrix clause ‘it has been cooked by me’, is modified by the NP-relative ‘(who)

is providing for you’. The NP-relative clause is formed with instrumental marking on

the different subject REL inflected subordinate verb stem miinyma-rnu ‘provide-REL’

in agreement with its controlling instrumental matrix argument ngayhalu.

7.14 Nhaa nyinku murla kampa-ayi, nhaa-mpa

this 2sg.ACC meat cook-PERF this-TOP7 nyinku thii kampa-ayi, parraa kampa-ayi, 2sg.ACC tea cook-PERF tea.leaf cook-PERF

ngayhalu kampa-rnaarnu miinyma-rnu-lu nyinku. 1sg.INSTR cook-PPERF provide-REL-INSTR 2sg.ACC

'This is some cooked meat for you. This is some cooked tea for you. The tea is cooked, it has been cooked by me (who) is providing for you.’ (P.492)

In the following example 7.15 an ellipsed instrumental argument from the

passive main clause ‘This other bag was clean and washed (by her)’ controls the

instrumental and different subject REL inflected NP-relative ‘(she) had cleaned it

properly’. If the main clause instrumental argument was overt, a possible translation of

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the main clause and the NP-relative would be: ‘This other bag was clean and washed by

her

/ who had cleaned it properly’.

7.15 Purri-nha ngayi kurtan-ku. Nhaa-wu wirru-yu Pull-PAST 1sg.NOM bag-ACC this-EMPH2 other-EMPH2

kurtan martkurra puntha-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnu-lu. bag good wash-PPERF good-CAUS-REL-INSTR 'I pulled out the bag. This other bag was clean and washed (by her) (she) had

cleaned it properly. (P.248)

7.1.1.4 Summary of discussion on REL markers

The following list summarizes the main properties of the Kurrama RELative

allomorphs that have been discussed in §7.1.1 and in the previous section §4.5.9.

(a) same subject suffix –ngu

(i) inflects Ø-conjugation verbs,

(ii) can inflect both dependent and independent verbs,

(iii) indicates that the event described in a subordinate clause is contemporaneous

with the matrix clause event,

(iv) indicates that the subject of the dependent clause is co-referential with the

subject of the main clause.

(v) its independent (and co-subordinate) use codes imperfective aspect (§4.5.9.2).

(b) different subject suffix –yangu

(i) inflects Ø-conjugation verbs,

(ii) only inflects dependent verbs,

(iii) indicates that the event described in a subordinate clause is contemporaneous

with the matrix clause event,

(iv) indicates that the subject of the dependent clause is co-referential with an

accusative argument in the main clause,

(v) if its subject is co-referential with a non-subject argument other than an

accusative argument in the main clause then it is inflected with the case that this

matrix argument bears; usually a locative or instrumental complementiser,

(vi) can code a T-relative function when it is inflected with a locative suffix to

indicate the temporal setting of a main clause event, or to make a supplementary

comment that holds true at the time of the main clause event.

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(c) different subject suffix –rnu

(i) inflects L- and R-conjugation verbs,

(ii) marks different subject reference but can allow same subject reference in

situations where it is neither possible nor logical that a different subject

interpretation is intended,

(iii) can inflect both dependent and independent verbs,

(iv) indicates that the event described in a subordinate clause is contemporaneous

with the matrix clause event,

(v) if its subject is co-referential with a locative or instrumental argument in the

main clause it is inflected with a locative or instrumental complementiser,

(vi) can code a T-relative function when it is inflected with a locative suffix to

indicate the temporal setting of the main clause event, or to make a

supplementary comment that holds true at the time of the main clause event.

(vii) its independent (and co-subordinate) use codes imperfective aspect (§4.5.9.2).

7.1.2 Perfective and Passive Perfective NP-relative Clauses

Freely occurring examples of relative clauses formed with TAM inflections

other than the REL suffixes are rare in the corpus. However, the following examples

illustrate NP-relatives that are formed with perfective and passive perfective inflected

subordinate verbs.

When asked (in English) how she would express ‘I pulled out the child who had

fallen in the water’ Maudie Dowton provided the following Kurrama sentence. This

sentence contains a NP-relative that provides additional information about the

accusative argument in the matrix clause. The subordinate verb is marked with a

perfective suffix and both sub-constituents of the NP-relative select accusative

complementiser marking to indicate the co-referential link between the relative clause

and the controlling accusative matrix argument.

7.16 Ngayi purri-rna mangkurla-wu [ pawa-ngka-wu pungka-ayi-wu ].

1sg.NOM pull-PAST child-ACC water-LOC-ACC fall.down-PERF-ACC ‘I pulled out the child [who had fallen in the water].' (MD)

The NP-relative in the following example has the same structure.

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7.17 Payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu jarrwurti murtiwarla-la manku-lu-wa policeman-PL come-RSLT three car-LOC get-PURP-TOP1

nhurnu juju-ngu wanyjaman-ku-yu, [ ngurnu this.ACC old.man-ACC dingo.trapper-ACC-EMPH4 that.ACC nhawa-ayi-wu-yu yaayu-warri-ngu ]. see-PERF-ACC-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-ACC So three policemen came in a car, to get this old dingo man [that had seen poor old Aunty].' (P.504 - P.505)

The following example illustrates a passive perfective marked NP-relative. The

controller of this relative clause is again the accusative argument of the matrix clause. In

this relative clause the subordinate verb is marked with an accusative complementiser

but the instrumental argument of the subordinate passive is not; the instrumental suffix

blocks further complementiser marking.

7.18 Parna-ayi thaalu-warrimarta-rra, parni-marta [ mujira-lu-wa

be-PERF pet.dog-PRIV-DUB be-HABIT dingo-INSTR-TOP1

kurru- ma-rnaarnu- wu-wi ] manku-ngu murla-ngarli-wu. dead-CAUS-PPERF-ACC-TOP5 get-REL meat-PL-ACC ‘I don’t think (she) had a pet. (She) used to get meat [that had been killed by a dingo].' (P.092)

The following example was first discussed in §2.2.1 as example 2.14. This

example has a main clause subject that is made up of a number of conjoined NPs. It is

possible that one of these subject NPs, ‘the old man’, is modified by the embedded NP-

relative ‘who/that used to kill dingoes’. However, it is more likely that this apparent

habitual NP-relative is actually a parenthetical comment about ‘the old man’. It appears

that the demonstrative ngunhu-mpa-yu in this clause is actually acting as the third

person pronoun ‘he or that one’ and the clause in question expresses ‘he/that one used to

kill dingoes’. That is, the clause is actually an added independent qualifying comment

about ‘the old man’ (with all arguments overt) rather than a dependent relative clause

that modifies its subject ‘the old man’. Even so its form is close to what could be

expected of a NP-relative and, although not a definite example, suggests that it may be

possible to form habitual inflected NP-relatives in Kurrama.

7.19 Nunhangkat payanyji-ngarli, jarrwurti payanyji, juju-nha-wa-nta those policeman-PL three policeman old.man-SPEC-TOP1-INTRG

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[ngunhu-mpa-yu yuurru-wu kurruma-nmarta-yu], jarrwurti ngunhangkat that-TOP2-EMPH4 dog-ACC kill-HABIT-EMPH4 three those jurlu-wa, kartpa-rna yaayu-warri-ngu. all -TOP1 carry-PAST aunty-PRIV-ACC (P.520)

‘Those policemen, the three policemen, and the old man too, I suppose,[he/that one used to kill dingoes], and all three of those policemen, they carried poor old Aunty’.

Two of the three definite examples of NP-relatives presented above are placed

adjacent to the head nominal that they modify. The two perfective NP-relatives are

placed in sentence final position but are adjacent to the head nominals that they modify,

while the passive perfective NP-relative is placed medially within the structure of the

sentence but is not adjacent to the head nominal that it modifies. More examples are

required to substantiate how often these relative clause types are embedded within a

matrix clause or whether they are typically adjoined to the margins of a matrix clause

(as has been discussed by Hale (1976) for relative clauses in Australian languages; see

§7.1.3 below).

The patterns of articulation of the perfective and passive perfective NP-relatives

in examples 7.16 to 7.18 sheds no real light on the question of their embedded versus

adjoined status. Both situations seem to be articulated with a relatively even intonation

by the consultants. In his articulation of example 7.17 AP does pause for a short

duration before stating the perfective relative clause. He then pauses for a longer

duration after stating the relative clause before he starts the next sentence; as might be

expected. However, although AP also pauses for a short duration before stating the

passive perfective relative clause in example 7.18 he also pauses for the same longer

duration, as he did in 7.17, before he finishes the rest of the sentence. Alternatively, MD

does not pause before she states the perfective relative clause in example 7.16. Yet,

because example 7.16 was elicited independently, and the relative clause is sentence

final, there is no following text to determine how long MD would pause before starting

up again after stating a perfective relative clause.

Without examples it is also not clear whether other TAM inflections (other than

the perfective, passive perfective and RELative inflections) can be used in the formation

of Kurrama NP-relatives; such as the present and potential inflections which were used

in the formation of the T-relatives presented in §7.1.1.2. Example 7.19 suggests that the

habitual inflection could possibly be used to form a NP-relative. It is also not clear

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whether complementisers other than the accusative can be used in the construction of

perfective and passive perfective inflected NP-relatives. In §7.1.1.2 examples were

provided where present, perfective, and potential inflected T-relatives are constructed

with locative marking, and both locative and instrumental complementiser marking has

also been illustrated for REL inflected NP-relatives; but I have no examples of locative

or instrumental complementiser marking of NP-relatives formed with the other TAM

suffixes.

7.1.3 Subordination and the Adjoined Relative Clause in Kurrama

A note on the subordinate status of relative clauses in Kurrama should be made

here. In 1976 Hale spoke of the ‘adjoined relative clause’ which is found in Warlpiri

and ‘a large number of Australian languages’. Hale (1976) showed that this subordinate

clause type is not embedded in a main clause and can be multi-functional. However,

some have fixed on Hale’s statements about adjoined relative clauses in Australian

languages to claim that these clause types are not subordinate at all. For instance,

Nordlinger (2006: 9) states that Lehmann (1988: 183-185) and Diessel (2001: 439-440)

have taken Warlpiri adjoined relative clauses, and by implication adjoined relative

clauses in other Australian languages, to be examples of parataxis rather than

subordination. In the discussion above it has been shown that Kurrama relative clauses

can be multifunctional and are often not embedded in a main clause. Are these Kurrama

clause types definitely subordinate?

Hale (1976: 86) maintained that the Australian adjoined relative clause is not

embedded within a main clause but instead is placed on the edges of the main clause

and is not ‘flanked by material belonging to the main clause’. He also argued that the

adjoined relative clause can often have both an adverbial and a relative function in many

Australian languages. That is, it can have both NP-relative and T-relative functions

(Hale, 1976; and Nordlinger, 2006). Yet, some (such as Lehmann, 1988; and Diessel,

2001) have taken the lack of embedding of the adjoined relative to argue that these

clause types are not truly subordinate.

In §7.1.1 it can be seen that the examples of relative clauses formed with

RELative marking are adjoined to the end of the main clause. They are not embedded

within the structure of the main clause and do not necessarily follow the head nominal

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they modify. Yet, as discussed in §7.1.1 these REL marked adjoined relatives are

subordinate clauses. They rely on the switch reference coded by the REL markers to

indicate which main clause argument they are modifying and this controlling subject is

not reproduced again within the adjoined relative (although the switch reference of the

L- and R-conjugation REL marker seems at times to be ambiguous). Subordinate

instrumental and locative C-complementiser marking is also used in a REL marked

clause when the REL marked clause is modifying an instrumental or locative main

clause argument or adjunct. Although I was unable to locate any clear definite examples

it is also possible that accusative and nominative C-complementiser marking can be

used in REL marked clauses to further indicate subordinate modification of a main

clause core argument (when not blocked by the constraints listed previously).

Further, as shown in §7.1.1, the REL marked relatives can have not only a NP-

relative function but can also have a T-relative function. That is, the temporal reference

of a subordinate REL marked clause is relative to the TAM marking in the main clause

and is interpreted as being contemporaneous with the matrix event. However, a definite

overt T-relative function can be indicated by locative T-complementiser marking of a

different subject REL marked subordinate verb to specify the temporal setting of a main

clause event.

In §7.1.2 it was shown that finite relative clauses that are formed with perfective

and passive perfective marking can be inflected with accusative complementiser

marking to indicate that they are subordinate to a controlling accusative main clause

argument that they modify. Further, of greater note, as is shown in §7.1.2, these finite

subordinate clauses can be embedded within the structure of a main clause. However,

more examples are needed to determine how often this occurs. Subordinate adverbial T-

relative relations can also be indicated by locative T-complementiser marking in these

relative clause types. Yet, although likely to be possible, I have no examples of

subordinate locative or instrumental C-complementiser marking of finite NP-relatives.

7.2 Progressive Clauses

In Yindjibarndi, Panyjima and Martuthunira there is a set of verb suffixes that

have functions similar to the functions of the Kurrama progressive verb suffix. In

Yindjibarndi the relevant suffix is the progressive aspect suffix which has the same

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form as the Kurrama progressive suffix; that is: -ngumarnu / -rnumarnu. In Panyjima

the relevant suffix is that described by Dench (1991:176) as the ‘consequential’

inflection; which is: -ngumalku / -rnumalku. In Martuthunira the relevant suffix is that

described by Dench (1995: 248-249) as the ‘sequential’ inflection; the allomorphs of

this inflection are: -rrawaara, -l.yarrawaara, and –rryarrawaara for the Ø, L and R

conjugations respectively.

Dench (1991: 176) states that the Panyjima consequential ‘indicates that the

event described in the (consequential) clause follows as a direct consequence of the

event described in the preceding clause’. Dench (1995: 248-249) reports that

Martuthunira sequential clauses ‘describe an event which follows a main clause event,

often as an immediate consequence of that event’. Wordick (1982: 102) states that in

Yindjibarndi ‘the progressive aspect essentially describes movement towards an action’;

and, in the most common context, the Yindjibarndi progressive inflection indicates ‘that

the action described by the verb on which it occurs follows the action described by a

preceding verb to which it is conjoined’.

So, overall, it can be said that in Yindjibarndi, Panyjima and Martuthunira the

relevant suffixes mark events that follow on from preceding events, and often the

following marked events are the consequence of these preceding events. A survey of the

use of the Kurrama progressive suffix reveals that it also marks events that follow on

from preceding events but

often there is not a strong consequential link between the

preceding and following events. Instead, the link between the preceding event and the

subsequent progressive marked event is foremost one of temporal sequencing. The

Kurrama progressive inflection acts pragmatically like the English ‘and then’ where an

event is enacted ‘and then’ another event follows (which may be the consequence of the

preceding event but often is not).

Yet, in Kurrama, a progressive clause is still essentially a subordinate clause. It

has the same subject as the preceding main clause and this same subject is omitted in the

progressive clause under this co-reference. Also, its temporal reference is relative to the

time frame of the preceding main clause. That is, the event described by a progressive

clause follows after the time of the preceding main clause event.

Consider the following Kurrama examples. In examples 7.20 and 7.21 the

preceding main events are described as having been enacted and then subsequent

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progressive inflected events follow, but there is no real consequential relation between

before and after. In these examples the temporal reference of the progressive clauses is

relative to the past tense marking of the matrix clauses. Although ellipsed, the subjects

of each preceding main event are also the subjects of the following progressive marked

events.

7.20 Jampa parni-nha ngunhungat mirta parraa munti

while stay-PAST there not/no long.time true/truly/very wanta-nmarri-ngumarnu ngartimu. leave-COLL-PROG again (She) stopped there for a little while, though not for very long, and then (she) left them again.' (P.455)

7.21 Yanku-nha maa-wu manku-lu parni-ngumarnu ngunhungat wangka-ngu go-PAST hand-ACC get-PURP stay/stop-PROG there talk-REL '(I) went and took (her) hand and then stopped there for a while talking.' (P.029) However, in the following example 7.22 a consequential reading can be made

between the preceding main event and the following progressive inflected action. Yet,

the subject is still the same for each clause and the time frame of the progressive clause

is relative to the past tense marking of the main clause.

7.22 Ngayi ngurnat-ku wartki-nha nhawu-ngumarnu.

1sg.NOM thatDEF-ACC open-PAST see-PROG 'I opened it up and then had a look.' (P.249)

Other examples of progressive clauses are presented in §4.5.10.

7.2.1 The Morphology and Functions of the Progressive Suffixes

The progressive inflection acts pragmatically like the English ‘and then’ and

most often marks a temporal sequence. It is possible that historically the progressive

inflection may once have strictly marked the consequence of a preceding main event but

has now been extended to mark a temporal sequence. However, as discussed in

§4.5.10.2, the Kurrama polysyllabic progressive inflection appears to be constructed

from a composite of several Kurrama monosyllabic suffixes, and it is these composite

parts that seem to determine the meaning and functions of the overall inflection.

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That is, the Kurrama progressive suffix -ngumarnu / -rnumarnu appears to be

structured as follows:

-ngu or -rnu (Ø, or L and R conjugation class imperfective REL inflection) + -ma (causative derivational suffix) + -rnu (L and R conjugation class imperfective REL inflection)

As discussed in §4.5.10.2, it appears that, within the progressive inflection, the

imperfective aspect of the composite REL suffix allomorphs are active and apply an

overall imperfective aspect to the progressive inflection. The causative suffix also seems

to be active and appears to express that the progressive inflected event is ‘made’ to

come about or is ‘made’ to come into being.

For instance, in the following example 7.23, the sequence of events marked with

the progressive suffix could be understood to express that the subject was ‘then in the

process of tying up the parcel, and then in the process of putting it away, and then in the

process of going/leaving’. That is, in example 7.23, each inflected event, in the

sequence, has an imperfective aspect, and the causative element within the progressive

inflection denotes that each marked event, in the sequence, is in turn, in the process of

being made to come about or made to come into being. That is, the causative element

helps to bring about a new event, or process, which arises from an earlier event.

7.23 Ngayi thurti-mu wantha-rna ngurnat-ku martkurra-ma-rna 1sg.NOM back-THEN put-PAST thatDEF-ACC good-CAUS-PAST ngarti-mu murlimurli-ma-rnu ngunhaangkat-a-mpa again/then/next-THEN wrap-CAUS-REL those-LOC-TOP7 wara-ngarli-la-wa martkurra-ma-rna cloth-PL-LOC-TOP1 good-CAUS-PAST jankaa-rnumarnu wantha-rnumarnu yanku-ngumarnu. tie.up-PROG put-PROG go-PROG 'I put it back and tidied everything up again, wrapped it up in all that cloth, made it neat, tied it up, put it away, and then left.' (P.333)

Imperfective aspect is understood to refer to the internal temporal structure of an

event and most often indicates that an event is in progress; whereas, perfective aspect

typically denotes a complete event without referring to the various phases, or stages,

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that make up that event. As such (at least in English) it is a sequence of perfective forms

that most often represent a temporal sequence of events. That is, with perfective

marking each event is seen as complete and having a termination point from which the

next event arises. However, as has been stated, the Kurrama progressive suffixes appear

to mark a temporal sequence of events where each event has an imperfective aspect.

In example 7.23, above, the imperfective elements of the progressive inflection

denote that the actor/subject is involved in the process of each event, but do not overtly

describe the actor/subject as finishing each event. It is partly through our expectations

and understanding of such events that the actor/subject is perceived as moving from one

event to the next. However, the additional causative element in the progressive marker

seems to help to express that the events are moving along. That is, as already stated, the

causative element may be there, in the progressive inflection, to bring about a new event

that follows on from a previous event. This, as I suggested in §4.5.10.2, may present a

‘flowing movement’ through a sequence of events in preference to perfective marking

which presents a more abrupt movement from one completed unitary event to the next.

7.2.2 An Alternate Context in Which the Progressive Is Used

There is a further context in which the progressive suffixes are used in Kurrama

and Yindjibarndi. They can be used to mark a goal oriented action or event that is in

progress but is not yet finalized. A Yindjibarndi example that Wordick (1982: 208)

provides is as follows:

7.24 Yindjibarndi progressive marking

Ngaliya karri-Ø. Parni-ngumarnu. Yaala parni-Ø -wa. 1du.exc.NOM stand-PRES sit-PROG now sit-PRES-EMPH ‘We two are standing.’ ‘We are sitting down.’ ‘Now we are sitting.’ (Wordick, 1982: 208)

In the Yindjibarndi example 7.24, above, the ‘progressive’ marked action ‘sit’ is

not completed and is still in progress. That is, it represents the movement of ‘sitting’

before actually achieving the goal of being ‘seated’. The imperfective element within

the progressive suffix is explicit in this context. When discussing this example with

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Maudie Dowton she stated that a similar reading of the progressive can also apply in

Kurrama36

.

There is an example of a similar circumstance in the Payarrany narrative as told

by Algy Paterson. This example follows. In example 7.25 the action tharni ‘chopping’

is goal oriented; it is carried out so as to get ‘honey’. The progressive marking on

tharni, in example 7.25, encodes a ‘progressive’ imperfective aspect where the action

‘chopping for honey’ is in progress but is not yet completed. Overall, the progressive

inflected tharni acts, in this situation, as the background to the other events in the

sentence; it is while ‘chopping for honey’ that the accident occurs. Note, that the axe is

seen as acting under its own volition when it chops the eye of the old lady.

7.25 Parni-nha ngunhangu-mpa Milharn-ta kankala. Marliyaa-wu-nta stay-PAST there-TOP7 Milhan-LOC on.top honey-ACC-INTRRG

tharni-rnu-wathu. Tharni-rnumarnu-yu wantharni-ma-rnu chop.for.honey-REL-DIM chop.for.honey-PROG-EMPH4 how-CAUS-REL kaju ngunhu ngunhu pinkarli-nha-yu ngarra-rna axe that that turn.around -PAST-EMPH4 chop-PAST thurla-yi-wa ngunhu kankarni ngarra. eye-ACC-TOP1 that above chop

‘(She) was staying up there in the hills at Milhan. (She) was probably chopping honey or something. While chopping for honey, something happened, that axe, it turned around and chopped her just above the eye.’ (P.461- P.463)

7.2.3 Concluding Remarks on the Progressive Clauses

Much of what I have written in §7.2.1 on the functions of the composite

morphology of the Kurrama progressive suffix is conjecture. In the fieldwork sessions

with Maudie Dowton we had difficulty in discussing the influence that the composite

parts of the suffix may have on its functions. I was unable to explain to Maudie what it

was that I was asking. Further research, with a different considered approach, may

confirm or deny some of my speculations. However, conclusive evidence for much of

what I have proposed in §7.2.1 will, nonetheless, be hard to gain.

36 We also discussed the parallel Kurrama example 4.79 presented in §4.5.10.1. We acted out

the movements described in these examples to illustrate their intended meaning.

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7.3 Purpose Clauses

There are two possible ways of forming a purpose clause in Kurrama. First, an

expected or intended future outcome can be indicated by marking a verb with a potential

inflection. However, as discussed in §4.5.6, this purpose function is only part of a

broader range of functions that are coded by the potential inflection. The second, and

more direct way of expressing a purpose, is carried out by marking a subordinate verb

with the purpose suffix -(r)lu so as to specifically indicate the intended or anticipated

outcome of a preceding matrix event. In the following discussion I first examine clauses

formed with the purpose suffix and then turn to potential marked clauses.

7.3.1 Purpose Clauses Formed with -(r)lu

Purpose clauses formed with the -(r)lu inflection are subordinate clauses that are

subject controlled. That is, the subject of a -(r)lu inflected subordinate purpose clause is

always co-referential with the matrix clause subject and under this co-reference the

subject of the purpose clause is usually omitted. As such, possible complementiser

marking of the purpose clause is not identifiable as it is, or would be, zero nominative

marking. Subordinate purpose clauses formed with -(r)lu depend on the matrix clause

for temporal reference; the time of the matrix event precedes the purpose event.

The following Table 7.2 lists some features of 26 -(r)lu marked purpose clauses

sampled from the Payarrany narrative.

Table 7.2 Some properties of purpose marked clauses in the Payarrany story

Number Percentage

Purpose clause describes intended outcome 20 77% Purpose clause describes anticipated outcome 6 23% Total 26 100% Occurs as a direct result of the main event 2 8% Is the purpose for the main event 24 92% Total 26 100% Subject of matrix verb is subject of intransitive purpose verb 9 35% Subject of matrix verb is subject of transitive purpose verb 17 65% Total 26 100%

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Following are some examples of -(r)lu marked purpose clauses. In example 7.26

the purpose event ‘to tell/say’ is intended and is the purpose for carrying out the matrix

verb action ‘go/went’. The subject of the purpose verb is the subject of the intransitive

matrix verb.

7.26 Ngayi yanku-nha wangka-lu maatha-wu-wa 1sg.NOM go-PAST tell/say-PURP boss-ACC-TOP1

Jalurrpa-ngu-wa. Authur.Lockyer -ACC -TOP1 'I went to tell the boss, Jalurrpa, Authur Lockyer.' (P.037)

In 7.27 the purpose ‘to talk to the bosses’ is intended and is the purpose for

which the subject ‘came to Red Hill’.

7.27 Yanku-nha ngunhaatu, wurnta-rna ngunha Mangkala-arta-mu-yu,

go-PAST that.one come-PAST that Red Hill-ALL-THEN-EMPH4 wangka-lu ngunhangaata-yu maatha-ngarli-wu-yu. talk-PURP that-EMPH4 boss-PL-ACC-EMPH4 'Off he went. He came into Red Hill then to talk to the bosses there.' (P.497)

In the following command the purpose marked action ‘to see them’ is

anticipated and will be the purpose for the subject to ‘go over there’. The subject of the

purpose marked verb is the addressee subject of the potential inflected matrix verb.

7.28 Nyinta yanki-i ngunhangaatu nhawu-marri-lu. 2sg.NOM go-POT there see-COLL-PURP

''You go over there and see (them).'' (P.053)

In example 7.29 the purpose marked action ‘to see/meet’ is anticipated and will

be the purpose for carrying out the matrix verb action ‘go’. The subject of the purpose

verb is the subject of the imperative marked matrix verb.

7.29 Nyinta-wu yanku-ma nhawu-lu. 2sg.NOM-EMPH2 go-IMP see-PURP

"You go and/to see/meet (her)." (P.022)

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In the following, the purpose marked action ‘live/stay’ is intended and is the

purpose for the matrix action ‘return’. Again the subject of the purpose verb is the

subject of the matrix verb.

7.30 Ngayi wayinyjarri-nha-wa-yu parni-lu Mangkala-la-yu.

1sg:NOM return-PAST-TOP1-EMPH4 live/stay-PURP Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4 'I came back to stay at Mangkala (Red Hill). (P.393)

7.3.2 The Potential Inflection as a Purpose Marker

The Kurrama potential inflection has a range of functions which were discussed

in §4.5.6. Overall, the potential inflection is used to indicate that an action will, or

probably will, take place in the future. The potential inflection does not always

necessarily indicate that a potential future action is the purpose for an earlier event, but

as part of its range of functions it can be used to express this. Also, clauses formed with

the potential inflection are not always subordinate constructions, but a purpose clause

formed with the potential inflection is interpreted as subordinate to a preceding matrix

clause. Because a preceding matrix clause and a potential inflected purpose clause

always share the same subject there is no overt nominative complementiser marking on

the potential purpose clause to indicate that it is subordinate. Some examples follow.

In the following example 7.31 the ellipsed subject ‘returns to the homestead’ for

the purpose of ‘sending news to the police in Onslow’. The verb denoting the purpose

‘send’ is marked with a potential inflection. Both the purpose event and the preceding

event are carried out by the same subject.

7.31 Thampa-wurtu ngunngama-rnu ngunha-rri wayinyjarri just-EMPH3 put.off-REL that-INCH.PRES return.PRES ngunyji maya-arta payanyji-wu wangka-yi thereNV house-ALL policeman -ACC news-ACC thaa-rrkayi ngunyji-wa Pirtan-nguwarta-wa. send-POT thereNV-TOP1 Onslow-ALL-TOP1

'So (he) just left it like that, and (he) returned there to the homestead to send news to the police in Onslow.' (P.494)

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In the following example 7.32 the action ‘bringing the sheep up’ is done for the

purpose of ‘taking them to water’. The verb denoting the purpose ‘take’ is marked with

a potential inflection.

7.32 Ngaamatjurntu-ma-rnu warrungkamu-warntura bring.them.up-CAUS-REL morning-DISTRIB kayulu-warta-yi kartpa-tkayi pawa-arta water-ALL-TOP4 take-POT water-ALL '(I) would bring the (sheep) up each morning to take them to water.' (P.099)

In example 7.33, below, the potential suffix and the purpose suffix -lu both code

anticipated results of a preceding action rather than intended purposes. That is, in the

Payarrany narrative, from which example 7.33 is taken, the subject, the ‘whitefella’,

has been told that an old lady is living somewhere upriver and that he should look out

for her while he is upriver trapping dingoes. While trapping dingoes the protagonist is

not specifically looking for the old lady but is anticipating that he will come upon her.

Example 7.33 tells of the time when the subject does come upon the old lady. This

meeting was the result of his movements while dingo trapping rather than the purpose

for his movements upriver.

7.33 Parrii ngunha yanku-nha ngulaarta wuntu-wa whitefella that go-PAST there.LOC river/creek-LOC jingkaku-rru wurnta-tkayi kurta-wa nhawu-lu-wa upriver-NOW come-POT very-TOP1 see-PURP-TOP1.

'This whitefella went there on/along the river (bed), upriver, and (he) came right on to (her), and so (he) saw (her).' (P.473)

In §4.5.8 I stated that there is some overlap in the functions of the purpose

inflection and the result inflection in Kurrama. The result reading rather than a purpose

reading in example 7.33 is evidence of this overlap. As stated in §4.5.8, there is

evidence that a switch reference opposition is developing between the –(r)lu purpose

inflection and the result inflection in Kurrama. I examine this next when discussing the

result inflection.

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7.4 Result Clauses

The result inflection was briefly discussed in §4.5.8. It is examined in a little

more detail here. From the data available, it can be argued that the result and purpose

inflections in Kurrama may be moving towards an opposition of different and same

subject switch reference functions. The inflections have overlapping functions and the

subject of a subordinate –(r)lu marked purpose clause is always co-referential with the

subject of the matrix clause, while the subject of a subordinate result clause is always

co-referential with an accusative object of the matrix clause.

In the Kurrama corpus, the result suffix –aangu / -langu most often indicates

that an action is the direct result of an earlier action while the purpose suffix –(r)lu most

often denotes the purpose for an earlier event. However, as is shown in Table 7.2 and in

example 7.33 there are some instances where –(r)lu purpose marked verbs denote the

direct result of a prior action. Alternatively, example 4.52 in §4.5.8 illustrates an

instance where a result marked clause describes the purpose for a preceding action.

Yet, the transition to the same and different subject marking of a combined

result and purpose function is not complete. In a number of examples, in the Kurrama

data, the result inflection is used to mark the resultant endpoint of an action and not the

purpose for that prior action. Some examples of this were given in §4.5.8. Another

example is presented below. In the English translations of these examples the matrix

action is said to be carried out ‘until’ the result marked verbal endpoint is reached.

7.34 Nhaa pirni-rna ngayu ngurra-arta pangkarra-angu.

This swear.at-PAST 1sg.ACC camp-ALL go-RSLT

'S/he swore at me until I went home.' (MD)

However, as stated, there are other contexts where the result inflection does have

a purpose-like function. In these situations it does not specifically mark the endpoint of

a prior action but instead marks a ‘result’ that can be interpreted as the purpose or

reason for a prior event. Consider the following examples. In 7.35 the result of

‘squashing the goanna meat’ is that it enables the meat to be ‘kept for a long time’. The

result marking of ‘stay/keep’ therefore can be read as the purpose or reason for

‘squashing the meat’.

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7.35 Mijirri-ma-rnu-rra parni parraa-mu-yu squashed-CAUS-REL-DUB be.PRES long.time-THEN-EMPH4 parna-angu murla-ngarl -wu.

stays/keeps-RSLT meat-PL-ACC 'Apparently that squashed (goanna) meat keeps for a very long time.' (P.095)

In the following example 7.36 the result marked parna-angu is part of an overall

purpose; that is the old woman ‘stayed waiting to be given food’.

7.36 Wantha-rrkayi malu-ngka punaangu-la manyjan-ta-wathu put-POT shade-LOC bloodwood-LOC groundsheet-LOC-DIM parna-angu kumpa-ngu pirntu-u yungku-nguli. stay-RSLT wait-REL food-ACC give-PASS.PRES

'(I) put (her) down in the shade of a bloodwood tree, on a bit of ground sheet, and (she) stayed there waiting to be given some food.' (P.547)

Therefore, there are a number of differing contexts in which the result inflection

is used in Kurrama and, in some contexts, it appears that the result inflection is moving

towards becoming the complement of the –(r)lu purpose inflection in an emerging

switch reference system.

7.4.1 Further Comments on Purpose vs Result Clauses

All of the examples of purpose constructions presented in §7.3.1 (and §4.5.8)

contain intransitive matrix verbs. I was unable to locate a purpose construction that

contains a transitive matrix verb. In the purpose constructions, in the data, the subject is

described as carrying out intransitive actions, such as ‘going’, ‘coming’ or ‘returning’,

so as to then enact a transitive or intransitive purpose marked action. Alternatively, the

matrix clauses in result constructions are transitive. In result constructions the subject of

the matrix clause is described as acting on an object (patient/theme) so as to gain a

transitive or intransitive result marked action from, or by, that object.

It has been illustrated in previous sections that there is some overlap in the

functions of the purpose and result inflections. A purpose marked verb may describe the

result of a prior action and a result inflected verb may describe the purpose of a prior

action. However, a constant distinction between the two inflections still remains; they

code differing subject reference. The purpose inflection marks same subject reference

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between an intransitive matrix clause and a subordinate clause; while the result

inflection marks different subject reference between a transitive clause and a

subordinate clause. Without any examples I cannot say whether it is possible for a

purpose marker to be used as a same subject link between a transitive matrix clause and

a subordinate clause. Yet, because a matrix object is required, it can be stated that a

result marker cannot mark a different subject link between an intransitive matrix clause

and a subordinate clause.

7.5 Lest Clauses

Lest clauses, in Kurrama, involve the inflection of a subordinate verb with an

active or passive might suffix. In a Kurrama lest clause the might inflected subordinate

clause describes an unwanted, or undesired, event that might occur, or might not occur,

if a preceding action described by the matrix clause is carried out, or is not carried out.

Some examples of lest clauses formed with the might inflections were presented in

§4.5.11 and §4.5.12 but more examples follow. In the examples at hand most often the

lest clauses are controlled by an accusative NP in the matrix clause, but control by the

subject of the matrix clause is also possible; as in example 4.84 which is presented again

below as 7.39. In the examples, I have, of accusative control of subordinate lest clauses

the might inflected subordinate verbs are not further inflected with an overt accusative

complementiser but instead are left unmarked.

7.37 Mirta wantha-rrkayi murla-yi karrwu-ngka puwa-rri-wunta.

not/no put-POT meat-ACC sun-LOC rotten-INCH-MIGHT

'Don't put the meat in the sun it might become/go rotten (bad). (MD)

7.38 Mijula-rrkayi marnta-yi muya-rtpunta. hide-POT money-ACC steal-MIGHT

'Hide the money or it might be stolen.' (MD)

7.39 Nyinta yinti-i pungka-wunta.2sg.NOM go.down-POT fall-MIGHT

'Get down, you might fall.' (MD)

It should be noted that the might inflections can be used in contexts other than

the formation of subordinate lest clauses. They can mark independent verbs as example

4.81 in §4.5.11 illustrates. In the following example parni is inflected with the active

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might suffix and has an independent copular function. That is, in 7.40 the might

inflected copular parni is used with the negated nominal predicate wala kurtka ‘don’t

think’ to form an independent clause that has the unusual translation ‘don’t might you

think about it’.

7.40 Ngayi-yu Mangkala-la-ngu wurnta-rna, / wala kurtka

1sg.NOM-EMPH Red Hill-LOC-ABL come-PAST don't think

nyinta-yu parni-wunta / ngalaa -yu yanku wanta-marri-ayi-wa. 2sg:NOM-EMPH be-MIGHT 1du.exc-EMPH4 go leave-COLL-PERF-TOP1

'I've come from Red Hill / Don't (might) you think about it / We've left one another.’ (P.031)

7.6 Clausal Complements

Verbs of cognition, perception and information transfer can select clausal

complements in Kurrama; as also can nominal predicates, such as mirnu, ‘know’; waa,

‘fear’; and purtpi, ‘want’. However, in the Kurrama corpus there is not a complete set

of examples of clausal complements that would be expected to be selected by these

predicates. The expectation is that each of these predicates could select both subject and

object clausal complements, and these clausal complements could potentially take all of

the subordinate clause forms that have been described in this chapter.

In the corpus, there are not always examples of both subject and object clausal

complements for each predicate. In those examples that are available, the subject and

object clausal complements most often take a relative clause form and have a temporal

reference that is contemporaneous with the matrix event. Yet, some complement clauses

have a simple declarative form where the complement predicate is assigned a potential

inflection. In these instances the clausal complement has a future time reference relative

to the time frame of the matrix event. There is also an instance of a might inflected

clausal complement in the data but there are no examples of purpose, result or

progressive marked clausal complements.

7.6.1 Clausal Complements of Perception Verbs

In the Kurrama corpus, perception verbs like nhawu ‘see’ and kurtkayi ‘hear’

select relative clause complements; as is illustrated by the following examples. In 7.41

and 7.42 the relative clause complements of the perception verbs nhawu and kurtkayi

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are accusative object complements. The subjects of these complements are raised out of

the complement and are given object position within the matrix clause. That is, the

subjects of the clausal complements (which would select nominative marking if the

clauses were independent) are assigned an accusative marked object role within the

matrix clause and the subordinate relative clause verbs (which are controlled by these

accusative matrix objects) are then assigned a different subject REL inflection.

7.41 Nhaa nhawu-nha kurri-i [ mujilarri-yangu ] .

this see-PAST young.girl-ACC run.away-REL

'He saw the girl running away.' (MD)

7.42 Nhaa kurtkayi-nha kurri-ngarli-wu [ wangka-yinyjarri-yangu] . this hear-PAST young.girl-PL-ACC talk-COLL-REL ‘He heard the girls talking together.' (MD)

In the Kurrama corpus there are a number of freely occurring examples of

complement clauses associated with the perception verb nhawu ‘see’. All of these

examples of complement clauses selected by nhawu are accusative object complements;

some examples follow.

7.43 Yaayu-warri-nha-wu warrungkamu-yu purlu-ngka kartpa-lu

aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH2 morning-EMPH4 above-LOC go.up-PURP

marnta-ka-yu parni nhawu-ngu-mu ngana-wathaa-wu hill-LOC-EMPH4 be.PRES see-REL-THEN who-else-ACC

[ parni-yangu nhungu Marryiri-la-wu outcamp-wathu-la-wu ] be/stay-REL here Gap.Well-LOC-ACC outcamp-DIM-LOC-ACC 'Old Aunty, that morning, was climbing up above us. (She) was up on the hill to see who else [was (staying) here at Marryiri outcamp].' (P.102)

7.44 Nyinta warniya-lku ngurnu-warta ngurnu-mu marnta-arta 2sg.NOM run-PRES that.ACC-ALL that.ACC-THEN hill-ALL

nhawi-i ngurnu karla-yi wanthila-wu [ kampa-yangu ]. see-POT that.ACC fire-ACC where-ACC burn-REL

'You run up that hill and see where that fire [(is) burning].' (P.111 - P.112)

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7.6.2 Clausal Complements of Cognition Predicates

The cognition nominal predicate purtpi ‘want’ selects clausal complements that

have a future time reference, as is illustrated in examples 7.45 and 7.46 below. That is, a

clausal complement selected by purtpi describes something that is ‘wanted’ in the

future. The use of purtpi is limited in the Kurrama corpus and there are only examples

of it selecting clausal complements on a subject NP, as in 7.45 and 7.46 below.

Complements on an object NP should be possible but I do not have examples of this in

the Kurrama corpus. However, a Panyjima example, presented as example 7.47 below,

illustrates what could be possible. In this Panyjima example the clausal complement of

purlpi-yayi ‘want’ is in object position.

7.45 Nhaa purtpi pangkarri-i ngurra–arta.

this want go-POT camp-ALL 'He wants to go home/to camp.’ (MD)

7.46 Ngayi purtpi kampa-rtkayi murla-yi. 1sg.NOM want cook-POT meat-ACC 'I want to cook some meat.' (MD)

7.47 Panyjima example of an object clausal complement

Ngatha purlpi-yayi- ku papa-yu ngarri-rta-ku 1sg.NOM want-INCH-PRES water-ACC lie-FUT-ACC yarta-yu yirtiya-la-ku.

much-ACC road-LOC-ACC ‘I want there to be lots of water lying along the road.’ (Dench, 1991: 200)

There a number of examples, in the Kurrama data, of complement clauses

selected by the cognition predicates kurtkaarri or kurtka ‘think’. Some examples follow.

These clausal complements typically have a relative clause form, although in example

7.50 the object complement clause is a simple might construction. The subject clausal

complement in 7.49 expresses an expectation, whereas in 7.48 the object complement

describes a scene that is ‘thought of’ by the subject. The subject complement in 7.51

expresses an intention.

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7.48 Ngunhaata-ngu ngayi kurtkaarri -nha ngurnu there-ABL 1sg.NOM think-PAST that.ACC karnti-ka-wu mutha-ngka-wu parni.

stick-LOC-ACC point-LOC-ACC be.PRES ''From there, I thought about that thing that was on the end of that stick.'

(P.314) 7.49 Yanku-nha marnta-ka-yu kurtka kurta jina-yi

go-PAST hill-LOC-EMPH4 think very track-ACC

nhawu -marri-ngu wanthila parni-yangu ngani-ngka-wathu. see-COLL-REL where be-REL what-LOC-DIM

'(He) went into the hills thinking (he) would see her tracks somewhere about. '

(P.398)

7.50 Wantharni-yu yanku-nha muyirri-nha-nyu kurtkaarri-ngu how-EMPH4 go-PAST run-PAST-TRUE think-REL

wurnta-rtpunta-wu nganangu. come-MIGHT-ACC someone.ACC 'How could (she) go? (She) surely would have run away had (she) thought someone might come?' (P.514)

7.51 Nhaa kurlkaarri-nha pangkarri-ngu ngurra-arta. this think-PAST go-REL camp-ALL

'He thought about going home.' (MD)

7.6.3 Clausal Complements of Predicates Formed on the Stem ‘mirnu’

In Kurrama, the nominal predicate mirnu ‘know’ acts as the stem to which the

inchoative derivational suffix –warni-Ø can be added to form the cognition verb mirnu-

warni-Ø ‘learn’, and to which the causative derivational suffix –ma-L can be added to

form the information transfer verb mirnu-ma-L ‘teach/show’. In the data there are

examples of clausal complements selected by mirnu and mirnu-ma-L. I do not have any

examples where mirnu-warni-Ø selects a clausal complement but the expectation is that

it would. In the following example 7.52 the nominal predicate mirnu selects a subject

clausal complement that expresses a proposal or fact in a simple declarative form. In

7.53 the information transfer verb mirnu-ma selects an object clausal complement which

expresses a fact.

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7.52 Nhaa mirnu wirra-yi yarnima- rrkayi. this know boomerang-ACC make-POT 'He knows (how) to make a boomerang.' (MD)

7.53 Ngayi mirnu-ma-rna nhurnu Kurrama wangka-yi 1sg.NOM show/taught-PAST this.ACC Kurrama story/word-ACC

wantha-rnu kartaa-rna mirlimirli-la-wu. put-REL write/poke-PAST paper-LOC-ACC

'I taught her (how) to write down Kurrama words/stories on paper.' (MD)

As stated, I have no examples where the cognition verb mirnu-warni-Ø selects a

clausal complement in the Kurrama data. However, in 7.54, below, mirnu-warni selects

an accusative marked NP argument and it is conceivable that a clausal complement,

such as in 'I am learning to speak

the Kurrama language’, could also be selected by this

verb.

7.54 Ngayi mirnu-warni Kurrama-wu wangka-yi 1sg.NOM know-INCH.PRES Kurrama-ACC language -ACC

'I am learning (the) Kurrama language.' (MD)

7.6.4 Clausal Complements of Information Transfer Verbs

In the Kurrama corpus most instances of information transfer are expressed by

direct speech where the verb wangka ‘speak/tell/talk’ does not specifically select a

complement clause. The example below illustrates this:

7.55 Maatha wangka-nha, “Nyinta parni-ma nhungu kumpa-ngu”.

boss tell/say-PAST 2sg.NOM live/stay-IMP here wait-REL

‘The boss said, "You stop and wait here".’ (P.503)

However, there are some instances in the Kurrama data where wangka does

select a clausal complement. In the following example 7.56 the past inflected wangka

selects an object clausal complement. In example 7.57 the passive

perfective marked

wangka selects a clausal complement on its ellipsed nominative subject.

7.56 Ngayi wangka-nha nhurnu ngurra-arta-wu pangkarri-yangu. 1sg.NOM tell/say-PAST this.ACC camp-ALL-ACC go-REL

'I told him to go home’ or possibly ‘I said he went home’. (MD)

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7.57 Wangka-yangarnu maatha-lu kurtun-ma-rtkayi-wa-yu tell/say-PPERF boss-INSTR gather-CAUS-POT-TOP1-EMPH4

parnangarri-yarlaa-ngarli-wu-yu. sheep- ? -PL-ACC-EMPH4 ‘(We'd been) told by the boss to gather up the horned sheep.’ (P.101)

Although I have no examples it should be possible for wangka, when marked

with an active TAM inflection, to select a clausal complement on subject position. For

instance, it may be possible to express an alternative to example 7.56, such as ‘We were

talking about going home’. Dench (1991: 201) cites a Panyjima example which is

similar to this; it is presented below. In this example the active present inflected wangka

selects a clausal complement on subject position.

7.58 Panyjima example of a subject clausal complement

Nyiya-jirri karri-ku wangka-nyayi-ku thanarta pinyarri-rta This-PL stand-PRES say-COLL-PRES when fight-FUT ‘They are talking about when they are going to fight.’ (Dench, 1991: 201)

7.6.5 Conclusion to Clausal Complements

The data in the Kurrama corpus does not provide examples of all of the possible

types of clausal complements that might be expected to be selected by the Kurrama

predicates of cognition, perception, and information transfer. However, the examples at

hand do provide some illustration of what is possible (as well as suggesting what is

missing). Overall, subject clausal complements and object clausal complements are

possible in Kurrama; and both subject and object complement clauses may be possible

for each of the Kurrama predicates of cognition, perception and information transfer,

but there are not enough examples to determine this.

In the examples of clausal complements given above most often the

complements have a relative clause form and the reference time of these complements is

contemporaneous with the time frame of the matrix events. However, there are also

several examples of clausal complements that have a simple declarative form where the

complement predicate is inflected with a potential suffix. In these instances the clausal

complement has a future reference time relative to the time of the matrix event.

Example 7.49 illustrated that clausal complements can also have a might clause form,

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but there are no examples of purpose, result or progressive marking of clausal

complements in the data.

7.7 Final Remarks

Those then are the main types of subordinate clause that are used in Kurrama

complex sentences. A notable feature of some of the markers of subordinate verbs, in

Kurrama, is that they code incipient systems of switch subject reference. The opposition

of the zero conjugation RELative markers –ngu and –yangu definitely codes switch

subject reference. However, the L and R conjugation REL marker –rnu has somewhat

ambiguous properties, but appears to mark different subject reference by default.

Further, the purpose marker –(r)lu and the result inflection have some overlapping

functions and appear to be moving towards a switch reference contrast where the

purpose inflection marks same subject reference and the result inflection marks different

subject reference.

Dench (2009: 269) states that the purpose clause inflections in Martuthunira

code switch reference. Dench (2009: 270) also states that in Martuthunira there are two

inflections – the ‘cotemporaneous’ and the ‘present relative’- which exhibit a ‘pattern

resembling switch reference in adjoined relative clauses’. Also, Austin (1981: 323-324)

reports that the Mantharta and Kanyara languages, to the south of Kurrama, have

subordinate purposive and relative inflections that code switch reference. So perhaps the

emerging systems of switch reference in Kurrama have been influenced by these

neighbouring languages.

Austin (1981), as a result of his survey of switch reference in Australian

languages, suggests that switch reference has spread by indirect diffusion. The regions

in which switch reference occurs in Australia extends across a number of genetically

diverse languages and Austin (1981) suggests that the syntactic patterns of switch

reference have been adapted to fit the morphology used in these differing languages. So

the emerging systems of switch reference in Kurrama may have been influenced by the

switch reference systems used in neighbouring languages. A number of the switch

reference inflection forms used in these neighbouring languages appear to be language

specific. However, they also have some similar morphemes that are found in Kurrama.

For instance, Jiwarli (which is a Mantharta language) has the same subject relative

marking forms –rnu / -ngu as well as the differing form -nhu (Austin, 1981: 323); while

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Martuthunira has the same purpose inflection form –lu as well as the differing form -ru

(Dench, 2009: 269).

As a final observation, the predominate load of marking of subordinate clauses,

in the Kurrama corpus, is carried by the RELative inflections. As has been shown in this

chapter, the RELative inflections are most often used in the formation of NP-relative

and T-relative constructions, but can also play a role in the construction of clausal

complements selected by predicates of cognition, perception, and information transfer.

The main properties of the REL inflections are summarized in §7.1.1.4.

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8. THE SEMANTICS OF CLAUSE LINKING

In this chapter I add to what has been said in the previous chapters on Kurrama

clause and sentence construction. In particular I examine the grammatical devices that

Algy Paterson uses to construct linkages between clauses and sentences within his

narration of the Payarrany story. This analysis follows the work of Dixon et al (in

Dixon & Aikhenvald, 2009) who have investigated clause linking in a number of world

languages. This work first began with Dixon’s identification of a general set of semantic

relations that hold between linked clauses cross-linguistically (discussed in Dixon,

2009). Following on from this the contributors to Dixon and Aikhenvald (2009) have

identified the differing grammatical devices that are used to represent these semantic

relations in a number of differing world languages. In this chapter I identify the

grammatical devices that are used by Algy Paterson to form some of these clause and

sentence linking types in Kurrama.

The methods of clause linking used by Algy Paterson in the Payarrany narrative

involve a range of different semantic relations. However, not all of the clause linking

types discussed in Dixon & Aikhenvald (2009) are present in AP’s narrative. Yet, those

that are used by AP include some examples from each of the main semantic categories

that Dixon (2009) has identified. The following Table 8.1 lists the main categories

identified by Dixon (2009) and then itemizes the subcategories (in each category) that

are used by AP in the Payarrany story. Each of these clause linking types will be

discussed in turn after some preliminary details.

Table 8.1 Subcategories of clause linking used in the Payarrany narrative

Main clause linking category Subcategories used in the Payarrany narrative

Temporal Temporal succession and relative time

Consequence Purpose and result

Possible consequence Possible consequence

Addition Unordered addition, elaboration and contrast

Alternatives Rejection

Manner Real manner

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In the development of his clause linkage typology Dixon (2009: 2-3) identifies

two classes of clause that are the foundation of each clause linking type: Focal clauses

and Supporting clauses.

• A Focal clause (FC) refers ‘to the central activity, or state, of the biclausal

linking.’

• Supporting clauses (SC) attach to the Focal clause and ‘set out the temporal’

frame ‘for the Focal clause, or specify a condition or presupposition for it, or a

preliminary statement of it, etc.’ (Dixon, 2009: 2-3)

Dixon (2009: 3-5) also states that:

• There may be more than one Supporting clause attached to a Focal clause in a

clause linkage, or in other instances there may not be a Focal and Supporting

clause distinction, but generally the FC/SC distinction does hold in the clause

linking types cross-linguistically.

• The semantic distinction of Focal clause and Supporting clause does not always

coincide with the grammatical distinction of main clause (which can stand

independently) and dependent clause (which must be joined to a main clause).

That is, in the clause linkages, a main clause may act as a Supporting clause and

a dependent clause may act as a Focal clause, or vice versa.

A summary of the semantic relations that hold between a Focal clause and a

Supporting clause for each of the clause linking subcategories used in the Payarrany

narrative is presented on the following page in Table 8.2. A summary of the criteria

used to determine which is the SC and which is the FC in each clause linking type is

presented in Table 8.3. Tables 8.2 and 8.3 are adapted from Dixon (2009).

Table 8.4 then presents a summary of the grammatical devices that AP uses to

form each of these semantic clause linking types in the Payarrany narrative. Where

significant, for each clause linkage subcategory, the dependency status and the relative

order of the FC and the SC are identified in Table 8.4. Also listed in the table are the

TAM inflections that are assigned to the verbs in the FC and the SC in each linking

type; plus additional elements such as particles, clitics and independent words which

may also be used in the clause linkage.

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For comparison, a summary of the syntax used in forming clause linkages in

Martuthunira is presented in Table 8.5. This table is adapted from Dench (2009: 272).

The data Dench (2009) uses for his examination of the semantics of Martuthunira clause

linking comes from his work with Algy Paterson. Therefore, a comparison between

Tables 8.4 and 8.5 is of interest because they draw on Kurrama and Martuthunira data

that has been provided by the same language consultant. However, the focus in this

chapter is on the semantics of clause linking in Kurrama. So the discussion in this

chapter mainly addresses and expands on the summary presented in Table 8.4.

Table 8.2 Semantic relations between the FC and SC in each clause linking type

Linking Type Relation between Focal clause and Supporting clause

Temporal succession The events described in the SC and then the FC occur in a temporal sequence/succession (Dixon, 2009: 9).

Relative time The temporal frame of the event described in the FC is relative to the time frame of the event described in the SC (Dixon, 2009: 10).

Purpose The event described in the SC is carried out, volitionally, for the purpose described by the FC (Dixon, 2009: 17).

Result The FC describes a situation that is the result of the event described by the SC (Dixon, 2009: 17).

Possible consequence The SC describes a consequence which may, or may not, occur if the event described by the Focal clause is carried out, or is not carried out (Dixon, 2009: 23).

Unordered addition No FC / SC distinction. The linked clauses code a semantic or pragmatic relation but do not form a temporal sequence (Dixon, 2009: 26).

Elaboration The FC provides additional information about the event described by the SC (Dixon, 2009: 27).

Contrast The information provided by the FC contrasts with the information provided by the SC; and this contrast may be unexpected or surprising (Dixon, 2009: 28).

Rejection The FC and the SC describe two alternatives, but the alternative described by the SC is rejected in favour of that described by the FC (Dixon, 2009: 30-31).

Real manner The action described by the FC is carried out in the manner described by the SC, or the FC describes a state similar to that described in the SC. (Dixon, 2009: 35).

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Table 8.3 Criteria determining the FC and the SC in each clause linking type

Linking Type used in the Kurrama corpus Focal Clause Supporting Clause

Temporal succession Second clause in sequence First clause

Relative time

Clause with respect to which the SC provides temporal perspective

Clause indicating relative time

Consequence Clause showing result or purpose

Clause showing cause (or reason)

Possible consequence

Clause showing what is to be done or not done to either avoid or make happen the possible consequence

Clause showing possible consequence

Unordered addition

No distinction

Elaboration Second clause with fuller information

First clause with limited information

Contrast Clause with another piece of information, which contrasts with that of the SC and may be surprising in view of it

Clause with initial information

Rejection What is done in place of rejection

What is rejected

Manner Main event or state What the main event or state is similar to, or hypothetically the result of

Adapted from Dixon (2009: 6)

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Table 8.4 Summary of syntax used to form the Kurrama clause linking types

Linking Type Focal Clause Supporting Clause Other Devices

Temporal succession

- is second clause - verb often marked with progressive or potential inflection

- is first clause - verb selects regular TAM inflection

most often used: -mu THEN -rru NOW ngarti again/then

Relative time

- most often first clause - is main clause - verb selects regular TAM inflection

- most often second clause - is subordinate clause - in ‘same time’ T-relative

verb is inflected with diff subject REL + LOC

Purpose - is second clause - is subordinate clause - verb most often inflected with purpose suffix

- is first clause - is main clause - verb selects regular TAM inflection

Result - is second clause - is subordinate clause - verb inflected with result suffix

- is first clause - is main clause - verb selects regular TAM inflection

Possible consequence

- is first clause - often a negative or positive command

- is second clause - verb inflected with active or passive might suffix

Unordered addition

- no Focal or Supporting clause distinction - clauses occur in either order - both clauses are independent - verbs select regular TAM inflections

Elaboration - is second clause - is subordinate clause - verb often inflected with REL suffix

- is first clause - is main clause - verb selects regular TAM inflection

Contrast - occurs in either order - often a positive declarative clause - verb selects regular TAM inflection

- occurs in either order - often a negative declarative clause - verb selects regular TAM inflection

sometimes English ‘but’ is used

Rejection - occurs in either order - is a positive command - verb selects imperative or potential suffix

- occurs in either order - is a negative command - potential inflected verb negated with mirta

Real manner

- most often first clause - verb selects regular TAM inflection

- most often second clause - verb selects regular TAM inflection - introduced by jurntat or wantharni

semblative clitic may be used in supporting clause

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Table 8.5 Summary of syntax used to form the Martuthunira clause linking types Linking Type Focal Clause Supporting Clause Other Devices Temporal succession

- is second clause - verb often inflected

with future suffix

- is first clause - verb inflected the same as

Focal clause verb

-rru NOW -l THEN ngartil ‘next’ ngurnu-ABL ‘after that’

Relative time - is main clause - is non-main clause - TAM inflected verb stem

+ locative or ablative complementiser

Conditional - is second clause - verb usually inflected

with future suffix

- is first clause (non-past) - particle wii ‘if, maybe’

used

Counterfactual - is second clause - verb usually inflected

with future suffix

- is first clause (past) - particle wii used

Cause - is first clause - is second clause - verb inflected with past

or passive perfective suffix

- often inflected with ablative complementiser

temporal clitic -l THEN

Result - is second clause - verb inflected with

‘different subject’ purpose suffix, or ‘subject same as object’ purpose suffix

- is first clause - main clause

Purpose - is second clause - verb inflected with

‘same subject’ purpose suffix

- is first clause - is main clause

Possible Consequence

- is first clause - is main clause

- is second clause - verb inflected with lest

suffix - when dependent may

select a LOC or ACC complementiser

- can be independent

Addition and Elaboration

- verbs inflected with contemporaneous suffix

Contrast - is second clause - verb inflected with

present relative suffix

- is first clause complementary clitic -lpurtu

Rejection - is positive imperative - formed by inflection

of verb with imperative suffix

- is negative imperative - formed by future

inflection of verb and negated with mirta ‘not’

Adapted from Dench (2009: 272)

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8.1 Temporal Clause Linking

8.1.1 Temporal Succession

A temporal succession between clauses is represented, in Kurrama, by placing the

relevant clauses in a simple sequence, where - if clause Y is placed after clause X then

the event expressed by Y follows that expressed by X. In these temporal sequences the

verb in the final clause may select a potential inflection or a progressive inflection but it

can be assigned other TAM inflections, such as the past and present suffixes.

In the Payarrany narrative the progressive inflections most often have a

temporal sequencing role, where: if the verb in clause Y is inflected with a progressive

suffix, and clause Y is placed after clause X, then the progressive inflection codes that

the event described in clause X takes place ‘and then’ the event described by clause Y

follows.

The following sequence of clauses in example 8.1 expresses a succession of

events. The order in which the clauses are placed determines the order of the events that

they describe. Each lettered section in example 8.1 presents a new clause which

describes the next event in the succession. In example 8.1 both clause a. and b. contain

past inflected verbs, but clause b. describes a situation that followed after the event

described in clause a. The progressive marking of the verb in clause c. helps to indicate

that the preceding situation described in clause b. was carried out ‘and then’ the event

described in clause c. followed.

8.1 a. Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu, jarta-warri- nha ngunyji that-ABL-EMPH4 old.woman-PRIV-SPEC thereNV kartpa-nmarri-nguli-nha maya-arta-wa-yu. take-COLL-PASS-PAST house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4 b. Parni-nha ngunyji kuyharra-la-mpa Pampanyaa- la

stay-PAST thereNV two-LOC-TOP7 Sunday-LOC c. ngarti-mu- mpa muyirri-nyjarri-ngumarnu

again/then/next-THEN-TOP7 run-COLL-PROG

a. 'From that time, the old lady was taken over there to the homestead.' (P.337)

b. '(She) stayed there, for two Sundays (for two weeks) (P.338)

c. ‘and then (she) ran away again.' (P.339)

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Several optional temporal expressions and a temporal clitic are also added to the

temporal succession in 8.1 to clarify the temporal frame of the event sequence. The

temporal sequence is introduced in clause a. with the demonstrative ngunhangaata

which is inflected with the ablative suffix –ngu. This construction can be glossed, in

English, as expressing ‘from that time’ or ‘after that’ and serves to mark the end of prior

events and the beginning of a new sequence of events. In clause c. the use of the

temporal expression ngarti combined with the temporal clitic –mu also aids in marking

the succession of events. The expression ngarti-mu not only denotes that event c.

follows on from b. but also expresses that event c. has occurred before and is now

repeated ‘again’. In the plot of the Payarrany narrative, the ‘old woman’ often leaves or

runs away from the company of her people to live and travel in the bush on her own.

Overall, AP uses a number of different Kurrama temporal expressions and clitics

when forming temporal sequences within the Payarrany narrative. At times AP also

uses some borrowed English terms to help form a temporal sequence; such as now, and

and or its abbreviation an’. Some of the common Kurrama temporal expressions and

clitics that AP uses in the narrative to aid in the formation of a temporal succession are

presented below. Note that some of these temporal clitics and expressions appear to

have overlapping functions; I am unable to determine a definite distinction between

those that do appear to overlap. The temporal clitics –rru, -l and –mu and the temporal

particles yala(a), palamu and ngarti(mu) were briefly discussed in §5.3.

-rru NOW • this indicates that the time reference of prior described events is now past and that new events now take place. Most often it denotes that the new events are happening ‘now’ at the time of speech. -l and –mu THEN • this introduces a time frame that is different to the time of speech and is calculated relative to another time previously presented in the discourse. The time frame marked by the clitic may contrast with, or refer to, the time previously presented in the discourse. yala(a) ‘now’ • a free form particle that marks a present event or situation. palamu ‘long ago/before’ • introduces an event, or events, that occurred much earlier than the present. ngarti ‘again/then/next’ • introduces a new event which is often a repeat of what

has occurred some time earlier. The addition of –mu to form ngartimu always codes a repeated event.

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wantaa ‘alright’ • marks a pause in a sequence of events where the speaker evaluates what s/he has said before (as being ‘okay’ or ‘alright’) and then moves on to tell of new events.

yurlu ‘finish/nothing • marks the end of a train or sequence of events. thangkatpa ‘that’s that/enough’ • also marks the end of a train or sequence of events.

In a temporal sequence the last clause is the Focal clause; it describes the central

activity or state that arises out of the succession. The earlier preliminary clauses in a

temporal sequence are Supporting clauses which express prior conditions, states or

activities upon which the activity or state described by the Focal clause is built. As

already indicated, a progressive inflection, or a potential inflection often marks the

Focal clause verb in a temporal succession.

Consider the temporal succession in example 8.2, below, which makes use of

some of the temporal expressions and clitics outlined above. In conjunction with these

temporal expressions and clitics the Supporting clauses in this sequence contain habitual

inflected verbs while the Focal clauses contain potential inflected verbs. The Supporting

clauses, in this sequence, describe the usual ‘habitual’ behaviour of the subject - ‘she

stays with family for a while and then she runs away’. The Focal clauses, in this

sequence, describe the predictable ‘potential’ behaviour of the subject based upon her

usual ‘habitual’ pattern of behaviour (which is described by the Supporting clauses);

‘she will come to see everyone and then she will leave again’.

8.2 a. Ngularta- ngu-yu parni-marta-yi martkurra-mu-yu

there-ABL-EMPH4 stay-HABIT-TOP4 good-THEN-EMPH4

b. Parna-ayi palanku kuma. stay-PERF those together

c. Ngarti-yu parni-marta muyirri-ngu-warntura-wa

again/then/next-EMPH4 be-HABIT run-REL-DISTRIB-TOP1

d. yanku-ngu marnta-ka. go-REL hill-LOC

e. Ngarti-mu-mpa wurnta- tkayi again/then/next-THEN-TOP7 come-POT f. nyaa-nyarri-lu. see-COLL-PURP

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g. Ngarti-mu-mpa yanki- i ngunyji again/then/next-THEN-TOP7 go-POT thereNV

thurti-mu ngarti-mu marnta-arta, back-THEN again/then/next-THEN hill-ALL

a. ‘Well from there, (they) stayed there quite happily.’

b. ‘They all stayed together.’

c. ‘Then, (she) used to run away every now and then again…’

d. ‘…and go into the hills.’

e. ‘And then another time (she) will come again…’

f. ‘...to see everyone.’

g. 'And then once again, (she) will go back to the hills.’ (P.080-P.083)

8.1.2 Relative Time

In the Payarrany narrative AP constructs relative time links between clauses

with the use of T-relatives where the subordinate relative clause, acting as a Supporting

clause, specifies the temporal setting of the event described in the matrix Focal clause.

Yet, not all of the cross-linguistic relative time frame possibilities identified by Dixon

(2009: 10-14) are present in the narrative; such as ‘prior’ and ‘following’ relative time.

The main type of relative time construction, used by AP, is a ‘same time’ T-relative

where the event described by a Focal clause is specified as occurring at the same time as

the event described by the dependent Supporting clause. These ‘same time’ T-relatives

are represented grammatically by locative (‘while’) marking of the dependent verb in

the Supporting clause where the dependent verb is, most often, inflected with a

preceding different subject REL suffix (before the locative marking); as in example 8.3

below. Other examples of ‘same time’ T-relatives are presented in §7.1.1.2.

8.3 Ngayi wayinyjarri-nha-wa-yu parni-lu Mangkala-la-yu, 1sg.NOM return-PAST-TOP1-EMPH4 live/stay-PURP Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4

ngunhangaata-wu ngayi parni-lu work'em-pa-rri-ngu that-ACC 1sg.NOM live/stay-PURP work-Ø-INCH-REL

[parni-yangu-la ngunyji-mpa kankala]sc. stay/be-REL-LOC thereNV-TOP7 on.top 'I came back to stay at Mangkarla. I stayed there working [while she was up top there (in the hills)]sc.' (P.393)

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Without the locative complementiser inflection the different subject (and the

same subject) RELative markers can also often code a dependent event that is

contemporaneous with the main clause event, and as such can also have a ‘same time’

T-relative reading. However, when the relation between a main clause and a subordinate

clause has a NP-relative reading the linkage between the clauses is better classified as

an elaborative relation (see §8.4.1) Elaboration is what one expects an NP-relative

clause to provide because, at its simplest, it modifies a controlling argument in the

matrix clause by adding or specifying extra information about this controller. This is

illustrated by the following examples 8.4 and 8.5.

8.4 Yanku-ngumarnu wurnta-tkaayi ngaliya-warri-wu-yu go-PROG come-PERF 1du.exc.NOM-PRIV-ACC-EMPH4 [Jalurrpa-la-wu parni-yangu ngunhungu-mpa Pantuwarnangka-la]. Authur.Lockyer-LOC-ACC stay-REL there-TOP7 Pannawonica-LOC

‘And then (she) travelled about and came upon we two [who were staying with A. Lockyer at Pannawonica]’ or ‘And then (she) travelled about and came upon we two [who with A.Lockyer were staying at Pannawonica].’ (P.014 - P.015)

8.5 Nhawu-ngumarnu blanket blanket-ku ngurnu-mpa. see-PROG blanket blanket-ACC that.ACC-TOP7 ngurnu-mpa blanket-ku [ wanyja-yi yirra-ngka-wu kanyja-rnu]. that.ACC-TOP7 blanket-ACC dog-ACC edge-LOC-ACC have-REL

‘And then (I) saw that blanket, you know that blanket I told you about, that blanket [which had the (pictures of) dogs around the edges].' (P.229 - P.230)

Dench (2009: 275-276) reports that in Martuthunira the ablative

complementiser –nguru can be used to inflect a past or passive perfective marked verb

stem, in a dependent clause, to describe an event that ‘is over and completed before the

matrix clause event begins’. One might expect similar situations in the Payarrany

narrative especially given that the same speaker, Algy Paterson, provided the

Martuthunira data for Dench’s study. However, there are no examples of this use of the

Kurrama ablative complementiser –ngu in the Payarrany narrative or in the Kurrama

corpus overall.

However, perhaps some examples presented by Wordick (1982) for Yindjibarndi

illustrate how ‘before’ and ‘after’ relative time could possibly be expressed in Kurrama.

Wordick (1982: 182) provides the following Yindjibarndi examples to illustrate ‘the

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strategies used to express before, when and after in temporal clauses’. In example 8.6b

the Yindjibarndi locative marked ‘same time’ T-relative has the same form as was

discussed above for Kurrama. Wordick (1982: 182) glosses this as a ‘when’ relation.

Locative complementiser marking is also used in both the ‘before’ and ‘after’

Yindjibarndi relative time constructions where it marks a perfective inflected verb stem

in a Supporting clause. In example 8.6c. the locative and perfective inflection of the

verb karpa ‘rise’ codes an ‘after’ relation that expresses ‘after the time the sun had

risen’. Whereas, in 8.6a. the particle mirta negates the locative and perfective inflected

verb karpa to code a ‘before’ relation that expresses ‘at the time the sun had not risen’.

It is possible that similar patterns occur in Kurrama, but I have no examples.

8.6 Yindjibarndi relative time constructions

a. Yurra mirta karpa-ayi-la, ngayi thurlawarni-nha sun not rise-PRF-LOC 1sg.NOM wake up-PAST ‘Before the sun rose, I woke up.’

b. Yurra karpa-yangu-la, ngayi karpa-nha pampa-ngu.

sun rise-DEP-LOC 1sg.NOM get up-PAST sleep-ABL

‘When the sun rose, I got up.’

c. Yurra karpa-ayi-la, ngayi pangkarri-nha warrkamu-warta. sun rise-PRF-LOC 1sg.NOM go-PAST work-DirectALL

‘After the sun rose, I went to work.’ (Wordick, 1982: 182)

8.2 Consequence Clause Linking

In consequence clause linking the situation that is described in the Focal clause

occurs as a consequence of the situation described by the Supporting clause. At its

simplest Dixon (2009: 17) identifies three main subtypes of Consequence linking:

• Cause: where the Supporting clause describes the reason for the situation

described by the Focal clause.

• Result: where the Focal clause describes a situation that is a natural consequence

of the situation described by the Supporting clause.

• Purpose: where the Supporting clause describes an action or activity undertaken,

volitionally, to ensure the desired outcome described by the Focal clause.

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As has been discussed in earlier chapters, Kurrama has two specific verb

inflections that can be used in consequence clause linking; the purpose and the result

suffixes. However, as has also been discussed in earlier chapters, the progressive

suffixes can also be used to code consequential relations between clauses, and the

potential infections can also be used to mark the purpose for a prior event.

In the following discussion I first briefly examine the consequential linking

relations that can be formed with the use of the Kurrama progressive inflections. I then

summarise what has already been stated, in earlier chapters, on purpose and result

linking relations. I finish with a brief examination of cause/reason clause linking

relations.

8.2.1 The Progressive Inflections and Consequence Linking in Brief

It was shown in §4.5.10 and §7.2 that the progressive inflections can mark the

consequence of a preceding event. However, the main function of the progressive

inflection is to mark a sequence of events which logically or temporally follow one

another. Yet, under the process of marking a ‘progressive’ sequence, a number of

semantic relations between a progressive marked clause and a preceding clause are

possible.

The following list itemizes the roles that a progressive marked clause can take:

a. The intended result or purpose of a previously described event

b. The direct consequence of a preceding event

c. The incidental consequence of a preceding event

d. The next stage in a temporal succession but not a consequence of the preceding event.

The following examples illustrate a purpose-like consequential relation between

a progressive inflected Focal clause and a preceding Supporting clause.

8.7 Ngayi yanku-nha wangka-ngumarnu 1sg.NOM go-PAST tell/say-PROG ‘I went down and then talked to (her).’ or ‘I went down to talk to (her).’ (P.025)

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8.8 Ngayi ngurnat-ku wartki-nha nhawu-ngumarnu 1sg.NOM thatDEF-ACC open-PAST see-PROG 'I opened it up and then had a look.' (P.249)

In the following selection from the Payarrany narrative the progressive marking

in example 8.9b is part of a temporal succession, but in example 8.9d the progressive

marking can have a direct consequence reading.

8.9 a. Ngunhaa ngaarta palangku parni-nha Mangkala-la-yu

that person those live/stay-PAST Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4

‘These people and that one (the old lady) were at Red Hill.’ b. Ngarti nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu nhuwa-yi

again/then/next see-COLL-PROG-EMPH5 spouse-ACC

warrungkamu-l ngarti-yu murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu one.morning-THEN then/next-EMPH4 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL

kaliku-la-wa walypala-ngarli-lu. sheet-LOC-TOP1 whitefellow-PL-INSTR

‘And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet (killed) by whitefellows.’

c. Wantaawa!

Well! d. Yanku-ngumarnu waa-wa karra-ngka-wa.

go-PROG fear/frightened -TOP1 scrub/bush-LOC-TOP1 ‘Then (she) took off into the scrub frightened.’ (P.004 - P.009)

The Kurrama progressive clauses were discussed in greater detail in §4.5.10 and

§7.2. However, the salient characteristic to be noted here is that when progressive

marked clauses form a consequential linking relation with a matrix clause the

subordinate progressive marked clause acts as the Focal clause while the matrix clause

acts as the Supporting clause. That is, the matrix clause describes the preconditions that

motivate or cause the consequence described in the progressive marked Focal clause.

8.2.2 Purpose and Result Clause Linking in Brief

Although the potential inflection can denote an expected or intended outcome of

a preceding event there are specific inflections, in Kurrama, that code a direct purpose

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or result. These purpose and result inflections were discussed in §4.5.8, §7.3 and §7.4.

In all, the functions of the Kurrama purpose and result inflections overlap but the result

inflection most often codes the resultant endpoint or direct result of a prior event

described in the main clause; while the purpose inflection most often marks the intended

or anticipated outcome of a prior event described in the main clause. In result clause

linking, the action described in a preceding main clause can often be glossed, in

English, as being carried out ‘until’ the result marked endpoint is reached. The salient

point to be noted here is that the subordinate purpose or result inflected clauses are

Focal clauses in these clause linkages, while the main clauses are Supporting clauses.

The main clauses describe the preconditions for the result or purpose described in the

Focal clause.

8.2.3 Cause Linking Relations Between Clauses

Unlike the purpose and result clause linking types an overt cause/reason linking

relation between clauses is harder to identify in the Payarrany narrative. The following

example 8.10 seems to approach what would be expected of a cause linking relation. In

example 8.10, a reason is given for why an action cannot be carried out and why an

alternative action is to be maintained. However, there are no specific inflections to

denote the cause relation in this example. Nor have I identified any specific

cause/reason markers in the Kurrama corpus overall.

8.10 Nyinta-warnu parni-i nhungu mirta yanki-i nyinta. 2sg.NOM-EMPH5 stay-POT here not go-POT 2sg.NOM Nyinyji-mpa ngarrwi warangarti-ngarli ngayhalu wantha-rnaarnu here.NV-TOP7 be/lie.PRES trap-PL 1sg.INSTR put-PPERF wanyja-yi kurnta-rnu dog-ACC wait-REL

“Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere). Traps are lying here, put by me for dingoes, waiting/(waiting for dingoes).” (P.480 - P.481)

However, Wordick (1982: 110 & 184) reports that the causal suffix –rra can be

used in Yindjibarndi to denote a causal relation. Wordick (1982: 184) provides the

following examples.

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8.11 Yindjibarndi

a. Nyampali yungku-nha mangkurla-u thuwarta-u, purpiwarna-ayi-rra. Boss give-PAST child-OBJ sweet-OBJ want-PRF-BEC

‘The boss gave the child the sweets, because he wanted to.’

b. Nyampali yungku-nha mangkurla-u thuwarta-u, purpiwarna-ayi-la-rra.

Boss give-PAST child-OBJ sweet-OBJ want-PRF-LOC-BEC

‘The boss gave the child the sweets, because he wanted them.’ (Wordick, 1982: 184)

Wordick (1982: 184) describes -rra as a causal suffix (BEC) which forms a

‘because’ clause when used in conjunction with a nominalised verb in Yindjibarndi.

However, there are no examples of this use of –rra in the Kurrama corpus. The

morpheme –rra is only used as a dubitative clitic, in the Kurrama data, to indicate a

speaker’s uncertainty about a situation or activity that she, or he, is attempting to

describe (see §5.6).

It should be noted, however, that the main clauses which precede progressive

inflected clauses may express a cause or reason for the activity described by the

progressive clause. This occurs in the earlier example 8.9 where part b. describes the

cause/reason for the action expressed in the progressive clause in part d. The same

situation also arises in some result inflected clause linkages where the cause or reason

for the result is expressed in the matrix clause; as in the following example provided by

Maudie Dowton.

8.12 Nhaa pirni-rna ngayu ngurra-arta pangkarra-angu. this swear.at-PAST 1sg.ACC camp-ALL go-RSLT 'S/he swore at me until I went home.' (MD)

Overall, then, unlike purpose and result marked clause linking, there is no

specific verb inflection, used in the Kurrama corpus, that codes cause/reason relations

between clauses. However, there are situations where a cause or reason is inherently

part of a result or progressive clause linkage. In these situations the Supporting clause

expresses the cause or reason for the result or consequence expressed by the Focal

clause. Yet, in a purpose clause linkage the Focal clause essentially describes the

reason, if not the cause, for the actions described in the Supporting clause. That is, in

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purpose linking, the desired purpose outcome described by the Focal clause is the

reason why the volitional action described in the Supporting clause is carried out.

For instance, in the earlier examples 8.7 and 8.8 the progressive marking codes a

purpose-like function and the matrix clauses associated with them describe a preceding

action which is done to enable this purpose. This purpose is the reason why the subject

carried out the action described in the matrix clause. The same is also evident in the

specific –lu inflected purpose clause linkage in the following example. In 8.13 the

purpose and reason why the subject ‘will come again’ is ‘to see (everyone)’.

8.13 Ngarti-mu-mpa wurnta-tkayi nyaa-nyarri-lu. again/then/next -THEN-TOP7 come-POT see-COLL-PURP ‘And then another time (she) will come again to see (everyone).’ (P.082)

8.2.4 Other Morphology That Marks Consequence Relations

Can other devices be used in the formation of consequence linkages in Kurrama?

Although it may appear unlikely, the genitive inflection does play a part in an example

of a purpose linkage presented by Maudie Dowton. In this example, which was

presented earlier as 2.41, the genitive marker has an associative function that is purpose-

like. Also, it may be possible for the allative markers to play a part in purpose linkages.

The Kurrama genitive inflection is foremost a nominal suffix that indicates

alienable possession, but it can be used to code an associative relation between two

nominal expressions, or between a verb and a nominal expression (see §2.4.1). This

associative relation between two expressions, coded by the genitive inflection, can take

the form of a purpose. In the following example, the purpose - ‘to take for the road’ - is

constructed with genitive inflection of the nominal yirtiya ‘road’ and potential inflection

of the verb kartpa ‘to take’. This genitive and potential inflected clause is the purpose

for the action described in the preceding clause: ‘I will get some water’. The genitive

and potential marking forms a Focal clause that describes the purpose for the preceding

action described by the Supporting clause.

8.14 Ngayi pawa-yi manki-i / kartpa-tkayi yirtiya-arntu. 1sg.NOM water-ACC get-POT take-POT road-GEN 'I will get some water to take for the road.' (MD)

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Yet, in the following example 8.15 the genitive marked verb yurra-t-jarntu37

is

part of an elaborative clause linkage rather than a purpose linkage.

8.15 Karnti ngarrwi-yangu-la-wa jinkarn-pathu-yu mutha jaapala, stick lie.down-REL-LOC-TOP1 crowbar-DIM-EMPH4 point sharp

ngunhu kurrumanthu yurra-t -jarntu ngarntula-wu ngantha karta-rtkayi that goanna dig-CM-GEN anthill-ACC also poke-POT

ngulaarta tharrwa-rnaanu ngurriny-murntu-la janka-rnaanu ngunha there.LOC go.in-PPERF swag-CONJ-LOC tie-PPERF that

mathu-ngka-wa tharrwa-rnaanu. middle-LOC-TOP1 go.in-PPERF

‘And there was a stick lying in there (in the swag), a little digging stick with a

sharp point, that was for digging out goannas or breaking out anthills, that had been put in with the swag, tied up in the middle.' (P.220)

In example 8.15 above, the genitive marking of ‘dig’ establishes an associative

relation between ‘dig’ and ‘goannas’ to express the purpose: ‘for digging out goannas’.

However, this expression is part of an NP-relative that provides additional information

about the digging stick ‘that is lying in the swag’; it does not describe the purpose for a

preceding event or action, as is characteristic of purpose clause linkages. Another

purpose of the digging stick is to ‘break out anthills’. This purpose is coded by potential

inflection of the verb karta ‘poke’, but it is also part of the elaborative NP-relative Focal

clause that provides further information about the digging stick; it too does not describe

the purpose for a preceding event or action in this context.

So, among its range of uses, the genitive inflection in its associative function can

aid in the construction of a purpose linkage when it plays a part in a Focal clause to help

code the purpose for a preceding action described by a Supporting clause; as was shown

in example 8.14. In a similar fashion it may also be possible for the allative markers to

take part in a purpose linkage. Dench (1991:143) reports that in Panyjima the direct and

indirect allative suffixes can be used to mark purposive NPs. Two of the examples that

he provides are presented below. I have no Kurrama examples but perhaps the Kurrama

allative markers could be used in a Focal clause to help describe the purpose for a

preceding event or action. 37 There are not enough examples of genitive inflection of verbs in the corpus to determine why

the conjugation marker -t- and the genitive allomorph -jarntu are used here. If yurra were a common nominal it would select the genitive allomorph -arntu.

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8.16 Panyjima allative marking of a purposive NP Wangka-nha karlinypayi-rta-ku ngamari-karta-ku.

say-PAST return-FUT-ACC tobacco-ALL-ACC

‘(I) told (you) to go back for the tobacco.’ (Dench, 1991: 143)

8.17 Panyjima allative marking of a purposive NP Ngali, mayali, yana-rta jantaru-wali.

1dlinc grandson go-FUT honey-ALL

“We’ll go for honey, grandson.’ (Dench, 1991: 143)

In summary, the examples presented in this section suggest, or illustrate, other

possible devices that may be used in the construction of purpose clause linkages in

Kurrama. These devices deserve to be checked further. However, in Kurrama, the main

method of constructing a consequential linkage is by purpose or result marking of the

Focal clause verb. Also, as part of their wide range of functions, the progressive and

potential inflections can also be used in the formation of consequential linkages.

8.3 Possible Consequence Clause Linking

Dixon (2009: 23) states that in possible consequence clause linking the

Supporting clause specifies a consequence which may, or may not, take place if the

event specified by the Focal clause is carried out, or is not carried out. Dixon (2009: 23)

further states that in possible consequence constructions the Supporting clause typically

describes an undesired event and the Focal clause specifies what can be done to avoid it.

In most instances of possible consequence clause linkage, cross-linguistically, the Focal

clause is represented by either a positive or negative imperative (Dixon, 2009: 24).

In Kurrama, possible consequence clause linking is coded by the might

inflections which are used to form lest clauses. In Kurrama lest clauses, the Supporting

clause describes a possible consequence that is undesirable and the Focal clause

specifies what can be done to avoid this possible consequence. However, AP rarely uses

these constructions in the Payarrany narrative, which is possibly an accident of the

story rather than an aversion to their use. But, MD has provided some examples of lest

clauses using the might inflections; these were presented in §4.5.11 and §4.5.12. Some

of these examples are presented again below. In these examples the Supporting clause is

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either in passive or active voice depending on whether a passive or active might

inflection is used; while the Focal clause is represented by either a negative or positive

command or suggestion.

8.18 Mujila marnta-yi muya-rtpunta. hide.PRES money-ACC steal-MIGHT 'Hide the money or it might be stolen.' (MD) 8.19 Mirta pangkarri-i ngurnu-warta jankara manku-wunta.

not/no go-POT there-ALL police get/grab-MIGHT 'Don't go there or the policeman might get/grab (you).' (MD)

8.20 Mirta pangkarri-i ngurnu-warta jankara-lu manku-nnyaa

not/no go-POT there-ALL police-INSTR get/grab-P.MIGHT

‘Don't go there or (you) might be caught/grabbed by the policeman.’ (MD)

Following is an example from the Payarrany narrative which is somewhat

ambiguous. It can have either a possible consequence interpretation or perhaps a

conditional reading (even though there is no overt syntactic marker used to indicate

conditional linking). In 8.21 had the subject, Old Sarah, thought of the undesired

possible consequence (that someone might come), she would have responded by

running away so as to avoid them. Yet, the properties of counterfactual conditional

clause linking, as defined by Dixon (2009: 16), also fit this example. That is, in 8.21,

the Supporting might clause describes a condition which might have been fulfilled but

wasn't (Sarah did not think that someone might come) and had this been fulfilled (if she

did think that someone might come) then the event described by the Focal clause would

have occurred (she would have run away).

8.21 Wantharni-yu yanku-nha, muyirri-nha-nyu kurtkaarri-ngu

how-EMPH go-PAST run-PAST-TRUE think-REL wurnta-rtpunta-wu nganangu. come-MIGHT-ACC someone.ACC 'How could (she) go? (She) surely would have run away had (she) thought someone might come.' (P.514)

Dench (2009: 276) reports that the particle wii ‘maybe/if’ can be used in

Martuthunira to code conditional constructions, but there is no comparable particle used

in the Kurrama corpus.

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8.4 Addition Clause Linking

Dixon (2009: 26) identifies ‘addition’ clause linking as linking between clauses

where the different pieces of information described in each clause are not ‘in a

Temporal relation, or in a relation of Condition, Consequence, Possible consequence,

Alternatives or Manner’. That is, this clause linking category is, in effect, what each of

the other categories of clause linking are not. Within the category of ‘addition’ Dixon

(2009: 26-30) recognizes four subtypes: unordered addition, same-event addition,

elaboration and contrast.

Unordered addition involves the linking of clauses that code a semantic or

pragmatic relation but do not form a temporal sequence. There is no Focal and

Supporting clause distinction in unordered addition; as illustrated by the following

English example provided by Dixon (2009: 26):

Mary peeled the potatoes and John shelled the peas.

In this example the two clauses are semantically related, they both describe food

preparation, but they are not in temporal succession; temporal information concerning

the events they describe is not relevant.

In same-event addition the linked clauses describe differing aspects of the same

event. Dixon (2009: 27) provides the following English example:

Mary came first in her race, [and won the prize]sc.

In elaboration the Focal clause provides additional information about the event

or situation described in the Supporting clause; as in the English example provided by

Dixon (2009: 27):

[John telephoned]sc , he invited us to dinner.

In contrast clause linkages the information within the Focal clause contrasts with

that conveyed in the Supporting clause. Dixon (2009: 28) provides the following

English example and states that in this type of clause linking the contrast may be

surprising given the information conveyed by the supporting clause.

[John is rich]sc , but he is not happy.

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In Kurrama, there are no clear distinctions between unordered addition, same-

event addition and elaboration clause linking; however, a differing contrast clause

linking type is observable. The following discussion first examines a joint subcategory

of unordered, same-event and elaboration addition (under the heading of elaboration)

and then contrast clause linking is examined.

8.4.1 Elaboration Clause Linking

Within the Payarrany narrative unordered addition, same-event addition and

elaboration clause linkages are formed by placing the relevant clauses in juxtaposition.

In elaboration and same-event addition relative clauses are added to a main clause to

provide extra information about, or to express differing aspects of, the event described

in the main clause; as in examples 8.24 to 8.27 on the following page. Examples 8.22

and 8.23, below, are instances of unordered addition. In example 8.22 unordered

addition is formed by the juxtaposition of REL marked clauses that have an independent

(or co-subordinate) status (see §4.5.9.2). In 8.23 unordered addition is formed by the

juxtaposition of REL marked clauses that have a dependent status plus the addition of

an unmarked copula in present tense.

8.22 Marliya-wu wirlu-ngka-wu tharni-rnu / mangkurlarra-yu wild.honey-ACC blackheart.gum-LOC-ACC chop-REL children-EMPH4

yirra-marri-ngu jingkaa-la. call-COLL-REL upriver-LOC

'(My 'aunty-mum' was over there) chopping honey in a blackheart gum (and/while) the children were calling out to each other up the river. (P.436)

8.23 Ngunyji-warnu parni patiki-wu warama-rnu / thereNV-EMPH5 be.PRES paddock-ACC make-REL nyinyji pilakurta-rri-ngu wartat. here.NV. carpenter-INCH -REL north

'(They're) over there making paddocks (fencing) / (and) (we're) here doing carpentry in the north.’ (P.050)

In the following example of same-event addition, independent clauses and a

dependent complement clause are placed in juxtaposition.

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8.24 Kanarri-nyjarri-nha thurrurtpa, kupiyarri-wu, / mangkurlarra-yi come.upon-COLL-PAST straight small(plural)-ACC children -TOP4

nyaa-nyjarri-nha-wa, kantharri-wa-yu wurnta-rnu. see -COLL-PAST-TOP1 granny-TOP1-EMPH4 come-REL ‘(She) came straight on to those little fellas / those kids, (her) grannies, saw (her) coming.' (P.438)

The earlier examples 8.4 and 8.5 were discussed in §8.1.2 as examples of

elaborative clause linking; as was example 8.15 in §8.2.4. In the following example

8.25 the clause linkage is somewhat like purpose linking but is better read as

elaboration; the combination of dependent clauses provide additional information about

the action described in the matrix clause.

8.25 Ngayi yanku / wanyja-yi yanku-ngu purnpa-rnu. 1sg:NOM go.PRES dog-ACC go-REL chase-REL 'I'm going now, going off to chase dingoes.’ (P.496)

As in the earlier example 8.5, in the following example 8.26 there are a number

of dependent clauses placed in juxtaposition which provide extra information about the

subject of the elaboration – the ‘blankets’.

8.26 Blanket-ngarli ngunhangkat martamarta-ngarli kanyja-rnu wanyja-yi blanket-PL those red-PL have-REL dog-ACC

yirra-ngka pija-yi karri-yangu, yirra-warntura mankarn-ku edge-LOC picture-ACC stand-REL edge-DISTRIB mark-ACC karri-yangu, ngarrwanyja wangka-nguli-yangu. stand-REL tiger.(giant.dingo) call-PASS-REL ‘Those blankets were red, and they had pictures of dogs (tigers) all around the edges. Each edge had those marks, what we might call 'ngarrwanyja'.’ (P.073)

The following final example of elaboration linking is made up of a number of

dependent clauses (including purpose linkages) which, together, provide additional

information about the subject of discussion: ‘coming to Gap Well to shepherd sheep’.

8.27 Mirna-wa-yu parraa-la-wa-yu, ngayi pangkarri-nha While-TOP1-EMPH4 long.time-LOC-TOP1-EMPH 1sg.NOM return-PAST

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yurraamu-ngarli-wu-yu parni-lu japat nhawungarra-rnu ram-PL-ACC-EMPH4 stay-PURP shepherd look.after-REL Yartalulu-la-ngu-yu, parni-lu nhungu Marryiri-la-wa Yarraloola-LOC-ABL-EMPH4 stay-PURP here Gap.Well-LOC-TOP1 japatjarri-ngu …. shepherding-REL

‘Sometime later, a good long time, I came back to stay shepherding, to look after the sheep. (I) came from Yarraloola to camp here at Gap Well shepherding…’ (P.098)

8.4.2 Contrast Clause Linking

Dixon (2009: 28) states that in contrast clause linking ‘the information conveyed

by the Focal clause contrasts with that provided in the Supporting clause, and may be

surprising in view of it.’ The following contrast clause linkage from the Payarrany

narrative (which continues on from example 8.27 above) is an illustration of this. In

example 8.28 the linkage is formed by the juxtaposition of clauses but

a contrast is

constructed by apposing a negative Supporting clause against a positive Focal clause.

The negative Supporting Clause, in this contrast linkage, is formed by negation of the

clausal verb with the particle mirta.

8.28 ..mirta japatjarri-ngu, nhawungarra-rnu, patiki-la-wu parni-yangu. not shepherding-REL look.after-REL paddock-LOC-ACC be-REL ‘…(Well) not sherpherding, looking after (them), (they) were in the paddock.’ (P.098 continued)

In the following examples there are not only contrast linkages between clauses

but there are also contrast linkages between nominal predications. Negation by the

particle mirta and the privative inflection –warrimarta is used to form these contrasts

where negative clauses and negative nominal predications are juxtaposed against

positive clauses and positive nominal predications.

8.29 Wantaa parni yaayu-warri-nha mirta waawarrirta parna-ayi

well be.PRES aunty-PRIV-SPEC not big.person be-PERF

kupija kuta-wathu. little short-DIM ‘Well, Aunty wasn't a big person (she) was little, very short.’ (P.206)

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8.30 Nhaa-wurtu thurntaarli-nyaa, mirta palamuntaa nganthayi, yalaa kurta, this-EMPH3 leg-ASSOC not old EMPH new very thuumaya-la-ngu-mu wurnta-tkaayi, mirta ngana-lu store-LOC-ABL-THEN come-PERF not who-INSTR nganthayi tharrwa-yangaarnu, yurlu kurta. EMPH put.on-PPERF nothing very

'These were trousers, not old ones, but very new, just out of the store, they hadn't been worn by anyone, nothing at all.' (P.290 - P.291)

8.31 …warla-wurraa-la-yu parni-yangu-la jankaa-rnaarnu-warlu heel-TOWARDS-LOC-EMPH4 be-REL-LOC tie.up-PPERF-very wirrumurntaa nganila pawa-nyaa waterbag wangka-nguli old thing water-ASSOC waterbag call-PASS.PRES

water-warrimarta-wa ngunhat nyila-warrimarta-wa. water-PRIV-TOP1 thatDEF water-PRIV-TOP1 ‘..towards the heel end really tied up was an old what-cha-ma-callit, waterbag, but it didn't have any water in it.' ( P.221–P.223)

8.4.3 Contrast and Disjunction Alternatives Clause Linking

There are several instances in the Payarrany narrative where AP uses the

English ‘but’ within his storytelling. These uses of ‘but’ form a contrast between the

descriptions made in the clauses and sentences that it links. Consider the following

example. In example 8.32 the use of ‘but’ codes a contrast between sentences that

describe the ways and means that the subject obtains meat. That is, the subject would

find euros killed by dingoes but would go hunting

for goannas. In this situation the term

wayharri ‘look for’ implies the act of hunting (for goanna).

8.32 Parntaya-rnu yala-yu kurru-ma-rnaarnu jurntat-pa find-REL fresh-EMPH4 dead-CAUS-PPERF like.that-TOP2 patjarri-wu-yu, but kurrumanthu-wu-yu yanku-marta wayharri-ngu kurta. euro-ACC-EMPH4, but goanna-ACC-EMPH4 go-HABIT look.for-REL very

'(She) would find freshly killed euros like that (by dingo), but (she) used to/would go looking/hunting for goanna.' (P.093 - P.094)

The word order in contrasting clause linkages can help to emphasise a contrast.

That is, the words describing the main elements of a contrast may be placed so that they

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stand out and conspicuously enhance the contrast. The preceding example 8.32

illustrates this. In this example kurrumanthu ‘goanna’ is placed in initial position in the

second sentence in contrast to the final position placement of patjarri ‘euro’ in the first

sentence. The separation of these two elements with ‘but’ serves to emphasise the

differing contrastive ‘meats’ that the subject obtains by the contrasting means of

‘finding’ versus ‘hunting’.

Yet, in example 8.32 above, there is not a true Focal clause and Supporting

clause distinction. Instead, in example 8.32, the use of ‘but’ forms a contrast between

the descriptions made by two complex sentences. These complex sentences (which are

both made up of a main and subordinate clause combination) have equal status (even

though they have different TAM marking) and could be placed in reverse order with

‘but’ still used as the linking device (even though the contrast would not be emphasized

by the proximal placement of patjarri and kurrumanthu).

Without the use of ‘but’ in example 8.32 and leaving the two sentences in

juxtaposition one would effectively form a sequence of alternatives which resemble

Dixon’s (2009: 30) ‘disjunction’ clause linking category. Dixon (2009: 30) states that

disjunction clause linking ‘involves symmetrical alternatives, where the clauses (that are

linked) have equal status and occur in either order’. An English example that Dixon

(2009: 30) provides utilizes or to conjoin the disjunct alternatives; as below:

John will dance or Mary will sing. Mary will sing or John will dance.

There is not an equivalent of the English or in Kurrama. However, in the

following example AP does use a lexical device to differentiate between two NPs. In

8.33 the expression wirru is used to distinguish between two distinct quantitative

nominals: ngungkumarnta ‘heavy’ and wangkarn ‘light’. But the link between the

nominals could be said to represent either an alternative or a contrast relation.

8.33 Ngunhu kurtan-kuyha, ngayi pirntiwirnti-ma-rna, that bag-dual 1sg.NOM separate-CAUS-PAST wirru ngungkumarnta wirru wangkarn. other heavy other light 'Those two bags, I separated them, one heavy one light. (P.247)

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In the following example wirru is also used as a means to differentiate between

two alternative or contrastive entities - the names of two song cycles.

8.34 Waralka wirru wangka-nguli, wirru wangka-nguli name.of.song.cycle other call-PASS.PRES other call-PASS.PRES Ngirrpiri. name.of.song.cycle ‘(One of the songs) was called waralka and the other was called ngirrpiri.’ (AP)

However, other than in the example 8.34, above, where the passive verbal

expression wangka-nguli ‘called’ acts more like a nominalization than a verb, there are

no instances in the Kurrama corpus where wirru is used to establish a contrastive or

alternative link between two verbal clauses.

8.5 Alternatives Clause Linking

As well as disjunction clause linking Dixon (2009: 30-35) lists two other

possible subtypes of alternatives clause linking: rejection and suggestion. Dixon (2009:

30) states that in rejection clause linking ‘there are two alternatives; (where) one is

rejected in favour of the other’; while in suggestion clause linking ‘one of the

alternatives is suggested as (being) more suitable than the other’. Only rejection

alternatives are clearly represented in the Payarrany narrative and the Kurrama corpus.

In the Kurrama examples of rejection linking a positive command and a negative

command are presented in apposition. The positive command directs the addressee to

carry out a specific action instead of carrying out another action which is described by

the negative command. In the following examples of rejection linking the positive

commands are formed either by imperative (8.35) or potential (8.36) inflection of the

verb while the negative commands are formed by negation of a potential inflected verb.

8.35 Nyinta parni-ma nhangu! Mirta-warnu yanki-i wantharni-nyu! 2sg.NOM stay-IMP here not-EMPH5 go-POT anywhere-TRUE ‘You stay here! Don't go anywhere now!' (P.489 - P.490) 8.36 Nyinta-warnu parni-i nhungu, mirta yanki-i nyinta! 2sg.NOM-EMPH5 stay-POT here not go-POT 2sg.NOM

‘Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere)!’ (P.480)

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Dixon (2009: 35) states that the apposition of clauses, such as negative and

positive imperatives, ‘is widely used (cross-linguistically) for various kinds of

Alternative linking’. Dixon (2009: 35) provides an English translation of a sentence

from Warlpiri (which is similar to the Kurrama examples presented above) as an

example of suggestion linking formed by apposition. Dixon (2009: 35) describes the

suggestion linkage - ‘Rather than spearing the kangaroo, leave it!’ - as a natural English

translation of the Warlpiri translation of - ‘Don’t spear the kangaroo, leave it!’.

However, as I have stated above, I would suggest that the apposition of positive and

negative commands represents rejection linking rather than suggestion linkage in

Kurrama. That is, the apposition represents a sequence of commands where one

command rejects an action in favour of another action; instead of a sequence of

suggestions

where one action is suggested to be more suitable than another. In the

Kurrama examples (if not in the Warlpiri example) the illocutionary force of the

apposed commands is stronger than just a ‘suggestion’; especially when the imperative

inflection is used.

In the Kurrama examples of rejection linking, 8.35 and 8.36 above, the positive

commands are Focal clauses: they represent the main or central action in the linkage.

The negative commands are the Supporting clauses: they set out the preconditions for

the Focal clause action. That is, the Supporting clauses command an addressee to reject

an alternative action so as to carry out the Focal clause action. Either order of the Focal

and Supporting clauses would be possible in these rejection linkages.

It should be noted that in §8.4.2 I provided some examples of contrast clause

linkages that are formed by the apposition of negative and positive declarative clauses.

While, in this section, I have stated that a rejection linkage, rather than contrast linking,

is formed by the apposition of negative and positive commands

. There is possible

overlap but this semantic difference is based on the nature of the clause types involved.

Foremost, declaratives are statements of information and the apposition of a negative

and a positive declarative conveys contrastive information. But, commands direct an

addressee to carry out, or not carry out, a specified action, and do not convey declarative

information. The apposition of a positive and a negative command directs an addressee

to reject one action in favour of another and thereby is better interpreted as a rejection

clause linkage rather than a contrast linkage.

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As a final comment, it has been stated throughout this thesis that it is not

possible to negate an imperative verb in Kurrama. A distinction exists between a

command made with a potential inflected verb and a command made with an imperative

inflected verb. A negative command is only formed by the negation of a potential

inflected verb and not by the negation of an imperative inflected verb. This constraint is

syntactic rather than semantic; one inflected form of a verb cannot undergo negation

while another inflected form of the same verb can undergo negation. Yet, it is possible

that pragmatics may influence the constraint against the negation of an imperative verb.

The kin relations that hold between people determine the rights and obligations that

each person has, and it has been my experience in Aboriginal communities that people

are hesitant to say no or to make a negative statement to those who have the right to

make a particular request or carry out a certain action. Perhaps negated potential clauses

are used because they are not as forceful as negated imperative clauses. That is, the use

of a (forceful) negated imperative may not be as polite as a (moderate to mild) negated

potential and therefore is not used. Future research is required.

8.6 Manner Clause Linking

Dixon (2009: 35-36) identifies two subtypes of manner clause linking: real

manner and hypothetical manner. In a real manner clause linkage the action described

by the Focal clause is either ‘done in the manner described by the Supporting clause’ or

the Focal clause describes ‘a state which is similar to that reported in the Supporting

clause’ (Dixon, 2009: 35). For hypothetical manner clause linking Dixon (2009: 35-36)

also identifies two scenarios. First, ‘if the Focal clause portrays an activity, the

Supporting clause may describe what it pretends to be, or what it might be (but isn't)’;

or second, if the Focal clause describes a state the Supporting clause may describe

‘some imaginary event which might have given rise’ to this state.

In the Payarrany narrative (and the Kurrama corpus as a whole) there are only a

limited number of examples of manner clause linking and all are real manner linkages. I

expect that hypothetical manner clause linkages would be possible in Kurrama but I

have no examples to support this expectation.

In the examples of real manner clause linking, in the Payarrany narrative, AP

places the Focal and Supporting clauses in juxtaposition and introduces the Supporting

clause with the predicate demonstrative jurntat ‘like that’ or the indefinite/interrogative

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demonstrative wantharni ‘how/what way’. AP also sometimes uses the semblative

clitic in a Supporting clause to form a real manner relation. Some examples follow.

In the following example 8.37 the semblative clitic and the habitual verb

inflection are used to form a real manner clause linkage. In this example, the FC

describes the subject ‘picking up the old woman’ and the SC (in bold) compares this

action to the real life scenario: ‘just like (we) used to carry children’. In the context of

this example the semblative clitic has scope over the habitual (Supporting) clause in

which it is contained and not just its host mangkurla-wu ‘child-ACC’.

8.37 Manku-nha ngayi / kartpa-nmarta mangkurla-wu-waa /

get-PAST 1sg.NOM carry-HABIT child-ACC-SEMBL

ngaliyampurraarntu-wu jarta-yu. 1pl.exc.GEN -ACC old.woman-ACC I picked (her) up, just like (we) used to carry children, this old lady of ours.' (P.546) In the real manner clause linkage in the following example 8.38 both jurntat and

wantharni are used in the Supporting clause. In this example, the Focal clause describes

the old woman telling the story ‘of how she had found her husband wrapped in a sheet,

killed by whitefellows’. The Supporting clause describes the manner in which she tells

this story: ‘just like that again, just the same as how she told me’.

8.38 Wangka-yinyjarri-ngu palangku-wurtu-wa / jurntat-ku ngartarra

talk-COLL-REL those-EMPH3-TOP1 like.that-ACC again wantharni ngayu muyu wangka-yi. how 1sg.ACC same tell/say-PRES (She) told those fellas (the story) / just like that again, just the same as how (she) had told me.' (P.055)

In the following real manner linkage in example 8.39 the Supporting clause

(presented in bold) describes the appearance of the old woman’s humpy as being similar

to the real life scenario of ‘how a euro makes shelter in spinifex’. The Supporting clause

is introduced with the indefinite/interrogative demonstrative wantharni which translates

as ‘how’ in this instance. Note that further qualification of the shelter’s similarity to

‘euro’s spinifex’ is made at the end of this example by use of the semblative marked

jurntat-kaa ‘just like that’ and the expression ngunhu ngunta-yu ‘(in) that style’.

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8.39 Jampa ngunyjaat-pa-mpa ngarrwa-wuntharri maya-wathu / moment thereNV.DEF-Ø-TOP7 lie.down-INSTR.NOM house-DIM ngunyjat-pa-mpa thurnu-ngka ngarrwi-marta-yi, kupija-la munti thatNV-Ø-TOP7 inside-LOC lie.down-HABIT-TOP4 little-LOC true marlirri-la / wantharni nhaa patjarri-yarntu warrapa tharrwa-nguli-ngu low-LOC how this euro-GEN spinifex go.in-PASS-REL

patjarri-tu ngurra-ma-rnu parni / jurntat-kaa ngunhu ngunta-yu. euro-INSTR camp-CAUS-REL be.PRES like.that-SEMB that style-EMPH4

‘That little humpy was just for lying down in. / She used to lie down in it, it was very small, very low / it was how euro’s spinifex is when a euro goes into it to make camp/ in that style, just like that.' (P.190 - P.192)

As already stated there are no examples of hypothetical manner clause linking in

the Kurrama data, but gaining some examples in future research should be relatively

straightforward. Discussing hypothetical or imaginary situations with a consultant could

provide some useful data. However, by way of observation, it would be worth

considering when gathering this data that what is thought of as real and what is thought

of as imaginary may vary cross-culturally and from speaker to speaker.

8.7 Concluding Remarks

The research questions in this thesis have guided an investigation into the

characteristics of simple and complex sentence construction in Kurrama. The discussion

in this chapter expands on the information presented in the earlier chapters. In summary,

this chapter adds the further dimension of semantics to the mainly syntactic focused

description of clause construction and linking made in earlier chapters. This chapter

provides a broader focus on the way clauses are combined other than just the syntactic

focus on clause combination types such as relative and complement clause

constructions. The semantic focus captures a number of processes involved in the

construction and combination of Kurrama clauses. The semantic classification of Focal

clauses and Supporting clauses involved in clause linking helps to clearly characterize

the processes involved in each of the differing clause linkages. Consider two simple

examples.

The relation between two independent clauses placed one after the other may not

be recognizable on syntactic grounds but can be understood on semantic grounds as

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forming a temporal succession where the event described by the FC follows the time of

the event described in the SC. Also, purpose and result clause linking is best described

by a semantic parameter rather than just as a syntactic combination. Purpose and result

Focal clauses describe the consequence of an action described in the Supporting clause.

This relation cannot be understood just on syntactic grounds alone.

Again there are gaps in the Kurrama corpus and I cannot locate all of the

differing semantic clause linking types discussed in Dixon & Aikhenvald (2009).

However, an overview of what is involved in the semantics of clause linking in

Kurrama is provided in this chapter. A summary of the main detail discussed in this

chapter is presented in Tables 8.2 to 8.4. Table 8.2 summarises the semantics of the

main clause linking types that I was able to locate in the Payarrany narrative and the

Kurrama corpus overall (using the definitions presented by Dixon (2009)). Table 8.3

lists the criteria used to differentiate the Supporting clause (SC) and Focal clause (FC)

in each of the linking types (as also defined by Dixon (2009)). Table 8.4 lists the main

grammatical devices that are used in each FC and SC combination to construct the

differing clause linking types in Kurrama.

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9. EVALUATION OF PROJECT

9.1 Success in Addressing the Research Questions

The research questions that I have addressed in this investigation were: 1. What are the differing types of simple and complex sentences used in Kurrama?

2. How are these simple and complex sentences constructed?

3. What are the salient characteristics of these sentences?

To answer these questions I first examined, in Chapters 2 to 5, the forms and

functions of the various parts of speech that make up Kurrama simple and complex

sentences. Then I examined in further detail the characteristics of Kurrama simple and

complex sentences in Chapters 6 and 7. In Chapter 8 I extended the inquiry and

discussed the differing grammatical means by which simple and complex sentences are

linked to one another in Kurrama. The investigation in Chapter 8 was guided by the

work of the contributors to Dixon and Aikhenvald (2009) who have identified a set of

semantic relations that hold between clause and sentence linkages cross-linguistically.

In Chapter 8 I identified the differing grammatical devices that are used in Kurrama to

represent some of these differing semantic relations.

Because of the limitations of working with the last few speakers of an

endangered language, in what is essentially linguistic salvage work, this thesis presents

only a sketch description of Kurrama morphology and sentence construction. The data

was sufficient to enable a reasonable summation of Kurrama nominal morphology in

Chapter 2, but there are some gaps. For instance, ideally more examples of

dweller/denizen and indirect allative marking are required, as well as further examples

of ablative marking of ‘inherent’ locative nominals that do not require preceding

locative inflection.

The discussion in Chapter 3 was handicapped by incomplete data and only

partial paradigms of the Kurrama pronouns and demonstratives were presented. It is

evident from the available data that the paradigms of the Kurrama demonstratives are

(or were) especially complex. There appears to be a wide range of different shades of

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subtle meaning associated with the differing demonstrative forms, but I was able to

present only a broad partial overview of these meanings. The opportunity for a detailed

investigation into the meaning and functions of the demonstratives in Kurrama may now

have passed but an investigation of those in the more viable Yindjibarndi may still be

possible.

The data was sufficient to provide a reasonable summation of Kurrama verbal

morphology in Chapter 4. I have suggested three conjugation classes for Kurrama in

contrast to Wordick’s (1982) classification of four classes in Yindjibarndi (see §4.4).

There were enough examples of the use of the Kurrama TAM inflections, in the corpus,

to determine most of their functions. However, more examples are needed of clauses

that contain perfective inflected transitive verbs. From the limited data I was unable

determine why the object arguments of perfective inflected verbs are not always marked

with an accusative suffix. The exact subject reference of the L- and R-conjugation

relative suffix –rnu has also proven to be difficult to determine.

The discussion of Kurrama particles and clitics in Chapter 5 falls short of my

expectations. The differing functions of the Kurrama particles and clitics were

frustratingly difficult to determine. AP in his narration of the Payarrany story makes

extensive use of them but I was unable to determine most of the reasons for their use

within this text. I also did not gain clarity on the functions of the particles and clitics in

my discussions with MD. The clitics that I have grouped together under the emphatic

and topicaliser classifications especially require further investigation. The topicaliser

clitics appear to indicate the main topic of a clause or sentence in which they occur;

while the emphatics add emphasis to the host word to which they are attached.

However, further research may reveal that they actually have differing or more specific

functions. Comparison with Wordick’s (1982) description of the functions of the

Yindjibarndi clitics and particles has provided some insight, and given that Yindjibarndi

is still spoken in the Pilbara community, there ought to be further opportunity to

investigate the clitic and particle functions in Yindjibarndi, if research into Kurrama is

no longer possible.

The data was sufficient to enable a relatively detailed discussion of the

characteristics of Kurrama simple sentences in Chapter 6. Yet, further examples of part-

whole constructions are required. Evidence to determine whether the NPs that describe

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a part and those that describe a whole form a single constituent or two separate

constituents, in a part-whole construction, would be worthwhile gaining. Determining

the patterns of marking of the grammatical relations in ditransitive passive clauses has

also proven to be difficult. I was unable to gain clarity about the coding of the

arguments of ditransitive passives in my discussions with Maudie, but further insight

might be gained, in the future, by examining the marking of the arguments of the

passive marked ditransitive causative verb mirnu-ma-nnguli ‘show/teach’ as well as

those of the passive marked yungku-nguli ‘give’. Reflexive constructions also need to

be investigated. I did not discuss them with MD and there are no examples of their use

in the corpus.

In Chapter 7 I discussed the patterns of main and subordinate clause

interrelations in complex sentences in Kurrama. Yet, further examples are required,

ideally, to support or refute the proposals and statements presented in this chapter. For

instance, I have presented some evidence to argue that the L- and R-conjugation REL

suffix –rnu has different subject reference by default, but does allow same subject

reference in some contexts. However, further evidence would possibly help to

determine if this is definitely so. I have also proposed that the composite morphology of

the (polysyllabic) progressive suffix determines its functions. I did attempt to explore

this with MD but this investigation was inconclusive and we were unable to properly

test this proposal. I have also presented some evidence to suggest that the Kurrama

purpose and result inflections are moving towards an emerging switch reference

relationship. Again, further evidence is required to definitively support or refute this

proposal. More examples are also required of clausal complements selected by the

predicates of cognition, perception, and information transfer. My expectation is that

they have a wider range of forms than is present in the available data.

In Chapter 8 I discussed the grammatical devices that are used in the Payarrany

narrative (and in the Kurrama corpus overall) to form the clause linkages that are

characterized by Dixon’s (1990) set of semantic relations. Although there are gaps in

the data this investigation proved to be relatively successful. This investigation provided

a different perspective on simple and complex sentence construction and the possible

linkages that can be made between them. I believe that the recognition of Focal and

Supporting clauses in a clause linkage especially provides a novel way of interpreting

the relations between linked clauses. I expected at first that there would be

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correspondence between main clauses and Focal clauses in the various clause linking

types, and also correspondence between subordinate clauses and Supporting clauses, but

this did not prove to be the case. A Focal clause may be a matrix clause in one linkage

type but may be a subordinate clause in another linkage type, as is also the case for

Supporting clauses. Overall, the dynamics of the various semantic types of clause

linking in Kurrama is far more complex than I had expected when I first approached this

analysis.

9.2 Comparisons Between Kurrama and Yindjibarndi

In the chapters on the forms and functions of Kurrama morphology I have listed

the corresponding Yindjibarndi morphological patterns; and in the chapters on Kurrama

sentence construction I have noted some salient features of Yindjibarndi sentence

construction. I have employed Wordick’s (1982) work on Yindjibarndi as the source for

the Yindjibarndi information. This comparison between Kurrama and Yindjibarndi is

motivated by two factors. It is generally accepted that Kurrama and Yindjibarndi are in

a dialect relationship and share similarities in their patterns of morphology and sentence

construction. I have used Wordick’s (1982) descriptions, on Yindjibarndi, to help fill

some of the gaps in the Kurrama corpus and to shed light on what may be possible in

Kurrama. However, a comparison with Yindjibarndi will only suggest what may be

possible in Kurrama and does not necessarily provide definitive evidence of the

Kurrama patterns. With this in mind a question arises which has also motivated the

comparison of Yindjibarndi and Kurrama; how similar are the two varieties? The

comparison in this study has shown evidence of differences and similarities.

In 1966 O’Grady et al reported a shared cognate density of 78% between

Yindjibarndi and Kurrama based on a comparison of their core vocabularies. Tables 1.2

and 1.3 (in Chapter 1) illustrate that the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi phonologies are very

similar and the occasional use of the laminal laterals in the Kurrama corpus (but not in

the Yindjibarndi inventory) must represent borrowing from ‘outside’. Yet, there are

some differences in the phonotactic patterns within the two varieties. Tables 1.4 to 1.6

list these differences. Dench (2001: 118) states that, ‘it is at least conceivable that these

differences are consciously maintained in order to preserve some distinction between

the different lects’.

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The forms and functions of the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi morphologies are

similar and the comparisons in Chapters 2 to 5 reveal only a few variations overall. I

will not present an itemized report on each variation and similarity here. Yet, notable in

both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama are the functions of the objective/accusative inflection

which is a reflex of an old dative. In general terms the objective/accusative reflex marks

not only the non-subject core arguments of transitive verbs, but also marks both direct

and indirect objects of ditransitive verbs; and has other functions such as marking the

complements of some predicate nominals and marking additional beneficiary arguments

which can be attributed to a wide range of predicates.

In Chapter 4, I list three verbal conjugation classes for Kurrama while Wordick

(1982) designates four conjugation classes for Yindjibarndi. As explained in §4.4, I

collapse Wordick’s (1982) L-class and N-class into just the L-class in Kurrama. The

difference that Wordick recognizes between the articulation of the alveolar onsets of the

N-class inflections and the articulation of the retroflex onsets of some of the L-class

inflections is the result of phonological conditioning and not a distinct morphological

difference. Wordick’s N-class is just made up of verb roots that end in the high front

vowel /i/. While the L-class verbs end in /a/ or /u/. In short, the high front final /i/ of the

N-class verb roots conditions an alveolar articulation of what are actually retroflex

onsets on some of its TAM inflections; while the /a/ and /u/ endings of the L-class verb

roots allow a retroflex articulation of these same onsets. Therefore, to restate, Wordick’s

delineation of the N-class is a phonological difference and not a morphological

difference.

The development of passive voice constructions in both Yindjibarndi and

Kurrama is a notable innovation that is shared with the other Central Pilbara languages.

The forms and the functions of the Kurrama and Yindjibarndi passives are very similar

if not the same. Both varieties have a perfective passive inflection and a optative/might

passive inflection as well as a derivational passive. The old ergative marker of

arguments with an A function has been retained as a marker of agents and instruments

in present day passive constructions, but only surfaces as a marker of instruments in

active constructions. Unfortunately the Kurrama data on the marking of the grammatical

relations in ditransitive passives is inconclusive and cannot be compared with the ban

against nominative marking of the theme/patient arguments in Yindjibarndi ditransitive

passives. Kurrama ditransitive passives may or may not pattern the same (see §6.6.2 ).

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The historical change from split ergative to nominative-accusative marking in

the Central Pilbara languages probably involved the shift of some dependent clause

types to independent status, and/or the shift of some independent clause types to

dependent status, where a nominative-dative marking pattern used in some dependent

clauses (evident still in some of the Northern and Southern Pilbara languages) came to

be generalized as the nominative-accusative pattern for most transitive clauses (adapted

from Dench 2001: 127). The lack of a marked difference between subordinate and main

clauses in the Central Pilbara languages may be a result of this historical shift.

In Yindjibarndi and Kurrama the dependency status of a clause is usually

signaled through complementiser marking of the subordinate verb and its arguments (if

it is not blocked by morphological constraints, such as a ban on sequences of the same

suffix and the inability of a complementiser to follow preceding accusative or

instrumental marking). There are some distinct subordinate verb inflections in both

Kurrama and Yindjibarndi but not many. Notably, Wordick (1982) does not list a

dependent purpose inflection in Yindjibarndi even though a dependent purpose

inflection is often employed in the Kurrama corpus. Also, Wordick seems to state that

only the imperfective allomorph –yangu is used as a marker of dependent verbs while

the other allomorphs –ngu and –rnu are used as markers of independent verbs.

However, the same forms, which I classify as allomorphs of the RELative suffix, are all

used as dependent markers in the Kurrama corpus, and only in rare instances do the

allomorphs –ngu and –rnu mark independent verbs.

In all, further details on Yindjibarndi sentence construction could possibly be

gained from further analysis of the texts that Wordick (1982) presents on pages 201 to

280 in his study (and also from other published texts). However, the main intent of this

thesis has been to investigate the patterns in Kurrama. This study would have stretched

to unwieldy proportions with a detailed analysis of both Yindjibarndi and Kurrama

sentence construction. However, based on the Kurrama data and on some of Wordick’s

observations, it has been shown the characteristics of Yindjibarndi and Kurrama

sentence constructions are very similar, as would be expected of related dialects. Also,

as has been stated, the morphologies of Yindjibarndi and Kurrama are also very similar

with no substantial differences.

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9.3 Limitations of the Project

The answers to the research questions on Kurrama sentence construction have

been limited by the data available. I had contact with, and resources from, a limited

number of consultants. I worked mainly with Maudie Dowton but had some help from

Thomas Cox. I also had access to recordings made by Alan Dench with Algy Paterson

and Judy July who have since passed away. I was also able to use some data recorded in

written form by Ken Hale (1959). However, no conversational data was available for

this project and most of the useful lengthy narrative data was provided by one

consultant, Algy Paterson. I was keen to record MD telling stories in Kurrama but MD

was justifiably concerned that I immediately understand her stories and would relate

them mostly in English so that I could clearly comprehend. The two other consultants

Judy July and Thomas Cox worked only in a few short recording sessions. I must

reiterate here that I am grateful for the work done by the consultants; this project was

not possible without them. Yet, a shortcoming of this investigation into the endangered

Kurrama was the lack of access to a wider range of consultants and the inability to

observe and record conversational interaction between speakers.

The time available for research and the limits of my own abilities have also

influenced the success of this study. I would have liked to have spent more time with

MD so that we could record some lengthy narratives related in Kurrama. I also would

have liked to go back and check with MD some of the conclusions I have made in my

analysis of the data, and also to gain further data, before writing up the final draft of this

thesis. Unfortunately this was not possible. In all, I may not have been the best student

of Kurrama that the consultants could have hoped for, but I hope that I have conveyed

some reasonable detail about Kurrama morphology and sentence construction in this

thesis.

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APPENDIX: The Payarrany narrative

Told by †Algy Paterson.

P.001 Ngayi ngurnu parni wantha-rrkayi wangka-yi. 1sg.NOM that.ACC be.PRES put-POT story/word-ACC

'I will tell (put down) that story now.’

P.002 Mangkala-la-yu nhungkat parna-ayi nhuwamalingka-wari.

Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4 those stay-PERF spouse.group-COM

'Those ones had been staying at Red Hill, with the husbands and wives.' P.003 Ngayu yarukal thurlajinkarri Yithirltany-nguyharntu,

1sg.ACC aunty poor.fellow name.of.person-GEN

karra-nyungu-yu parni-marta wangka-nguli-marta. scrub/bush-DWELL-EMPH4 live/stay-HABIT tell/say-PASS-HABIT

'That poor old Aunty of mine was Tithirltany's daughter, the old lady who used to live in the scrub, she used to be called Karranyungu, scrub dweller.

P.004 Ngunhaa ngaarta palangku parni-nha Mangkala-la-yu that person those live/stay-PAST Red Hill-LOC-EMPH4

‘These people and that one (the old lady) were at Red Hill.’

P.005 Ngarti nhawu-marri-ngumarnu-warnu nhuwa-yi then/next see-COLL-PROG-EMPH5 spouse-ACC

P.006 warrungkamu-l ngarti-yu murlimurli-ma-nnguli-yangu one.morning-THEN then/next-EMPH4 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL P.007 kaliku-la-wa walypala-ngarli-lu.

sheet-LOC-TOP1 whitefellow-PL-INSTR ‘And then (she) saw her husband, then one morning, wrapped up in a sheet (killed) by whitefellows.’

P.008 Wantaawa!

Well!

P.009 Yanku-ngumarnu waa-wa karra-ngka-wa. go-PROG fear/frightened -TOP1 scrub/bush-LOC-TOP1 ‘Then (she) took off into the scrub frightened.’

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P.010 Munti-yaa jurntatma-rnaarnu-la, jurntat-karlaa. True/truly/really-SEMBL like.that-CAUS-PPERF-LOC like.that-PROP

P.011 jurntat-ku-warnu nhawa-ayi. like.that-ACC-EMPH5 see-PERF ‘(She) really believed it had happened like that, (she'd ) seen how it happened.'

P.012 Yanku-nha wantaawa marnta-ka-wa go-PAST somewhere hill-LOC-TOP1

P.013 muyirri-nha wantawanta-rri-ngu. kurtawurtu.

run-PAST mad/crazy/silly-INCH-REL true.enough 'So (she) went off somewhere into the hills, ran away, getting crazy alright.'

P.014 Yanku-ngumarnu wurnta-tkaayi ngaliya-warri-wu-yu

go-PROG come-PERF 1du.exc-PRIV-ACC-EMPH4 P.015 Jalurrpa-la-wu parni-yangu ngunhungu-mpa Pantuwarnangka-la.

Arthur.Lockyer-LOC-ACC stay-REL there-TOP7 Pannawonica-LOC

'And then (she) travelled about and came upon we two who were staying with A. Lockyer there at Pannawonica.’

P.016 Ngaliya wirta-wuyha-mu 1du.exc.NOM youth/young.man-DUAL-THEN 'We two (were) young fellas, then.' P.017 Wurnta-rna parni-ngumarnu wuntu-wa marratha-la malu-ngka. come-PAST sit-PROG river-LOC river.gum-LOC shade-LOC

'(She) came there and then sat (was sitting) in the river bed, in the shade of a river gum.

P.018 Ngayi nhawu-nha, “Ngana nhaa-yu parni?”

1sg.NOM see-PAST who this-EMPH4 be.PRES 'I saw (her), "Who is this?"'

P.019 Ngaliya kuyharra, nyinyji Warlapurungu nganthayi 1du.exc.NOM two here.NV name.of.someone EMPH mapuji-wu, nhawu-nha-wa thurla-npa-nha-wa daugther's.son-ACC see -PAST-TOP1 eye-INCH-PAST-TOP1

P.020 ngunhaatu nhawu-nha-wa. that.one see-PAST-TOP1 'There were two of us. This other fellow was Warlapurungu's grandson, he recognised (her) when he saw (her).'

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P.021 “Walart-parnu jarta Yithirltany-nguyharntu jarta.” thatDEF-EMPH5 old.woman name.of.person-GEN old.woman “That's the old lady, Yithirltany's daughter.”

P.022 Nyinta-wu yanku-ma nhawu –lu. 2sg.NOM-EMPH2 go-IMP see-PURP "You go and/to meet/see (her)!"

P.023 Ngayi yanka-angu wuntu-warta nhawu-lu.

1sg.NOM go-RSLT river/creek-ALL see-PURP ‘So I went down the river to see.'

P.024 Muntikurtu-wurtu jarta kurta.

true-EMPH3 old.woman very 'True enough, it was the old lady alright.'

P.025 Ngayi yanku-nha wangka-ngumarnu 1sg.NOM go-PAST tell/say-PROG ‘I went down and then talked to (her).’ P.026 “Yaayu, nyinta-rnta walartu?” aunty 2sg.NOM -INTRRG that.one “Aunty, is that you?” P.027 “Nhaat-pa-mpa ngayi-yu parni-ngu thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.NOM-EMPH4 be-REL P.028 ngayu yaangana.”

1sg.ACC nephew “(Yes), this is me my nephew.”

P.029 Yanku-nha maa-wu manku-lu, parni-ngumarnu ngunhungat

go-PAST hand-ACC get-PURP live/stay-PROG there wangka-ngu. talk-REL '(I) went and took (her) hand, and then stopped there for a while talking.'

P.030 “Wanthilangu nyinta-yu wurnta-rna yaayu?” where.from 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 come-PAST aunty “Where have you come from, Aunty?”

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P.031 “Ngayi-yu Mangkala-la-ngu wurnta-rna, wala kurlka 1sg.NOM-EMPH4 Red Hill-LOC-ABL come-PAST don't think nyinta-yu parni-unta, ngalaa-yu yanku

2sg.NOM-EMPH4 be-MIGHT 1du.exc-EMPH4 go/be.PRES

wanta-marri-ayi-wa.” leave-COLL-PERF-TOP1 “I've come from Red Hill. Don't (might) you think about it. We've left one another.”

P.032 “Walypala-ngarli-lu parna-ayi kaliku-la-wa murlimurli-ma-nnguli-ngu.” whitefella-PL-INSTR be-PERF sheet-LOC-TOP1 wrap-CAUS-PASS-REL “(He) was wrapped in a sheet by whitefellas” P.033 “Munti-wurtu?” true – EMPH3 “Is that true?” P.034 “Ngaa, jurntartpa, ngayi yanku ngunha ngulaarta-ngu-yu muyirra-ayi.” yes like.that 1sg.NOM go.PRES that there-ABL-EMPH4 run-PERF “Yes, that's how it is. That's how I ran away from there, why I'm travelling.” P.035 “Ngaliya parna-ayi ngunhungu wanta-ma-nnguli-ngu.” 1du.exc.NOM be-PERF that leave-CAUS-PASS-REL “We two were there and I was left.” P.036 “Ngawu munti pala jurntart.” yes.(that's.right) true that like.that

“Yes that's true. It's like that.” P.037 Ngayi yanku-nha wangka-lu maatha-wu-wa,

1sg.NOM go-PAST tell/say-PURP boss-ACC-TOP1

Jalurrpa-ngu-wa Arthur.Lockyer-ACC-TOP1

'I went to tell the boss, Jalurrpa, Arthur Lockyer.'

P.038 Ngunhaatu jurntat-ku-yu wangka-yu, mirta kurta wanyja-nha that.one like.that-ACC-EMPH4 story-EMPH4 not very ? -PAST kurlkanyjaa-rna thurrulku. think.about-PAST true 'The way that story was, he didn't believe it. (He) thought (it) wasn't true.'

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P.039 Nhaa kurlkanyjaa-rna kurtat ngunhat. this/he think.about -PAST wrong thatDEF 'He thought it was wrong.'

P.040 “Mayinu nhaa jarta might kuyawuya-warni.” poor.fellow this old.woman might silly-INCH-PRES

“Poor thing, this old lady might be going silly.”

P.041 He can talk Yinyjiparnti. P.042 Ngunhat-ju wangka-yi wantaa kurta Yinyjiparnti,

thatDEF-EMPH1 talk-POT which very Yindjibarndi

Jalurrpa-nha, old Arthur Lockyer. Authur.Lockyer-SPEC old Arthur Lockyer 'He could talk Yindjibarndi very well, Jalurrpa, old Authur Lockyer.'

P.043 Ngunhaan kurlkarri-nha kurtat.

that think-PAST wrong 'He thought that was wrong.'

P.044 “Nhaa mightbe kuyawuya-warni jarta mayinu.”

this might.be silly-INCH-PRES old.woman poor.fellow

“She might be getting silly, the poor old thing.” P.045 He can't be happen like that.

'It can't have happened like that.'

P.046 Yurlu kurta-warnu mirta kurta jurntat. nothing very-EMPH5 not very like.that

‘(It) was really nothing, wasn't really like that.'

P.047 Parni-ngumarnu-wa-thu

live/stay-PROG-TOP1-TOP3 P.048 Wantaa wantaa ngartarra, ngayi pangkarri-nha

which which again 1sg.NOM return-PAST

ngarti-mu nhawu-lu ngayi thinarla-yu. again/then/next -THEN see-PURP 1sg.NOM dinner-EMPH4

'(She) stayed around then for a while before going every which way again. I went back to see (her) and (took) dinner.'

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P.049 “Wanthila-warnu wirru-ngaa-yu?” where-EMPH5 other-PL-EMPH4 'Where are the others?'

P.050 “Ngunyji-warnu parni patiki-wu warama-rnu thereNV-EMPH5 be.PRES paddock-ACC make-REL nyinyji pilakurta-rri-ngu wartat.” here.NV carpenter-INCH-REL north

“(They're) over there making paddocks (fencing) and (we're) here doing carpentry in the north.”

P.051 “Wirru-ngaa-yu parni-yangu-la juju-ngarli, ngunha

other-PL-EMPH4 live/stay-REL-LOC old.man-PL that

ngaata patiki-wu makem-ma-rnu nhula Kurruu-la.” there paddock-ACC make-CAUS-REL there Kurruu-LOC

“While the others, the old people, are making paddocks there at Kurruu.”

P.052 Ngayi thaa-rrku-wa yaayu-warri-ngu, jawayiny-ma-rnaanu-yu,

1sg.NOM send-PRES-TOP1 aunty-PRIV-ACC ask-CAUS-PPERF-EMPH4 P.053 “Nyinta yanki-i ngunhangaatu nhawu-marri-lu”.

2sg.NOM go-POT there see-COLL-PURP

'I sent Aunty off, (I) told (her), “You go over there and see (them)”. P.054 Munti kurta-wa, yaayu-warri-nha yanku-nha-wa

true very-TOP1 aunty-PRIV-SPEC go-PAST-TOP1 parntaya-nmarri-lu ngunyjaat-pa, ngunyjat-wurtu-wa parni-i. find-COLL-PURP thereNV-TOP2 thereNV-EMPH3-TOP1 stay-POT 'True enough. Old Aunty went to find (them) there, and stayed there.'

P.055 Wangka-yinyjarri-ngu palangku-wurtu-wa jurntat-ku ngartarra

talk-COLL-REL those-EMPH3-TOP1 like.that-ACC again wantharni ngayu muyu wangka-ayi. how 1sg.ACC same tell/say-PERF ‘(She) told those fellas (the story), just like that again, just the same as how (she) had told me.'

P.056 “Nhuwa-yu kaliku-la murlimurli-ma-rnaarnu.” spouse-EMPH4 sheet.(calico)-LOC wrap-CAUS-PPERF “(My) husband was wrapped up in a sheet.”

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P.057 Ngunhangkat-purtu-wa parna-angu kurtkaarri-ngu murnti-nta those-EMPH3-TOP1 be-RSLT think-REL true-INTRRG walaartu jurntaat -ju murlurru-nta nhaa wangka-yu, nhaa that.one like.that-EMPH1 straight-INTRRG this story-EMPH4 this yanku ngunngawa wangka-ngu yanku wanta-nguli-ngu-wa. go/be.PRES not.right say-REL go/be.PRES silly-PSYCH-REL-TOP1 'So those fellas there thought about it. Was it true like that? Was it straight this story? This story is going a little bit funny. (She's) gone a bit silly.' P.058 Wantaawa palangku parni-ngumarnu kumarla-ngarli.

well those live/stay-PROG together-PL ‘Well, those people stayed all together then.'

P.059 Yaayu-warri-nha parni-nyjarri-nha.

aunty-PRIV-SPEC live/stay -COLL -PAST

'Old Aunty stayed with (them).' P.060 Warnaa- ngarli-la ngunhangat-pa-mpa janku-wuyha-yu. brother-PL-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 sibling-DUAL-EMPH4 ‘Those two siblings (were) in amongst/with all the brothers.' P.061 Wantaawa parni-nha palangku kumarla wurnta-tkayi.

later be/stay-PAST those together come-POT

thalaran-nguwarta. Deepdale-ALL 'Later, they then came together down to Deepdale.'

P.062 Thalaran-ta-wa-yu parni-lu Deepdale-LOC-TOP-EMPH4 stay-PURP muthuu-rri-yangu-la-wa-yu Jalurrpa-la maatha-la. winter-INCH-REL-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 Arthur.Lockyer-LOC boss-LOC

'(They) stayed at Deepdale as it became winter, while Arthur Lockyer was boss.' P.063 Parni ngarli ngunhangaat martkurra mirta

stay/be.PRES plural these good not

pangkarri-ngu-nyu nganaarri-ngu-nyu mirta muyirri-ngu-nyu. return-REL-TRUE forget-REL-TRUE not run-REL-TRUE

'They stayed there happily, didn't go back, apparently forgot about it, (she) didn't run away.'

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P.064 Wantaa kurta parni-nha ngunhangan martkurra-ngarli palangku. alright very live/stay-PAST there good-PL those

'Well that was alright, they stayed there happily, all of them.'

P.065 Well, ngunha ngaata-yu, yala-mu-yu

well that person-EMPH4 first-THEN-EMPH4

wurnta-rna yaayu-warri-nha-yi muyhu-yu ngunhu come-PAST aunty-PRIV-SPEC-TOP4 cold/winter-EMPH4 that

P.066 wangka-nguli-ngu yini, yiya-yu 1928 March.

call-PASS-REL name year-EMPH4 1928 March ''Well that time, the first time Old Aunty came down, that winter, that year was 1928 in March.'

P.067 Nhawu-nguli-nha ngunhangaata yaayu-warri-nha, ngunhat

see-PASS-PAST that aunty-PRIV-SPEC thatDEF

yalamu munti-yu wanta-nguli-ngu, 1928 in March. first true-EMPH4 mad/crazy-PSYCH-REL

'Aunty was seen there, the first time that she really went a bit mad, was in 1928, in March.'

P.068 Wanyjarri-ngumarnu, wanyjarri-ngumarnu-warnu, run.away-PROG run.away-PROG-EMPH5

P.069 ngulaarta ngunhaan muyhu-ngka-yi.

there.LOC that cold/winter-LOC-TOP4

'And then (she) ran away, (she) ran away again from there that was that winter.' P.070 Karrwanta-mu karrwanta-mu yanku-nha ngunhangkaat parna-ayi

autumn-THEN autumn-THEN go/be-PAST those live/stay-PERF Thalaran-ta-wa-yu nhungu Jalurrpa-nha manku-nha Deepdale -LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 here Authur.Lockyer-SPEC get-PAST P.071 Blanket-ngarli-wu nyuupala-ngarli-wu pungkurri-yharntu-ngarli-wu

blanket-PL-ACC new-PL-ACC cover-GEN-PL-ACC

yalaa-ngarli-wu miinyma-rnu nyirra-yharntu-ngarli-wu pungkurri-yharntu-u. new-PL-ACC provide-REL cover-GEN-PL-ACC cover-GEN-ACC

‘And then that autumn, when those people were staying here at Deepdale, Authur Lockyer got blankets, lots of new blankets for (us) to cover up with.'

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P.072 Ngunhangka-rru Kurrama wangka pungkurri-yharntu-wa those-NOW Kurrama call.PRES cover-GEN-TOP1 blanket-wu-yu. blanket-ACC-EMPH4 "Pungkurriyharntu, that's what the Kurrama call blankets.'

P.073 Blanket-ngarli ngunhangkat martamarta-ngarli kanyja-rnu wanyja-yi

blanket-PL those red-PL have-REL dog-ACC

yirra-ngka pija-yi karri-yangu, yirra-warntura mankarn-ku edge-LOC picture-ACC stand-REL edge-DISTRIB mark-ACC karri-yangu, ngarrwanyja wangka-nguli-yangu. stand -REL tiger.(giant.dingo) call-PASS-REL

‘Those blankets were red, and they had pictures of dogs (tigers) all around the edges. Each edge had those marks, what we might call 'ngarrwanyja'.

P.074 Yirra-ngka-yu ngularta blanket-ngarli-la jurlu-ngka kurta

edge-LOC-EMPH4 there blanket -PL-LOC all-LOC very

P.075 ngayintharri-mpa manku-nha-yu. 1pl.NOM-TOP7 get-PAST-EMPH4 'That was on the edges of all the blankets we got.'

P.076 Ngunhat-pa-mpa ngunhu blanket mirta murna-arta yanku-nha

thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 that blanket not close-ALL go-PAST kanyja-nnguli-ngu ngulaartu yaayu-warri-lu, ngunyji-pa keep/have -PASS-REL thatINSTR aunty-PRIV-INSTR thereNV-TOP2 ngunhu yala ngantha-yi parni ngunyji-mpa marnta-ka that now also-TOP4 be.PRES thereNV-TOP2 hill-LOC tharra-ngka, marnta-wu martawi-rnaarnu. cave-LOC rock -ACC cover-PPERF 'Now that blanket didn't go just a little way. It was kept (for a long time) by Old Aunty.That's the one that is still there now, up there in that cave in the hills, covered with a rock.'

P.077 Martkurra-ma-rnaanu wantha-rnaarnu yaayu-warri-lu ngunyji. good-CAUS-PPERF put -PPERF aunty-PRIV-INSTR thereNV

‘(It) was put there neatly by Aunty.’

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P.078 Ngayi ngunhat kartarri-ngu-wa-mpa. 1sg:NOM thatDEF go.towards-REL-TOP1-TOP7 ‘I am going towards that.'

P.079 Ngayi yanka-ayi yala-yu wangka-ngu nhurnu wangka-yi 1sg:NOM go-PERF now-EMPH4 talk-REL thisACC story/word-ACC

wantha-rnu munti-nta martkurra-nta ngayi ngantha-yu thaa put-REL true-INTRRG good-INTRRG 1sg:NOM also-EMPH4 mouth

manta-yi warrku wantharni-wu, wantha-rrkayi martiny-ku. tie-POT maybe how-EMPH2 put-POT story-ACC ‘I'll get to that in the story. I'll keep going for now, I'll keep on with this story, putting it down good and true. I'll do it well I hope. We'll see how I go at putting down this story.'

P.080 Ngulaarta-ngu-yu parni- marta- yi martkurra-mu-yu there.LOC-ABL-EMPH4 live/stay-HABIT-TOP4 good-THEN-EMPH4 parna-ayi palanku kuma. live/stay-PERF they/those together 'Well from there, (they) stayed there, quite happily. They all stayed together.' P.081 Ngarti-yu parni-marta muyirri-ngu-warntura-wa

again/then/next-EMPH4 be-HABIT run-REL-DISTRIB-TOP1 yanku-ngu marnta-ka. go-REL hill-LOC ‘Then, (she) used to run away every now and then again and go into the hills.’

P.082 Ngarti-mu-mpa wurnta-tkayi nyaa-nyarri-lu. again/then/next-THEN-TOP7 come-POT see-COLL-PURP

‘And then another time (she) would/will come again to see (everyone).’

P.083 Ngarti-mu-mpa yanki i ngunyji again/then/next-THEN-TOP7 go-POT thereNV

thurti-mu ngarti-mu marnta-arta, mirnu-wa back-THEN again/then/next-THEN hill-ALL know-TOP1 parni-marta maru-ngka wantharni-ngarra-wu jurntat-ku. be-HABIT mob/many-LOC how-VBZ-ACC like.that-ACC ‘And then once again, (she) would/will go back to the hills. It was known by everyone in the mob how (she) used to be, it was just like that.'

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P.084 Wantaawa parni-marta martkurra kurta-wa, parni-marta which-TOP1 live/be-HABIT good very-TOP1 live/be -HABIT

martkurra kurta-wa, nhawu-nguli-ngu-mpa. good very-TOP1 see-PASS-REL-TOP7 ‘Well, at that time, (she) used to be very well, (she) looked to be very well.'

P.085 But yaayu-warri-nha mirta parni-nha nhungu

but aunty-PRIV-SPEC not live/stay-PAST here yini marnta-ka, nhula yini, Kanarrakuri-wathaa yini only hill-LOC here only name.of.place-ALL only Waliji-wathaa yawut. name.of.place-ALL west 'But Old Aunty didn't stay only around here in the hills, not just here around Kanarrikuri, or near Waliji in the west.'

P.086 Yanku-marta mirta murna-arta nhula-arta Ngama-ngka. go-HABIT not close-ALL there-ALL name.of.place-LOC '(She) used to go a long way, not just close by, all over the Ngama (Hamersley foothills and Buckland Hills).

P.087 Ngunhu-mpa Jarrungkajarrungka-arta-mpa murna-yu

that-TOP7 Rocklea-ALL-TOP7 close-EMPH4 Kartajirri-wu-mpa-yu kuyhaamunti-ngu, Thinungu-mpa-yu Duck.Creek-ACC-TOP7-EMPH4 cross.over.river-REL Yaranti-TOP7-EMPH4

kuyhaamunti-ngu ngamarlarri-la ngunhangkaarta ngartatha-la. cross.over.river-REL side.of.hill-LOC those.LOC foothills-LOC 'She went right up to Rocklea Station, crossed over Duck Creek, at Yaranti, went up that way, in the side of those hills, in the foothills.'

P.088 Wantaa kurta ngunhangat-pa-mpa ngunhangkat yaayu-warri-nguyarntu,

which very thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 those aunty-PRIV-GEN ngurra-yu yanku-wuntharri-yarntu jurlu-wu-mpa mirnu camp-EMPH4 go-INSTR.NOM-GEN all-EMPH2-TOP7 know pawa-yarntu-ngarli-wu, ngurrara mangkurla-ngu-mu. water-GEN-PL-ACC country child -ABL-THEN 'All around there, those places, these were Old Aunty's places, where (she) would camp. All the paths, the ways to travel, all the places to get water, (she) knew all these. (She) was a child of that country.'

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P.089 Mirnu papu-ngarli-lu kanyja-rnaanu ngunhangat ngurra-ngka. know father-PL-INSTR keep/have -PPERF thatDEF country-LOC

'(She) knew because she had been raised in that country by (her) father's people.'

P.090 Mirnu kurta parni-marta pirringu-la kurta pintu-ngarli-la pirringu-la

know very stay-HABIT own-LOC very seeds-PL-LOC own-LOC kurta kawurnarra-la, pirtangkayi-la partunya-la ngarluwany-tha very type.of.seed -LOC type.of.seed-LOC onion-LOC rush.nut-LOC puwayi-la, kurrumanthu mijirri-ma-rnu ngarra-rnu. rush.nut-LOC goanna squashed-CAUS-REL chop-REL

'(She) knew everything alright, in her own places. (She) stayed amongst her own foods, seeds, wild onions, rush nuts of different kinds, goanna squashed and pounded up.'

P.091 Murla-ngarli-wu-yu parni-marta, manku-ngu wanyja-warrimarta-rra,

meat-PL-ACC-EMPH4 be-HABIT get-REL dog-PRIV-DUB P.092 parna-ayi thaalu-warrimarta-rra, parni-marta mujira-lu-wa

be-PERF pet.dog-PRIV-DUB be-HABIT dingo-INSTR-TOP1 kurru-ma-rnaarnu-wu-wi manku-ngu murla-ngarli-wu. dead-CAUS-PPERF-ACC-TOP5 get-REL meat-PL-ACC

‘(She) used to get meat without a dog, apparently. I don't think (she) had a pet. (She) used to get meat that had been killed by a dingo.’

P.093 Parntaya-rnu yala-yu kurru-ma-rnaarnu jurntat-pa find-REL fresh-EMPH4 dead-CAUS-PPERF like.that -TOP2 P.094 patjarri-wu-yu, but kurrumanthu-wu-yu yanku-marta wayharri-ngu euro-ACC-EMPH4, but goanna-ACC-EMPH4 go-HABIT look.for-REL

kurta. very '(She) would find freshly killed euros like that (by dingo), but (she) used to/would go looking/hunting for goanna.'

P.095 Mijirri-ma-rnu-rra parni

squashed/preserved.goanna.meat-CAUS-REL-DUB be.PRES parraa-mu-yu parna-angu murla-ngarli-wu. long.time-THEN-EMPH4 be/stay-RSLT meat-PL-ACC 'Apparently that squashed goanna meat keeps for a very long time.'

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P.096 Mirtuwarra kurta. clever very '(She) was very clever.'

P.097 Wantaawa parni-nha ngunhangat.

Well live/stay-PAST thatDEF ‘Well, she stayed out there.'

P.098 Mirna-wa-yu parraa-la-wa-yu, ngayi pangkarri-nha

while-TOP1-EMPH4 long.time-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 1sg.NOM return-PAST yurraamu-ngarli-wu-yu parni-lu japat nhawungarra-rnu, ram.(sheep)-PL-ACC-EMPH4 stay-PURP shepherd look.after-REL Yartalulu-la-ngu-yu parni-lu nhungu Marryiri-la-wa Yarraloola-LOC-ABL-EMPH4 stay-PURP here Gap.Well-LOC-TOP1

japatjarri-ngu, mirta japatjarri-ngu, nhawungarra-rnu, shepherding-REL not shepherding-REL look.after-REL patiki-la-wu parni-yangu. paddock-LOC-ACC be-REL 'Sometime later, a good long time, I came back to stay shepherding, to look after the sheep. (I) came from Yarraloola to camp here at Gap Well, shepherding. (Well) not shepherding, looking after (them), (they) were in the paddock.'

P.099 Ngaamatjurntu-ma-rnu warrungkamu-warntura bring.them.up-CAUS-REL morning-DISTRIB kayulu-warta-yi kartpa-tkayi pawa-arta water-ALL-TOP4 take-POT water-ALL '(I) would bring the (sheep) up each morning to take them to water.'

P.100 Yaayu-warri-nha-yu ngunyjat-pa-mpa yanku-yangu-la-wa aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH4 thatNV-Ø-TOP7 go-REL-LOC-TOP1 murna-arri-ngu-wa ngayintharri-wu-yu close -INCH-REL-TOP1 1pl.exc(disharmonic)-ACC-EMPH4 ngunhaata-wu-yu parni-yangu Marryiri-la-wa. there -ACC-EMPH4 be/stay-REL Gap.Well-LOC-TOP1 'Poor old Aunty was travelling along there and was getting close to us staying there at Marryiri.'

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P.101 Wangka-yangarnu maatha-lu kurtun-ma-rtkayi-wa-yu tell/say-PPERF boss-INSTR gather-CAUS-POT-TOP1-EMPH4

parnangarri-yarlaa-ngarli-wu-yu. sheep-?-PL-ACC-EMPH4 ‘(We'd been) told by the boss to gather up the horned sheep.’

P.102 Yaayu-warri-nha-wu warrungkamu-yu purlu-ngka kartpa-lu

aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH2 morning-EMPH4 above-LOC go.up-PURP

marnta-ka-yu parni nhawu-ngu-mu ngana-wathaa-wu hill-LOC-EMPH4 be.PRES see-REL-THEN who-ELSE-ACC

parni-yangu nhungu Marryiri-la -wu outcamp-wathu-la-wu. be/stay-REL here Gap.Well-LOC-ACC outcamp-DIM-LOC-ACC

'Old Aunty, that morning, was climbing up above us. (She) was up on the hill to see who else was staying here at Marryiri outcamp.'

P.103 Wangkaa-lu-mpa-wurtu-wa murtiwarla-yi. Maatha, an’ mangkurla

tell-PURP-TOP7- EMPH -TOP1 car-TOP4 boss and child P.104 kupiyarri-murra Red-ngu-waya Karntawayi an’ juju-warri-nha,

small(pl)-LOST Red-ACC-? person's.name and old.man-PRIV-SPEC Donkeyman, maatha-la-ja- wu.

person’s.name boss-LOC-TOP6-EMPH2 ‘The car was running. The boss, and a little boy who we've lost now, Red's boy Karntawayi, and the old man, Donkeyman, were with the boss.'

P.105 Ngunhu motorcar Chev4 wangka-nguli murtiwarla-yi. that car Chev4 call-PASS.PRES car-TOP4

'That car is called a Chev 4.'

P.106 Ngayi ngunyji, jarrwurti ngunyji parnangarri-yarlaa parni-nha

1sg:NOM thereNV three thereNV sheep-? be-PAST ngartarra kanyjayu-rnaarnu five-wu ram-u yantha-yu. again keep/have-PPERF five-ACC ram-ACC missing-ACC

'I was away over there, three of us had gone for sheep. (We) were looking for five rams that were missing.'

P.107 Jinkakurru ngayi yanku-nha ngurnu wayharri-ngu.

up.river 1sg:NOM go-PAST that:ACC look.for -REL

'I went up river looking for them.'

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P.108 Karntirri-wu-wa wat.thurraanu murrirni, smoke-EMPH2-TOP1 lightning following.PRES nhungku wurnta-rna maatha-yi murluwarla-la-yu these come-PAST boss-ACC car-LOC-EMPH4 karri-ngumarnu ngunhungat partkarra-la marnta-ka ngurna. stop-PROG there flat-LOC hill-LOC that ‘These others had come following the smoke from the lightning, with the boss in the car and they stopped there on the flat by that hill.’

P.109 Yaayu-warri-nha ngunhungat purlu-ngka mijularri-nha tharra-ngka aunty-PRIV-SPEC there above-LOC hide-PAST cave-LOC

kupija-la. Nhungkurtu karri warni-ngka-mu murtiwarla-la-yi. little-LOC those be.PRES clear.ground-LOC-THEN car-LOC-TOP4

'Old Aunty was there up above hiding in a little cave. Those others are out on clear ground, in the car.’

P.110 Karntirri-wu nhawu-ngumarnu jinkarrku kampa-yangu Warluru-la-wu.

smoke-ACC see-PROG up.river burn-REL Warleru-LOC-ACC 'And then (they) see smoke burning up river at Warleru.’

P.111 Maatha wangka-nha, “Kayari, you run up the hill,

boss tell/say-PAST name.of.person you run up the hill

nyinta warniya-lku ngurnu-warta ngurnu-mu marnta-arta 2sg.NOM run-PRES that.ACC-ALL that.ACC-THEN hill-ALL

P.112 nhawi-i ngurnu karla-yi wanthila-wu kampa-yangu.”

see-POT that.ACC fire-ACC where-ACC burn-REL

'The boss said, “Kayari, you run up that hill and see where that fire is burning”.' P.113 Murnti-pa piningkarra-ngu kankala kartpa-nha

true-TOP2 run-REL on.top go.up-PAST ngunhaaku marnta-yi, yaayu-warri-nha-yu that.ACC hill-ACC aunty-PRIV-SPEC-EMPH4 ngunyjat-u-mpa tharra-ngka kupija-la ngamarlangu-la thatNV-Ø-TOP7 cave-LOC little-LOC hollow-LOC ngarrwi-ngu, nyaa-nyarri-ngu-wurtu. lie.down-REL see-COLL-REL-EMPH3 'True enough, (he) ran to the top, climbed up the hill and Old Aunty was right there, out of sight, in a little cave, lying in a hollow. (She) saw (him).'

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P.114 Ngana-wa nhaa-yu mangkurla? Yanku ngayu-yu who-TOP1 this-EMPH4 child go.PRES 1sg.ACC-EMPH4

mulurru kantharrii-nha ngantha-wa. straight Daughter's.chld-SPEC also-TOP1 'Who is this boy (child)? (He’s) coming straight for me. That's my grandson!’

P.115 Ngunhaat-ju thurlanpa-nyjarri-ngu kurta nhungu

thatDEF-EMPH1 recognize-COLL-REL very here

kartpa kankala-wurtu-yu parntaya-nmarri-nha ….. ngani-ngarli go.up on.top-EMPH-EMPH4 find -COLL-PAST what-PL

ngunhungku ….. karrwanyji-wu pirtuwu-la karri-yangu-wa those pigeon-ACC boulder-LOC stand-REL-TOP1

walu-ngarli-la marnta-ngarli-la. boulder-PL-LOC rocks-PL-LOC ‘She recognised him alright! (This fella) was going up along the top and found some…what-ya-call these?... pigeons standing on top of some boulders, on some rocks.'

P.116 Manku-ngu marnta-ngarli-wu-yu ngarra-rnu-yu.

get-REL rock-PL-ACC-EMPH4 throw-REL-EMPH4

'(He) was getting some rocks and was throwing them (at the birds).' P.117 Kantharri-warri-yu ngunhungu kurtkaarri-nha

grandmother-PRIV-EMPH4 that think-PAST

tharra-ngka-yu ngarra-nmarri-nguli-ngu, cave-LOC-EMPH4 throw-COLL-PASS-REL

ngunhaat-pa wurnta-rna thaanyjarni-ngu wurnta-rna tharra-ngka-ngu. thatDEF-TOP2 come-PAST entrance-ABL come-PAST cave-LOC-ABL

‘'The poor old grandmother was back in the cave thinking that she was the one having rocks thrown at (her). She came through/from the entrance and came out of the cave.’

P.118 “Kantharri nyinta-yu ngayu-yu ngarra- rtpunta.” Daughter's.chld 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 1sg.ACC-EMPH4 hit-MIGHT ‘(She shouted), “Granny you might hit me!”’

P.119 “Nhaat-pa-mpa ngayi-yu. Thuu!”

thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.NOM-EMPH4 look.out

“This is me here! Look.out!”

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P.120 An’ nyaa-nyjarri-nha-yi kantharri-warri-ngu. and see -COLL-PAST-TOP4 granny-PRIV-ACC

P.121 “Yaa! Parringka!”

expressing.surprise devil 'And when (he) saw poor old granny. “Yaa! A devil!”’

P.122 An’ maatha-yu karri-nha nhawu-ngu kankala-wu-rru and boss-EMPH4 stand-PAST see-REL on.top-ACC-NOW

'And the boss was standing watching what was happening on top there.'

P.123 “Hello? What's a matter Kayari?”

“Hello, what’s the matter with Kayari?” P.124 “No more!”

P.125 Mirta jarruru, wirrili, kunkurr. not slow fast downhill

‘Not slow! Like a flash (he) was down the hill.'

P.126 “Kantharri nyinta-yu ngayu-yu mirnu-nta ?” Granny 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 1sg.ACC-EMPH4 know-INTRRG “Granny you know me don't you?”

P.127 “Wangka-yinyjarri-i kantharri nyinta-yu talk-COLL-POT granny 2sg.NOM-EMPH4 waa yanku-warri ngayi nhaat -ju.” fear/frightened go/be-PRIV 1sg.NOM thisDEF-EMPH1 “(Stop and) talk granny, don't you be frightened, this is just me (it's just me).” P.128 Thurlanpa-nyjarri-ngu-mpa nyirtiyunu. recognise-COLL-REL-TOP7 poor.fellow '(He) recognised (her) then, poor fella.' P.129 “Ngunhu kantharri-nha-mpa.”

that granny –SPEC-TOP7 “That's old Granny!”

P.130 Karri-lu-mpa walawanti-nyjarri-ngu yawutpa karta-ngka.

stand/stop-PURP-TOP7 look.back-COLL-REL down.hill base-LOC '(He) stopped at the bottom of the hill to look back.'

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P.131 Thurlanpa-nyjarri-ngu-mpa, “kantharri-nha-warnu recognise-COLL-REL-TOP7 granny-SPEC-EMPH5

nhaat-pa-mpa nyirtiyunu pura-nyungu-yu.” thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 poor.fellow bush-DWELL-EMPH4 ‘(He) recognised (her), "That's old granny isn't it? This poor fellow (who) lives in the bush.”

P.132 Wantaawa yinti-nha yaayu-warri-nha Donkeyman-ku-wa well go.down-PAST aunty-PRIV-SPEC name-ACC-TOP1 wangka-yangu-la maatha, “ who's that?” talk/say-REL-LOC boss 'Well, Aunty came down towards Donkeyman, and the boss said, "Who's that?"’

P.133 “That's old Sarah!”

P.134 ‘course they all know him.

‘Of course they all knew her.’

P.135 Mirnu jurlu ngunhungkat jarta-warri- ngu.

know all that.DEF old.woman-PRIV-ACC 'They all knew the poor old lady '

P.136-137 An’ Donkeyman-tu juju wangka-nha, “Yes, that's her”.

and name-ONE old.man tell/say -PAST

'And old Donkeyman said, “Yes, that’s her”.' P.138 “Oh! Marajunu.”

Oh poor.fellow “Oh! Poor thing.”

P.139 “Come on”, maatha-wa karraangu mirra-ngu, come on boss-TOP1 himself call-REL

‘“Come on”, the boss called out to her.’

P.140 “Come on Sarah, poor fella, you kukayi.”

come on Sarah poor fella you come.here

“Come on Sarah, poor fella, you come here.”

P.141 He can talk nhaawu now too, juju-nha maatha. He can talk Aboriginal(person) now too old.man-SPEC boss ‘He could talk Aboriginal language now too, the old man, the boss.’

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P.142 Alright that wurnta-rna shake hand everything, Alright she come-PAST shake hands and.everything

parni-nha wangka-yinyjarri-ngu-wa parni-nha stay/be-PAST talk-COLL-REL-TOP1 live/stay-PAST

ngurnu ngunhungat wangkayi-nyjarri-ngu-wa. that.ACC there talk-COLL-REL-TOP1

'Alright, she came over, shook hands and everything. (She) stayed and talked with them there.'

P.143 “Well, nyinku kukayi now, wakayi, I take you maya.”

well 2sg:ACC come.here now go I take you house/homestead 'Well, you come with us now. We'll go. I'll take you to the homestead.'

P.144 Wangka-ngu, “ngunhungat-ju nyinta yanki-i ngathala

tell/say-REL there-EMPH1 2sg.NOM go.POT 1sg.LOC P.145 wiya-rnu maya-arta-wa, parni thanuwa ngarrku-ngu.” see-REL house-ALL-TOP1 stop/stay.PRES food eat-REL

‘The (boss) told (her), “You go with me to see everyone there at the homestead. Stop and have something to eat.”’

P.146 “Maya-arta yanki-i ngarrku-ngu nyinta winya-arri-ngu.” house-ALL go-POT eat-REL 2sg:NOM full-INCH-REL

“You go to the house and have a feed, get full.”

P.147 Murntipa. true

‘True.’ P.148 Martu-ngka-ma-rnumarnu murtiwarla-la Chev.4-ngka,

back-LOC-CAUS-PROG car-LOC Chev.4-LOC

yanku-ngumarnu Gap Well wurnta-langu-wa jinkarni go-PROG Gap Well come-RSLT-TOP1 up.river

‘So then they put (her) in the back of the car, in the Chev 4, and then went, coming to Gap Well, upriver.

P.149 Nhawu-ngu ngayi yanku, “Ngana nhaa-yu see-REL 1sg.NOM go.PRES who this-EMPH4

parni malu-ngka marruwa-la ?” be/sit.PRES shade-LOC snakewood-LOC

'I was going along there and saw (them). "Who's this in the shade of the snakewoods?"

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P.150 “Nhaa-yu yaayu-nha-rra-wa thurlajinkarri.” this-EMPH4 aunty-SPEC-DUB-TOP1 poor.fellow “This must be Aunty, poor thing."

P.151 Ngayi thurlanpa-ngu kurta-wa.

1sg:NOM recognise-REL very-TOP1 'I recognised (her) alright.'

P.152 “Ngaa, thurlajinkarri yaayu-nha-rra-wa.” yes poor.fellow aunty-SPEC-DUB-TOP1 "Yes, poor thing, it must be Aunty."

P.153 Alright, ngunhangata-ngu-yu wurnta-langu, mangkurla-mpa-yi alright thatDEF-LOC-ABL-EMPH4 come-RSLT child-TOP2-TOP4 nhungu waa-ma-rri-yangarnu-yu wangka-lu-wa here frightened-CAUS-INCH-PPERF-EMPH4 tell/say-PURP-TOP1

ngayu, “Mimi, walaart-pa-mpa kantharri-nha parni-ngu.” 1sg:ACC uncle that-Ø-TOP7 granny-SPEC be-REL

'Alright, they came along from there and this boy, the one who had been frightened, (he) called out to me, "Uncle, that's Granny.”

P.154 “Ngayi mirnu kurta walart-pa-mpa kantharri-nha parni-ngu

1sg:NOM know very thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 granny-SPEC be -REL

pura-nyungu karra-nyungu-nha.” bush-DWELL scrub/bush -DWELL-SPEC

“I know who it is, it's Granny who lives in the bush, ‘scrub dweller’.”

P.155 “Ngawu, ngayi mirnu kurta nyampali-wu.” that's.right 1sg:NOM know very elder-ACC “Yes, I know, (she's) boss/elder for (me).”

P.156 Ngayi wangka-nha, “ ngayi mirnu nyampali-wu purrinkarru.” 1sg:NOM tell/say -PAST 1sg:NOM know elder-ACC ? 'I said, "I know, that's an elder for me".'

P.157 Ngarrka-ayi ngayi pintuwuyu ngayi-yi, ngarrka-ayi dinner

eat-PERF 1sg:NOM dinner 1sg:NOM-TOP4 eat-PERF dinner

P.158 yurlu-ma-rnu ngayarntu-wi, ngayi yanku-nha nhawu-lu finished-CAUS-REL 1sg:GEN-TOP5 1sg:NOM go-PAST see -PURP

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P.159 yaayu-warri-ngu-rru. Martkurra munti, mirta wantawanta aunty-PRIV-ACC-NOW good true not mad/crazy/silly

nganthayi, mirnu kurta. EMPH know very 'I was eating dinner. So I ate my dinner, finished everything, and I went now to see poor old Aunty. (She) was very well, not silly or anything, very sharp.’

P.160 Ngayi parni-ngumarnu, ngayi ngunhungat kanyja-rnu

1sg:NOM stay-PROG 1sg:NOM there keep/have-REL

P.161 wangka-ka jawayinyma-rnu-ma, “Yaayu wanthila-ngu nyinta talk-LOC ask-REL-? aunty where-ABL 2sg.NOM

wurnta-rrku ngurra-ngka-ngu-yu?”

come-PRES camp-LOC-ABL-EMPH4 ‘I stopped there, I kept her there, and asked (her), “Aunty, where are you coming from, where's your camp?”’

P.162 “Walart-pa-mpa ngayi parni-ngu Yalyarra-la parni.” thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.NOM stay.REL Yalyarra-LOC live/stay.PRES

“I am stopping there at Yalyarra."

P.163 “Ngunhat-pa-mpa ngayarntu ngurra-yi, ngunhungat-pa-mpa

thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.GEN camp-TOP4 there-Ø-TOP7 parni ngayi.”

stay.PRES 1sg.NOM “That's where my camp is. That's where I'm stopped."

P.164 “Ngunhaat-pa-mpa ngayarntu ngurriny-ngarli ngarrwi.”

thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg.GEN swag-PL lie/be.PRES “My swag and everything is there.”

P.165 Ngayi kurtkaarri-ngu parni-nha 1sg.NOM think-REL be-PAST 'I thought about that.' or ‘I was thinking about that.’ P.166 “Well, yanki-i, ngayi murrini-wa-yu nhawu-lu

Well go-POT 1sg.NOM follow-TOP1-EMPH4 see-PURP

ngunyji ngurra-yi.” thereNV camp-ACC

“Well go on then. I'll follow behind and check that camp.”

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P.167 Ngayi mirnu ngurnu ngurra-yi wanthila-wu 1sg.NOM know that.ACC camp-ACC where.at-ACC mirnu kurta Yalyarra-ngu wanthila-wu. know very Yalyarra-ACC where.at-ACC 'I knew where that camp was. (I) knew where it must be at Yalyarra.'

P.168 Wantaawa maya-arta-wa-yu yaayu-warri-nha yanku-nha

well house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-SPEC go -PAST Yarrarlurlu-warta-wa, kartpa-rnmarri-nguli-ngu murruka-la-wa Chev4-la . Yarraloola-ALL-TOP1 take-COLL-PASS-REL car-LOC-TOP1 Chev4-LOC

wantaawa, warrungkamu ngarti-l ngayi ngartimu ngunhu later morning then/next-THEN 1sg:NOM again that

yiramu-ngarli-wu watharri-i ngurnungku, yanku-nha mirta ram.(sheep)-PL-ACC look.for-POT thoseACC go-PAST not

jurluwi-nnguli-nha. get.all-PASS-PAST

'Well, poor old Aunty went to the homestead then, went to Yarraloola, taken in the car, in the Chev 4. And later, next morning, I went off another time looking for those rams. (I) had been but hadn't got all of them.’

P.169 Ngayi watharri-ngu yiramu-ngarli yanku-nha 1sg:NOM look.for -REL ram.(sheep) -PL go-PAST 'I went looking for the rams.'

P.170 Ngayi wantawa yanku-nha, ngayi warrungkamu 1sg.NOM later go-PAST 1sg.NOM morning yawarta-wu thaddlem-ma-rna yanku-ngumarnu horse-ACC saddle-CAUS-PAST go-PROG P.171 wuntu-warta ngurra-arta kurtkarri-ngu, “ngayi river/creek-ALL camp-ALL think-REL 1sg.NOM pangkarri nhawu-lu yaayu-ngarntu ngurra-yi”. go.PRES see-PURP aunty-GEN camp-ACC

‘Later I went one morning, saddled a horse and then went off towards the creek. I thought to myself, “I'll go and look at Aunty's camp”.'

P.172 Yanku-nha ngayi murlurru kurta, wurnta-rtkaayi Yalyarra-ngu-yu go-PAST 1sg.NOM straight very come-POT Yalyarra-ACC-EMPH4

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wangka-yangaarnu ngunhungat-ku-rra ngurra-yi, pawa-arta. call-PPERF there-ACC-DUB camp-ACC water-ALL

‘I went straight (there) and came to that place called Yalyarra, where the camp was apparently, near water.’

P.173 Pawanyaa-arta thurrurtpirt-ku, kupija-a-wa ngunhu pawa-yu

waterhole -ALL ? little -?-TOP1 that water-EMPH4

P.174 nganila-martu, kartpi-martu, mirta martkurra, waji-yarta-wu, thing-PROP algae-PROP not good bad-?-EMPH

P.175 pajarri-ngarli parni-yangu-la ngurnungat-ku mija-rnu.

euro-PL be-REL-LOC there-ACC drink-REL 'It's a waterhole, a good place for water, but there was very little water there. (It) was covered with this what-cha-ma-callit, algae, (it) wasn't good at all, (it) was bad/dirty where the euros came in to drink there.'

P.176 Nhawu-ngka-rri yaayu-ngarntu yurrama-wu watharri. see-? aunty-GEN soak-ACC look.for

'(I) was looking around for Aunty's soak.'

P.177 “Wanthila-mpa yaayu-ngarntu yurrama-yu?”

where-TOP7 aunty-GEN soak-EMPH "Where is Aunty's soak?"

P.178 “Wanthila-mpa yurrama-yu nhulangka?”

where-TOP7 soak-EMPH here “Where is the soak around here?”

P.179 Well, juju-ngarli nhaa wirrumu-mu-yu, yala nganthayi,

well old.man-PL this long.ago-THEN-EMPH4 now EMPH

yurrama-ma-kayi ngunyji murruwa-arta-la manki-i soak-CAUS-POT thereNV up.stream-ALL-LOC get-POT

karrala-wu-yu-mu pawa-yi wurnta-langu. clear-ACC-EMP4-THEN water-ACC come -RSLT

'Well, the old people once upon a time, and now too, would make a soak there, up stream a little, to get clear water to come.'

P.180 But yurlu kurta yurrama mirta kurta. but no/nothing very soak not/no very ‘But there was nothing at all, no soak at all.’

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P.181 Well, ngunhaat jina-mpa pawa ngunhangaat-u well thatDEF foot/footprint-TOP7 water these-INSTR mija-nnguli-ngu ngunhangan. drink-PASS-REL there 'Well her tracks were here, this is the water she was drinking.'

P.182 Yaayu-warri-nha parni-marta manku-ngu ngurnart-ku kurta aunty-PRIV-SPEC be-HABIT get-REL that.DEF-ACC very mija-rnu yurranmarta-ma-tkura… drink-REL ? 'Poor old Aunty used to get this water and drink it as it was…'

P.183 …karrala-wu pawa-yi manki-i, kanayi kurta, ngurnat-ku kurta clear-ACC water-ACC get-POT not.at.all very thatDEF-ACC very mija-tji ngarlu-u kartpi-martu-u, nguthi-martu-u, ngunhangata-wu drink -? pool-ACC algae-PROP-ACC algae-PROP-ACC thatDEF-ACC ngayi kankala-wurru-wa thali-ngka ngartarra 1sg:NOM on.top-FACE-TOP1 on.horse.back-LOC again kankarni-wurru-la-wu. on.top-FACE-LOC-EMPH2

‘… didn't get clean water. Not at all. She drank water from the pool, algae and everything. Well from there, I head back up out of the river bed. (I) got on the horse again and climbed up there...'

P.184 …warraparri-la ngunhangan, watharri-ngu ngayi parni-nha ngunhungu spinifex-LOC there look.for-REL 1sg.NOM stay-PAST there thali-ngka jina-yi-nyu nhawi-i wanthartu kanarra-yu on.horse.back-LOC track-ACC-TRUE see-POT where come-EMPH4 pangkarri-aayu ngayu wuntu-warta-wu-nyu pawa-arta-wu, return-? 1sg:ACC river/creek-ALL-EMPH-TRUE water-ALL-EMPH2 “Wanthirta wanthila murnti nyinyji”. which where true here.NV.

'…toward the spinifex. I stayed around there, on horse still, looking for her tracks. (I) was looking for where her tracks went by me, going down to the river. “Where exactly are they around here?”

P.185 Wayinypayi ngayi parni-nha watharri-ngu yirra-ngka ngularnta back.and.forth 1sg:NOM be-PAST look.for-REL bank-LOC there

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P.186 yurlu kurta. nothing very

'(I) went back and forth on/along the bank there searching but there was nothing'

P.187 Mirta nhawi-i karla-yi-nyu kampa-rnaanu , ngani-i-nyu ,

not see-POT fire-ACC-TRUE burn-PPERF anything-ACC-TRUE yurlu kurta.

nothing very

'(I) couldn't see where a fire had been burning or anything. Nothing at all.' P.188 Well, pangkarri-ngu-yu ngayi parni-nha yimpaa-rnu ngurnart-ku

Well, go-REL-EMPH4 1sg.NOM be-PAST pass-REL that.DEF-ACC maya-wathu-wu. house/humpy-DIM-ACC

'Well I went past that little humpy.' P.189 Ngunhat-pa-mpa nganila-wathu yatha-wathu parni-yangu, warrapa-ngarli

thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 thing-DIM shade-DIM be-REL spinifex-PL

wantha-rnaarnu kankala-wurru-mpa-rta yamarti-yaa ngunhat kartpa-yi. put-PPERF on.top –FACE-TOP7-? self-SEMBL thatDEF go.up-PRES ‘That poor little humpy, what-cha-ma-callit, bough shade had been made, with spinifex. (It) had been made with all the spinifex standing up to look as if it had happened by itself.'

P.190 Jampa ngunyjaat-pa-mpa ngarrwa-wuntharri maya-wathu moment thereNV-Ø -TOP7 lie.down-INSTR.NOM house-DIM ngunyjat-pa-mpa thurnu-ngka ngarrwi-marta-yi, kupija-la munti thatNV-Ø-TOP7 inside-LOC lie.down-HABIT-TOP4 little-LOC true P.191 marlirri-la wantharni nhaa pajarri-yarntu warrapa tharrwa-nguli-ngu low-LOC how this euro-GEN spinifex go.in-PASS-REL P.192 pajarri-tu ngurra-ma-rnu parni jurntat-kaa ngunhu ngunta-yu euro-INSTR camp-CAUS-REL be.PRES like.that-SEMB that style-EMPH4 P.193 ngurra-wurtu ngunhaat. camp-EMPH3 thatDEF

‘That little humpy was just for lying down in. She used to lie down in it, it was very small, very low, it was how euro’s spinifex is when a euro goes into it to make camp/shelter. It was in that style, just like that, that's the sort of camp it was.'

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P.194 Ngarti-yu ngayi parntaya-rna-wa karrany-tha munti again/then/next-EMPH4 1sg:NOM find-PAST-TOP1 stick-LOC true

nganila-la karrany-ngarli-la kupiyarri-la karta-ngka. thing-LOC stick-PL-LOC small.(pl)-LOC base-LOC

‘Next, I found the sticks, the things, all the little sticks at the base (on which it

was built).’ P.195 Ngayi nhawu-nha, nganarri-nha nhaa-yu pawu pijparra-rri-nha.

1sg:NOM see-PAST what.happen-PAST this-ACC spinifex dry-INCH-PAST

'I looked at that, what has happened to this, this spinifex is all dried up.' P.196 Pirtirn-wathu thaa-wurrayi, martamarta-rri-ngu ngurra ngathalu

clear-DIM door -? red-INCH-REL ground 1sgINSTR

nhawu-nguli-nha kukanyjaat-jirra-a-rna-wa. see-PASS-PAST think-?-?-PAST-TOP1 'There was a little doorway, almost clear. I could see where the ground was red (from the movement across it), I thought.'

P.197 Mirta karla-nyu, mirta ngani-nyu karri-yangu-la. not/no fire-TRUE not/no anything-TRUE stand-REL-LOC

P.198 Yurlu munti, kuyhi-nyu mirta ngani-nyu. Nothing true bone -TRUE not anything-TRUE 'There was no fire at all, and not anything where it (the spinifex shelter) was standing. Nothing at all. There were no bones or anything around.'

P.199 Ngayi ngunhangarta-yi parntaya-rna-wa might nhungu 1sg.NOM there-TOP4 find-PAST-TOP1 might here

kurta-wa-yu, nhawu-ngumarnu wartaarni-nha. very-TOP1-EMPH see -PROG look.in-PAST 'So I'd found it. This might be it here. So (I) looked in right here, peeped in.'

P.200 Munti payi, nhaa-mpa martpaayi-wa nhawu-ngu

true enough this-TOP7 paperbark-TOP1 see-REL

manyjarnpa-ku-wa yirra-yi. ground.sheet-ACC-TOP1 edge-ACC

'True enough, (I) could see some paperbark, the edge of a groundsheet made of paperbark.'

P.201 Yinti -ngumarnu ngayi yawarta-la-ngu wartaarni-lu.

go.down-PROG 1sg.NOM horse-LOC-ABL look.in-PURP 'Then I got down off/from the horse to look in.'

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P.202 Nhaa-mpa-yu. this-TOP2-EMPH4 'This is it'

P.203 Parntaya-rna-wa ngayi ngurra-yi, kupija-wu.

find-PAST-TOP1 1sg:NOM camp-ACC little-ACC 'I'd found the camp, this little thing.'

P.204 Wantaa-wurtu ngulaarta mirtungka-yi parni kankala-wurtu?

which-EMPH3 there.LOC inside-TOP4 sit.PRES on.top-EMPH3 'How could (she) sit up inside there?'

P.205 Wantaa parni-ngu-la yatha-wathu-ngka-yi kankala-wurtu? which sit-REL-LOC shade -DIM-LOC-TOP4 on.top-EMPH3

‘How could (she) sit up in this little shade/humpy?’ P.206 Wantaa parni yaayu -warri -nha mirta waawarrirta parna-ayi

well be-PRES aunty-PRIV-SPEC not big.person be -PERF

kupija kuta-wathu. little short –DIM ‘Well, Aunty wasn't a big person (she) was little, very short.’

P.207 Kuta-wathu. short-DIM A real shortie.'

P.208 Ngayi nhawu-nha ngurriny-ku kurtkaarri-ngumarnu.

1sg.NOM see-PAST swag-ACC think-PROG 'I spotted the swag and thought about that then.'

P.209-210 Ngayi nhawi-i, nhawi-i ngayi nhurnu. 1sg.NOM see-POT see-POT 1sg:NOM thisACC ‘I could see it. I could see it there.'

P.211 Yawarta-wu janka-rna ngayi, horse-ACC tie-PAST 1sg.NOM

P.212 purri-ngumarnu ngurriny-ku. pull-PROG swag-ACC 'I tied up the horse, and then pulled out that swag.'

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P.213 Kaliku martkurra-ma-rnaanu sheet.(calico) good-CAUS-PPERF

P.214 ngunha rollem-ma-rnaanu kaliku.

that roll-CAUS-PPERF sheet.(calico) 'There was a calico sheet that was neatly rolled up.'

P.215 Kaliku-la inside blanket mirtungka parni.

sheet.(calico)-LOC inside blanket inside be.PRES 'And there was a blanket inside the calico.'

P.216 Blanket-ngarli ngunyji mirtungka kaliku-la martkurra-ma-rnu-lu blanket-PL thereNV inside sheet-LOC good-CAUS-REL-PURP

murlimurli-ma-rnaarnu janka-rnumarnu-lu, ngurriny-a-lu mirriji-lu wrap-CAUS-PPERF tie-PROG-INSTR swag-Ø-INSTR rope-INSTR

swagstrap-u-lu. swagstrap-Ø-INSTR 'There were blankets inside there, all put together neatly in a sheet, rolled/wrapped up and then tied with a swag rope, with a swag strap.'

P.217 Ngurnuwuyha swagstrap-u-wuyha-yu mirta waji yalaa-wuyha.

that.DUAL swagstrap-Ø-DUAL-EMPH4 not bad new-DUAL

'These were two swag straps, not bad ones, quite new.'

P.218 Wanthila manku-yangarnu-yu ngurriny- a-wuyha-yu marnta-tkaayi? where get-PPERF-EMPH4 swag-Ø-DUAL-EMPH4 tie.up -PERF

'Where had (she) got two swag straps to tie up (that swag)?'

P.219 Marnta-tkaayi ngurnu ngurriny-ku martkurra-ma-rnu ngunha-rra tie.up-PERF that:ACC swag-ACC good-CAUS-REL that-DUB yalaa-wuyha, karanymarta-wuyha. new-DUAL fresh-DUAL 'To tie up that swag to keep it neat. They were very new, very fresh.’

P.220 Karnti ngarrwi-yangu-la-wa jinkarn-pathu-yu mutha jaapala, stick lie.down-REL-LOC-TOP1 crowbar-DIM-EMPH4 point sharp

ngunhu kurrumanthu yurra-t-jarntu ngarntula-wu ngantha karta-rtkayi that goanna dig-CM-GEN anthill-ACC also poke-POT

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ngulaarta tharrwa-rnaarnu ngurriny-murntu-la janka-rnaarnu ngunha there.LOC go.in-PPERF swag-CONJ-LOC tie-PPERF that

mathu-ngka-wa tharrwa-rnaarnu. Middle-LOC-TOP1 go.in-PPERF

‘And there was a stick lying in there, a little digging stick with a sharp point, that

was for digging out goannas or breaking out anthills, that had been put in with the swag, tied up in the middle.'

P.221 Ngurriny-murntu-la-wa ngula mirriji-murntu-la, ngunhaatu wanu swag-CONJ-LOC-TOP1 there rope-CONJ-LOC that.one crowbar

wanarra-wathu-yu kupijaa, an’ ngulaarta-yu mutha-ngka-yu long-DIM-EMPH4 thin and there-EMPH4 end-LOC-EMPH

parni-yangu-la-mu warla-wurraa-la-yu parni-yangu-la be-REL-LOC THEN heel-TOWARDS-LOC-EMPH4 be-REL-LOC

P.222 jankaa-rnaarnu-warlu wirrumurntaa nganila pawa-nyaa waterbag tie.up-PPERF-very old thing water-ASSOC waterbag

P.223 wangka-nguli, water-warrimarta-wa ngunhat nyila-warrimarta-wa. call-PASS.PRES water-PRIV-TOP1 thatDEF water-PRIV-TOP1

'And there where the swag was tied up, there was a longer crowbar. It was quite thin. And there on the end, towards the heel end really tied up, was an old what-cha-ma-callit, waterbag, but it didn't have any water in it.’

P.224 Nganila parni janka-rnaarnu kurtan-ma-rnaarnu ngunhat

thing be.PRES tie-PPERF bag-CAUS-PPERF thatDEF

martkurra-ma-rnaarnu purntura good-CAUS-PPERF rolled.up

'That thing had been tied up into a bag, had been made neatly and rolled up.'

P.225 Mutha-ngka ngula wanu-ngka-yu, mirta ngurriny-ku murna-arri. point-LOC there crowbar-LOC-EMPH4 not swag-ACC close-INCH.PRES

'(It) was there at the point end of the crowbar, not close to the swag.'

P.226 Tharnartarra ngunhaa kartpa-nmarta ngunhat-ju wirtiwirti-aanu distant that.(far.aug) take-HABIT thatDEF-EMPH1 hang-?

parni-yangu wanu-ngka-wa-yu. be-REL crowbar-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4

'So when that was carried, (the bag) would be hanging from the crowbar.'

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P.227 Wanta kurta, ngayi nhawu-nha nhurnu, purri-nha wajpa-rna alright very 1sg:NOM see-PAST thisACC pull-PAST take.off -PAST

ngurnu mirriji-wuyha nganila-wuyha mathu marnta-tkaayi-wa that.ACC rope-DUAL thing-DUAL middle tie.up-PERF-TOP1

ngurriny-ku-yu. swag-ACC-EMPH4

‘Alright I looked at this, (I) pulled it off, (I) undid those two ropes, the things tying the swag in the middle.'

P.228 Wajpa-rnaanu wantha-rnumarnu karlungka nhungu take.off-PPERF put-PROG aside here nganila-la-wa-yu jinkarn-ta-wa-yu.

thing-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 crowbar-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4 '(I) then put to one side that thing (I) had taken off that what's-a-name, crowbar.

P.229 Wantha-rna karlungka, ngurriny-ku nhawu-ngumarnu, nhawu-ngumarnu

put-PAST aside swag-ACC see-PROG see-PROG P.230 blanket blanket-ku ngurnu-mpa, ngurnu-mpa blanket-ku

blanket blanket-ACC that.ACC-TOP7 that.ACC-TOP7 blanket-ACC

wanyja-yi yirra-ngka-wu kanyja-rnu. dog-ACC edge-LOC-ACC have-REL

'(I) put it to one side and then looked at the swag. And then (I) saw that blanket, you know that blanket I told you about, that blanket which had the (pictures of) dogs around the edges.'

P.231 Nhaa-wurtu blanket parni ngartarra. this-EMPH3 blanket be.PRES again 'Here was this blanket again.' P.232 Well, ah! P.233 Ngunhangaata-yu ngayi nhaw-nha ngunhat-ku blanket-ku that-EMPH4 1sg:NOM see-PAST thatDEF-ACC blanket-ACC nganila-la-wa muyhu-ngka-wa wangka-nguli-yangu

what/something -LOC-TOP1 winter-LOC-TOP1 call-PASS-REL

jiwarra-ngarli-lu thirty six-a-wa, nineteen thirty six ngunhaatu, whitefella-PL-INSTR thirty six-Ø-TOP1 nineteen thirty six that.one

ngulaata ngunhaat nganila-la yiya-ngka nganila-la there thatDEF what/something-LOC year -LOC what/something-LOC

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muyhu-ngka ngayi nhawu-nha ngurna. winter-LOC 1sg:NOM see-PAST that

'When I saw that blanket it was in what’s-a-name, in the winter of, what the white people call '36, it was 1936. That time, it was in, what’s-a-name, in the winter, of what’s-a-name, in/of that year that I saw it again.’

P.234 Ngarti-mpa, wantharni wala, ngawu mirta waji-ma-rnumarnu kuwa. then/next-TOP7 how that that's.right not bad-CAUS-PROG ?

‘Then.. where was I? That's right, it had not been ruined at all.'

P.235 Ngartimu murlimurli-ma-rna karraangu martkurra-mu.

again wrap-CAUS-PAST ready good-THEN

'So once again (I) wrapped it up neatly then.’

P.236 Nhawu-ngu-wa ngayi, “Ngani-mpa-yi nhurnu-wa see-REL-TOP1 1sg.NOM what-TOP7-TOP4 this.ACC-TOP1

kuyharra kurtan-kuyha?” two bag-dual? 'And I saw, "What's this here? Two bags?"'

P.237 Pirntu-nyaa kurtan, flourbag wangka-nguli-ngu parri-ngarli-lu. food-ASSOC bag flourbag call-PASS-REL whitefella-PL-INSTR '(They were) bags for food, (what are) called flour bags by whitefellas.' P.238 Kuyharra cleanpala ngurnakuyha-mu, martkurra-wuyha ngurnakuyha

two clean thatDUAL-THEN good –DUAL thatDUAL

P.239 puntha-rnaarnu wirru-yu ngungkumarta, wirru-yu wangkarn. wash-PPERF other-EMPH4 heavy other-EMPH4 light 'Two clean ones (flour bags), that were neat and washed, one was heavy, one was light.'

P.240-241 “Ngani-mpa-yi nyunyji?” Ngayi kurtkaarri. what-TOP7-TOP4 thisNV 1sg:NOM think.PRES 'What's this?' I thought (to myself).’

P.242 Ngulaarta-ngu-yu nhawu-ngumarnu-wa ngayi. there-ABL-EMPH4 see-PROG-TOP1 1sg:NOM 'And then, from there, I looked.’

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P.243 Ngayi wartki-nha ngunhu wirru-wu purla-yi 1sg.NOM open-PAST that other-ACC first-ACC kuyharra janka-rnaarnu ngunhangku kuyharra-ma-rnu-lu two tie-PPERF thatINSTR two-CAUS-REL-INSTR

P.244 yanki-i-wa wirtka-aala-yu kartpa-nnguli-ngu-yu martkurra. go-POT-TOP1 ? take-PASS-REL-EMPH good

'I opened the other one first. The two bags had been tied up by that one (the old lady) so that they were kept separate so that (she) could go along and (they) could be taken along well.'

P.245 Pangkarri-ngu parni-nha-yu might be ngulaarta. go-REL be-PAST-EMPH4 might be there.LOC ‘(She) might have travelled with them there.’

P.246 Walaartangu-wa yanki-i-wa-yu mirnart muntimunti yanku-nha ready-TOP1 go-POT-TOP1-EMPH4 ready truly go -PAST

ngunnga purluyhu-rnu warnat kurta-wa, ngurriny-kuyha wantha-rnu

make.sure go.in.front-REL ready very-TOP1 swag-DUAL put-REL martkurra-wuta ngarrwa-ngu. good-? lie.down-REL '(They) were quite ready to go. (They'd) been put together ready to go in front, ahead. The two swags were all neat and ready.'

P.247 Ngunhu kurtan-kuyha, ngayi pirntiwirnti-ma-rna, wirru ngungkumarnta that bag-DUAL 1sg.NOM separate-CAUS-PAST other heavy

wirru wangkarn, nhawi-i ngayi ngunhangaata nhawi-i purla other light see-POT 1sg.NOM that see-POT first

wirru-la-wu ngarrayi purla-yu ngungkumarnta-la ngarrayi other-LOC-ACC first first-EMPH heavy-LOC first

'Those two bags, I separated them, one heavy one light. I looked at that one first and put the other aside. First I looked at the heavy one.’

P.248 Purri-nha ngayi kurtan-ku, nhaa-wu wirru-yu pull-PAST 1sg:NOM bag-ACC this-EMPH2 other-EMPH4

kurtan martkurra puntha-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnu-lu, thaa bag good wash -PPERF good-CAUS-REL-INSTR mouth

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jankaa-rnumarnu-lu, ngarluwany ngunhaat. tie.up-PROG-INSTR rush.nut thatDEF

'I pulled out the bag. This other bag was clean and washed (by her), (she) had cleaned it properly. The mouth of the bag was tied up. It was rush nuts.'

P.249 Ngayi ngurnat-ku wartki-nha nhawu-ngumarnu.

1sg:NOM thatDEF-ACC open-PAST see-PROG 'I opened it up and then had a look.'

P.250 Ngarluwany-wurtu nhaa-yi. rush.nut-EMPH3 this-TOP4 “This is ngarluwany (rush nuts)!”

P.251 Ngayi ngarrku-nha ngunhart-ku kupijawi-yu jarrwurti-yu. 1sg:NOM eat-PAST thatDEF-ACC little-EMPH4 three-EMPH4 'I ate a few, just three of them.'

P.252-254 Ngartimu jankaa-rnu wirru-ngaa karri-yangu-la maru

again/then tie.up-REL other-PL be/stand-REL-LOC many

ngartarra wirru-wurtu-wa again other-EMPH3-TOP1 'Then (I) tied it up again while the others are standing there/while amongst the others standing there; lots of others again.’

P.255 Ngayi nhawi-i, “Ngani-mpa-yu nhula-yu.”

1sg:NOM see-POT what-TOP7-EMPH4 there-EMPH4 'I looked, "What is here?"’

P.256 Ngurnaaku kurta wartki-nha nhaa-wurtu partunya-yu, winya.

that.ACC very open-PAST this-EMPH3 onion-EMPH4 full

'(I) opened that one. This was partunya (wild onion) full.'

P.257 Pirntu-ngarli ngunhangkaatu. food-PL those ‘These were all (different) foods.'

P.258 Ngarti wirru-wurtu nhaa wirru-yu puwayi winya, then/next other-EMPH3 this other-EMPH4 rush.nut full winya ngartarra ngunhaat. full again thatDEF 'And then another one. This one was puwayi full. That one was full too.'

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P.259 Jankaa-rna ngurnaat-ku, ngarti-mu martkurra-ma-rnu. tie.up-PAST thatDEF-ACC again-THEN good - CAUS - REL

'So (I) tied it/that up, made (it) neat again.'

P.260 Parnti-lku ngayi-yu nganila-muntu-wu-yu. smell-PRES 1sg:NOM-EMPH4 thing-CONJ-ACC-EMPH4

'I could smell something, this what-cha-ma-callit.

P.261 Well have to put that one English way, I think, they had no name for this.

P.262 Ngarti-mu wangka-yi ngunhaart-ku? again-THEN language/word -TOP4 thatDEF-ACC

'What's that word again?'

P.263 Ngayi parnti-nha-wa ngayi ngunhangata-yi, munti-pa 1sg.NOM smell-PAST-TOP1 1sg.NOM thatDEF-TOP4 true-TOP2

nhulangka pepper-murntu salt-murntu parnti. there pepper-CONJ salt-CONJ smell.PRES

'I smelt that stuff. That's right, I could smell salt and pepper in there.' P.264 Ngayi kurtkaarri-ngu kurta

1sg:NOM think -REL very ‘(So) I was really thinking (now).’

P.265 “Ngayi mirnu ngani-i ngurnat-ku,

1sg.NOM know what-ACC thatDEF-ACC

P.266 ngunhaatu mitjirri.” that.one squashed/preserved.goanna.meat

“I know what that is! That's mitjirri (squashed/preserved goanna meat).” P.267 Nhawu-ngu ngayi, nhankajan ngunhu yalaa-wa-yu see-REL 1sg.NOM hankerchief that new-TOP1-EMPH4 mirta nhawu-nguli-ngu jilirra-ntharri. not see-PASS-REL big-PL

'I had a look. Here was a hankerchief. The sort you don't see nowadays, really big.'

P.268 Ngulaarta ngunhu mitjirri. there.LOC that squashed meat 'That mitjirri was in there.'

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P.269 Ngayi nhawu nhurnu pampikan-ku-waa 1sg.NOM see.PRES thisACC pumpkin-ACC-SEMBL

P.270 ngarrwi-yangu roundpalarrayi-ku wantharni nhaa corner-ngarli

lie.down -REL round-ACC how this corner-PL

ngankaju purri-rnaanu jankaa-nnguli-wa-yu. hankerchief pull-PPERF tie.up-PASS-TOP1-EMPH4 ‘I see this thing like a pumpkin lying there, all rounded, with the corners of the hankerchief pulled together and all tied up.'

P.271 Wangkarn ngunhat-pa-mpa ngunha mitjirri. light thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 that squashed meat 'It was light this mitjirri.'

P.272 Ngunhangat-pa-mpa ngurnu ngayi parnti-ngu thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 that:ACC 1sg.NOM smell -REL

P.273 kurtan-ta-wu-mu-yu, ngunhu pepper-murntu bag-LOC-ACC-THEN-EMPH4 that pepper-CONJ

salt-murntu parnti-yangu. salt-CONJ smell-REL 'So that's what it was, that's what I could smell in the bag before, the salt and pepper smell.'

P.274 Ngunhaat ngurnu ngayi karlungka ngartarra mirna-yu,

thatDEF that.ACC 1sg.NOM aside again while-EMPH4 mirna-wa nhawi-i. while-TOP1 see-POT 'Then I (put) that to one side again for a while, to look at it later.'

P.275 Ngayi nhungkurtu pulaa-wa nhawu-nha.

1sg:NOM those first-TOP1 see -PAST

'I looked at these things first.'

P.276 Well, ngunha pirntu-ngarli-yu ngarrku-yarntu-ngarli, well that food-PL-EMPH eat-GEN-PL ngarluwany, puwayi, ngarku… rush.nut rush.nut onion 'Well, all of these things (in the heavy bag) were foods, things to be eaten (for eating), ngarluwany, puwayi, ngarku ...'

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P.277 …ngani wirru-wa-yu? …ngarluwany, puwayi, partunya. what other-TOP1-EMPH4 rush.nut rush.nut onion '…and what's this other thing? ...ngarluwany, puwayi, partunya.'

P.278 Ngunhangkat kurta an’ ngunhaat-pa, mitjirri-wa murla-wa. those very and thatDEF-TOP2 squashed.meat-TOP1 meat-TOP1 'All of those things and that mitjirri meat.'

P.279 Ngunhaart-ku ngayi manku-nha. thatDEF-ACC 1sg.NOM get/grab –PAST 'So I grabbed that one.'

P.280 Nhaa-mpa, nhaa salt-murntu pepper-murntu parnti-ngu. this-TOP7 this salt-CONJ pepper-CONJ smell-REL 'This is the thing, this is the salt and pepper smell.'

P.281 Wajpa-rna ngurnaat-ku-wa-yi, nhawu-ngumarnu. take.off-PAST thatDEF-ACC-TOP1-TOP4 see-PROG '(I) took it apart and then had a look at that one.'

P.282 Well ngunhangaata, ngunhangaata-wa-yi kuyharra-nta kurrumanthu well that that-TOP1-TOP4 two-INTRRG goanna kuyharra-nta jarrwurt -nta ngarra-rnaarnu two-INTRRG three-INTRRG chop-PPERF yurntaa-ma-rnaarnu martkurra ngunyji-yu. powder-CAUS-PPERF good thereNV-EMPH4

'Well there it was. That must have been two goannas, maybe two or three, chopped up, powdered up. That's very good.'

P.283 Thaa-ngka yini wantha-nnguli, parni-ngumarnu ngarrku-ngu punyu.

mouth-LOC only put-PASS.PRES be-PROG eat-REL content

'(You) only have to put it in your mouth and then eat it very happily.' P.284 Martkurra munti ngunhaan ngunhaatu.

good true/very that that.one 'That's really/truly good, that is.'

P.285 Ngayi kurti-ma-rna ngartila-mu ngurnaat-ku

1sg:NOM round-CAUS-PAST next-THEN that/it -ACC

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jankaa-rnumarnu martkurra-ma-rna. tie.up-PROG good-CAUS-PAST

'I made it all round again, tied it up and made it nice and neat.'

P.286 Jurlu-wa ngunhaatu pirntu-ngarli ngunhaat ngunhaat-pa, jurlu-wa all-TOP1 that.one food-PL thatDEF thatDEF-TOP2 all-TOP1

P.287 thangkat-pa-yu ngayi nhawu ngunhangkutu-wa jurlu-warnu

enough-Ø-EMPH 1sg.NOM see those-TOP1 all-EMPH5 wantha-rnumarnu. put-PROG 'That was all food, all of these things, all bundled together. I'd looked at everything, all that had been put there.’

P.288 Wirru-u-wa ngarti wartki-tkayi, wirru-u-wa

other-ACC-TOP1 then/next open-POT other-ACC-TOP1

ngarti wartki-tkayi, nganila-wu, kurtan-ku, nhawu-ngu-nyu. then/next open-POT thing-ACC bag-ACC see-REL-TRUE 'Next, (I) undid the other one. (I) opened the other one next, this thing, this other bag (the light bag) and looked.'

P.289 “Ngani juntu-yu?”

what like-EMPH4 “What's this one like?”

P.290 Nhaa-wurtu thurntaarli-nyaa, mirta palamuntaa nganthayi, yalaa kurta this-EMPH leg-ASSOC not old EMPH new very

P.291 thuumaya-la-ngu-mu wurnta-tkaayi, mirta ngana-lu store/shop-LOC-ABL-THEN come-PERF not anyone-INSTR nganthayi tharrwa-yangaarnu, yurlu kurta. EMPH put.on-PPERF nothing very 'These were trousers, not old ones, but very new, just out of the store, they hadn't been worn by anyone, nothing at all.'

P.292 Yalaa munti-wa ngunhaatu,

new true-TOP1 that.one P.293 jilirra-arntu ngunhu nhawu-yarntu.

big-GEN that man-GEN

“That one (was/is) truly/really new (brand new) and for a big man too.”

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P.294 Thurntaarli-nyaa mirta-kurta ngana-nyu tharrwa-yangu. leg-ASSOC not-very someone/anyone -TRUE put.on –REL ‘These trousers no-one at all had worn, it seemed.'

P.295 Wantha-rnu ngurnat-ku. put-REL thatDEF-ACC '(She) had kept that.'

P.296 Ngarti wirru-wa-yu. then/next other-TOP1-EMPH 'And next another one.'

P.297-298 Nhaa-yu purtu-nyaa nhaa wara, jaat wangka-nguli-ngu. this -EMPH chest-ASSOC this cloth shirt call-PASS-REL 'This cloth, associated with the chest, it’s called a shirt.’ P.299 Jaat kurta wangka-marta juju-ngarli.

shirt very call-HABIT old.man -PL '(That's) what the old people used to call a shirt.'

P.300 Jaatu ngunhan jilirra-arntu ngartarra nhawu-yarntu, mirta kupija-wu.

Shirt that big-GEN only man-GEN not little-EMPH

‘This shirt could only fit (is for) a big man, not a little one.’

P.301 Ngunhaartu yalaa ngartarra, thuu-ngka-ngu wurnta-tkaayi thatDEF new again store-LOC-ABL come-PERF

P.302 wantha-rna ngurnaat-ku. put-PAST thatDEF-ACC 'This was brand new too, straight out of the store (she) had put that there too.'

P.303 “Ngarti nhawi-i?” next see-POT “What would (I) see next?”

P.304 “Ngani-wa nhaa-yu.” what-TOP1 this-EMPH4 “What is this?”

P.305 Leather, kupija. leather little

‘A little piece of leather.’

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P.306 Palamu-mu-yu juju-ngarli mirnu-ma-rnaarnu long.ago/before -THEN-EMPH4 old.man-PL know-CAUS-PPERF jiwarra-ngarli-lu, they kanyja-nmarta-yu ngunhangkat, whitefella -PL-INSTR they keep/have-HABIT-EMPH those ngarrarnmarta-wu martkurra-ma-tkaayi ngurnu. rifle-ACC good-CAUS-PERF that:ACC 'Well, long ago the old people had been taught by the whitefellas, they used to keep these things, that was a rifle cleaner (lit: makes good that rifle).'

P.307 Martkurra-ma-tkaayi ngurnu purri-tkaayi ngurnu nganila-wu

good-CAUS-PERF that.ACC pull-PERF that:ACC thing-ACC

cleaner-wu wangka-nguli-yangu, jilaman-ku-yu cleanem-ma-tkaayi cleaner-EMPH2 call-PASS-REL rifle-ACC-EMPH4 clean-CAUS-PERF

leather-yi ngurnungkat kanyja-nmarta, waraa-la-wu, leather-ACC those have/keep-HABIT cloth-LOC-ACC

P.308 purri-tkaayi-wa-yu cleanem-ma-rnu ngurnu,

pull-PERF-TOP1-EMPH4 clean-CAUS-REL that.ACC

pawurta-wu-yu, ngarrarnmarta-la-wa-yu. powder-ACC-EMPH4 rifle-LOC-TOP1-EMPH ‘(It) cleaned a rifle, (you) pulled it through that thing, it's called a 'cleaner'. It's for cleaning a rifle. They kept that leather, with a cloth on it, (you) pull it through and it cleans that powder out of the rifle.'

P.309 Well ngunhu cleaner wangka-nguli-ngu-yu jilaman-tarntu ngunhaatu well that cleaner call-PASS-REL-EMPH4 rifle-GEN that.one mirta parraa jilaman-ta pungkarri-nha purri-nguli-nha, not long.time rifle-LOC ?-PAST pull-PASS-PAST

P.310 cleaner-ma-tkaayi pawurta-ku, mirta parraa, yalaa.

cleaner-CAUS-PERF powder-ACC not long.time recently

'Well that cleaner, that rifle thing, not long ago it had been pulled through a rifle, and had cleaned out the powder. Not long ago, very recently.'

P.311 An’ ngunhaata thangkat. Ngurnaata-ngu-yu… and there enough there-ABL-EMPH4 P.313 Ngawu, yurlu-wa ngunhaatu. yes nothing -TOP1 that.one ‘And, well that's enough of that. From there.....Yes, that's the end/finish of that.'

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P.314 Ngunhaata-ngu ngayi kurtkaarri-nha ngurnu karnti-ka-wu there-ABL 1sg.NOM think-PAST that.ACC stick-LOC-ACC mutha-ngka-wu parni.

point-LOC-ACC be.PRES ‘From there, I thought about that thing that was on the end of that stick (on the end of the long thin crowbar).’

P.315 “Ngani-wa-nta nhaa-yu?” what-TOP1-INTRRG this-EMPH4 “What can this be?” (P.315) P.316 Nganila-wayhu-la jinkarn-wayhu-la mutha-ngka parni-yangu thing-DIM-LOC crowbar-DIM-LOC point-LOC be-REL wanarra-wayhu-la. long-DIM-LOC 'What was this thing on the end of the crowbar, this longish one.' P.317 “Ngani?” Ngayi kurtkaarri kurta ngunhungan. what 1sg:NOM think.PRES very that “What is this?” I was really thinking like that.' P.318 “Nhaa waji.” this bad “This (is) bad!” P.319 Thanarta parni-ngu jankaa-rnaanu ngurriny-ku pangkarri,

far.away be-REL tie.up-PPERF swag-ACC go.PRES

pangkarri-yangu-la ngunhu kana parni wurtiwurti-rnu yamarti. go-REL-LOC that clear be hang-REL alone/self

'(It) was a long way off, the swag had been tied up to go, with that thing going along hanging clear, on its own.'

P.320 Ngayi ngunhaku wajpa-rna-wa.

1sg:NOM thatACC take.off -PAST-TOP1 'I took it off then.'

P.321 Wajpa-rna ngurna kurta karnti-ka-nguu, nhawu-ngu parni-ngu.

take.off -PAST that very stick-LOC-ABL see-REL be-REL

'(I) took it off the stick, and had a look.'

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P.322 Jankaa-rnaarnu martkurra-ma-rnu-yu ngunha purntura-ma-rnaarnu. tie.up-PPERF good-CAUS-REL-EMPH4 that rolled.up-CAUS-PPERF 'It had been rolled up, made neat and tied up.’

P.323 Ngayi, nganila-ma-rna, wajpa-rna mirriji-wu, purri-tkayi 1sg.NOM thing-CAUS-PAST take.off-PAST rope-ACC pull-POT ngurnu, yurlu ngunhu, parni ngartirra-wa wirrungaya-la ngartarra, that.ACC nothing that be.PRES still-TOP1 others-LOC again mirtungka munti ngunyji. inside true thereNV 'I did this thing, undid the string, and pulled it apart. There was nothing, there were still other layers, right there, inside.'

P.324 Jilirra-wayhu ngunha parni-nha jurnta-wa.

big-DIM that be-PAST like.that-TOP1

'It was sort of big, like that.'

P.325 Wantaa-wa ngunha kupija-rri-ngu ngayi ngurnuku, wajpa which-TOP1 that little-INCH-REL 1sg:NOM that.ACC take.off

jurnta-ma-rnu kupija-rri-yangu-la-wu. like.that-CAUS-REL little-INCH-REL-LOC-ACC

'Alright, it was getting smaller as I took it apart like that, it was getting smaller and smaller.'

P.326 Ngarti ngayi panthu-nha ngurnu.

then/next 1sg:NOM feel-PAST that.ACC 'Then eventually I felt it.'

P.327 Thurlanpa-nha nhaa, thintharr-wa-rra.

recognise -PAST this poison-TOP1-DUB '(I) recognised this thing, poison.'

P.328 Ngayi kurtkanyjaa-rna kurta nhaa thintharr, jurntu-yu

1sg.NOM think-PAST very this poison like.that-EMPH4 P.329 murlimurli-ma-rna wara-ngka martkurra-ma-rnaanu

wrap-CAUS-PAST cloth-LOC good-CAUS-PPERF

jankaa-rnaanu-u parntaya-rrkaayi yini. tie.up-PPERF-? find-PERF only

‘I thought, this must be poison, wrapped up like that in a cloth, tied up neatly, that was the only thing I found.'

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P.330 Well, thintharr ngunhu wangka-nguli-ngu, kari, Well, poison that call-PASS-REL bitter.(poison)

parri-yarntu strychnine wangka-nguli-ngu. whitefella-GEN strychnine call-PASS-REL

‘Well, that was called poison, it was whitefella poison, what is called strychnine.’

P.331 Ngunhaat-pa ngunhaatu winya. thatDEF-TOP2 that.one full 'That's what it was, and it was full.'

P.332 Mirta kurta ngunhu openem-ma-rnaarnu, yurlu kurta murntu, murntu kurta

not very that open-CAUS-PPERF nothing very CONJ CONJ very

'It had never been opened, never been used at all.' P.333 Ngayi thurti-mu wantha-rna ngurnat-ku martkurra-ma-rna 1sg.NOM back-THEN put-PAST thatDEF-ACC good-CAUS-PAST ngarti-mu murlimurli-ma-rnu ngunhaangkat-a-mpa wara-ngarli-la-wa again-THEN wrap-CAUS-REL those-LOC-TOP7 cloth-PL-LOC-TOP1 martkurra-ma-rna jankaa-rnumarnu wantha-rnumarnu yanku-ngumarnu. good-CAUS-PAST tie.up-PROG put-PROG go-PROG

'I put it back and tidied everything up again, wrapped it up in all that cloth, made it neat, tied it up, put it away, and then left.'

P.334 Wantaawa, wantha-rna jurlu-u tharra-ngka-mu ngarti

alright put-PAST all-ACC humpy-LOC-THEN again/next 'Alright, (I) put all those things back into the little humpy again.'

P.335 Wantaawa, ngurra-arta-mu. alright camp-ALL-THEN Alright, then (I) headed for home.'

P.336 Now that's the finish of that one, that story just up to there.

P.337 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu, jarta-warri-nha ngunyji that-ABL-EMPH4 old.woman-PRIV-SPEC thereNV kartpa-nmarri-nguli-nha maya-arta-wa-yu. take-COLL-PASS-PAST house-ALL-TOP1-EMPH4 P.338 Parni-nha ngunyji kuyharra-la-mpa Pampanyaa-la

stay-PAST thereNV two-LOC-TOP7 Sunday-LOC

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P.339 ngarti-mu-mpa muyirri-nyjarri-ngumarnu again/then/next-THEN-TOP7 run-COLL-PROG

'From that time then, the old lady was taken over there to the homestead. (She) stayed there, for two Sundays (for two weeks) and then (she) ran away again.'

P.340 Waa-nha murnakurru-mu waa-nha,

fear/frightened-PAST this.way-THEN fear/frightened -PAST ngartimu-wa wuntu-wa. again-TOP1 river/creek-LOC '(She) got frightened again, and then went this way to the river.'

P.341 Ngurna-mpa kurtkaarri-ngu pirriyartaa-wu ngurriny-ku

that-TOP7 think-REL own-ACC swag-ACC maya-wathu-ngka-wu nganila-la-wu yathu-wathu-ngka-wu house-DIM-LOC-EMPH2 thing-LOC-ACC shelter-DIM-LOC-EMPH2 ngarrwi-yangu, manku-lu. lie.down -REL get/grab-PURP 'She must have been thinking about her things, her swag, in that little house, in that what-cha-ma-callit, lying in the little shelter. She thought about getting those things.'

P.342 Wantaawa yurni-ngumarnu marnta-arta-mu-wa ngartimu, alright go.away-PROG hill-ALL-THEN-TOP1 again ngunyjiwa-wa-yu waliji-watha-wu, there-TOP1-EMPH4 place.name-NEAR-ACC ngurra-nhanu-la-mu-wa. country-3sg:POSS-LOC-THEN-TOP1

'Alright, and then (she) went away, disappeared into the hills again, somewhere up near Waliji Pool, in her own country.'

P.343 Wantaawa yanku-nha, mirta-wa nhawu-nguli-nha ngarti. alright go-PAST not-TOP1 see-PASS-PAST again

'Alright (she) went off (somewhere) and wasn't seen again.' P.344 Parraa-mpa ngunyji-wa Kartajirri puyhu-marri-wa long.time-TOP7 thereNV-TOP1 Duck.Creek meet-COLL-TOP1 nhawu-marri-nguli-ngu mani-ngku-yu. see-COLL-PASS-REL others-INSTR-EMPH4

‘A long time later, over there on Duck Creek, (she) was seen by some other people. (They) met up with one another.’

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P.345 Parntaya-nmarri-nguli-marta wanyjila nyungunyji thalingka-arri-la find-COLL-PASS-HABIT anywhere there riding-INCH-PRES-LOC

puliman-ku yanku-yangu-la wayharri. cattle-ACC go-REL-LOC look.for.PRES '(She) used to be found somewhere or other (by these people), while they were riding around looking for cattle.’

P.346 Wirru-yu parntaya-nmarri-nha, Ah...

other-EMPH4 find-COLL-PAST 'Others would find (her). Ah...'

P.347 …mirta wala, ngayi-mpa wala, ngayi-mpa wirru-yu…

not that 1sg:NOM-TOP7 that 1sg:NOM-TOP7 other-EMPH4

'..not that, I that, I was another one ...' P.348 Ngayi wurnta-rtku Yarrarlurlu-la-ngu-yu. Marryiri-la thuraka-la. 1sg.NOM come-PRES Yarraloola-LOC-ABL-EMPH GapWell-LOC truck-LOC

'I was coming from Yarraloola, near Gap Well, on the truck.'

P.349 Ngunha wajpala-wuyha purlaa-la parni, ngayi that whitefella-DUAL front-LOC sit.PRES 1sg.NOM

parni kankala murrukaa-la, nganila-la murtiwarla-la sit.PRES on.top motor.car-LOC thing-LOC car-LOC

martu-ngka, kankala parni ngayi, load-a. back-LOC on.top sit.PRES 1sg.NOM load-LOC

'Two whitefellas were sitting in the front. I was sitting on top of the truck, in the back, I was on top of the load.'

P.350 Marruwarra-la ngunhangat-pa-mpa Marryiri-la murna, yirtiya-la snakewood.PL-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 GapWell-LOC close road-LOC

parliwarli-la-rra murna wurnta-nha-wa, yaayu-warri-ngu-mpa. bendy-LOC-DUB close come-PAST-TOP1 aunty-PRIV-ACC-TOP7 'At the snakewood trees, close to GapWell, there where the road is a bit bendy, we came upon poor old Aunty.'

P.351 Jarta-warri-nha nyimpa-nha-yu, nhawu-yangaarnu kurta-wa.

old.woman-PRIV-SPEC shock-PAST-EMPH4 see-PPERF very-TOP1

'The old woman got a shock, being seen so clearly like that.'

P.352 Ngurnawuyha wajpala-wuyha purlaa-la nhawu-nha, that.DUAL whitefella-DUAL front-LOC see-PAST

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karri-rnumarnu murruka-wu. stand/stop-PROG car-ACC 'These two whitefellas in the front saw (her) and so (they) stopped the car.'

P.353 Ngayi nhawu-yu ngurnu-mpa-wurtu. 1sg:NOM see-EMPH4 that:ACC-TOP7-EMPH3 'I saw her too then.'

P.354 Nhurnu-wuyha-yu, wajpala-wuyha-yu wirta-wuyha,

this-DUAL-EMPH4 whitefella-DUAL-EMPH youth/young.man-DUAL karri-tkaayi-wa murtiwarla-wu, wangka-nha ngayu. stop-PERF-TOP1 car-ACC tell/say-PAST 1sg.ACC These two young whitefellas, having stopped the truck, spoke to me.’

P.355 “Ngana-warnu nhaa-yu?”

who-EMPH this-EMPH “Who is this?”

P.356 “Ngana nhaa-yu-warnu jarntira?” who this-EMPH-EMPH old.woman “Who is this old woman?”

P.357 Ngayi wangka-nha ngurnatkuyha-wu,

1sg.NOM tell/say-PAST that.DUAL -ACC “nhaat-pa-mpa-warnu Sarah wangka-nguli-ngu”. thisDEF-Ø-TOP7-EMPH Sarah call-PASS-REL ‘I said to them, “This one is called Sarah”.’

P.358-359 “Oh! That's Old Sarah!”

P.360 Ngunhangaatu, ngayi yinti-ngumarnu, thurlaanpa-nha ngayu there 1sg.NOM go.down-PROG recognise-PAST 1sg.ACC yaayu-warri-nha, thurturt kurta. aunty-PRIV-SPEC straight.away very 'So then I got down. Poor old Aunty recognised me alright, straight away.'

P.361 “Nyinta-warnu nhaat-pa-nta?” 2sg.NOM-EMPH thisDEF-Ø-INTRRG “Is this/that you?”

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P.362 “Ngawu, nhaat-a-pa ngayi.” yes thisDEF-Ø-TOP2 1sg:NOM 'Yes it's me.'

P.363 An’ ngunhangaata-wu, ngayi wangka-nha-wa warnaarti-yu

and that-EMPH2 1sg.NOM tell/say-PAST-TOP1 brothers-EMPH4 marraa-yu ngunyji parni yawut Jalyarnu-la young.brother-EMPH4 thereNV live/stay.PRES west Jalyarnu-LOC patiki-yu make'em-ma-rnu juju-la Louis Basset-a. paddock-EMPH4 make-CAUS-REL old.man-LOC Louis Basset-LOC

'And so I told her that her brothers, her younger brothers were over to the west, at Jalyarnu, making paddocks (fencing) with old man Louis Basset.

P.364 “Yaayu nyinta yanki-i nyunyji-pa parni warnaa-ngaa aunty 2sg.NOM go-POT thisNV-TOP2 live/stay/be.PRES brother-PL

yawut, patiki-la make'em-ma-rnu.” west paddock-LOC make-CAUS-REL “Aunty, you go this way. Your brothers are over to the west in the paddocks, fencing.”

P.365 “Nyinta yanki-i purtpi ngunyjat pulutha-nmarri-ngu.” 2sg.NOM go-POT want thereNV meet-COLL-REL "You go over there, you want to meet one another."

P.366 “Oh, ngayi yanki-i ngunyjat kurta. Ngunyjat

Oh 1sg.NOM go-POT thereNV very thereNV parni mimi-nha-yi.” be.PRES uncle(m.b.)-SPEC-TOP4 "Oh, I'll go there. (Your) uncle is there."

P.367 “Ngaa, ngunhat-pa-mpa ngunha parni yawut.” yes thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 that be/stay.PRES west

“Yes, he's there to the west, that's right.”

P.368 Wantaa ngayi martu-ngka-rri-ngumarnu murtiwarla. alright 1sg.NOM back-LOC-INCH-PROG car

'Alright, and then I got back on the truck.'

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P.369 “Yanku-ngu-mu parni wantaa ngayi.” go-REL-THEN be.PRES which/alright 1sg:NOM “Alright I am going then.”

P.370 But yanku-nha ngunyji parni-lu parntaya-nmarri-nha but go-PAST thereNV live/stay-PURP find-COLL-PAST parni-ngumarnu ngunyjaat, marraa-la-yi. live/stay-PROG thereNV young.brother-LOC-TOP4 'But (she) went off to stay over there. (She) found them and so stayed over there with her young brother.'

P.371 Ngunyjaat-purtu muyirri-nyjarri-ngumarnu marrkaa-wurtu-wa. thereNV-EMPH run-COLL-PROG young.brother-EMPH-TOP1

P.372 ngartimu muyirri-nyjarri-ngu.

again run-COLL-REL

‘But then later (she) ran away from her young brother, run away again.'

P.373 Wantaawa ngartimu-warnu ngunyji-warta-mu marnta-arta. later again-EMPH5 thereNV-ALL-THEN hill-ALL

'Once again, another time, (she went) there into the hills.'

P.374 an’ ngunhaatu ngunhan, ngunhaatu ngunhaatu thangkatpa.

and that.one that that.one that.one enough 'And that's that one. That's enough of that one (that part of the story).'

P.375 That's the finish of that one, for now.

P.376 Ngunhangata-ngu-yu yaayu-warri-nha thurlajinkarri wantaawa

there-ABL-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-SPEC poor.fellow somewhere parni-nha ngaliyawulu mirta nhawu-nguli-ngu ngarti, live/stay-PAST 1pl.exc.INSTR not see-PASS-REL again/then yurlu kurta-wa, wantaa kurta. nothing very-TOP1 which very 'Well from that time, Old Aunty, poor thing, stayed away somewhere or other, and wasn't seen by any of us again, not at all, for a very long time.'

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P.377 Wirru-ngaa-lu nhawu-wuntharri, mujira-la-ngarli-yu-rru other-PL-INSTR see-INSTR.NOM dingo-LOC-PL-EMPH-NOW yanku-yangu-lu wayharri-ngu. go-REL-INSTR look.for-REL ‘(She) was seen by some other people going looking for dingoes.’

P.378 Parntaya-nmarta-mpa, kartajirri-wuyhaa nganthayi ngunyji, find-HABIT-TOP7 Duck.Creek-NEAR EMPH thereNV thinuu-la nganthayi kankala ngunyji, nhawu-marta-mpa. Yirranti.Spring -LOC EMPH on.top thereNV see-HABIT-TOP7 '(She) would be found near Duck Creek and there atYirranti Spring, (she) would be seen on the top country, up there.'

P.379 Puliman-ku nyinyan-ku wayharri-ngu tharlingka-ngarli, nhawu-nguli-nha. cattle-ACC ?-ACC look.for-REL rider-PL see-PASS-PAST

'Some others used to see her while out riding looking for cattle.’

P.380 Ngayi-yu mirta nhawu-nha yaayu-warri-ngu ngulaarta-ngu. 1sg:NOM-EMPH4 not see-PAST aunty-PRIV-ACC there-ABL

‘I did not see Aunty from there (on).’

P.381 Ngunhaatu ngayi kunyjirra-arnu kurta-nhanu mirta-wa ngarti. that.one 1sg:NOM last-? very-? not-TOP1 again/next

‘That was the very last time I saw her. Not again (until the end).’

P.382 Wanthaa parni ngunyji nhawu yuntu-ma-nnguli-ngu-mpa somewhere be.PRES thereNV see.PRES ?-CAUS-PASS-REL-TOP7

wirru-ngaa-lu thalingka-arri-lu ngunyji-rra yanku-marta-yu. other-PL-INSTR riding-INCH-INSTR thereNV-DUB go-HABIT-EMPH4

‘(She) was away somewhere but was spotted by others, by riders/stockmen, who used to travel in that country.'

P.383 Mirta nhungu yawut parni-marta, ngama-ngka, yawut not here west live/stay -HABIT name.of.place -LOC west ngunyji kartayirri-wa, yimpaa-rnmarta ngartat pinkaan-ta thereNV name.of.place -TOP1 cross-HABIT creek name.of.place -LOC

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ngarraminyju-la. name.of.place-LOC 'But (she) didn't stay around here in the west, but in the Ngama. West of Kartayirri. (She) used to cross the creek at Pinkaan, at Ngarraminyju.’

P.384 Ngunyji-pa ngurra-wali yarra-wurraa, yarra- yu thereNV-TOP2 country-ALL name.of.place-towards name.of.place-EMPH4 wangka-nguli ngurra wanthila yaayu-warri-ngaarntu, call-PASS.PRES country where aunty-PRIV-GEN thurlajantu-yharntu-yu, papu-yarntu-yu, yithirtiny-tharntu. old.woman-GEN-EMPH4 father-GEN-EMPH4 name.of.person -GEN '(She) went there towards Yarra country, that country called Yarra, that's where (she) was, old Aunty’s country, the old woman's country that (she) inherited from her father, Yithirtiny.'

P.385 Ngunhu, murna-kuyu jarrungkajarrungka. that close-SIDE Rocklea ‘That is right near Jarrungkajarrungka (Rocklea Station).’

P.386 Mirta murna, tharna yanku-marta ngunhangkaat-pa-mpa…

not close far go-HABIT those-Ø-TOP7

ngurra yini nhawu-nguli-ngu wirru-ngaa-lu. country only see-PASS-REL other-PL-INSTR

‘(She) used to go a long way, not just close by, and those people (the others)… only the country was seen by the others (they didn't see her).’

P.387 Wanthila parni? Wanthila ngarrwa-yi? Karra-ngarli- la

where be.PRES where lie.down-POT scrub/bush-PL-LOC

pawa-nyaa-ngarli-la ngurra-ngka. water-ASSOC-PL-LOC country-LOC

'Where was (she)? Where would (she) camp? (She) was in the scrub, in the country, near the waterholes.'

P.388 Ngurra-yi ngunhanganyuwa kurta parni-nha pirtiyarri-la kurta

country-TOP4 belong.to.there very be-PAST own-LOC very ngurra-ngka ngunhaatu ngama-ngka-yu, country-LOC that.one name.of.place-LOC-EMPH4

'That country belonged to her. That was her very own country, there in the Ngama.’

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P.389 Ngama-ngka-yu pangkarri-ngu wurnta-rnumarnu wantaawa name.of.place-LOC-EMPH4 go-REL come - PROG somewhere

P.390 nhungkuyirri-la ngartimu jajiwurra-wali parni-nha ngunhangkaata. here.abouts-LOC again Robe.River-ALL stay-PAST there

‘(She) travelled in the Ngama and then came this way again, here abouts, towards the Jajiwurra (the Robe River) and stayed there.'

P.391 Mirna-wa-yu ngayi yanku-nha nhungula-nyuwa-mpa while-TOP1-EMPH4 1sg:NOM go-PAST here-?-TOP7

mangkala-arta, parni-lu mangkala-la-wa-yu Red Hill -ALL live/stay-PURP Red Hill-LOC-TOP1-EMPH4

P.392 parni-yangu-la ngunyji-mpa kankala marnta-ka,

live/stay-REL-LOC thereNV-TOP7 on.top hill-LOC yaayu-warri-nha martkurra-wathu ngurtarra. aunty-PRIV-SPEC good-DIM still

'Meanwhile, I had moved to this place, to Red Hill station, to stay at Red Hill while (she) was up there staying in the hills. Poor old Aunty was still fairly good’

P.393 Ngayi wayinyjarri-nha-wa-yu parni-lu mangkala-la-yu,

1sg:NOM return-PAST-TOP1-EMPH4 stay-PURP Red Hill-LOC-EMPH ngunhangaata-wu ngayi parni-lu work'em-pa-rri-ngu, that-ACC 1sg:NOM stay-PURP work-Ø-INCH-REL parni-yangu-la ngunyji-mpa kankala. live/stay/be-REL-LOC thereNV-TOP7 on.top 'I came back to stay at Mangkarla. I stayed there working while she was up top there (in the hills).'

P.394 an’ wirru-yu juju, parni mujira-wu wayharri-ngu,

and other-EMPH4 old.man be.PRES dingo-ACC look.for-REL

marnta-ka, ngunyjaat-pa-mpa. hill -LOC thereNV.DEF-Ø-TOP7 'And well another old man was looking for dingoes in the hills, up that way.'

P.395-396 Mangkurlarra nhungu-mu parni-ngu yalaa paparrathalu-la kupiyarri-mu

children here-THEN stay-REL now Wyloo-LOC small.pl-THEN '(He and his) children were here then, staying now at Wyloo Station, (they were) little then.’

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P.397 Ngunhungat mangkurlarra nhungu ngana, Pat Doker kanyja-nmarri-ngu, there children here who Pat Doker have-COLL-REL

mangkurlarra nhungkaat, nyurnti-la, nyurnti-la wuntu-ka, children those Nyurnti.Creek-LOC Nyurnti.Creek-LOC creek-LOC

pangkarri-yangu mujira-wu-yu wayharri-ngu, marntikurti-wulu-yu go-REL dingo-ACC-EMPH4 look.for-REL friend-DEAD-EMPH4 nharranngarti-nha wangka-nguli-ngu-yu marnta-ka, name.of.person-SPEC call-PASS-REL-EMPH hill-LOC kurtkaarri-nyjarri-ngu-mpa kantharri ngunhu ngunyji-mpa-rra think-COLL-REL-TOP7 Daughter's.chld that thereNV-TOP7-DUB

nyirtiyunu-warnu wanthila parni-ngu. poor.fellow-EMPH5 where be-REL 'Well, those children, that was, you know the girl, Pat Doker has a missus. That's the kids. Well they were going along Nyurnti, on Nyurnti Creek, looking for dingoes. Well that poor old friend Nharranngarti, he was called, was thinking about that granny of his, up there in the hills."Where could this poor old thing be?"'

P.398 Yanku-nha marnta-ka-yu kurlka kurta jina-yi nhawu-marri-ngu go-PAST hill-LOC-EMPH4 think very track-ACC see-COLL-REL wanthila parni-yangu ngani-ngka-wathu. where be-REL what-LOC-DIM '(He) went into the hills thinking (he) would see her tracks somewhere about.'

P.399 Nhaa kurta-mpa-yu kantharri-nha parni jina-wa-yu, this very-TOP7-EMPH4 Daughter's.chld-SPEC be.PRES track-TOP1-EMPH4

ngunyji-pa-wa-yu ngunhu wantharni-la. thereNV-TOP2-TOP1-EMPH4 that how-LOC

‘This fella's tracks, old granny, must be here somewhere. She must be doing something around here.'

P.400 Muyhu-ngka-rra mangkurlarra-yu ngunyji yawut-mu parni winter-LOC-DUB children-EMPH4 thereNV west-THEN live/stay.PRES nyurnti-la-wa ngurra-ngka-yu. Nyurnti.Creek-LOC-TOP1 camp-LOC-EMPH

'It was winter time (I think) and the children stayed over there to the west, camping at Nyurnti. (They) stayed in camp.’

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P.400 cont. Nhaa pangkarri-nha ngunyji kankala nyurnti-ngu

this go-PAST thereNV on.top Nyurnti.Creek-ACC

pawanyaa-wu-yu thurrurt-pa kanarrinyjarri pirlin-ta-wa waterhole-ACC-EMPH4 straight-TOP2 come.upon flat.rock-LOC-TOP1 parni-yangu. be-REL

‘This fellow went off that way, from above Nyurnti waterhole and came straight to a big flat rock.'

P.401 Marnta-ka karri-ngumarnu kankala nhawu-marra-yu rock/hill-LOC stand-PROG on.top see-COLL? –EMPH4

jina puyhu-marri-wu yawut-ku-mu-yu partkarra-la track meet-COLL-EMPH2 west-ACC-THEN-EMPH4 flat.ground -LOC

partkarra-la-wu parnaa-yu, ngarni-ngka-wayhuu, flat.ground-LOC-EMPH2 walking.about-EMPH4 thing-LOC-? kurtkaayi-rnu karri-nha. listen-REL stand-PAST

'(He) stood on top of the rock and could see tracks, meeting each.other/together from the west, all over this flat where (she'd) been walking about in the what-cha-ma-callit. (He) stood and listened.’

P.402 Murnti kurta-mpa-yi, ngunyji-pa parni ngarra-rnu. true very-TOP7-TOP4 thereNV-TOP2 be.PRES chop-REL

'Sure enough, there was chopping somewhere.'

P.403 Warrapa nhaa pirntu manku-yangaarnu ngarra -nnguli

spinifex this food/seed get-PPERF chop-PASS.PRES

marnta-ku pirlin-ta rock-INSTR flat.rock-LOC

'This spinifex seed is collected and pounded on a flat rock, with another rock.’

P.404 [tap] [tap] Kurlkayi-nmarri-nha nhaa mimi-warri-nha marnta-ka, “Kayi hear-COLL-PAST this uncle-PRIV-SPEC rock-LOC Hey

ngunyji-mpa kantharri-nha parni nyirtiyunu wantharni-la”. thereNV-TOP7 granny-SPEC be.PRES poor.fellow how-LOC '[tap] [tap] He could hear this, that poor old uncle of mine, on the rock, "Hey, that's granny, the poor thing, somewhere here”.’

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P.405 Ngarti-yu nhawu-marri-nha ngurnu. then/next-EMPH4 see-COLL-PAST that.ACC 'Then next he saw her.'

P.406 Munti kurta-mpa-yu kantharri nhaa-mpa nyirtiyunu parni true very-TOP2-EMPH4 granny this-TOP7 poor.fellow sit.PRES

thurtiwurru mirta tharnamurti murna kankarni -la nyaa-nyarri-ngu, other.way not far.away close above-LOC see-COLL-REL

kunkurr purnta-ka-wu. downhill hollow-LOC-ACC

‘True enough alright. This is poor old Granny. (She) was close, sitting facing the other way, not far away, (he) could see (her) from above. (She was) downhill in a little hollow.’

P.407 Mirta ngayi nhurnaat-ku waa-ma-rtkayi nyirtiyunu. not 1sg.NOM this/her-ACC fear/fright-CAUS-POT poor.fellow “I'd better not frighten her, poor thing.”

P.408 An’ ngunhangaatu parni kanarri-nyjarri-nguli-ngu-yu and there sit.PRES come.upon-COLL-PASS-REL-EMPH4

yaayu-warri-nha ngawirta-marri-ayi marraa-wu-yu. aunty-PRIV-SPEC to.lose.kin-COLL-PERF young.brother-ACC-EMPH4 'And so she was there and someone had come upon her again. Well, poor old Aunty had lost some of her family, her younger brother.'

P.409 Might be kunyjirri-mu-yu, wayi, kunyjirri-wa-yu, muyhu might be one-THEN-EMPH4 maybe one-TOP1-EMPH4 winter ngawirta-marri-nha warnaa-wu, yaayu-warri-nha. to.lose.kin-COLL-PAST brother-ACC aunty-PRIV-SPEC 'It might have been one year past, maybe one winter past, (she) had lost a brother, poor old Aunty.'

P.410 Mangkarla-la ngunhangat-pa-mpa yurlaarri-nha. Red.Hill-LOC thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 pass.away-PAST 'He'd passed away there at Red Hill station.'

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P.411 And he mirta mirnu, mirta mirnu mimi-warri-ngu ngawarna and s/he not know not know uncle-PRIV-ACC ? marraa-yi thurtu-yu. young.brother-TOP4 elder.sister-EMPH4

'And she didn't know. Didn't know that uncle of mine was gone. The younger brother had left the older sister behind.'

P.412 Ngunhangaata-yu wurnta-nmarri mimi-warri-nha, nhaa that-EMPH4 come-COLL.PRES uncle-PRIV-SPEC this

ngawurti-nha-yu. ?-PAST-EMPH4 'The fellow was coming up to her, this Old Uncle of mine.'

P.413 Wantaa karri-ngumarnu kurrwurtarri-ayi, mirta ngunha waa-marri. which stand-PROG quiet-PERF not that fright-COLL.PRES 'Alright, so he stood there, keeping quiet, not frightening her.'

P.414 “Shuu, munti-mpa karri nhawu wurnta-tkaayi mirtawaa,

Shuu true-TOP7 stand.PRES man come -PERF big

wanthiwa-rru nhaat kawayintharri nhanthawa.” where-NOW thisDEF Ashburton.side must.be

“Shuu, sure enough a man, who just came up, is standing (behind), a big fellow. Now where is (he) from? He must be from the Ashburton side.”

P.415 An’ munti-pa ngunhu-wa-yu nhawu-nha-wa kantharri-nha. and true-TOP2 that-TOP1-EMPH4 see-PAST-TOP1 Daughter's.chld-SPEC

'And sure enough that granny had seen him.'

P.416 “Kawayintharri-wurtu ngunhaatu, kawayintharri ngunhaat-ju,

Ashburton.side-EMPH that.one Ashburton.side thatDEF-EMPH1 ngarranngarri-nha nhanthawa.” Ngarranngarti-SPEC must.be “This one is from the Ashburton side, from Ashburton country for sure. That must be Ngarranngarti.”

P.417 Ngunhu kurlkarri-nmarri-nha ngurnu. that think-COLL-PAST that.ACC 'She had thought that.'

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P.418-419 “Ngawu, kantharri. Nhaat-pa-mpa ngayi karri-ngu.” yes granny thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg:NOM be/stand -REL "Yes, Granny. This is me.”

P.420 “Ngawu wurnta-rnma wantaa ngayu kantharri!”

yes come-IMP alright 1sg:ACC granny

“Yes, alright, come over here to me, Granny!”

P.421 Yinta-angu mimi-warri. go.down-IMPF uncle-PRIV 'So that old Uncle come down.'

P.422 Pangkarri kantharri-yarta-yu murna-arri-nyjarri-ngu-yu go-PRES granny-ALL-EMPH4 close-INCH-COLL-REL-EMPH4 wangka-yinyjarri-ngu-wa talk-COLL-REL-TOP1 '(He) went over to his old granny, went up close and talked to (her).'

P.423 Ah, wangka-yinyjarri-warri-warla purlaawin-marri-nguli-yu-wa. talk-COLL-PRIV-FIRST firstly-COLL-PASS-EMPH4-TOP1

'Ah, (he) didn't speak straight away, (she) spoke first.'

P.424 “Wanthawa kantharri-ngalaarnu nganthayi , ngayarntu marrkaa how.about.it! granny-2sg.POSS EMPH 1sg:GEN young.brother

wanta-marri-nha-wa ngalaa-yu karlamarrkantu kanayirrayirra-la-wa leave-COLL-PAST-TOP1 1du.exc-EMPH4 light dream-LOC-TOP1

ngayhala mirta-rra-wa wurnta-tkayi-la ngayu wurnta-rnu-la 1sgLOC not-DUB-TOP1 come-POT-LOC 1sg.ACC come-REL-LOC

P.425 ngaliya-wu wanta-marri-nha-wa.”

1du.exc.NOM-EMPH2 leave -COLL-PAST-TOP1 “Well it's your granny isn't it? My young brother has left me, we've left one another. That light in my dream it won’t come, because it doesn’t come to me we must have left one another.”

P.426 “Ngawu, palamu nyinta-wu jinpayi-nmarri-nha.” yes long.time.ago 2sg:NOM-EMPH2 lose-COLL-PAST

“Yes, you lost (him) a long time ago.”

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P.427 “Wala kurtka parni-nyjarri-wunta nyinta-yi.” don't think be-COLL-MIGHT 2sg:NOM-TOP4

“Now don't you think about that!” (lit: “Now, don’t might you think about that.”)

P.428 Karra-ngka yanku-marta-yu, mirta purluyha-nmarri, scrub/bush-LOC go-HABIT-EMPH4 not meet-COLL.PRES

P.429 wantaa parni kurlu-marri-ngu-wa. which be.PRES ?-COLL-REL-TOP1 ‘(She) had been in the scrub, hadn't met anyone, hadn't been to mourn with anyone.'

P.430 Wangka-yinyjarri-ngumarnu walarntat-pa-mpa-warnu kantharri-ngawilaa-yu talk-COLL-PROG there-Ø-TOP7-EMPH5 granny-?-EMPH4 parni-ngu. be/sit-REL ‘And then (he) sat and talked with that old granny there.’

P.431 “Nyinta purlaa yanki-i wantaa kantharri ngayaarntu-warta 2sg:NOM front/first go-POT which granny 1sg.GEN-ALL ngurra-arta-yu, walarntat-pa-mpa yawut nyurnti-la.” camp-ALL-EMPH4 there-Ø-TOP7 west Nyurnti.Creek-LOC

“You go in front, okay Granny, to my camp. It's over there to the west, at Nyurnti Creek.”

P.432 “Nyinta purlaa yanki-i ngunhangat-karta wanta, ngayi 2sg:NOM front/first go-POT thatDEF-ALL alright 1sg:NOM

pirringka-ya wurnta-tkayi ngurra-yu.” afternoon-? come-POT camp-EMPH4

“You go ahead alright? I'll come to camp this afternoon.”

P.433 “Ngayi yanku wanyja-yi wayharri-ngu.” 1sg:NOM go.PRES dog-ACC look.for-REL “I'm going off to look for dingoes now.”

P.434 “Ngawu, ngayi yanki-i kurta.” yes 1sg.NOM go-POT very “Yes, I'll go then.”

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P.435 Pangkarri-nha-wa yaayu-warri-nha yawut-ku, kanarri-nyjarri-yu go-PAST-TOP1 aunty-PRIV-SPEC west -ACC come.upon-COLL-EMPH4

mangkurlarra-wu-yu, an’ ngangka-warra-wa-yu. children-ACC-EMPH4 and mother-PAIR-TOP1-EMPH

'So poor old Aunty went off to the west, and (she) came upon those children, together with their mother.'

P.436 Marliya-wu wirlu-ngka-wu tharni-rnu mangkurlarra-yu

wild.honey-ACC blackheart.gum-LOC-ACC chop-REL children-EMPH4

parni yirra-marri-ngu jingkaa-la. be.PRES call-COLL-REL upriver-LOC

'(My 'aunty-mum' was over there) chopping honey in a blackheart gum and/while the children were calling out to each other up the river.’

P.437 Warnaa-marringka mangkurla Cliff wangka-nguli-ngu, mangkurlarra

brother-GROUP child Cliff call-PASS-REL children nhungu Pat Doker gottem, girl one. here Pat Doker 'That's those brothers and sisters, Cliff and this woman that Pat Doker has.'

P.438 Kanarri-nyjarri-nha thurrurtpa kupiyarri-wu mangkurlarra-yi

come.upon-COLL-PAST straight small.(pl)-ACC children-TOP4

nyaa-nyjarri-nha-wa kantharri-wa-yu wurnta-rnu. see-COLL-PAST-TOP1 granny-TOP1-EMPH4 come-REL

‘(She) came straight on to those little fellas. Those children, (her) grannies, saw (her) coming.’

P.439-440 “Yaa! Parringka!”

express.surprise devil “Yaa ! A devil.”

P.441 Frighten the other three little fellas. ‘She frightened the three little fellas.’ P.442-443 “Yaa! Pipi parringka!”

express.surprise mum devil “Yaa! Mum a devil!”

P.444 And mother sing out, think straight away, ‘And the mother sang out to them, she thought straight away..’

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P.445 Hello? Yaayu-nha. hello aunty-SPEC

‘Hello? It must be Aunty!’ P.446 Nhaa ngunhat wurnta-nmarri nyunyji yaayu-nha ngantha

this thatDEF come-COLL.PRES thisNV aunty-SPEC also waa-marri-ngu. fear/frightened-COLL-REL ‘This fellow that is coming along, it/this must be Aunty, frightening (the kids).’

P.447 Sure it's her alright. ‘She was sure it was her alright.’ P.448 “Kantharri-watha, nyintawu waa yanku-warri, ngayi nhaat-ju.”

granny-NEAR 2pl:NOM fright go/be–PRIV 1sg:NOM thisDEF-EMPH1 “Grannies don't you (all) be frightened. It's just me.”

P.449 And 'course the mother tell 'em then.

‘And of course, their mother told them then.’ P.450 “Mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i, kantharri-nha.”

not fear/frightened -INCH-COLL-POT granny-SPEC “Don't be/become frightened! Its Granny.”

P.451 “Kantharri-nha karra-nyungu-wa, walangart-pa-mpa

granny-SPEC scrub/bush-DWELL-TOP1 there -Ø-TOP7 yanku-marta karra-ngka, mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i, go-HABIT scrub/bush-LOC not fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT ngayintharri-yarntu, mirta waa-rri-nyjarri-i.” 1pl.GEN not fear/frightened-INCH-COLL-POT “It's old Granny who lives in the scrub, (the one) who travels around in the bush. Don't be frightened, she's one of our people. Don't be frightened.”

P.452 Getting proper frightened. ‘They were really frightened.’ P.453 Anyhow, when they bin told, got used to it. ‘Anyhow, when they’d been told, they got used to it.’

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P.454 Parni ngunhu ngunhangarn, wantaawa. live/stay.PRES that there alright

'Alright she stayed there.'

P.455 Jampa parni-nha ngunhungat mirta parraa munti

while stay-PAST there not/no long.time true/truly wanta-nmarri- ngumarnu ngartimu. leave-COLL-PROG again ‘(She) stopped there for a little while, though not for very long, and then (she)

left them again.'

P.456-457 Wanta-nmarri-ngumarnu ngartimu, marnta-ka puyi ngunhan wirru-yu. leave-COLL-PROG again hill-LOC far that other-EMPH4

'And then (she) left them again, into those other hills far away.'

P.458 Ngunhaatu ngulaarta-yu muyhu-ngka ngulaarta-yu, ngunhaatu that.one there-EMPH4 winter-LOC there-EMPH4 that.one

ngunha muyhu wangka-nguli-ngu 1942. that winter call-PASS-REL 1942

'Well that was winter time. When that happened it was in the winter of 1942.'

P.459 Ngunhangatu nyurnti-la-yi parntaya-nmarri jurnta-nmarri-ngu that Nyurnti-LOC-TOP4 find-COLL.PRES like.that-COLL-REL

parni-ngu waa-marri-ngu. be-REL fear/frightened-COLL-REL 'That was when (she) was found near Nyurnti and where (she) frightened (those kids) like that.'

P.460 Wantaawa ngulaarta-ngu -yu parni-ngumarnu jampa-wa, well thereLOC-ABL-EMPH be-PROG moment-TOP1

walyurn-jarri-ngu-wathu-wa. old-INCH-REL-DIM-TOP1

'Well after that, from then on, (she) was starting to get old, getting a little bit

older.'

P.461 Parni-nha ngunhangu-mpa Milharn-ta kankala. stay-PAST there-TOP7 Milhan-LOC on.top ‘(She) was staying up there in the hills at Milhan.

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P.462 Marliyaa-wu-nta tharni-rnu-wathu. honey-ACC-INTRRG chop.for.honey-REL-DIM P.463 Tharni-rnumarnu-yu wantharni-ma-rnu kaju ngunhu ngunhu chop.for.honey-PROG-EMPH how-CAUS-REL axe that that pinkarli-nha-yu ngarra-rna thurla-yi-wa ngunhu kankarni ngarra. turn.around-PAST-EMPH4 chop-PAST eye-ACC-TOP1 that above chop

‘(She) was probably chopping honey or something. While chopping for honey, something happened, that axe, it turned around and chopped her just above the eye.’

P.464 Yirra kurta ngarra-rna nhungu thangkat-pa waji-ma-rnu-wa thurla-yi. edge very chop-PAST here enough-TOP2 bad-CAUS-REL-TOP1 eye-ACC

‘The edge cut/chopped (her) right here and destroyed (her) eye.

P.465 Wantharni-ngarra parni-nha martkurra-rri-nyu yamarti? how-? be-PAST good-INCH-TRUE alone/self 'How did (she) manage to recover on her own?’

P.466 Parni-ngumarnu wathu ngunyjat kankala-wu pawa-yi nganila-la-wu be-PROG DIM thatNV on.top-ACC water-ACC thing-LOC-ACC

ngarrwi-yangu, walurn-jarri-ngu kurta-wa. lie.down-REL old-INCH-REL very-TOP1 'So (she) went and stayed there at a place where there was some water lying. Now (she) was really getting old.'

P.467 Mirta-wa yanku, mirta-wa wayharri-ngu murla-ngarli-wu nganthayi, not-TOP1 go.PRES not-TOP1 look.for -REL meat-PL-ACC EMPH waju-rru yini parni-nha wayhu ngarrku-ngu, ngunhangat-ju. wild.bean-NOW only be-PAST DIM eat-REL thatDEF-EMPH

'(She) couldn't go anywhere, couldn't look for meat, there was only wild beans to eat, that was that.

P.468 Mathit kurta-wa, majawa-mpa yanku-nha parrii parntaya-rrkaayi. weak very-TOP1 luckily-TOP7 go/be-PAST whitefella find-PERF

'(She) was very weak (now), but luckily a whitefella found (her).'

P.469 Bashfoot-nha ngunhaat wangka-nguli, government trapper, Bashfoot-SPEC thatDEF call-PASS.PRES government trapper,

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government-nguyharntu, thaa-rna-nhani yanku-yu mujira manku government-GEN send-PAST-? go-EMPH4 dingo get.PRES

thinan, parni, wangka-yangarnu ngunha jurntat nhawungarra ? be.PRES tell/say-PPERF that like.that look.out.PRES

parni walangan. be.PRES that.one

'That was Fred Bashfoot, a government trapper. He was sent out to get dingoes and he was told to look out for her.’

P.470 Parri-ngarli wirrungaa wangka, “ Nyinta nhawungarra yanki-i

whitefella-PL others tell/say.PRES 2sg:NOM look.out.PRES go-POT

walangarta-yu, (h)e'es a jantira out there in the, yamarti-wa that.one-EMPH4 old.woman alone/self -TOP1

parni marnta-ka.” live/stay.PRES hill-LOC ‘The other whitefellas told (him), "You look out for that fella while you're going around. There's an old lady out there in the scrub. She's by herself out there in the hills”.’

P.471 “Don't want to get her in the trap or anything.” “You don’t want to get her in a trap or anything.” P.472 Mirnu kurta ngunhat wangka-nguli-ngu yanku-nha, parrii.

know very thatDEF tell/say-PASS-REL go/be-PAST whitefella

'So he knew alright, the whitefella had been told.’

P.473 Parrii ngunha yanku-nha ngulaarta wuntu-wa whitefella that go-PAST there.LOC river/creek-LOC jingkaku-rru wurnta-tkayi kurta-wa nhawu-lu-wa. upriver-NOW come-POT very-TOP1 see-PURP-TOP1 'That whitefella went there on/along the river (bed), upriver, and (he) came right on to (her), and so (he) saw (her).

P.474 “Nhaa-mpa-wurtu.”

this-TOP7-EMPH3 "This must be (her)."

P.475 Nhawu-ngu-wa.

see-REL-TOP1

'(He) saw (her) then.'

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P.476 Nhaa-mpa-wurtu-warnu nhaa. this-TOP7-EMPH3-EMPH5 this

'This must be that fella they were talking about.' Oh well, I might as well put that English way when that old Bashford ran into her, hey? He was carrying a trap, and he seen old Sarah sitting down, "Hello, this that old girl." Anyhow, Fred knew who that was, he bin told. He went over and see her, "Hello Sarah, That you Sarah?" "Yes, that's me." "Oh, poor old fellow. How you getting on?" "Oh, no good, I bin cut meself eye here." And he's a billycan of water there, was a no tucker or anything, this was only,

only what she was living on, what they call a wajiwurru, that's a wild bean. Oh,

fairly long one, about that long, you know, new ones you get'em, fill you up

alright. That's only thing she was living on then, can't get round to get any, you

know, bungarra's and that, can't get no more honey. Very sick and very thin, 'cos

she very old. And alright, course when Fred seen her there an' he told her,

"You stop here Sarah, I'll go back and get some tucker for you." So old Fred walked back about, oh, about a mile and a half ....

P.477 Wantaawa, nhawu-ayu-wa-yu jarta-warri-wu, parrii-yu. Well see -?-TOP1-EMPH4 old.woman-PRIV-ACC whitefella-EMPH4

'Well, so this whitefella had found the old lady.'

P.478 Yanku-nha murruka-arta-mu-wa ngunhat -jarntu-warta-mu-wa go-PAST car-ALL-THEN-TOP1 thatDEF-GEN-ALL-THEN-TOP1

murtiwarla-arta manku-lu pirntu-u, pirraa-minyjarnu-wu pawa-arntu-u.

car-ALL get-PURP food-ACC bucket-ANDALL-ACC water-GEN-ACC '(He) went back to that car of his to get food, and a bucket (and all) for water.'

P.479 Yanku-ngumarnu mungarti-muntu-yu manka-ayi, jiya-rnu go-PROG meat-CONJ-EMPH4 get-PERF take.back-REL

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yaayu-warri-ngu-yu, wantha-rrkaayi ngunhungu pirntu-u, wangka-murntu. aunty-PRIV-ACC-EMPH4 put-PERF there food-ACC talk-CONJ

‘He went and got some meat and stuff, took it back to poor old Aunty, and left the food there, and he talked to her...'

P.480 “Nyinta-warnu parni-i nhungu mirta yanki-i nyinta, 2sg.NOM-EMPH5 stay-POT here not go-POT 2sg.NOM

P.481 nyinyji-mpa ngarrwi warangarti-ngarli ngayhalu wantha-rnaanu here.NV-TOP7 lie.down.PRES trap-PL 1sg.INSTR put-PPERF wanyja-yi kurnta-rnu.” dog-ACC wait-REL “Now you stay here. Don't you go (anywhere). Traps are lying here, put by me for dingoes, waiting/(waiting for dingoes).”

P.482 “Nyinta parni nhungu wantaa kurta nhaa-warni nyinku pirntu-yu.” 2sg.NOM stay.PRES here which very this-EMPH 2sg.ACC food-EMPH4

"You stay here for a while. Here's some food for you”

P.483 “Ngayi nyinku pawa-yu minyma-rtkayi.”

1sg.NOM 2sg.ACC water-ACC collect-POT

"I'll collect some water for you."

P.484 “Wanyjila nyinta pawa-yu-warnu manku?” anywhere 2sg:NOM water-EMPH4-EMPH5 get.PRES "Where do you get (your) water?”

P.485 Ngunhaatu jawanyma-rrku, parrii, walart-pa-mpa-wa-yu, that.one ask-PRES whitefella thatDEF-Ø-TOP7-TOP1-EMPH4

purtajirri-la waji-ngka. rough-LOC bad-LOC 'He asked (her), that whitefella. That was in a very difficult place.'

P.486“Ngayi yanku-nha kayulu-warta-yi pirraa-wari manku-rlu.”

1sg.NOM go-PAST water/water.hole-ALL-TOP4 bucket-COM get-PURP "I'll go to the water hole to get (some water) with the bucket."

P.487 Wayinyjarri-ngumarnu winya-yi kartpa-rnu, kayulu-wu.

return-PROG full-ACC take-REL water.(from.water.hole)-ACC

(He) came back then, carrying a bucket full of water.'

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P.488 “Nhaa-mpa nyinku nyila-yi.” this-TOP7 2sg.ACC water-TOP4 “Here's water for you.”

P.489-P.490 “Nyinta parni-ma nhangu! Mirta-warnu yanki-i wantharni-nyu!” 2sg.NOM stay-IMP here not-EMPH5 go-POT anywhere-TRUE “You stay here! Don't go anywhere now!” P.491 “Nhaa nyinku pirntu kampa-ayi, wanyji kampa-ayi.”

this 2sg.ACC food cook-PERF damper cook-PERF “This is for you , (some) cooked food, cooked damper.”

P.492 “Nhaa nyinku murla kampa-ayi, nhaa-mpa nyinku thii kampa-ayi, this 2sg.ACC meat cook-PERF this-TOP7 2sg.ACC tea cook-PERF parraa kampa-ayi ngayhalu kampa-rnaarnu miinyma-rnu-lu tea.leaf cook-PERF 1sg.INSTR cook-PPERF provide-REL-INSTR

nyinku.” 2sg.ACC “This is some cooked meat for you. This is some cooked tea for you. The tea is cooked, it has been cooked by me (who) is providing for you.”

P.493 “Nyinta parni-i nhungu, kamungu-nguli-ngu-yu nyinta 2sg.NOM stay-POT here hungry-PSYCH-REL-EMPH4 2sg.NOM parni-i nhaa-mpa nyinku yurntaa-wayhu-yu-warnu pirntu, be-POT this-TOP7 2sg.ACC flour-DIM-EMPH4-EMPH5 food

nyinta kampa-rrkayi nhurnu.” 2sg.NOM cook-POT thisACC

“You stay here. If you get hungry this is a little bit of flour for you, you can cook this.”

P.494 Thampa-wurtu ngunngama-rnu ngunha-rri wayinyjarri ngunyji maya-arta Just-EMPH3 put.off-REL that-INCH return.PRES thereNV house-ALL payanyji-wu wangka-yi thaa-rrkayi ngunyji-wa Pirtan-nguwarta-wa. policeman-ACC news-ACC send-POT thereNV-TOP1 Onslow-ALL-TOP1

'So (he) just left it like that, and (he) returned there to the homestead to send news to the police in Onslow.'

P.495 Ngunha wantha-rna, ngunhangat parna-angu, wayinyjarri-nha-mu

that leave-PAST thatDEF live/stay-IMPF return-PAST-THEN

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murtiwarla-arta-mu, juju-nha-yu wanyjamantu. car-ALL-THEN old.man-SPEC-EMPH dingo.man

'He left her and she stayed. Then (he) went back to the car then, this old dingo man (dingo trapper).'

P.496 “Ngayi yanku-nha, wanyja-yi yanku-ngu purnpa-rnu.” 1sg:NOM go-PAST dog-ACC go-REL chase-REL

“I'm going now, going off to chase dingoes.”

P.497 Yanku-nha ngunhaatu, wurnta-rna ngunha Mangkala-arta-mu-yu, go-PAST that.one come -PAST that Red Hill-ALL-THEN-EMPH4 wangka-lu ngunhangaata-yu maatha-ngarli-wu-yu. talk-PURP there-EMPH4 boss-PL-ACC-EMPH4 'Off that one went. He came into Red Hill then to talk to the bosses there.'

P.498 “Ngunhaatu-wa parni ngunyji-mpa, ngayhalu

that.one-TOP1 stay.PRES thereNV-TOP7 1sg.INSTR parntaya-rnaanu-wa warlunpa-wurtu parni-ngu-yu.” find-PPERF-TOP1 crippled-EMPH stay/be-REL-EMPH4 “That poor old thing is staying up there. I found her, all crippled up.”

P.499 “Ngaliwu-warnu mirnu-ma-rrkayi walarnta 1pl.inc.NOM-EMPH5 know-CAUS-POT there

jankarnmarta-ngarli-yu yawut-ku.” policeman -PL-EMPH4 west-ACC “We'll let the police know, (the police) down there in the west.”

P.500 “Ngawu, ngayi-wu-nta kurnta-tkayi nhungu-mpa payanyji-ngarli

yes 1sg.NOM-EMPH-INTRRG wait-POT here-TOP7 policeman-PL P.501 wurnta-langu-yu, yanki-i ngunhangkarta-wa-yu mirnuma-rrkayi-thu

come-RSLT-EMPH4 go-POT there-TOP1-EMPH4 show -POT -TOP3

wanthila-wu ngunhat.” where-ACC thatDEF “Yes, perhaps I could stay here and wait until the police come and then go and show them where she is."

P.502 “Ngawu-warnu.”

Yes-EMPH5

“Yes, very well.”

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P.503 Maatha wangka-nha, “Nyinta parni-ma nhungu kumpa-ngu”. boss tell/say -PAST 2sg:NOM live/stay-IMP here wait -REL

‘The boss said, "You stop and wait here".’

P.504 Payanyji-ngarli wurnta-langu jarrwurti murtiwarla-la manku-lu-wa policeman-PL come-RSLT three car-LOC get-PURP-TOP1

P.505 nhurnu juju-ngu wanyjaman-ku-yu, ngurnu this.ACC old.man-ACC dingo.trapper-ACC-EMPH4 that.ACC

nhawa-ayi-wu-yu yaayu-warri-ngu. see-PERF-ACC-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-ACC ‘So three policemen came in a car, to get this old dingo man that had seen poor old Aunty.’

P.506 Jiitpa-la manku-nguli-nha-yu yaayu-warri-nha. Jiitpa -LOC get-PASS-PAST-EMPH4 aunty-PRIV-SPEC

‘Old Aunty was picked up (by them) at Jiitpa.’

P.507 Wangka-nha ngunhat mirnu-yu juju-nha-yu,

tell/say-PAST thatDEF know-EMPH4 old.man-SPEC-EMPH4 “Nhungu-mpa murtiwarla-la ngaliwu wantha-rrkayi”. here-TOP7 car-LOC 1pl.inc.NOM leave-POT 'The old man knowing where she was, said, "We'll leave the car here”.’

P.508 “Ngaliwu jinawa yanki-i, nhaa purtajirri munti ngurra

1pl.inc.NOM on.foot go-POT this rough true/truly country murtiwarla-wu-yu yanka-angu.” car-ACC-EMPH go-RSLT “We'll go on foot (from here). This is truly/very rough country for the car to go through.”

P.509 Payanyji-ngarli-wa wangka ngunhu jurntat-pa…

policeman-PL-TOP1 tell/say.PRES that like.that-TOP2

'The policeman said something like this...' P.510 “Ngani-ngka-wa ngaliwu kartpa-rtkayi-yu ngurnu?”

what-LOC-TOP1 1pl.inc.NOM take-POT-EMPH4 that.ACC

“What are we going to carry her in?”

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P.511 “Oh, ngani-ngarli-wu kartpa-tkayi, blanket-ku-warnu.” Oh, what-PL-ACC take-POT blanket-ACC-EMPH5

“Oh what are (we) going to take? A blanket of course!”

P.512 Blanket-ku-warnu ngunhangka kartpa-rna-yu.

blanket-ACC-EMPH5 those take-PAST-EMPH4

'So they took a blanket.' P.513 Blanket-karlaa-yu yanku-nha ngunyji jingkakurru tharnayi-mpa, blanket-PROP-EMPH4 go-PAST thereNV upriver long.way-TOP7

kanarri parni-yangu kurta murti-warrimarta-wa kurta-rra-wa come.upon.PRES stay-REL very move-PRIV-TOP1 very-DUB-TOP1 ngarti-nyu. again/then-TRUE ‘(They) went off with a blanket, up the river, it was a long way, and (they) came upon (Aunty) still right there. (She) hadn’t moved at all again.’

P.514 Wantharni-yu yanku-nha, muyirri-nha-nyu kurtkaarri-ngu how-EMPH4 go-PAST run-PAST-TRUE think-REL

wurnta-rtpunta-wu nganangu. come-MIGHT-ACC someone.ACC

‘How could (she) go? (She) surely would have run away had (she) thought someone might come?’

P.515 Yanku-nha ngunhangu payanyji-ngarli wangka-ngu karri-lu, “Oh go-PAST there policeman-PL tell/say-REL stand-PURP

nhaat-parnta-wurnta nyinta nyirtiyunu”. thisDEF-?-? 2sg:NOM poor.fellow

'(They) went up there and the policemen stopped to talk to her, "Oh, so it’s you poor thing”.’

P.516 “Ngawu, ngunhaat-pa-mpa ngayi.”

yes thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg:NOM

“Yes, this is me.”

P.517 “Mmm, ngaliwu-warnu karta-tkayi nyinku yalaa-yu.” Mmm 1pl.inc.NOM-EMPH5 take-POT 2sg.ACC now-EMPH4

"Mmm, well we are going to take you away now."

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P.518 Manku-ngumarnu blanket-a-wa wantha-rna, get-PROG blanket-Ø-TOP1 put-PAST

P.519 mathu-ngka-wa-thu parna-angu. middle-LOC-TOP1-TOP3 sit-RSLT

'(They) got the blanket and put it down and (Aunty) sat in the middle of it.'

P.520 Ngunhangkat payanyji-ngarli, jarrwurti payanyji, juju-nha-wa-nta those policeman-PL three policeman old.man-SPEC-TOP1-INTRG

ngunhu-mpa-yu yuurru-wu kurruma-nmarta-yu, that.NOM-TOP7-EMPH4 dog-ACC kill-HABIT-EMPH4

jarrwurti ngunhangkat jurlu-wa, kartpa-rna yaayu-warri-ngu. three those all-TOP1 carry-PAST aunty-PRIV-ACC ‘Those policemen, the three policemen, and the old man too, I suppose, he used to kill dingoes, and all three of those policemen, they carried poor old Aunty’.

P.521 Jurntaat ngunhangkat kartpa-rna murtiwarla-arta yini, like.that those carry-PAST car-ALL only

payanyji-ngarli-yarntu-warta murtiwarla-arta. policeman -PL-GEN-ALL car-ALL 'And like that they carried (her) until (they) got to the policemen's car."

P.522 Martungka-a-rnumarnu ngurnu murtiwarla-la ngunhangaatu behind-VBZ-PROG that.ACC car-LOC there

P.523 wurnta-tkayi Mangkala-arta-mpa kartpa-rnu.

come-POT Red Hill-ALL-TOP7 take-REL 'Then (they) put her in the back of the car to come to Red Hill to bring (her) in.'

P.524 Ngaliyawu ngunhangat-pa-mpa mangkala-la. 1pl.exc.NOM thatDEF-Ø-TOP7 Red Hill-LOC 'We were all there at Red Hill.'

P.525 Ngunhangu-wa wurnta-tkaayi ngarrku-wuntharri-la there-TOP1 come-PERF eat-INSTR.NOM-LOC murnangka-la-wa, karri-nha maya-ngka. nearly-LOC-TOP1 stop/stand-PAST house-LOC 'These fellows came in at about dinner time and stopped at the house.'

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P.526 Ngayi karri nganila-la-mpa nhawu. Nhawu nhaa 1sg.NOM stand.PRES thing-LOC-TOP7 watch.PRES see.PRES this payanyji-ngarli yaayu-warri-ngu manka-ayi-wa-yu. policeman-PL aunty-PRIV-ACC get-PERF-TOP1-EMPH4

'I am standing at thingy watching. (I) see these policemen who had got Aunty.'

P.527 Yanku-ngumarnu ngayi. go-PROG 1sg.NOM 'And then I went over (to them).'

P.528 Payanyji nhiyu ngarrwawirnu wangka-ngu, “Nyinta-warnu mirnu

policeman this ask.first say -REL 2sg.NOM-EMPH5 know ngunhaa-ku?” that.ACC 'One of the policemen (spoke to me) first,"Do you know this fella?"'

P.529 “Mirnu-mpa-yu.” know-TOP7-EMPH4 "(I) know (her) alright.”

P.530 “Ngunha ngaliyamparraarntu jarta.”

that 1pl.exc.GEN old.woman “She is one of our old people.”

P.531 Ngayi wangka-nha payanyji-wu. 1sg:NOM tell/say-PAST policeman-ACC 'I told the policeman.'

P.532 “Ngaliyampurraarntu ngunha jarta.” 1pl.exc.GEN that old.woman “That old lady (is) one of our people/belongs to us.” P.533 “Ngayu ngantha tharnangka-rrkaayi kupija-wu-mu.” 1sg.ACC also piggyback-PERF little-ACC-THEN “(She) used to carry me piggyback when (I) was little.”

P.534 “Nyinta pangkarri-i-mu kartpa-tkayi.” 2sg.NOM go-POT-THEN carry-POT "You go and carry (her) then."

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P.535 “Nyinta wantaa ngunha-ku.” 2sg:NOM alright that-ACC “You'll be alright with her.”

P.536“Mirta-warnu ngungkumarnta munti-yu, wangkarn munti-warnu, not-EMPH5 heavy true-EMPH4 light true/truly-EMPH5

P.537 wangkarn-ku kurta-rra-wa.”

light-ACC very-DUB-TOP1

"(She's) not heavy at all, (she's) truly light, very light." P.538 “Nyinta-warnu kartpa-rtkayi ngurnu-wa malu-ngka wantha-rrkayi.”

2sg:NOM-EMPH5 carry-POT that.ACC-TOP1 shade-LOC put-POT

"You carry her over and put her in the shade." P.539 “Ngaliyawuu yungki-i ngunha-ku ngarrku-ngu pirntu-u.”

1pl.exc give-POT that-ACC eat-REL food-ACC

"We'll give her some food to eat." P.540 Yanku-nha ngayi nhawu-lu yaayu-warri-ngu, go-PAST 1sg.NOM see-PURP aunty-PRIV-ACC nhungu-mpa-wurtu parni jarta ngaliyampurraarntu here-TOP7-EMPH3 be.PRES old.woman 1pl.exc.GEN 'I went to see old Aunty. Here she was our poor old lady.'

P.541 Ngayi wangka-nha-yu, mirta kurta ngayu ngalaarri-nha, 1sg.NOM talk/say-PAST-EMPH4 not very 1sg.ACC forget-PAST wangka-nha thurtapurta. talk/say-PAST straight.away 'I spoke to (her), (she) had not forgotten me at all, (she) spoke straight away.’

P.542 “Nhaat-ju-warnu nyinta ngaliyampurraarntu mangkurla!” thisDEF-EMPH1-EMPH5 2sg.NOM 1pl.exc.GEN child “It's you our child!”

P.543 “Ngawu, nhaat-pa-mpa ngayi.” yes thisDEF-Ø-TOP7 1sg:NOM "Yes, its me."

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P.544 Mirnu ngartarra ngayu. know still 1sg.ACC '(She) still knew me.’

P.545 Ngayi kurlkanyja-rna wantawanta-ku. 1sg:NOM thought-PAST mad/crazy/silly-ACC

‘I thought (she) might be silly.'

P.546 Manku-nha ngayi kartpa-nmarta mangkurla-wu-waa get-PAST 1sg.NOM carry-HABIT child-ACC-SEMBL ngaliyampurraarntu-wu jarta-yu.

1pl.exc.GEN-ACC old.woman-ACC

‘I picked (her) up, just like we used to carry children, this poor old lady of ours.'

P.547 Wantha-rrkayi malu-ngka punaangu -la manyjan-ta-wathu put-POT shade-LOC bloodwood-LOC groundsheet-LOC-DIM

parna-angu kumpa-ngu pirntu-u yungku-nguli. live/stay-RSLT wait-REL food-ACC give-PASS.PRES

'(I) put (her) down in the shade of a bloodwood tree, on a bit of ground sheet, and (she) stayed there waiting to be given some food.’

P.548 Thankgat-pa ngunhaatu. that's.that-TOP2 that.one ‘And that's that.'

P.549 Ngunhangaata-ngu-yu kartpa-nnguli-nha Pirtan-karta ngunyji that-ABL-EMPH4 take-PASS-PAST Onslow-ALL thereNV

yawutpa parri-ngarli-lu, payanyji-lu. down.hill whitefella-PL-INSTR policeman-INSTR. 'Then from there, (she) was taken to Onslow, down out of the hills, by the white people, by the policemen.'

P.550 Kanyja-nnguli-yu ngunyjaatu parni-nha keep/have-PASS-EMPH4 there be/stay-PAST

kuyharra-mpa wilarra. two-TOP2 month.(moon)

'(They) kept (her) there for about two months.'

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P.551 Parni-mu ngunhu ngawirta-ma-nnguli-ngumarnu-wa. be-THEN that to.lose.kin-CAUS-PASS-PROG-TOP1

'And then she lost her family (euphemism for passed away).’

P.552 Ngunhangart kurta ngunyji-wa-yu yawut kurta-wa. there very thereNV-TOP1-EMPH4 west very-TOP1 ‘That was down there in the west. Right to the west.'

P.553 Thangkat-pa ngunhaatu. that's.that-TOP2 that.one 'And that’s that.'

P.554 Yurlaarri-nha ngunyjat kurta. pass.away-PAST thatNV very 'She passed away right there.'

P.555 Finish!