BIBLIOTECA DI «PASIPHAE»

Collana di filologia e antichità egee

diretta da Louis Godart e Anna Sacconi

*

x .

BIBLIOTECA DI «PASIPHAE»

Collana di filologia e antichità egee

diretta da Louis Godart e Anna Sacconi

*

I. Vassilis L. Aravantinos, Louis Godart, Anna Sacconi, Thèbes. Fouilles de la Cadmée. i. Les tablettes en linéaire B de la Odos Pelopidou. Édition et commentaire, 200!. II. !. Vassilis L. Aravantinos, Louis Godart, Anna Sacconi et alii, Thèbes. Fouilles de la Cadmée. ii. ! Les tablettes en linéaire B de la Odos Pelopidou. Le contexte archéologique, in preparazione. II. 2. Eleni Andrikou, Vassilis L. Aravantinos, Louis Godart, Anna Sacconi, Joanita Vroom, Thèbes. Fouilles de la Cadmée. ii. 2. Les tablettes en linéaire B de la Odos Pelopidou. Le contexte archéologique, La céramique de la Odos Pelopidou et la chronologie du linéaire B, 2006. III. Vassilis L. Aravantinos, Louis Godart, Anna Sacconi, Thèbes. Fouilles de la Cadmée. iii. Corpus des documents d’archives en linéaire B de Thèbes (1-433), 2002. IV. Vassilis L. Aravantinos, Maurizio Del Freo, Louis Godart, Anna Sacconi, Thèbes. Fouilles de la Cadmée. iv. Les textes de Thèbes (1-433). Translitération et tableaux des scribes, 2005. V. Maurizio Del Freo, I censimenti di terreni nei testi in lineare B, 2005. VI. Jean-Pierre Olivier, avec la collaboration de Frieda Vandenabeele, Édition holistique des textes chypro-minoens, 2007. VII. Frederik M. J. Waanders, An analytic Study of Mycenaean Compounds. Structure. Types, 2008. VIII. Anna Margherita Jasink, Cretan Hieroglyphic Seals. A new Classification of Symbols and ornamental/filling Motifs, 2009. IX. Gaia Servadio, Scritti siriani dell’antichità. Testi preclassici e classici, 20!0. X. Études mycéniennes 2010. Actes du XIIIe Colloque international sur les texts égéens, Sèvres, Paris, Nanterre, 20-23 septembre 20!0, édités par Pierre Carlier, Charles de Lamberterie, Markus Egetmeyer, Nicole Guilleux, Françoise Rougemont, Julien Zurbach, 20!2. XI. Louis Godart, Anna Sacconi, Supplemento al Corpus delle iscrizioni vascolari in lineare B, in preparazione. XII. Anastasia Dakouri-Hild, Thèbes. Fouilles de la Cadmée. v. The House of Kadmos at Boeotian Thebes: The Excavations of Antonios D. Keramopoullos (1906-1929), in preparazione. XIII. Ioannis Fappas, Thèbes. Fouilles de la Cadmée. vi. The Trade of the Large Size Stirrup-jars in Boeotia, in preparazione. XIV. Ino Nicolaou, Anna Panayotou, Prosopography of Ancient Cyprus, in preparazione.

U N IVE RS IT À DE GL I ST UD I D I R O M A “ L A S A P I E NZ A ”

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TABLE

Avant-propos XI Liste des participants XIII Programme du colloque XVII Abréviations XX

NOUVEAUX TEXTES ET INSTRUMENTS DE TRAVAIL M. DEL FREO, Rapport 2006-2010 sur les textes en écriture hiéroglyphique crétoise, en linéaire A et en linéaire B 3 M. EGETMEYER, A. KARNAVA, M. PERNA, Rapport 2006-2010 sur les écritures chypriotes syllabiques 23 V. ARAVANTINOS, A. VASILOGAMVROU, The first Linear B documents from Ayios Vasileios (Laconia) 41 E. SKAFIDA, A. KARNAVA, J.-P. OLIVIER, Two new Linear B tablets from the site of Kastro-Palaia in Volos 55 C. W. SHELMERDINE, Iklaina tablet IK X 1 75 L. GODART, Du nouveau à l’horizon du Linéaire B 79 J.-P. OLIVIER, 107 A. SACCONI, Il supplemento al corpus delle iscrizioni vascolari in lineare B 123 F. AURA JORRO, The index of numerical references in Linear B documents 143

ÉPIGRAPHIE ET HISTOIRE A. BERNABÉ, TH Av 101 and Mycenaean to-pa-po-ro(-i) 167 M. CIVITILLO, Ethnicity and language : Once again on personal names from Knossos 177 R. DUEV, di-wi-ja and e-ra in the Linear B texts 195 Y. DUHOUX, Les mini-tablettes linéaire B 207 R. FIRTH, An Interpretation of the Specifications of Textiles on Ln 1568 227 A. FRANCESCHETTI, Gli ideogrammi dei vasi in lineare B : analisi dell’ortografia, delle forme e dei materiali

243

D. NAKASSIS, Labor mobilization in Mycenaean Pylos 269 St. NIKOLOUDIS, Thoughts on a possible link between the PY Ea series and a Mycenaean tanning operation 285 M.-L. NOSCH, The textile logograms in the linear B tablets: Les idéogrammes archéologiques des textiles 303 Th. G. PALAIMA, Security and insecurity as tools of power in Mycenaean palatial kingdoms 345 R. PALMER, Deer in the Pylos tablets 357 C. W. SHELMERDINE, Pylos sealings and sealers 383 C. VARIAS GARCÍA, The word for ‘honey’ and connected terms in Mycenaean Greek 403

LANGUES ET ECRITURES L. DUBOIS, Un vieux préfixe grec 421

X TABLE

M. EGETMEYER, „Sprechen Sie Golgisch?“ Anmerkungen zu einer übersehenen Sprache 427 J. L. GARCIA RAMON, En travaillant à une grammaire du mycénien: 1. a-pi-e-qe /amphihenkwe/ « (on) mentionna, (on) énuméra ». 2. Absence d’augment et mode injonctif. 3. di-ri-mi-jo : Drimios, fils de Zeus. 435 N. GUILLEUX, L’Hermès Areias des sources mycéniennes et les malheurs d’Arès avec les Aloades 455 D. KÖLLIGAN, Three Mycenaean warrior names 475 CH. DE LAMBERTERIE, L'apport du mycénien à l’étymologie grecque 489 A. MORPURGO DAVIES, Open problems in mycenaean phonology and the input of morphology 511 V. PETRAKIS, Reverse phonetisation? From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scripts 523 PH. STEELE, The diversity of the Cypro-Minoan corpus 537 R. THOMPSON, In defence of ideograms 545 FR. WAANDERS, Aperçu des formes verbales dans les textes mycéniens : remarques sur la morphologie verbale et sur la distribution et les valeurs des thèmes temporels 563

CONCLUSIONS ET COMPTES RENDUS FR. BADER, L’esprit de Gif 577 Comptes rendus des réunions 581

INDEX Index des textes 585 Index des groupes de signes et des mots 601

MATILDE CIVITILLO

ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE: ONCE AGAIN ON PERSONAL

NAMES FROM KNOSSOS

The present paper examines the highly controversial question of the use of personal names from Knossos as a means to reconstruct the distribution of the Greek and non-Greek population among different social strata. After discussing some well-known studies on the subject, I focus on the difficulties in establishing any secure correlation between ethnicity and language in the context of cultural assimilation and partial bilingualism that we usually assume for Mycenaean Knossos. Since a group’s use of a particular language cannot be used as an ethnic criterion, but is rather a “conscious choice intended to stress or deny distinctiveness”1, and the giving of personal names is “ultimately a social process”2

Discussing the proportion of Greek versus non-Greek names in documents from the “Room of the Chariot Tablets”, Jean Driessen remarked that if the concentration of Greek names is related to the social context of the personnel mentioned on the documents, it could aid our understanding of the social composition of the Knossian population in the latter stages of the Bronze Age. Notably, he interprets the high percentage of Greek names in RCT documents (70% or even 90%)

, sociolinguistic examinations of Mycenaean personal names should shift from a rigidly ethnic-oriented perspective to a cultural one. I also dwell on the sometimes insoluble problems (external and internal to our documentation) posed by this kind of analysis, such as the role of the scribe in transcribing personal names and the difficulty of conducting prosopographical studies of the Knossian tablets. Finally, I will illustrate all these limitations, along with the intrinsic difficulties involved in establishing if a name can be labelled as “Greek” or “non-Greek”, in a case-study of personal names on L- tablets.

3, in spite of a limited quantity of “Minoan” names restricted to “thematically inferior socio-economic contexts”4 (for example, in Ce tablets, dealing with livestock), as possibly reflecting the first imposition of a socially distinct group -the Mycenaean military elite just established at Knossos-, on a subject Minoan population in an initial stage of Hellenization5

1 J.M. HALL, Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity, Cambridge 1997, p. 180-181.

. Since RCT is the oldest deposit of

2 On this approach, cf. S. LIEBERSON, E.O. BELL, “Children’s first names: An empirical study of social taste”, American Journal of Sociology, 98 (1992), p. 513-514; S. COTTS WATKINS, A.S. LONDON, “Personal Names and Cultural Change: A study of the naming patterns of Italians and Jews in the United States in 1910”, Social Science History 18.2 (1994), p. 170.

3 Scribes RCT, p. 192-193; R.J. FIRTH, “A statistical analysis of the Greekness of men’s names on the Knossos Linear B tablets”, Minos 27-28 (1992-1993, 1995), p. 86, 93.

4 Scribes RCT, p. 194. 5 J. DRIESSEN, “Collector’s items. Observations sur l'élite mycénienne de Cnossos”, in Mykenaïka,

p. 203. These documents may provide an epigraphic background to the warrior graves built around Knossos (Scribes RCT, p. 10) from LMII to LMIIIA:2, representing groups and individuals “who either aspired to or had achieved an elite status within the local social and political hierarchies” and that on the basis of the

178 MATILDE CIVITILLO Linear B documents at Knossos, as Landenius Enegren has recently confirmed on prosopographical grounds6, Driessen wonders whether it could be historically significant to compare these results with an analysis of personal names registered in documents from later deposits, to ascertain whether in these later documents Greek and non-Greek names are still clearly distributed within different socio-economic contexts or occur indifferently at all social levels. He also wonders whether such a comparison could be linguistically significant, whether, that is, it could throw light on the language-shift in Crete, i.e., the progressive Hellenization of the island7. The question, he concludes, is whether “the language shift and the process of language influence [as perceivable through the variation in personal name patterns] evolve in the same direction”8 and if “an increase or decrease of interferences -the non Greek names- stands in a causal relationship with time-lapse”9. Unfortunately -Driessen states-, “no reference work exists to perform such an analysis”, only partial studies, such as those by Baumbach (Ap, As, C-, D-series)10, Ilievski (D-series)11 and Varias Garcia (B-series)12, the statistical analyses carried out by R. Firth13 and, finally, Landenius Enegren’s enumeration of Greek and non-Greek names in the whole Mycenaean corpus from Knossos14

strong Mainland-derived influences they show, are mostly interpreted as belonging to an intrusive Mycenaean elite (L. PRESTON, “A Mortuary Perspective on Political Changes in Late Minoan II–IIIB Crete”, AJA 108, No. 3 (July 2004), p. 321-348).

. Except for this last study, which does not

6 E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, The People of Knossos: Prosopographical Studies in the Knossos Linear B Archives, Boreas 30, Uppsala 2008, p. 36, affirms that “no cross-references relate individuals recorded in Hand ‘124’ with any certainty to other individuals in the corpus registered with the same names”, suggesting that the RCT documentation should be interpreted separately from the remaining Knossian archival deposits.

7 Adopting Renfrew’s theory of “elite dominance” for language displacement, the author suggests that, at the time of the Mycenaean administration of Knossos, the Mycenaean language was imposed along with a set of prestige artifacts and status symbols of Mainland derivation diastratically restricted to “palatial” productions and denoting a minority but well-organized, politically and militarily hegemonic group. It is assumed that the languages of the two groups, Minoans and Mycenaeans, existed for some time side by side, until the language of the existing population died out. C. RENFREW, Archaeology and Language. The Puzzle of Indo-Eurpean Origins, London, 1987, p. 94-95, 124, 131-136. On this topic, J. DRIESSEN, “Kretes and Iawones: Some Observations on the Identity of Late Bronze Age Knossians”, in A-na-qo-ta, p. 89-100.

8 Cf. also J. DRIESSEN, “Collector’s items”, cit. (n. 5), p. 212-214. 9 Scribes RCT, p. 194. 10 L. BAUMBACH, “An Examination of the Personal Names in the Knossos Tablets as Evidence for the

Social Structure of Crete in the Late Minoan II Period”, in Minoan Society, p. 3-10; EAD., “The Personal Names on the Knossos Ap tablets”, in O-o-pe-ro-si, p. 273-278; EAD., “Names of Shepherds at Knossos”, Acta Classica 30 (1987), p. 5-10; EAD., “The People of Knossos: Further Thoughts on some of the Personal Names”, in Mykenaika, p. 57-63.

11 P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Observations on the Personal Names from the Knossos D Tablets”, in Mykenaika, p. 321-349.

12 C. VARIAS GARCIA, “La metodología actual en el estudio de los textos micénicos: un ejemplo prático”, Faventia: Revista de filologia clàssica, 12-13.1-2 (1990-1991), p. 349-370; Idem, “Antroponimia micénica en las tablillas de la serie B de Cnoso y en Micenas”, BCH 122 (1998), p. 440-443; Idem, “The Personal Names from the Knossos B-Tablets and from the Mycenae Tablets”, in A-na-qo-ta, p. 349-370.

13 R.J. FIRTH, “A statistical analysis”, cit. (n. 3), p. 83-100. 14 E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 97-190.

ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE: ONCE AGAIN ON PERSONAL NAMES FROM KNOSSOS 179 adopt a sociolinguistic perspective, these studies all assume that the distribution of Greek and non-Greek names is historically (and, in some cases, also ethnically) significant, as non-Greek names, they argue, generally appear to be restricted to inferior classes, a working force composed of “shepherds” or textile workers, in a dialectical opposition with an economic elite represented by the “collectors”.

However, while these analyses do provide us with a general frame of reference for the composition of Mycenaean society at Knossos, caution is called for. The Knossian documentation invites some general methodological questions and poses several specific problems.

First of all, the application of a working model based on the aprioristic assumption of a direct correlation between language, ethnicity and social context has led to radically opposed estimates of the composition of the population of Knossos, the most significant example being Baumbach’s study of Ap and As sets15. It is very hard to judge whether carrying a Greek name actually implies ethnic group affiliation. While one could argue, with Weinreich16, that “in conditions of language shift a congruence between mother-tongue and social status can be traced – even if it is only transitional – because some socially distinct groups often lead the rest of the population”, in the case of personal names the situation is far more fluid. Considering name-giving as a social process, in a context of social change (as in the case of the imposition of a foreign ruling class) names can be expected to change as well. It is reasonable to assume that in such a situation people will adopt or be given new names (or variants of old ones) that are considered more appropriate. Most important, names can change without any relationship to the ethnic identity of individuals. Sociolinguistic parallels17 show indeed that in a context of language shift and cultural assimilation there can be trends to the changing of personal name patterns in a minority group in order to avoid social discrimination or gain economic advantages. In the case of Mycenaean Crete, we can thus infer – as Ruijgh does in his study of names recorded in C-tablets – that members of a socially inferior class may have chosen Greek names for themselves to acquire social status18. Conversely, we find non-Greek names among individuals of high status (collectors). These we can interpret, with Driessen19

15 Baumbach’s study of the distribution of Greek and non-Greek names (1:6) in Ap tablets leads her to

conclude that “the picture which emerges...is one of a labour force of indigenous and other slave women under Greek masters” (L. BAUMBACH, “The Personal Names”, cit. (n. 10), p. 277). But on the basis of an analogous study on the As tablets, indicating a 1:3 ratio of Greek to non-Greek names, she also stated “that Greek and non-Greek names are almost inextricably mixed in the tablets suggests that at the time when the Knossos tablets were written the Mycenaean newcomers had merged to such an extent with the local inhabitants that there were no social distinctions between the two groups” (L. BAUMBACH, “An Examination”, cit. (n. 10), p. 6).

, within the broader framework of the Mycenaean elite’s self-legitimizing strategy, as indicating a change in the boundaries of the ruling class in order to incorporate local elements. Moreover, Mycenaean names may have been adopted by

16 U. WEINREICH, Languages in Contact, The Hague 19664, p. 109. 17 S. COTTS WATKINS, A.S. LONDON, “Personal Names”, cit. (n. 2), p. 171-173 and related bibliography. 18 C.J. RUIJGH, “po-ku-ta et po-ku-te-ro, dérivés de *póku 'petit bétail'”, in Mykenaïka, p. 554. 19 J. DRIESSEN, “Kretes and Iawones”, cit. (n. 7), p. 99-100.

180 MATILDE CIVITILLO the Cretan population (and vice versa) well before the first imposition of a Mycenaean ruling class at Knossos, given the close relations existing between Minoans and Mycenaeans at least since the beginning of the Late Bronze Age. Leaving aside any speculation about other possible scenarios, the most important conclusion we can draw from all the foregoing considerations is that the distribution pattern of Greek and non-Greek names cannot be mechanically interpreted as reflecting ethnic distribution, but must be regarded as a social phenomenon.

As for the correlation between name pattern changes and the language shift -admitting that the time gap between RCT and late documents is indeed significant in terms of language displacement-, it is even more difficult to define. In fact, the process appears to be nonlinear. Actually, sociolinguistic parallels indicate that, while indeed in an effort to integrate the second generation in a group speaking a less prestigious language will abandon some traditional names (although others remain popular) to adopt some untraditional (foreign) ones, the third generation often want their original names back, in a reverse effort to stress their cultural identity20

Another important factor we need to consider when studying personal names in Linear B tablets is the role of the scribe who wrote them down

. However, it is impossible to assess this kind of sociolinguistic change, which has no connection to the language shift, in personal name patterns from Knossos.

21. If we assume a non-conformity of Minoan personal names with the dominant phonological patterns in Mycenaean Greek, we can also suppose that the rendering of such names would have posed a perplexing problem to the Mycenaean scribe. Given that “not all names are culturally available”22, we can indicate, on the basis of sociolinguistic parallels, several ways in which the scribe could deal with this problem: substitution23 of the Minoan name with a brand new name without any relation to the original one, or with a nickname; or an attempt to find a compromise by preserving the foreign name through Mycenaeanisation, transliteration or translation maintaining as much as possible of the original. Apart from nicknames and Mycenaeanised names possibly assigned to individuals whose names were difficult to pronounce or understand, cases of substitution, transliteration or translation24

20 Cf., for example, I. LEHISTE’s study on changes in name pattern among immigrants in the United

States over three generations: “The attitudes of bilinguals toward personal names”, American Speech 50.1/2 (1975), p. 30.

21 In an interesting study on the name patterns found among Italians and Jews in the United States, the authors interestingly concluded that census enumerators played a major role in determining the form in which a given name was recorded. While some enumerators could actually recognize Italian or Jewish names and did not anglicize them, the majority found difficulties with them, and thus wrote them phonetically, misspelled them, or merely wrote down the nearest English equivalent (S. COTTS WATKINS, A.S. LONDON, “Personal Names”, cit. (n. 2), p. 177, 191).

22 S. LIEBERSON, “What's in a name?...Some sociolinguistic possibilities”, International Journal of the Society of Language 45 (1984), p. 77-87, apud S. COTTS WATKINS, A. S. LONDON, “Personal Names”, cit. (n. 2), p. 170.

23 The literature on name changing provides interesting anecdotal evidence about attitudes toward personal names in bilingual communities. Cf., for example, I. LEHISTE, “The attitudes”, cit. (n. 20), p. 30.

24 Just by way of an example, while a study of the Americanization of Czech given names by J.B. DUDEK (“The Americanization of Czech Given Names”, American Speech 1.1 (1925), p. 18) informs

ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE: ONCE AGAIN ON PERSONAL NAMES FROM KNOSSOS 181 completely elude us. As a result, in approaching the study of personal names we have to assume a wide range of unattainable phenomena in our documentation, which probably bias our picture.

Apart from these basic issues, several other obstacles to a sociolinguistic analysis of Knossian personal names arise from the nature of the documentation itself, which in many cases does not allow us to determine the occupation or social status of individuals. If the premise for any sociolinguistic analysis of personal names is the singling out of “tablets containing a sufficiently high number of anthroponyms belonging to people whose status is generally accepted”25, the fragmentary nature of a great number of Knossos tablets (where the documents sometimes lack headings, ideograms and/or trade names) often makes it difficult to assign a person or group of persons to a specific profession or industrial activity (even when the Scribal Hand can be sufficient indication of a specific economic area26) and determine the position of these persons within the highly hierarchical Mycenaean administrative system27. This is only possible in a few cases, such as with individuals who occur in documents with a repetitive format (e.g., “shepherds” or “collectors” in D-tablets); or whose names are preceded by a preposition (pa-ro and o-pi28) allowing their identification as workshop supervisors; or who are identified by occupational designations we can understand. Except in such cases, the social status of the registered individuals is not wholly clear. Moreover, in many cases members of working groups are not mentioned by their personal names, but by trade names, do-e-ro/a, ethnics, or VIR/MUL ideograms only, which presents a serious obstacle to any sociolinguistic analysis of Knossian anthroponyms. We can even wonder if our sample is actually representative of the whole population of Crete. As Varias Garcia suggested on the basis of a prosopographical analysis of B-tablets, this may not be the case, “because the palace administration was interested in registering not only worker teams, but especially their foremen, who almost all were Greek and who even appear in separate lists”29

is not available to us when we study Minoan and Mycenaean names.

. Interestingly, even the “shepherds” in the D-tablets are interpreted as

25 Scribes RCT, p. 189. 26 E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 13. 27 As argued by TH.G. PALAIMA (“Mycenaean seals and sealings in their economic and administrative

contexts”, in Tractata Mycenaea, p. 254), the highly centralized Mycenaean administrative structure operated through a hierarchical system of control radiating from a central regional controlling site to local workers through high status officials stationed in settlements and centres who were responsible for “collectors” and workshop supervisors who, in their turn, directed workers.

28 On the meaning of the preposition pa-ro, cf. J.L. MELENA, Studies on some Mycenaean inscriptions from Knossos dealing with textiles, Minos Suppl. 5, Salamanca 1975, p. 85; C. PITEROS, J.-P. OLIVIER, J.L. MELENA, “Les inscriptions en linéaire B des nodules de Thèbes: La fouille, les documents, les possibilités d’interprétation”, BCH 114 (1990), p. 152 and 177. On o-pi, cf. J.T. KILLEN, “The Knossos o-pi tablets”, in Primo Congresso, p. 636-643.

29 C. VARIAS GARCIA, “The Personal Names”, cit. (n. 12), p. 359. The author’s hypothesis is chiefly based on KN B 798, by Hand 107, a list of “collectors”. Cf. J.T. KILLEN, “Linear B a-ko-ra-ja/jo”, in Studies Palmer, p. 124-125; J. DRIESSEN, “Collector's items”, cit. (n. 5), p. 209-210.

182 MATILDE CIVITILLO lesser-status individuals generally30, but not universally31, since D. Nakassis32 and E. Landenius Enegren33

All the above-detailed limitations clearly seriously hinder any attempt to perform a sociolinguistic investigation of Mycenaean personal names. We do not have any idea of the criteria used in name giving in Mycenaean Crete and our sample is probably not statistically representative of the whole population of the island. Moreover, to these limitations we must add another crucial problem: the criteria involved in the interpretation of a name as “Greek” vs. “non-Greek”. In order to illustrate them, I present below a discussion of anthroponyms attested on L-tablets, based on their generally accepted interpretations.

have both recently proposed an interpretation of their role as shepherd supervisors belonging to the elite, with parallels in Old Babylonian Ur.

The main features of L-tablets are well known: they are written for the most part by Hand 10334 -one of the most prolific scribes at Knossos, author of ca. 300 tablets- and connected by the recurrence of certain names and by their find-spot to secondary scribes35 responsible for recording individual or working groups of textile weavers and finishers “assigned” to them -according to Enegren-, and employed in different sectors and stages of production within the textile industry. The tablets all come from the same find-spot (the West Magazines) and are assignable to the same period, LM IIIA:2 or IIIB:136; thus, they are later than the documents from RCT. The tablets of the L- series are classified as Lc, Ld, Le, Ln, and residual L sets, according to scribal hand and contextual evidence37

30 Cf., for example, J.T. KILLEN, “Some Thoughts on ta-ra-si-ja”, in Economy and Politics, p. 173 (“not

persons of particularly elevated status”).

. As for the social status of the registered individuals, on strictly prosopographical grounds one can distinguish between “collectors” belonging to the ruling class, workshop supervisors -with names preceded by pa-ro or o-pi- probably of a middle class, and textile

31 J.-P. OLIVIER, “Knossos Da-Dg”, in Texts, Tablets and Scribes, p. 220-221. 32 D. NAKASSIS, “Named Individuals and the Mycenaean State at Pylos”, in Colloquium Romanun,

p. 557-558, with references. 33 E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 37-39. 34 It seems highly probable that all the tablets by Hand 103 (Ak(1), Am, Ap, As(1), E(2), Lc(1), Le, Ln,

L(1), L(2), M, Od, V(4)) are connected to textile industry except for the Gg(1) set, listing offerings: E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 20 and n. 77; T.J. KILLEN, “The textile industries at Pylos and Knossos”, in Pylos comes alive, p. 49-63.

35 The other authors of L- tablets are 113/115, 116, 114, “124”, 207, 210, 211, 208, 209, 214, 213, 212 and 221. Cf. R. J. FIRTH, M.-L. NOSCH, “Scribe 103 and the Mycenaean Textile Industry at Knossos: The Lc(1) and Od(1) Sets”, Minos 37-38 (2002-2003, 2005), p. 133. E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 63-69; EAD., “A prosopographical study of scribal Hand 103, methods, aims and problems”, in Politeia, p. 115-130, PI. XIX, on personal names recorded in H. 103 and recurrent in other scribal hands. Among these scribes, Hand 115 records the finishing of textiles in set Lc(2) and the distribution of wool in Od tablets, and mentions the same individuals registered by Hand 103 (J. KILLEN, “The Knossos Ld(1) tablets”, in Colloquium Mycenaeum, p. 151-181).

36 LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, “A prosopographical study”, cit. (n. 35), p. 116. 37 Lc(1) set (Hand 103) records the setting of targets for textile manufacturers under the ta-ra-si-ja

system (R. J. FIRTH, M.-L. NOSCH, “Scribe 103”, cit. (n. 35), p. 121). The Ld set registers the same cloth at different stages in its processing, and the Le tablets record receipts for cloth from the same workgroups listed in Lc(1), in the same Hand, 103 (J.T. KILLEN, “Ld(1) tablets”, cit. (n. 35), p. 152).

ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE: ONCE AGAIN ON PERSONAL NAMES FROM KNOSSOS 183 workers possibly of lesser status38. The sets of tablets, however, are highly dissimilar from one another as regards the distribution of personnel. Ln 1568 (Hand 103), one of the most important L-series documents, records personnel (a-ze-ti-ri-ja, “decorators”, and ne-ki-ri-de, 39) referred to by their names under the authority of workshop supervisors, and thus offers an interesting, if limited, cross-section of Knossian society40. However, the Lc set (by an unidentified Hand) lists only a workshop supervisor ((o-pi-)si-ri-ja-we) by his name; the Lc(1) set (H. 103) only registers two collectors (e-]me-si-jo-jo and we-]we-si-jo-jo); Lc(2) (H. 113/115) lists collectors only (te-ra-po-si-jo[, ku-ru-so-no and [i-se]-we-ri-jo-jo) and Ld(1) (H. 116) a collector (wi-jo-qo-ta-o) and a supervisor (e-ta-wo-ne-we). In these sets, while workshop supervisors and collectors are designated by their personal names, the working groups are referred to by their occupational or ethnic designations, or as “collector’s” groups, causing some imbalance in our sample41

Moreover, the fragmentary nature of many documents, the high percentage of hapax legomena, and the scarcity of occupational designations make the identification of individuals listed in some tablets of the L-sets impossible. In the spirit of this study, I have left these names (9, or 22% of the whole onomastic sample from the L-sets; see below n. 107) out of my analysis. Excluding fragmentary personal names of which only

. The Le set (H. 103) lists a collector (ko-ma-we-to) and a textile worker (a-po-te), along with personnel identified by ethnic designations. Set L (H. 114?) registers a supervisor only (re-wa-jo); L(3) (H. 207) a collector (i-se-we-ri-jo) and an individual whose status cannot be ascertained (]sa-me-u[), while L(4) (H. 208) lists a workshop supervisor (qo-u-qo-ta) and an individual of uncertain status (ka-to-ro). The highly fragmentary sets L(5) (H. 209) and L(9) (H. 213) list two supervisors mentioned in other sets as well (po-po on L 513 and we-we-si-jo on L 7396), along with one possible textile worker (ra-su-ti-jo). Finally, sets L, L(1), dealing with linen, and L(2) (H. 103) register textile workers by their personal names along with some collectors and workshop supervisors (e-ta-wo-ne-wo on L 695; po-po on L 648, o-pi-si-ri-ja-we on L 8105).

38 This is the generally accepted interpretation of the social identity of this group of people.

Nevertheless, we have to mention the case of a-po-te, a textile worker registered in Le 641 with the patronymic a-re-jo, possibly suggestive of higher status. DMic 1, p. 96-97; Y. DUHOUX, “L'ordre des mots en mycénien”, Minos 14 (1975), p. 161.

39 According to J.T. KILLEN (“Two Mycenaean words: I: ne-ki-ri-de”, in o-o-pe-ro-si, p. 279), is a nomen agentis

40 For the connection between this tablet and some Ak texts (Hands 102 and 108), Lc(1) 526 (103) and Le 641 (103), cf. J.T. KILLEN, “Two Notes on the Knossos Ak Tablets”, in Acta Mycenaea, p. 425-440 and C. VARIAS GARCIA, “La metodología”, cit. (n. 12), p. 364-365.

41 Groups with occupational designations (a-ra-ka-te-ja -* Lc(1) 531.B (103); da-te-we-ja (?): Lc(1) 540.B (103), L(1) 594.b (103); e-ro-pa-ke-ja (?): Lc(1) 534.B (103), Ld(1) 595.1 (116?); ne-we-wi-ja (*ne-werwiai Lc(1) 560.B (103); ke-ri-ni-ja (?) KN Lc 535.B). Groups with ethnic designations (a-mi-ni-so ko-u-re-ja, da-wi-ja, do-ti-ja, da-*22-ti-ja, e-ki-si-ja, e-ra-ja, (i-)ja-pu2-wi-ja, ko-no-so ko-u-re-ja, ko-no-so te-pe-ja, pa-i-ti-ja, qa-mi-ja, ri-jo-ni-ja, se-to-i-ja, si-ra-ri-ja[, tu-ri-si-ja, *56-ko-we). “Collector’s” groups (]ku-wo on Lc(1) 532, e-me-si-jo-jo on Lc(1) 551, we-we-si-jo-jo on Lc(1) 7392). R.J. FIRTH, M.-L. NOSCH, “Scribe 103”, cit. (n. 35), p. 126-128.

184 MATILDE CIVITILLO two signs survive42, as well as those whose interpretation as personal names is not commonly acknowledged (5)43

In the above-mentioned studies on naming patterns among different Mycenaean social groups, the authors usually estimate the probability of a name being Greek or non-Greek on etymological and morphological grounds

, only 40 names are fully or partially readable (Table I), of which 23, the majority, are hapax legomena, while 12 are attested only at Knossos and 5 on the Mainland as well. Finally, as to the social status of the registered individuals, 7 of the names analyzed are certainly attributable to collectors, 8 to workshop supervisors, and 25 to textile workers.

44. Such a classification is made difficult -it goes almost without saying- by the ambiguity of the Linear B script in the spelling of the Mycenaean language and the brevity of many names, as well as other well-known problems45, which makes the distinction to some degree subjective, as borne out by the frequent reinterpretation of anthroponyms and different results reached by each scholar for the same groups of names46

A comparison with Garcia Ramon’s classification of classical Greek names

. Obviously, the lack of generally accepted criteria -for example, as regards labelling as “Greek” or “non-Greek” names derived from loan words that we still find in alphabetic Greek- does not allow us to reconstruct a reliable name distribution pattern and imposes caution when evaluating the results reached by different scholars on different sets of tablets.

47

42 ]-da-na (L 192), “124”, C; ]wa-de (Le 5903), 103, (-); ]ra-wo (L 578), (-), F3?/F14?/H3?; ]te-we

(L 5927), 103, (-); e-me[ (L 5927), 103, (-).

will help to illustrate the complexity of the Mycenaean onomasticon. At the first level, Garcia Ramon distinguishes between names that are intelligible or non-intelligible ex Graeco ipso. Within each of these two groups, he then distinguishes two subgroups: among

43 ]ta-ra-jo (L 433), (-), E4, hapax. The interpretation of this name is debated: cf. DMic 2, p. 315. ka-ma (L 520), (-), F8, is probably a toponym and not a personal name (cf. DMic 1, p. 309-310). ]qe-re-jo (L 523), (-), F8, hapax, interpreted hypothetically as personal name by E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 159, is perhaps an adjective (cf. DMic 2, p. 196). o-qo-o-ki-te (L 588), (-), F14, is an hapax of uncertain reading: o-qo-o and qi-te? (cf. DMic 2, p. 46). ]a3-tu-ti-ja[ (L 5949), 103, (-), is very dubiously an ethnic adjective (DMic 1, p. 140).

44 The names are generally classified as: personal names with certain or probable Greek etymology, personal names without Greek etymology, and personal names with doubtful Greek etymology. Cf. C. VARIAS GARCIA, “The Personal Names”, cit. (n. 12), p. 354; L. BAUMBACH, “An Examination”, cit. (n. 10), p. 7-9; EAD., “The Personal Names”, cit. (n. 10), p. 277-278; EAD., “The People of Knossos”, cit. (n. 10); p. 62-63. P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Observations”, cit. (n. 11), p. 339-348.

45 P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Vocabulary words from the Mycenaean personal names”, in Colloquium Mycenaeaum, 135; ID., “Some observations on Mycenaean personal names of non-Greek origin”, Actes du IIe congrès international des Études du Sud-Est européen (Athènes, 7-13 mai 1970), Athènes 1978, tome 3 (Linguistique et Littérature) p. 11-17; Docs2, p. 93.

46 Cf. L. BAMBACH’s (“Names of shepherds”, cit. (n. 10), p. 5) and P.H. ILIEVSKI’s (“Observations”, cit. (n. 11), p. 338) results on the number of Greek names among the personal names on D- tablets.

47 J.L. GARCIA RAMON, “Onomástica y Cultura Clásica”, Estudios Clásicos 120 (2001), p. 107. HMG, p. 399-402, follows another classification, distinguishing within each of the two major group of names (with and without Greek etymology) names with a direct correspondent in alphabetic Greek and names without a direct correspondent but with at least one recognizable element in Greek or another language (especially Anatolian and Semitic), and, finally, names without any known parallel.

ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE: ONCE AGAIN ON PERSONAL NAMES FROM KNOSSOS 185 intelligible ones, personal names deriving from Greek words -e.g., from appellatives- and foreign names understandable in Greek by adaptation -e.g., by folk etymology. Among non-intelligible names, Garcia Ramon distinguishes a subgroup of names for which no explanation is possible, and another that we can explain on the basis of another known language. Example of the latter among the names of collectors48 in the L- tablets include ku-ru-so-no49 50 Semitic loan word51 well attested in Mycenean (cf., for example, ku-ru-so, ku-ru-si-wo-ko etc). Likewise, te-ra-po-si-jo52 -

but understandable in Greek53. Two other collectors’ names have stems which cannot be explained by Greek etymologies, such as ]we-ri-jo-jo (= i-se-we-ri-jo-jo)54 and e-me-si-jo-jo55 (possibly including the non-Greek prefix e-me- according to Billigmeier56), but they appear to be Hellenized57

48 All the listed names, except ku-ru-so-no, occur in the “collector’s” position in tablets by Hand 117,

and some (i-se-we-ri-jo and ko-ma-we) are grouped together in B 798, a sort of “list of collectors” (E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 60). Moreover, we-we-si-jo is an important Knossian collector frequently attested at Knossos in documents dealing with textiles and sheep rearing, chiefly by Hand 117 but with cross-references in Hands 103 and 108. The latter is the scribe of some Ak tablets characterized by a “remarkably high proportion of collectors’ names” according to J.T. KILLEN, “Two Notes”, cit. (n. 40), p. 426.

through the addition of the adjectival suffix i-jo, one of the most common IE and Greek word-forming elements, meaning “belonging to”. Classifying these names simply as “Greek” (because understandable in this language or because bearing Greek endings) or “non-Greek” (on etymological grounds) led scholars to draw

49 L. GODART et alii, “Quarante-trois raccords et quasi-raccords de fragments inédits dans le volume I du ‘Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos’ ”, BCH 110 (1986), p. 29, suggest that the name could belong to a collector, but there is probably no connection between the name’s attestations in Lc 504 and X 1014 (E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 59, p. 138).

50 HPN, p. 472. 51 GEW 2, p. 1122-1123. 52 This name can be interpreted as belonging to a collector on the basis of its attestations in tablets by

Hand 117 (E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 56). For its interpretations, cf. DMic 2, p. 335.

53 GEW 1, p. 663-664. 54 The interpretation of this name is debated (DMic 1, p. 287; E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of

Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 182). C. VARIAS GARCIA, “The Personal Names”, cit. (n. 12), p. 355, take it to be a personal name with a doubtful Greek etymology, * , while admitting that we know of no Greek name beginning with - o - (C. VARIAS GARCIA, “El dativo singular atemático en las inscripciones en lineal B de Micenas”, Faventia 16/2 (1994), p. 12, n. 19). J. CHADWICK (“The group sw in Mycenaean”, Minos 9 (1968), p. 63) explained the name as a loan-word.

55 In all its occurrences, the name appears to designate the same individual (E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 55), a collector.

56 J.C. BILLIGMEIER, “An inquiry into the non-Greek names on the Linear B tablets from Knossos and their relationship to languages of Asia Minor”, Minos 10 (1969), p. 178. According to this scholar, e-me-si-jo could be formed with the non-Greek prefix also occurring in e-mi-ja-ta (KN V 831.1). Owing to the difficulty of finding a Greek etymology for the stem, the name is interpreted as non-Greek by P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Observations”, cit. (n. 11), p. 326, 335, 338 also.

57 P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Observations”, cit. (n. 11), p. 334; Études, p. 126.

186 MATILDE CIVITILLO very different -and hence unreliable- pictures of name distribution. The collectors’ names whose Greek etymology is certain seem to be ko-ma-we-to58

adjectival suffix - -, meaning “Hairy, Long-haired” (cf. ); we-we-si-jo, a shortened form of a longer name (*werwes-pókos or *werwes-kómos vel. sim.)59, and wi-jo-qo-ta-o (gen.)60, * - , a nominal compound in qo-ta (/-kwhontas/) with a nominal stem deriving from Two of these names, we-we-si-jo and ko-ma-we, are also attested on the Mainland, and this, according to Killen61, shows that the members of the collector class, who perhaps belonged to the same dynasty, tended to be given names from a certain limited stock. While most collectors’ names on L-tablets are simplicia, the only compound name (wi-jo-qo-ta) cautions us against drawing any secure sociolinguistic conclusions from Mycenaean personal names, as it is a collector’s name in tablets by Hands 217 and 116, but a shepherd’s name in a tablet by Hand 117. This example is enlightening, not only because it shows a certain degree of circulation of Greek names among the lower social classes, but also because it teaches us to beware of deducing social affiliation exclusively on the basis of the meaning of names or whether they are simplicia or compounds. Finding names such as wi-jo-qo-ta, as well as other “martial” names, not only among the military elite at Knossos (RCT) and Pylos (o-ka tablets), but also among individuals for whom we posit high status in Mycenaean industries not related to warfare, as well as personnel we think of as having lesser status (such as shepherds and bronze-workers), is interpreted by Palaima62

At the same time if, in general terms, it is possible to glimpse in Greek onomastic material a general trend towards a relationship between name types and social position (with compounds prevalently attested among upper strata and simplicia – descriptive names, short names, nicknames – among lower classes

as potentially offering us insights into “the family histories, fortunes and aspirations of the individuals who work in those professions”. Moreover, the adoption of such names by individuals of lower socio-economic status might represent, in Crete, a sign of cultural assimilation or a deliberate aspiration to social promotion by assuming names with high cultural distinctiveness.

63

58 The name is frequently attested in the “collector” position in tablets by Hands 117 and 120, and in

textile contexts by Hand 103 (E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 56), and probably refers in all its occurrences to the same individual. Cf. DMic 1, p. 373-375.

), the case of wi-jo-qo-ta does not

59 M.S. RUIPÉREZ, “Mycenaean we-we-si-jo Floreant, vol. 2, p. 537-542.

60 Ld 598 (Hand 116). wi-jo-qo[-ta occurs in a textile-production context on Dq 7852 (217?); wi-jo-qo-ta-o is registered on Dq 1026 (Hand 217) and is generally assumed to refer to a collector. However, it refers to a shepherd on Db 1305.B (Hand 117), associated with the toponym do-ti-ja. Cf. F.M. WAANDERS, An analytic study of Mycenaean compounds, Biblioteca di Pasiphae, VII, Pisa-Roma 2008, p. 42; Personennamen 149, p. 199; Docs, p. 95, 427; Docs2 p. 487, 591; P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Observations”, cit. (n. 11), p. 333. For its interpretation as * - DMic 2, p. 431.

61 J.T. KILLEN, “Ld(1) tablets”, cit. (n. 35), p. 177. 62 TH. G. PALAIMA, “Mycenaean Militarism from a Textual Perspective. Onomastics in Context: lawos,

damos, klewos”, in Polemos, p. 375. 63 J. CHADWICK (The Mycenaean World, Cambridge 1976, p. 64), gives as example e-ki-no, “Sea-

Urchin”, po-me, “Shepherd” or ka-ke-u, “Smith” etc.

ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE: ONCE AGAIN ON PERSONAL NAMES FROM KNOSSOS 187 allow us to make generalizations or automatic assumptions based on this trend. The example of wi-jo-qo-ta is not isolated in the Mycenaean corpus; for example, Garcia Ramon64

Another problem we are faced with when attempting sociolinguistic analyses of personal names is how to interpret nicknames and ethnics. Some authors of studies in Knossos onomastics

mentions the cases of a shepherd named e-ke-da-mo, submits men” (PY Cn 285.11) and of a military official (PY An 654.8) called a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo e-te-wo-ke-re-wi-jo, -“Holder of true fame”) can be related to a man’s high social position, the nickname “Cock” is more likely to be ranked among those generally ascribed to lesser-status individuals. The ambiguity of the meaning of names is further highlighted by the above-mentioned collector’s name te-ra-po-si-jo, meaning “Servant”.

65 chose to leave out of consideration these two categories of names because they cannot be related to linguistic and ethnic affiliation. For example, Ilievski66 stressed that ethnics derived from pre-Greek toponyms with the addition of Greek suffixes may denote both non-Greek and Greek individuals. In L-tablets, some ethnics are attested among workshop supervisors (e-]ta-wo-ne-we,* 67, cf. Hom. , from a town in Boeotia, Il. 2.49768) and textile workers (ru-ki-ti-ja69, from the

ra-su-ti-jo70 ra-su-to). As to nicknames, their interpretation seems quite difficult because we have no knowledge of the criteria by which they were assigned. While we can suppose that po-ni-ke-ja (dat.)71, * , “who is dealing with purple” (derived from a non-Greek word)72, and di-*65-pa-ta - 73, could derive from occupational designations possibly related to the work the women in question performed within the textile industry (respectively, as workshop supervisor and textile worker), we also find nicknames deriving from occupational designations related to animal husbandry borne by textile workers, such as qo-u-qo-ta (the name of a workshop supervisor),

w w 74

64 J.L. GARCIA RAMON, “Onomástica”, cit. (n. 47), p. 112 and n. 11. P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Some observations”,

cit. (n. 45), p. 23.

. Cases like this also occur in D-tablets, where some nicknames borne by shepherds are, in their turn,

65 Cf., for example, C. VARIAS GARCIA, “The Personal Names”, cit. (n. 12), p. 359. 66 P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Observations”, cit. (n. 11), p. 338. 67 The name is attested, along with the preposition pa-ro, on KN Ld 584.2, and hence refers to a

workshop supervisor: J.T.KILLEN, “Ld(1) Tablets”, cit. (n. 35), p. 159. 68 Cf. DMic 1, p. 254 and H. VON KAMPZ, Homerische Personennamen, Göttingen 1982, p. 290. 69 Cf. DMic 2, p. 267. 70 P.H. ILIEVSKI (“Observations”, cit. (n. 11), p. 335) compares ra-su-ti-jo with the male name qa-ra-su-

ti-jo (KN Dd 1150.B, Nc 4489 and Xd 154), suggesting that both could be derived from a pre-Greek toponym in -J.T. KILLEN, “Ld(1) Tablets”, cit. (n. 35), p. 167 n. 30.

71 DMic 2, p. 138. 72 - - GEW 2, p. 1033-

1034, probably non-Greek; Formation, p. 382. 73 Études, p. 68 and n. 100; Interpretation, p. 296; DMic 1, p. 185. 74 E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 67. DMic 2, p. 211.

188 MATILDE CIVITILLO connected with the textile industry or do not have any relation to their profession75

The same mixed occurrence of names intelligible in Greek and others that are not observed among collectors is found among workshops supervisors. Ruijgh interprets re-wa-jo as , the patronymic of , in its turn an hypocoristic of vel. sim.

. Ilievski explains this evidence by suggesting that the individuals bearing these names may also have had other, more “respectable”, professions. One wonders, however, if those names were not true personal names without a direct correlation to the occupations they referred to.

76 no-si-ro77, instead, is interpreted by Billigmeier as a non-Greek name, being formed with the non-Greek prefix no-. Finally, the interpretation of three names seems dubious. Landau and Ruijgh interpret ma-tu- , borne by a female supervisor, as a possible Greek name in - (* , cf. ?, “foolishness”)78. The probably feminine name po-po has been tentatively interpreted as a simple name in - ,

?79 Finally, Melena hypothetically interprets (o-pi-)si-ri-ja-we as “chez Siriaus”80, while Bartonek rather sees it as possibly deriving from an adjective in -went-81

Among textile workers’ names we find the only attestation in the Mycenaean corpus of the name of the Greek god , which derives from a non-Greek word of unknown etymology

.

82: it is the name a-pa-i-ti-jo, which is generally interpreted as an adjectival derivative with the suffix -ijos from *a-pa-i-to, * or *(cf. , )83. Among Greek names, ru-si(-qe) is interpreted as 84,

85

75 P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Observations”, cit. (n. 11), p. 337.

vel sim., “who breaks up the army”, and (ku-su-)a-ta-o (to be explained xyn a-ta-o) is interpreted by Ruijgh as * h , a

76 Études, p. 225 and n. 78; cf. DMic 2, p. 247. 77 The name is preceded by pa-ro and is presumed to be feminine because the tablet primarily records

women’s names (J.T. KILLEN, “o-pi tablets”, cit. (n. 28), p. 638 n. 11); however, on As 603 it occurs in a list of male personnel. According to J.C. BILLIGMEIER, “An inquiry”, cit. (n. 56), p. 178, the non-Greek prefix no- is attested on other Knossian names such as no-da-ro (As 609.3 etc) and no-sa-ro (Dx 6059).

78 Études, p. 249; Personennamen, p. 82, 157, 177, 199. 79 Probably a female personal name on tablets by Hand 103 (Ln 1568, L 648, L 567, Od 689 and Xe

524) but perhaps masculine (J.T. KILLEN, “o-pi tablets”, cit. (n. 28), p. 637-638, followed by E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 67) on L 513, by Hand 209. Except on L 513 and Ln 1568, this personal name is preceded in all the extant tablets by o-pi, which indicates that the individual is likely to be a workshop supervisor. C. VARIAS GARCIA, “La metodología”, cit. (n. 12), p. 364; A. B , “Mycenaean common nouns in the disguise of proper names”, in Floreant, vol. 1, p. 128; Mémoires II, p. 301. Cf. also DMic 2, p. 140.

80 J.L. MELENA, Studies, cit. (n. 28), p. 85; this reading suggests for this individual a role as workshop supervisor.

81 HMG, p. 581. 82 GEW 1, p. 646. 83 HPN, p. 529; DMic 1, p. 73; P. ILIEVSKI, “Interpretation of some Mycenaean personal names: nomina

theophora”, in Floreant, vol. II, p. 307. 84 DMic 2, p. 271; HPN, p. 291. 85 Études, p. 294 n. 24.

ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE: ONCE AGAIN ON PERSONAL NAMES FROM KNOSSOS 189 hypocoristic of a name such as * -h 86. Finally, a3-ka-ra is interpreted as (cf. ), “Gleam”87. Some others textile workers’ names may be Greek, but their interpretation is dubious. ko-re-wo, probably a woman’s name, although this is not universally accepted88, is interpreted by Bartonek89 as * , to be compared with

(hom. ), “sword sheath”, and thus as a personal name deriving from an appellative denoting an everyday-life object. Doria tentatively interprets ]o-pe-te-wo(-qe) (gen.) as a name in - to be read * 90, and thus related to o-pe-ta, and o-pe-re-ta, / suggests a transcription as * 91. Finally, as regards the highly controversial compound name a-qo-ta, the interpretations proposed are *oxen”92, * - w , “[celui] qui prend les routes de mer” (cf. )93 and */Am-khw / from */An(o/a)khw /, an apocopised variant of a-no-qo-ta/ -na-qo-ta94 (just like the above-mentioned wi-jo-qo-ta, borne by a shepherd in KN Da 1289 and by a collector in other tablets by H. 117). Moreover, three textile workers’ names (2 of which bisyllabic) have been interpreted alternately as Greek or non-Greek, thus posing serious problems when attempting to draw up a pattern analysis. e-ni, perhaps * 95, could be tentatively interpreted as a non-Greek name in -i (a stem usually occurring in non-Hellenic names at Knossos) or as an hypocoristic form of a longer name such as, for example, e-ni-to-wo (PY Eb 1187, Ep 539.10), * 96 vel sim. A. Bartonek97 interprets the female name ta-su as a name in - , meaning “bold”, derived from an adjective denoting character attitudes, whereas Varias Garcia98

86 Études, p. 186. Cf. , : HPN, p. 57, 60.

interprets it as non-Greek, the female ending in -u (mainly attested at Knossos) being

87 J.L. GARCIA RAMON, “In Vorbereitung: Die historischen Personennamen des Mykenischen (HPNMyk)”, Minos 35-36 (2000-2001), p. 469; cf. also DMic 1, p. 132.

88 C. VARIAS GARCIA, “La metodología”, cit. (n. 12), p. 364. 89 A. B , “Mycenaean common nouns”, cit. (n. 79), p. 127. Cf. Personennamen, p. 73, 177, 210

and recently E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 134. 90 The name probably refers to two different individuals (E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos,

cit. (n. 6), p. 66). M. Doria, “I nomi greci con suffiso - con particolare riguardo al greco miceneo”, in Studi triestini di antichità in onore di Luigia Achillea Stella, Trieste 1975, p. 118. Cf. HPN, p. 355.

91 V. GEORGIEV, Supplément au lexique des inscriptions créto-mycéniennes, Sofia 1955, s.v. 92 Personennamen, p. 27, 156, 169. 93 C.J. RUIJGH, “Problémes de philologie mycénienne”, Minos 19 (1985), p. 151. 94 M. BUZALKOVSKA ALEKSOVA, “Is apocope in Mycenaean Greek possible?”, in Secondo Congresso,

p. 223. 95 J.T. KILLEN, “155 raccords de fragments dans les tablettes de Cnossos”, BCH 92 (1968), p. 120. The -

i ending is generally attested in names with non Greek origin, while Greek etymologies could perhaps be ascribed to some of these, the major problem in interpreting them lying in the fact that they are all short disyllabic names: cf. J.T KILLEN, “Names in -i on Knossos Tablets”, in Mykenaika, p. 351-363; A. MORPURGO DAVIES, “The morphology of personal names in Mycenaean and Greek: some observations”, in Floreant, p. 392-405.

96 DMic 1, p. 220-221. 97 A. B , “Mycenaean common nouns”, cit. (n. 79), p. 29; cf. DMic 2, p. 319; E. LANDENIUS-

ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 173. 98 C. VARIAS GARCIA, “La metodología”, cit. (n. 12), p. 364.

190 MATILDE CIVITILLO unknown in Greek99. Finally, wi-da-ma-ta2, while regarded as non-Greek by Billigmeier and Melena100, who suggest Anatolian cognates, notably for the prefix wi-da-, is explained by Baumbach, Ruijgh and Neumann101

Among non-Greek names, we find sa-mu-ta-jo

as a Greek compound, * , derived from Hom - - Wi-damantja/ from /*Wi-damatn-/.

102; sa-de-so103, which could be interpreted as a name in -so, one of the most characteristic survivals of the pre-Greek substrate, also occurring in Anatolian languages104; a possible feminine in -u (ru-nu105); and a probable name in -e (ze-me-(qe))106

Considering all the limitations outlined above, the high number of names of doubtful interpretation, and the possibility that the examined sample is biased by the fragmentary state of the documentation

.

107

99 P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Some observations”, cit. (n. 45), p. 12.

, the present overview suggests that it is

100 J.C. BILLIGMEIER, “An inquirity”, cit. (n. 56), p. 178; J.L. MELENA, “El testimonio del micénico a propósito de los nombres de las distintas fuerzas en Homero”, Emerita 44 (1976), p. 430; C. VARIAS GARCIA, “La metodología”, cit. (n. 12), p. 364 does not include this name among personal names with certain Greek etymology.

101 L. BAUMBACH, “The Personal Names”, cit. (n. 10), p. 277; Études, p. 276 and n. 25; G. NEUMANN, “Deutungsvorschläge zu mykenischen namen”, in Mikenaïka, p. 438-439; Idem, “Wertvorstellungen und Ideologie in den Personennamen der mykenischen Griechen” (Veröffentlichungen der Mykenischen Kommission, Bd. 15), AnzWien 131, 1995, p. 134.

102 C. VARIAS GARCIA, “The Personal Names”, cit. (n. 12), p. 367; Études, p. 225; DMic 2, p. 279. 103 E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 166. 104 P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Observations”, cit. (n. 11), p. 325. 105 For the interpretation as non-Greek name, cf. DMic 2, p. 270 and R.A. SANTIAGO, Nombres en -eus y

nombres en -u- en micénico. Contribucion al estudio del origen del sufijo -eus, Faventia monografies 6, Bellaterra 1987, p. 138.

106 For the name’s interpretation, cf. J.T. KILLEN, “Names in -e and -e-u in Mycenaean Greek” in Indo-European Perspectives: Studies in Honour of Anna Morpurgo Davies, J.H.W. Penney (ed.), Oxford 2004, p. 281-298.

107 Indeed, an analysis of the 9 personal names excluded from the present study for lack of clues regarding social status could change our overall picture of personal name distribution in the L-sets. ka-to-ro (gen.), occurring without a context on L 489 (208?), can't be linked undisputedly with other instances of the name: E. LANDENIUS-ENEGREN, People of Knossos, cit. (n. 6), p. 55. The name is generally interpreted as

- kas - DMic 1, p. 331 and A. HEUBECK, “Bemerkungen zu den mykenischen Personennamen (IV). 1. do-ri-ka-o, 2. e-ki-wo, 3. pu-wa-ne”, Beiträge zur Namenforschung 11 (1960), p. 2). zo-ta(-qe) (L 588, 103) is interpreted (DMic 2, p. 459) as * or * , corresponding, according to A. B (“Mycenaean common nouns”, cit. (n. 79), p. 129), to ko-pu-ra (FN? on L 593, L 5998, 103), belonging in all instances to the same individual, is explained by P.H. ILIEVSKI (“The suffix -ulo/a- in the Mycenaean personal names”, in Acta Mycenaea II, p. 275) as a diminutive in - Korpullas, related

HPN, p. 234. cf. also Personennamen, p. 73 and DMic 1, p. 380. te-jo (L 565) is interpreted by P. ILIEVSKI, “Interpretation”, cit. (n. 83), p. 300, as , while a Mycenaean spelling such as *te-i-jo would be expected, on the basis of the feminine te-i-ja. - -no- (L 759v.), if complete and interpreted as Poimanori (cf. ), could be a nickname meaning “shepherd” (A. B , “Mycenaean common nouns”, cit. (n. 79), p. 128, ). However J.T. KILLEN, “Names in -i”, cit. (n. 95), p. 353, proposes an interpretation of - -no- as an i-stem

ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE: ONCE AGAIN ON PERSONAL NAMES FROM KNOSSOS 191 impossible to recognize a meaningful distribution pattern of “Greek” and “non-Greek” names among the collectors, workshop supervisors and textile workers recorded in the L-tablets. Moreover, we can attach little significance to the presence among the anthroponyms of textile workers of a number of uninterpreted names, all but one hapax legomena (8 out of 25, namely a-po-te, ]ku-da-ra-ro, i-ku-tu-re, na-e-ra-ja, qe-pa-ta-no, ru-sa-ma, wa-wa-ka and *56-po-so), since these according to Ilievski are not necessarily non-Greek108. Thus, the onomastic pattern of L-sets seems not to match the picture of a clear-cut distribution pattern of Greek and non-Greek names among different social classes drawn by previous studies on textile tablets (Ln 1568 and Ap set)109

. Returning to Driessen’s question whether the concentration of Greek names is related to social status, we will have to conclude that, in the case of the L-tablets, no such correlation can be recognized. Moreover, regarding the question whether the increase over time of Greek personal names among the lower social classes could be significant from an historical point of view, we have to conclude that the L-series provides too little evidence to allow us to draw any conclusions; if, indeed, conclusions of any sort can be drawn from this kind of material.

personal name, while cautioning that the reading is highly uncertain. di-du-me (L 588), while interpreted as

- Memoires I, p. 200 n. 42; Études, p. 269 n. 172; DMic 1, p. 173), is interpreted as non-Greek by J.T. KILLEN (“Names in -e”, cit. (n. 106), p. 281-298) along with others names in -me mainly occurring at Knossos. The doublets di-du-me and di-du-mo on MY Oe 129.a and KN X 5751 could indeed represent the original non-Greek form and the same name with a more Greek-looking ending. Finally, Killen proposes a possible explanation as a non-Greek name for ]sa-me-u[ (L 455, 207; sa-me-we on TH Wu 59. - ), generally seen as a possible derivation from the ethnic adjective /Sameus/, from / C. PITEROS, J.-P. OLIVIER, J.L. MELENA, “Les inscriptions”, cit. (n. 28), p. 155), although “we cannot exclude that sa-me is an entirely non-Greek name whether containing

J.T. KILLEN, “Names in -e”, cit. (n. 106), p. 222-223). Finally, no possible explanation has been offered for ]ku-ta-mi (L 759v.) and ]jo-du-mi (L 698, 103) (cf., resp., DMic 1, p. 412 and DMic 1, p. 301).

108 P.H. ILIEVSKI, “Observations”, cit. (n. 11), p. 331; a similar situation to that observable for shepherds’ names on D- tablets: P.H. ILIEVSKI, ibidem, p. 337-338.

109 In his analysis of Ln 1568, C. VARIAS GARCIA (“La metodología”, cit. (n. 12), p. 364 and n. 43) observes a similar ratio of non-Greek to Greek names (6:2) to that indicated by L. BAUMBACH, (“The Personal Names”, cit. (n. 10), p. 273-278) for the Ap tablets (6:1), and thus comes to the same conclusions about the social composition of the Cretan population.

192 MATILDE CIVITILLO

Tav. I Anthroponyms in the L- sets belonging to individuals

whose status is generally accepted (40)

M/F: masculine/feminine G: Greek personal name NG: Non-Greek personal name UN: Uninterpreted personal name ?: Name of dubious interpretation

Collectors ko-ma-we-to (gen.), * ( )

M G Le 5629.3 (103). ko-ma-we, KN Dv 5278.B (117); -ma- [, KN X 9434.B; ko-ma-we-ta, KN B

618.2 (103); B 798.5 (107); ko-ma-we-te, KN C(2) 913.2 (112?); ko-ma-we-te[, KN Dk(1) 1049.a (120); ko-ma-we-to, KN Ap(1) 988.b, Dk(1) 920.a (120), Dv 1272.A (117), Dv 7176.a (117), Dv 8562.B (117); X 9711. PY An 519.10 (S657-H 1); Jn 750.9 (S310-H 2); PY Cn 925.1 (S925-H 1); PY Tn 316 v.3-.3a; TH Of 35.1 (303)

wi-jo-qo-ta-o (gen.), * -

M G Ld(1) 598.1 (116). wi-jo-qo-ta: KNDb 1305.B (117); Dq(3) 7852.a (217?). wi-jo-qo-ta-o: KN Dq(3) 1026.a (217)

we-we-si-jo M G Lc(1) 7392.B (103); Le 654.6 (103). we-we-si-jo, KN Da 1156.A (117); 1161.A (117); 1163.A (117); 1164.A (117); 1420.a (117); 8201.A, Db 1155.A (117); 1165.A (117); 1166.A (117); Dd 1579.A (117); De 1151.A (117); Dg 1158.A (117); Dv 1169.A (117); 1430.A (117); 1607.A (117); 5075.A (117); 5989.A (117); PY Jn 431.18 (S310-H 2); 658.2 (S658-H 21); 725.3 (S310-H 2). we-we-si-jo[ KN Ak(2) 9173.1; we-]we-si- [ (108), Dv 8241. ]we-we-si-jo[, KN L (9) 7396 (213?); X9606. we-we-si-jo-jo, KN Ak(2) 622.1 (108); Da 1162.a (117); Db 1159.A (117); 1160.A (117); 1168.A (117); 1344.A (117); 1464.A (117); Dc 1154.A (117); 1167.A (117); Dd 1157.A (117); De 1152.A (117); 1153.A (117); 1648.A (117); Dv 1509.A (117); Od 502.b; X 453.1 (138?); 7759; 8196

ku-ru-so-no (gen.), M Deriving from a NG word understandable in Greek

KN Lc(2) 504.B (113) (nom. on X 1014 (-)?)

te-ra-po-si-jo[, (-

M Deriving from a NG word understandable in Greek

KN Lc 446. te-ra-po-si-jo on Da 1314.a (117); Db 1263.A (117); De 1361.A (117); 1371.A (117); Dv 1439.a (117)

ETHNICITY AND LANGUAGE: ONCE AGAIN ON PERSONAL NAMES FROM KNOSSOS 193 e-me-si-jo-jo (gen.) M NG (Hellenized?) e-me-si-jo, KN De 1381.A (117); e-me-si-jo-jo,

KN E 843.1 (102); 7338: e-]me-si-jo-jo Lc(1) 551.B (103), L(1) 8159.b (]e-me- -jo-jo) (103), X 35

]we-ri-jo-jo (=i-se-we-ri-jo-jo) (gen.)

M NG (Hellenized?) KN B 798.11 (107); Dd 5105.B (117); L(3) 473.B (207); ]we-ri-jo, KN Dv 9600.a (117); X 8625.b; ] -ri-jo-jo, KN Lc(2) 7377 (= 507).B (113)

Workshop supervisors e-ta-wo-ne-we (dat.) (+pa-ro), *

M Ethnic ( ) e-ta-wo-ne: KN Ld(1) 591.2 (116); (1) 5607.2 (116?); Xe 5540.A(103); 7711.b; 8291.1 (103). e-ta- [-ne-?: KN Xe 7850.2 (103). e-ta-wo-ne-u, PY An 519.7 (S657-H 1); Aq 64.13 (S64-H 21). e-ta-wo-ne-we KN Ld(1) 584.2 (116). e-ta-wo-ne-wo KN L 695.1a (103)

qo-u-qo-ta (+ ]pi, o-pi?), w w

M G KN L(4) 480.b (208)

re-wa-jo (dat.) (+pa-ro), *

M G KN L 871.a (114?)

ma-tu- (dat.) (+o-pi),

F G? KN Ln 1568 lat. inf.b (103)

po-po, (+o-pi) ?

M/F G? KN Ln 1568.2b (103); L(5) 513.b (209); (1) 567.1 (103); (1) 648.b (103); Od (1) 689.b (103); Xe524.1 (103)

(o-pi-)si-ri-ja-we (“chez Siriaus”)

M G? KN Lc 646.A (103); L 8105.a (103)

no-si-ro (+pa-ro) M/F Generally interpreted as NG

KN As (1) 603.1 (103) (masculine); Ln 1568.5 (103) (feminine?)

po-ni-ke-ja (dat.) (+o-pi)

F Deriving from a word of NG origin understandable in Greek

KN Ln 1568 lat. inf.b (103)

Textile workers ra-su-ti-jo M Ethnic

(* KN L(9) 761 (213)

ru-ki-ti-ja F Ethnic ( ) KN Ln 1568.1b (103); Xd <314> ("124"?)

a-pa-i-ti-jo, **

M Theophoric deriving from a word of NG origin

KN L 588.1 (-)

(ku-su-)a-ta-o, * h M G KN L 698.2 (103). cf. a-ta-o: PY An 340 (S129-H 22), Fn 324.12 (S324-Ciii), Jn 431.23 (S310-H 2). a-ta-o-jo on PY Vn 34.5 (Ciii)

194 MATILDE CIVITILLO a3-ka-ra, F G KN L(1) 567.2 (103)

di-*65-pa-ta, - F G KN Ln 1568.2b (103)

ru-si(-qe) M G KN L 588.1 (-)

a-qo-ta, * * -w , */Am-khw /?

M G? KN L 588.2 (-)

e-ni, * M G? KN L(3) 593.B (103); (2) 647.B (103); (2) 5910.1 (103); (2) 5924.B (103); (2) 5961.1 (103); (2) 5998.B (103). cf. e-ni, PY Xa 1342.2 (Ciii)

ko-re-wo, F G? KN Ln 1568.2b (103)

]o-pe-te-wo(-qe),* * ?

M G? o-pe-te-we: KN So 4447 (129?); ]o-pe-te-wo-qe: KN L(2) 593.Aa (103)

wi-da-ma-ta2 -damantja

F G/NG? KN Ap 639.9 (103); Ln 1568.1b (103)

ta-su F G/NG? KN Ln 1568.2b (103)

sa-mu-ta-jo M NG KN L 520.3 (-); PY Jn 389.4 (S310-H 2); Vn 865.3 (Ci); MY V 662.3 (61)

ru-nu F NG? KN Ln 1568.4b (103)

sa-de-so M NG? KN L868.b (-)

ze-me(-qe) M NG? KN L 588.1 (-)

a-po-te M UN KN Le 641.1 (103)

i-ku-tu-re

; Od(1) 562.3 (103)

M UN KN L 588.1 (-)

]ku-da-ra-ro M UN KN L 523.b (-)

na-e-ra-ja F UN KN Ln 1568.3b (103)

qe-pa-ta-no F UN KN Ln 1568.3b (103)

ru-sa-ma F UN KN Ln 1568.3b (103)

wa-wa-ka F UN KN Ln 1568.1b (103); cf. wa-wa-ko in TH Av 102.1.

*56-po-so F UN KN Ln 1568.1b (103)