civil society empowerment in india and pakistan - columbia sipa capstone report

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CIVIL SOCIETIES: EMPOWERING PEACE CONSTITUENCIES IN INDIA & PAKISTAN SPRING 2015 CAPSTONE PROJECT Presented to the US Department of State Authored by: Michele Bornstein Reece Garre Johnson Shahrzad Mohtadi Sarah Park Benjamin Weiss Advised by: Dr. Vishakha Desai Professor of Pracce, Columbia SIPA Shehzi Khan US Department of State

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CIVIL SOCIETIES: EMPOWERING PEACE CONSTITUENCIES IN INDIA & PAKISTAN

SPRING 2015 CAPSTONE PROJECTPresented to the US Department of State

Authored by:

Michele Bornstein

Reece Garrett Johnson

Shahrzad Mohtadi

Sarah Park

Benjamin Weiss

Advised by:

Dr. Vishakha Desai

Professor of Practice, Columbia SIPA

Shehzi Khan

US Department of State

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The following report was prepared by a team of graduate students from the School of International and

Public Affairs (SIPA) at Columbia University for the US Department of State. While the team consulted with

the State Department and other government agencies to produce this publication, the views expressed by

the authors are their own and do not reflect the views of the project's advisors, the US government, or

Columbia University.

We would like to thank those individuals who have shared their valuable knowledge and expertise. We

would especially like to thank our faculty advisor, Professor Vishakha Desai; her decades of experience

working to create understanding and promote South Asian culture have proven indispensable throughout

this process. We would also like to thank Shehzi Khan for her dedication to this issue and her interest in our

work, and Professor John H. Gill of the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies for his thoughtful

review and comments on an earlier draft of this report. Lastly, we are grateful to the many experts and civil

society leaders, particularly those in India and Pakistan, who took the time to speak with us about this very

important issue.

COVER PHOTO

"Attari-Wagah Border Ceremony" by Ronald Wogan / CC-BY-NC 2.0

Table of Contents

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................................................................... i

SECTION I: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................................ 1

A. Bilateral HIstorical Context ....................................................................................................................................... 1

B. Objectives .................................................................................................................................................................. 1

C. Methodology .............................................................................................................................................................. 2

SECTION II: CIVIL SOCIETY PEACE EFFORTS ........................................................................................................................ 3

A. General History .......................................................................................................................................................... 3

B. Sectoral Analysis ........................................................................................................................................................ 4

1. Culture & Arts ........................................................................................................................................................ 4

2. Human Rights & Women ....................................................................................................................................... 6

3. Kashmir .................................................................................................................................................................. 8

4. Security & Defense............................................................................................................................................... 10

5. Trade & Business .................................................................................................................................................. 13

6. Water .................................................................................................................................................................... 15

7. Youth & Education ............................................................................................................................................... 17

C. Promising Pathways for Engagement ..................................................................................................................... 19

SECTION III: COMPREHENSIVE FINDINGS & RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................................................. 22

A. Findings .................................................................................................................................................................... 22

B. Recommendations ................................................................................................................................................... 23

SECTION IV: CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................................ 28

APPENDICES ...................................................................................................................................................................... 29

APPENDIX 1: REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................................... 29

RESEARCH BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................................................ 29

INTERVIEWS .............................................................................................................................................................. 33

APPENDIX 2: ORGANIZATIONS .................................................................................................................................... 35

ABBREVIATIONS

AJK Azad Kashmir and Jammu and Kashmir

AJKWP AJK Women for Peace

CDR Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation

CII Confederation of Indian Industries

CTED United Nations Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate

DPG Delhi Policy Group

FICCI Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry

ICRIER Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations

J&K Jammu and Kashmir

KIIR Kashmir Institute for International Relations

LoC Line of Control

NSC National Security Council

NDMA Non-Discriminatory Market Access

NGO Nongovernmental Organization

PIPFD Pakistan-India People’s Forum for Peace and Democracy

PPC Pakistan Peace Coalition

SAARC South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation

SAHR South Asians for Human Rights

SAPHF South Asian Public Health Forum

SEZ Special Economic Zone

SOP Seeds of Peace

SDPI Sustainable Development Policy Institute

UN United Nations

USAID United States Agency for International Development

WIPSA Women’s Initiatives for Peace in South Asia

WISCOMP Women in Security, Conflict Management, and Peace

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

For the better part of seven decades, the relationship between India and Pakistan has been marked by

violence and mistrust. Yet while the two governments continue to exchange fire and trade fiery words,

numerous Indian and Pakistani individuals and organizations have been working to improve relations

between their two countries. Through literary festivals, trade expositions, youth exchanges, Track Two

dialogues, capacity-building workshops, civil society summits, and countless other initiatives, Indians and

Pakistanis have sought to create connections, affect policy, and lay the groundwork for better relations.

This report, Civil Societies: Empowering Peace Constituencies in India and Pakistan, examines these

initiatives and provides a blueprint for international actors, including governments, foundations, think tanks

and academic institutions, looking to understand and assist in these endeavors.

Civil Societies aims to equip ongoing and future peacebuilding efforts with the tools needed to thrive

outside the closed doors and elite circles that incubated many such initiatives in the past; to find new,

innovative, and lasting ways of mobilizing civil society and the broader Indian and Pakistani publics; and to

help seed a more compelling narrative about the future of India-Pakistan relations.

Research and Findings

Through a review of existing scholarly literature and media coverage of past and present-day civil society-

led normalization initiatives, dozens of interviews with leading policy experts, academics and government

officials, and in-depth conversations with seasoned practitioners in each country who have led

peacebuilding efforts, we have endeavored to compile a broad history of non-governmental activity and a

map of current initiatives to determine what has worked, what has not worked, and where untried

pathways can emerge for organizations and individuals committed to enhancing the India-Pakistan

relationship.

Civil society-led peacebuilding is not a panacea; measurable results and tangible policy outcomes stemming

from such efforts are notoriously hard to come by, and non-governmental—and often foreign-funded—

efforts are viewed by some with deep suspicion. Yet our research shows that with a longer view, civil

society-led initiatives can help to build trust and temper adversarial narratives across borders. In a handful

of cases, these efforts may even help effect changes in policy and create meaningful linkages that can—

should the Indian and Pakistani governments reconcile their differences—provide a durable platform for

peace and prevent slippage into past hostilities.

In Section III, our report sheds light on successful and promising cross-border civil society initiatives in a

variety of sectors that share the following characteristics: 1) Sustainability: initiatives with the resources

and expertise to nourish cross-border, people-to-people interactions over many years; 2) Coordination: the

ability to marshal disparate knowledge, resources, and access to decision-makers and adapt to fluctuations

in official India-Pakistan ties; 3) Accessibility: connecting participants—often hamstrung by rigid visa

regimes—through technology, more democratic participation, and gatherings at “neutral” sites; 4)

Collaboration: linking groups in various sectors to enable the sharing of best practices and expertise across

sectors, the potential pooling of resources, and the opportunity for wider knowledge dispersal; and 5)

Publicity: leveraging media and digital technologies to engage broader swaths of the Indian and Pakistani

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publics. Many of these findings pertain to peacebuilding activity specifically in the fields of arts and culture,

economics and trade, human rights, Kashmir, security, and youth, among several other sectors, each of

which we analyze in Section II.

Recommendations

The aforementioned characteristics, further detailed in Section III, are instructive for international actors—

academic institutions, foundations, governments, think tanks, and others—looking to support ongoing

normalization efforts. While involvement of international actors in this conflict is particularly sensitive, for

reasons detailed later in this report, many civil society practitioners welcome the support of international

institutions. To that end, in Section II, we offer sector-specific recommendations for organizations looking

to boost their effectiveness and international players looking to engage, following which we suggest a

series of additional areas for potential India-Pakistan civil-society collaboration, including health, energy,

and the environment. In Section III, we propose a number of programmatic and policy-oriented

recommendations we believe could impact normalization activity more broadly. Some of those

recommendations include:

A “design thinking” and strategy forum for Indian and Pakistani non-governmental leaders from a

variety of sectors to convene and jointly resource bold and fresh peacebuilding campaigns;

A digital capacity initiative creating an online clearinghouse for civil society-led activity, enabling

organizations and observers to stay apprised of current initiatives in a way that facilitates

knowledge-sharing and provides an outlet for related narrative-shaping commentary;

A technical expertise hub linking Indian and Pakistani civil society practitioners with technical

experts from third countries to cultivate innovative policy ideas, provide specialized expertise, and

offer mediation capacity; and

Multi-media workshops aiming to improve publicity and media capabilities for peace constituents

as a means of aiding mass mobilization and boosting visibility.

The impact of civil society-led initiatives may be difficult to quantify, but historical experience in places like

Northern Ireland and South Africa shows that these efforts can be immensely valuable in building trust

among conflicted publics, changing narratives about longtime adversaries, creating space for dialogue

around difficult issues, and laying the groundwork for robust ties between communities on both sides of a

disputed border. In some cases, widespread public support for change has even nudged governments to

reconcile their differences and pursue peace. This report aims to provide international actors the context

necessary to evaluate ongoing civil society-led peacebuilding activity, as well as a guide for those looking to

bolster the efforts of the many courageous Indians and Pakistanis who work tirelessly to improve relations

between their two countries.

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SECTION I: INTRODUCTION

A. BILATERAL HISTORICAL CONTEXT

For nearly 70 years, India and Pakistan have been in conflict. Since declaring their independence in 1947,

the two countries have fought four wars. Indian and Pakistani leaders regularly trade threats, and they have

come dangerously close to exchanging nuclear weapons while, to this day, bullets continue to fly between

their two militaries in the disputed region of Kashmir. Further, Indian and Pakistani tensions have spilled

well beyond their own disputed borders, with proxy battles taking place in Afghanistan and conflicts over

economics and resources stretching into the Arabian Sea, the Persian Gulf, and further afield. International

actors like China, Russia, and the United States have all at times taken sides and remain important actors in

this enduring dispute.

The causes of these tensions are numerous and hotly debated; clashes over identity, religion, strategic and

resource concerns, Kashmir, colonial legacies, and international meddling all bear varying degrees of

responsibility. Yet this is a momentous time in South Asia. Major shifts are underway: a revitalized

partnership between India and the United States; Pakistan’s invigorated focus on combating terrorism;

dramatic changes to the US presence in Afghanistan; and the rise of a more assertive China.

Dialogue between India and Pakistan has come in fits and starts, often derailed by external events and

forces opposed to reconciliation. The Kargil Conflict in 1999, the attack on India’s parliament in 2001, and

the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks have all served to scuttle official peace talks. Yet new efforts and

overtures are underway. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi invited Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz

Sharif to his swearing-in ceremony in May, and Indian officials visited Islamabad in March for talks.

In the midst of these sporadic government-to-government efforts, individuals and NGOs have been working

for decades to improve ties and keep the lines of communication open between the two countries. This has

taken the form of trade and business missions, Track Two dialogues, arts and cultural exchanges, youth and

education initiatives, and even cricket diplomacy. Perhaps more than ever before, the expansive space of

civil society is needed to help stabilize a volatile India-Pakistan relationship, and such a space need not be

defined by the strict parameters of discussions at the official level. Civil society's flexibility and transnational

reach can help define innovative spaces and new fora for engagement, but this cannot be accomplished

without first understanding the history and terrain of past and current peace efforts.

B. OBJECTIVES

1. Identify the persistent peace advocates and processes on a sector-by-sector basis to provide an

overall terrain for high- and low-potential engagement.

2. Evaluate the historical longevity, impact, and constraints of civil society peace initiatives through

sector-based research, literature reviews, and interviews with experts and NGO leaders.

3. Identify common successes and constraints that inform the need for broad, innovative pathways of

engagement addressing issues of civil society capacity, longevity, and visibility.

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4. Propose recommendations to address unmet needs between India and Pakistan and to create

synergies between international actors and on-the-ground civil society organizations.

C. METHODOLOGY

In order to understand the context of the India-Pakistan relationship, we first conducted research to gain a

more nuanced understanding of the current situation between the two countries, including a review of past

civil society peace efforts. The second phase of our research consisted of interviews with US-based scholars

and government officials to enhance our broad historical outlook as well as to flesh out the perception,

role, and limitations of US involvement (see Appendix 1). We met with US government officials from the

National Security Council and the Department of State’s India Desk, Pakistan Desk, Office of the Special

Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the Secretary of State's Policy Planning Staff. For the final

phase of our research, we took a sector-based approach to map out the present terrain of civil society

peace efforts in India and Pakistan (see Appendix 2). In this process, mostly informed by interviews with on-

the-ground NGO leaders, we analyzed the common areas of success and failure to inform our sector-

specific recommendations, as well as our overall findings and comprehensive recommendations.

In undertaking this project, several constraints are notable that are both logistical and substantive in

nature: 1) Logistics: The research reflected in this report was conducted from the United States and

consisted of material and interviews collected only in English; 2) Scope: In both India and Pakistan, there

are a plethora of organizations across many sectors working to improve ties but insufficient time to

interview leaders from all of them. The sectors and experts chosen are therefore meant to be illustrative

rather than comprehensive; 3) Findings: The information collected is in the form of interviews and

literature reviews with varying degrees of agreement on the nature of the India-Pakistan relationship and

role/potential of civil society peace efforts. Therefore, the analysis reflected in this report navigates the

often competing views offered by the range of individuals interviewed; and 4) Recommendations: This

report strives to offer innovative recommendations, yet we acknowledge that this conflict is deeply

entrenched, and no one strategy will solve seven decades’ worth of conflict.

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SECTION II: CIVIL SOCIETY PEACE EFFORTS

A. GENERAL HISTORY

Civil society has a long and important history in shaping the political contours of South Asia as early as the

nineteenth century starting with the Indian independence movement. Since Partition, countless groups

have sought to establish ties across the India-Pakistan border and to shape debates around key political

issues and disputes. As the longtime Pakistani peace activist B.M. Kutty has written, groups of Indian and

Pakistani scholars worked to raise awareness in the 1970s over the dangers of nuclear proliferation;

journalists and intellectuals gathered in Karachi in 1984 to discuss a range of political issues; and in 1990,

eminent academics, after drafting joint statements relating to the prospects of war between India and

Pakistan, shared mutual concerns with India’s then-prime minister Rajiv Gandhi (Kutty 2004). The South

Asian Regional Dialogue, launched in 1991, was a key effort, which brought leading cultural figures

together for several years in different South Asian cities to explore new approaches to a host of political

and social issues (2004). Such elite activism along issue-based and sectoral lines continues to this day—the

Jinnah Institute and Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation’s series of Delhi and Islamabad Dialogues is one

prominent example. We examine recent sector-based efforts in Section II.

One of the first broad-based and multi-sector initiatives was the Pakistan-India People’s Forum for Peace

and Democracy (PIPFPD), first convened in 1994. The forum drew from different sectors and disciplines,

advocating for enhanced business relations, environmental awareness, arts and literature exchanges, and

youth involvement in the peace process. Similarly, the Pakistan Peace Coalition (PPC) convened a large,

multi-sector conference in 1999 in Karachi to enhance collaboration among peace groups. The Pakistan-

India People’s Solidarity Conference, inaugurated in 2001 by the PPC and the Coalition for Nuclear

Disarmament and Peace, is another prominent example. More specialized efforts have taken place as well,

including the Indian-Pakistani Soldiers Initiative for Peace—which hosts smaller-scale annual conferences

of retired military figures—and the Women’s Initiative for Peace in South Asia—which has enabled women

from both India and Pakistan to lend their voices to peace efforts, including in meetings with Pakistan’s

prime minister and top-ranking Indian officials (Kutty 2004).

The efforts described above, while by no means an exhaustive list, illustrate the most visible examples of

coordinated, cross-border civil society peace efforts. Yet one key observation is in order: there is notable

lack of publicity, institutional memory, and online presence for all of these initiatives. For such important

and seminal gatherings—especially PIPFPD that is the most enduring effort of its kind—to lack functional,

central sources of information is remarkable. A peace initiative that is instructive for bucking this trend is

South Asians for Human Rights (SAHR). Convening in Nepal that is a neutral party to the India-Pakistan

dispute, and taking advantage of a multilateral South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)

context, SAHR continues to both garner and respond to media headlines. As such, it might be a useful

model for active and responsive online efforts in the future. Yet collectively, all of these initiatives—while

each is successful in its own right—suggest the need for enhanced publicity and online capacity, as well as

the need for coordinated lobbying and advocacy that incorporates larger swaths of the general public.

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B. SECTORAL ANALYSIS

1. CULTURE AND ARTS

Cultural exchanges enhance mutual understanding by changing perceptions and increasing people-to-

people contacts. Despite a volatile bilateral relationship, cultural diplomacy between the two countries has

thrived, making this sector a promising—even if indirect—way of building a durable platform for peace. As

part of our research, we looked at the following four sub-sectors that have been more active and consistent

in their efforts: news media, fine arts, literature, and performing arts.

Notable Initiatives

Aman ki Asha (News Media): Aman ki Asha is a joint campaign for peace between the Jang Group

of Pakistan and the Times of India Group, the two leading media companies of India and Pakistan.

With a focus on changing perceptions of Indians and Pakistani, Aman ki Asha’s campaigns include: 1)

Milne Do (“Let People Meet”), an advocacy campaign for an improved visa regime; 2) Water is Life,

a conference on India-Pakistan water issues; and 3) Dividends, an India-Pakistan business

conference.

Joint Exhibitions and Galleries (Fine Arts): My East is Your West (2015) is an example of a joint

Indian-Pakistani exhibit that is being displayed at the upcoming Venice Biennale. Galleries featuring

Indian and Pakistani artists include: Experimenter (Kolkata); Latitude 28 (New Delhi); Nature Morte

(New Delhi); Project 88 (Mumbai); Lakeeren (Mumbai); Jahveri Contemporary (Mumbai); and

ArtChowk (Karachi).

Lahore Literary Festival and Jaipur Literature Festival (Literature): With a wide range of audiences,

the annual Lahore Literary Festival and Jaipur Literature Festival celebrate both Indian and Pakistani

authors and feature panels discussing India-Pakistan relations.

Tehrik-e-Niswan and Ajoka Theatre (Performing Arts): Tehrik-e-Niswan and Ajoka Theatre (est.

1983) are Pakistani dance and theater groups that perform in India and promote exchanges

between Indian and Pakistani performers. Ajoka’s Theatre for Peace program, for example, allows

Indian and Pakistani theater groups and institutions to collaborate on productions, festivals, and

workshops. Both groups work closely with their partners in India, such as Manch Rangmanch, Virsa

Vihar, and the Indian Council for Cultural Relations.

Lessons Learned

Within the cultural sector, success is defined mainly as changing the way Indians and Pakistanis perceive

each other. However, it is difficult to quantify changing perceptions, and changing perceptions (in the first

place) requires patience. In the long term, success will likely hinge on the following areas:

Collaboration: Joint efforts between both countries are more effective in changing perceptions on

both sides. As an example, Aman ki Asha is an initiative premised on joint ownership among Indians

and Pakistanis. While unilateral efforts are just as important, they may lack access or the resources

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to influence perceptions on both sides. The Pakistan-based Ajoka Theatre and Tehrik-e-Niswan, for

example, depend on their Indian partners and take advantage of the considerable interest among

Indians in Pakistani performing arts.

Funding: Based on interviews with civil society organizations, we discovered that some efforts are

not self-sustainable due to limited funding. Most of the ongoing initiatives receive funding from

international or third-party actors, including the US Department of State and USAID; for Aman ki

Asha, the majority of its funding comes from the Jang Group in Pakistan and the Times of India.

Presence and Publicity: Media outlets and arts are co-dependent in terms of visibility. In the case

of Aman ki Asha, it would have been unlikely to succeed without the Daily Jang’s daily circulation of

800,000 and readership of over 7 million (Jang Group of Newspapers), and the Times of India’s daily

circulation of 4 million (Publicitas 2014). As leading media companies, the Jang Group and the

Times of India have substantial leverage in terms of publicizing cross-border efforts to the public.

Evaluation: Consistent surveys of Indians and Pakistani are key to evaluating the effectiveness of

these initiatives. The Jang Group and the Times of India, for example, conducted independent

surveys before and after launching Aman ki Asha. According to these surveys, 87 percent of

Pakistanis and 74 percent of Indians felt that the campaign has helped create greater awareness

about the core issues regarding India-Pakistan relations (Hasan 2011). Desire for peace with

Pakistan among Indians increased from 50 to 74 percent (ibid.). Two-thirds of people surveyed felt

that peace was attainable in their lifetimes, up 35 percent since the launch of Aman ki Asha (ibid.).

Recommendations

In looking to lay the groundwork for improved ties between India and Pakistan, international actors,

including governments, foundations and think tanks, might consider:

Providing long-term project-based grants: International actors, including the US Department of

State and USAID, should continue providing long-term project-based grants to culture and arts

organizations in order to encourage sustainability, but without leaving a large footprint.

Coordinating training for smaller and newer organizations: Well-established and experienced

organizations could provide arts-based consulting and capacity building training to smaller and

newer organizations that encourage cross-border arts collaboration. Lincoln Center Global, for

example, is an initiative that provides art-based consulting to institutions and governments looking

to expand artistic presence in cities.

Projecting existing civil society efforts: As part of broader public and cultural diplomacy efforts,

there should be a deliberate effort by dignitaries and diplomatic missions to highlight and bring

visibility to arts-based peace initiatives in India and Pakistan. The diplomatic corps of each country

could jointly resource something resembling the United Nations Concert for Pakistan, but

specifically pertaining to India-Pakistan cultural heritage.

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2. HUMAN RIGHTS & WOMEN

Human rights must be understood as a broad synergy of complementary civil society efforts between India

and Pakistan. Of particular note are women’s initiatives that have historically been considered less

threatening to the status quo and that have benefitted from significant cross-border interactions during

times of both relative calm and heightened bilateral tension. One extraordinary example of this is the

Women’s Initiative for Peace in South Asia (WIPSA) that organized a multi-track “women’s bus for peace” in

1999-2000, not long after the Kargil conflict (Sewak 2004, 122). Thus, even when formal lines of

communication have been put under pressure, women have successfully mobilized across borders to keep

the broader dialogue open.

Notable Initiatives

The following organizations and initiatives have been carefully chosen for their work in areas that enhance

cross-border NGO linkages, capacity building, as well as people-to-people networks:

Delhi Policy Group (DPG): In addition to its Women in Peacemaking Program, DPG has had a

successful multilateral approach to women and peacebuilding that included the SAARC South Asian

Charter for Peace.

Centre for Dialogue & Reconciliation (CDR): CDR organized the first intra-Kashmiri women's

conference in 2007, and since that point, has convened a Cross-LoC Women's Dialogue in 2011,

2012, and possibly as recently as 2014.

Feminist Publishing: Women's publishing houses such as Zubaan Books and Women Unlimited

have wide-ranging experience in facilitating people-to-people interactions between India and

Pakistan. They also possess considerable expertise in publicity that makes them ripe for further

collaboration.

Sangat (Jagori): A project of the Delhi-based women's rights organization Jagori, Sangat is a South

Asian feminist network that is a continuation of the UN Food and Agricultural Organization's NGO

South Asia Programme. Sangat is notable primarily for its month-long capacity building courses.

Shirkat Gah Women's Resource Center: The Pakistan-based Shirkat Gah was the organizer of the

groundbreaking Women's Action Forum in the 1980s and, since then, has demonstrated a

consistent record of regional engagement and NGO collaboration.

Women in Security, Conflict Management, and Peace (WISCOMP): WISCOMP seeks to cultivate

non-traditional approaches to peace and security. Its annual Conflict Transformation Workshop

focuses on training third-generation men and women between India and Pakistan in peacebuilding.

Its Diplomacy Initiative also focuses on encouraging synergies between civil society and Track One

diplomacy efforts among women diplomats and parliamentarians.

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Lessons Learned

As a whole, human rights as a category may suffer from its own dilution into separate sub-categories of

NGO advocacy, giving rise to initiatives that may only indirectly target peace between India and Pakistan.

The most vibrant area of peace-related activity is likely in the synergy of women's rights, peace, and

security. On this front, there are a growing number of organizations that target both national and cross-

border enhancement of women’s status, or which otherwise try to mobilize women to bring human rights

and peacebuilding issues into broader social and political consciousness.

Voice: The impact of cross-border women's initiatives is constrained by the unwillingness of

bureaucratically entrenched individuals and institutions to listen. Even while multi-track processes

have either been initiated by women's groups or have incorporated them (such as efforts by CDR),

and while some initiatives have shown impressive convening power, our interviews suggest their

lasting impact in terms of India-Pakistan relations is on the level of informal people-to-people

interaction. Women's voices are not present enough at the official level of negotiation.

Synergy: Women's groups share much in common across borders and thus develop natural

synergies with each other and with other human rights and peace-oriented NGOs. These synergies

transcend ethnic, class, and caste boundaries and have been mobilized most strongly around

campaigns opposed to violence and religious extremism. Women's issues have thus incubated

many India-Pakistan peace initiatives over the last three decades that have varying degrees of

longevity, as well as many other cross-border interactions on issues that aren't the exclusive

domain of women such as the environment, security, conflict resolution, education, and NGO

capacity building.

Access: Some of our interviews suggest women's groups may be subject to fewer restrictions on

cross-border travel compared to other peace efforts, although visa restrictions remain an issue

common to all such initiatives. A notable example of this is in Kashmir, where women were

exceptionally proactive in initial cross-border dialogues even in the midst of changing and unstable

security dynamics. Women's issues might be considered less contentious in nature and thus cross-

border efforts enjoy a relative laxity in scope and access. Supporting such efforts may therefore be

one of the best opportunities for sustained cross-border engagement.

Capacity: Even despite their tremendous successes, women's NGOs and peace initiatives could

benefit from strengthened online capacity and publicity. For example, the status of WIPSA that

organized or supported some of the most visible India-Pakistan peace initiatives is unclear. Despite

evidence of continued activity at least as recently as 2013, the initiative appears to have no official

online presence. Relatedly, when cross-border initiatives taper off, a lack of expertise and capacity

has been cited by some experts as the central reason for their failure, particularly if these cross-

border efforts are remote or have limited operating space for civil society in general (e.g. Kashmir).

Some women’s initiatives that possess certain longevity stem from larger organizations or think

tanks that are able to provide the capacity and expertise necessary to renew these initiatives year

after year.

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Recommendations

International NGO partnerships. Women's groups supporting India-Pakistan peace initiatives could

benefit from more international partnerships to ensure their long-term sustainability. For example,

Zubaan Books organized three major programs on partition with the Heinrich Boll Foundation.

Facilitate religious dialogue. Militancy, violence, and extremism occur in proportion to the loss of

religious pluralism, particularly in Pakistan. Facilitating more visible and open dialogue between

women of different faiths, as well as between women's groups and prominent religious schools

such as Barelvi and Deoband, could do much to strengthen the operating space of women's NGOs

in Pakistan that must contend with entrenched religious attitudes.

3. KASHMIR

Despite being untouchable from a security and sovereignty perspective, Azad Kashmir and Jammu and

Kashmir (henceforth AJK) have been the focal point of significant but small-scale cross-border peace,

reconciliation, and economic initiatives since February 2004 when comprehensive peace talks were

committed to by Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf.

While there is a widespread desire to strengthen an intra-Kashmir dialogue process on both sides, NGO

efforts have not always proven sustainable. Track Two initiatives by the Centre for Dialogue and

Reconciliation, the Jinnah Institute, the Delhi Policy Group, and Pugwash in the United States have all

sought to strengthen the free movement of trade and people, but have also encountered obstacles that

undermine the incentives, capacity, and longevity of intra-Kashmir trade and peace initiatives.

Notable Initiatives

AJK Women for Peace (AJKWP): AJKWP participated in the Cross-LoC Dialogues and is one of the

few homegrown women's organizations AJK that is looking to sustain the dialogue process.

Organizations such as this could benefit from more external support.

Delhi Policy Group: The Delhi Policy Group has undertaken a number of efforts in AJK including the

Civil Society Dialogue and, in cooperation with the Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation, Intra-

Kashmiri Dialogues from 2003-2005.

Centre for Dialogue & Reconciliation (CDR): With support from the European Union, CDR has

conducted comprehensive Track Two dialogue processes, including the current India & Pakistan

Dialogue on Regional Peace and Stability, alongside a number of other initiatives including the

India-Pakistan Trade Dialogue and India-Pakistan Water Dialogue. In past years, it conducted the

Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) Inter-Community Dialogue, J&K Youth Leadership Programme, Cross-LoC

Women's Dialogue, and Cross-LoC Civil Society Dialogue.

Kashmir Institute for International Relations (KIIR): With a particular emphasis on faith-based

reconciliation in AJK, KIIR is involved in capacity building and conflict resolution efforts and has a

consistent record of collaboration with international NGOs including the US Institute of Peace.

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Jammu and Kashmir Joint Chamber of Commerce and Industry: This cross-LoC joint chamber is

likely essential for the long-term prospects of intra-Kashmiri trade. It plays a role in advocacy,

lobbying, and publicity for all cross-LoC trade matters and consists of businesses and trade groups

from both sides, yet faces significant problems in terms of capacity and coordination (Yusuf 2009).

Lessons Learned

Confidence-building measures which have limited effect on trade in the short-term may also have

unpredictably positive effects in the future in terms of the operating space of civil society in general, which

may make trade the most essential component of an intra-Kashmir reconciliation process. The following

lessons about intra-Kashmir trade are notable:

Trade Optimism: A study being conducted between the Indus Research Foundation and the Centre

for Peace, Development, and Reforms has analyzed the potential for cross-LoC trade to enhance

ties and peace initiatives. It found that as many as 60 percent of traders on both sides are

interested in establishing confidence-building measures that facilitate trade and tourism. Despite

the significant hurdles, cross-LoC trade has created a new but limited frontier of economic

opportunity, with an estimated 10,000 employment opportunities created as of 2011 (IRF 2012).

Trade Pessimism: Most problematic for intra-Kashmir processes is that there is not a clear

advantage to trade between the two regions despite the relatively high optimism that exists for it

among Kashmiri business owners. Since both Azad Kashmir and Jammu and Kashmir produce

similar goods (mostly textile and food), neither side really has a comparative advantage that could

justify the high entry costs for cross-border market access.

Symbolism over Substance: Capacity building measures to facilitate trade are regarded by many as

“more *of+ a symbolic affair” since infrastructural problems with cross-LoC trade are more

substantial than any symbolic gesture is equipped to solve (Akhtar 2012, 21). Aside from the limited

number of items that are considered tradable goods, there is a lack of proper communication links

and banking facilities to make trade worth the already significant market entry costs. There are

some indications that Delhi and Islamabad are even actively discouraging such trade because of

competition with Indian and Pakistani traders outside the region (2012, 24).

Women & Capacity: As with many other issue-areas, women in AJK have proven important for

keeping dialogue processes open even in the midst of changing political circumstances and security

dynamics. However, as with other peace initiatives in the region, women's initiatives rely heavily on

external support without enough on-the-ground capacity or expertise. The women's initiatives

started by CDR have not been sustained in recent years, and institutional support for intra-Kashmir

dialogues from Delhi-based think tanks or international NGOs will therefore be essential for the

short- and long-term.

Recommendations

Indirect support for third-party actors: Since Kashmir is a highly politicized issue that is anathema

to foreign involvement, supporting institutions outside AJK (such as think tanks in Delhi and

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Islamabad) that have initiated intra-Kashmir dialogues in the past may prove helpful for sustaining

these dialogues into the future. While these dialogues have been largely successful as short-term

engagements, our interviews indicated that outside organizations lack the capacity to support

regional partners in AJK over the long term.

4. SECURITY & DEFENSE

Indian and Pakistani individuals and NGOs have engaged over issues of security and defense for decades in

order to mitigate tensions between the two countries. These initiatives—Track Two dialogues, workshops

to share best practices, technology-based efforts, and exchanges of retired military officials—are often

underwritten by international governments, foundations, and individual donors.

Notable Initiatives

Numerous Track Two dialogues and security-oriented initiatives have taken place in recent years. Based on

conversations with security experts and those who have participated in security-related forums, as well as a

review of scholarly and journalistic literature on these issues, we elected to explore some of the more

durable and highly regarded ongoing efforts:

Ottawa Dialogue: Launched in 2009 by Peter Jones, associate professor at the University of Ottawa

and a former Canadian diplomat, five dialogues now exist, facilitating exchange over nuclear,

military, intelligence, water security and regional security matters.

Chaophraya Dialogue: A joint initiative of the Australia India Institute and the Jinnah Institute

begun in 2008, the meetings—more than a dozen have taken place to date—address a wide range

of issues, including terrorism and extremism, Kashmir, economic cooperation and nuclear stability.

South Asian Voices: Launched in 2013 by the Stimson Center, the website serves as a platform for

younger Indian and Pakistani analysts and academics to publish work and debate pressing security

matters, in an effort to encourage innovative thinking and virtual exchange.

Regional Workshop on Effectively Countering Terrorism: Led by the Global Center on Cooperative

Security and the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate (CTED) since

2008, the initiative brings together judges, prosecutors and police officers from across South Asia.

Other notable Track Two and security-oriented initiatives include the Pugwash Conferences, the Neemrana

Dialogue, the efforts of the Balusa Group, the exchanges facilitated by the Pakistan-based Jinnah Institute

and the India-based Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation, the dialogues coordinated by the Institute of

Peace and Conflict Studies in New Delhi, and youth workshops at the Regional Center for Strategic Studies

in Sri Lanka. A handful of these initiatives persist, while others have folded or occur only irregularly; while

significant attention has been paid in this report to the first four organizations, the analysis that follows

draws lessons from all of the organizations listed above.

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Lessons Learned

Which factors have made some of the above initiatives fruitful, and, conversely, why have many Track Two

efforts fallen short? Policymakers and international actors interested in India-Pakistan normalization should

keep the following in mind:

Advocates and Skeptics: Advocates see Track Two initiatives as arenas for maintaining lines of

communication between the two parties, fora for cultivating new ideas to manage the decades-old

conflict, a means of generating a sense of collaboration between the parties that can be publicized

to war-weary publics, and as a mechanism for passing valuable, practical policy prescriptions along

to government actors. Skeptics, while allowing that dialogue and brainstorming are useful, caution

that the dialogues often provide elder statesmen with a platform to merely rehash old ideologies

and air stale grievances, or generate false hopes for improved ties. Due to funding constraints,

dialogues may also lack the ability to foster long-term, persistent engagement.

Non-Intervention: International actors must tread lightly. While participants in aforementioned

initiatives say they appreciate the convening power and financial support of foreign actors, many

Indians and Pakistanis with a belief or stake in continued conflict are quick to dismiss (or even

disrupt) such efforts as foreign meddling. Recent moves to curb the work of foreign-funded groups

in India prove this point. International actors must be careful not to try to influence the

deliberations that take place under their banner; Indians and Pakistanis are keen to solve their own

dispute.

Patience: Ripeness is key. Governments are not likely to immediately take up ideas floated in an

informal setting. Years—sometimes decades—might go by before officials, placated by time or

prompted by the urgency of unfolding events, are willing to consider proposals hashed out by non-

governmental actors. Track Two participants must also be ready to adapt to conditions on the

ground, taking up issues that are priorities for the governments involved, not only those interesting

to an initiative’s participants or those hashed out in years past.

Prudence: Those involved in Track Two initiatives must have a sober outlook, an awareness of the

tremendous obstacles that stand in the way of normalization and a humble understanding that

incremental tweaks and the seeding of constructive ideas may be all that is in the offing. Few

instances are as straightforward as the Neemrana Dialogue playing a role in easing India-Pakistan

travel restrictions (Malhotra 2010).

Participation: A small group of committed, formerly high-ranking officials is essential. Seasoned

figures—not hawks or doves, but those willing to engage in constructive conversation—with

enough distance from their prior jobs to speak freely, but close enough to key policymakers to

quietly pass along proposals and lessons from dialogues, are good candidates. Institutional

knowledge and familiarity are vital; new blood is important, but only in limited doses and carefully

selected. Those we interviewed were generally (not uniformly) suspect about the role that younger

figures can play in established dialogues. However, there is widespread support for efforts

cultivating aspiring policymakers. Stimson’s South Asian Voices gives young scholars space to

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publish, debate and hone ideas; a forthcoming initiative providing online education for Indian and

Pakistani defense scholars may also prove valuable.

Persistence: Track Two initiatives are long-term engagements; they must be seen by those

supporting them to be long-term investments. It takes years to build strong relationships, especially

between those on either side of an intractable conflict, and ideas take time to gestate into full-

fledged government policies (if they ever do). Cold War experience has taught that persistent

engagement can help to prevent arms races and stave off conflict; Track Two participants and their

supporters must heed these lessons—not only during Track Two meetings, but year-round. Further,

the shaping of public narratives around this long-running dispute is a battle that must be fought day

in and day out. Pressure from donor governments and foundations for quick, tangible outcomes

may preclude those very results and hinder the arguably more important long-term prospects for

normalization; conversely, the loss of funding for Track Two efforts and civil society-led initiatives

risks squandering the foundations for rapprochement that engagements took years to build.

Recommendations

In looking to lay the groundwork for improved ties between India and Pakistan, international actors,

including governments, foundations and think tanks, who are looking to engage might consider:

Providing technical expertise: Some Track Two engagements cover highly technical and

sophisticated military and scientific matters. While India and Pakistan both boast impressive

capabilities in these areas, international technical experts, available to advise Track Two

participants, can share important insights and best practices.

Creating joint research appointments: An international academic institution or think tank could

offer joint fellowships for one Indian and one Pakistani defense scholar to conduct research and

work collaboratively on Indo-Pak normalization issues.

Facilitating transmission of Track Two ideas: South Asian policy scholars should make a point of

meeting regularly with leading Track Two participants to stay abreast of creative and constructive

policy ideas. Aware of the delicateness of security-related matters, these ideas could nevertheless

be shared (prudently) by those with government connections in their own meetings with Indian and

Pakistani officials, as a further means of transmitting ideas and enabling their consideration.

Using a wider lens: India-Pakistan normalization need not only take the form of direct talks

between the two parties alone. The Ottawa Dialogue’s “India-Pakistan-Afghanistan Dialogue,” the

earlier South Asian Regional Dialogue, and the Global Center’s regional counterterrorism

workshops for law enforcement (see above) demonstrate—and, some might argue, as Prime

Minister Modi’s emphasis on SAARC diplomacy shows—broad regional engagement can provide a

venue for dialogue and exchange between Indians and Pakistanis. Supporting initiatives with a

more multilateral focus could generate new opportunities for improved ties.

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5. TRADE & BUSINESS

South Asia remains the least economically integrated region in the world (Cohen 2013), and SAARC has

failed to increase regional trade largely as a result of tensions between India and Pakistan (Mediratta 2014).

While significant growth in bilateral trade has occurred over the last decade, rising from $600 million in

2005 to $2.8 billion in 2014, such numbers are only a fraction of its estimated potential of $18 billion

annually (The News International, Pakistan 2015), and a disproportionate amount of this trade is Indian

exports (Dash 2013). Given the high trade potential, NGOs have emerged to facilitate partnerships,

disseminate knowledge, and encourage trade through seminars, trade shows, and venues for people-to-

people interaction.

Notable Initiatives

Recognizing the potential for increased trade between the states and the technical and logistical barriers

that persist, economists and business leaders in both countries have coalesced to lobby their governments,

enhance public interest, and develop cross-border linkages, including initiatives led by the following

organizations:

Chambers of Commerce: The Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI),

the Confederation of Indian Industries (CII), the Karachi Chamber of Commerce and the Pakistan

Chamber of Commerce facilitate inter-organizational trade partnerships.

Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER): In 2004 ICRIER initiated

“India Pakistan Trade,” a project studying methods increase trade. They commission studies,

disseminate newsletters and undertake surveys measuring perceptions, host conferences, and

advise the Indian government.

Trade Fora: These efforts include the Indo-Pakistan Trade Forum, the India-Pakistan Business

Council, the Pakistan Business Council and the Atlantic Council’s India-Pakistan Trade and

Business Forum sponsored by the US Department of State. These initiatives promote trade by

increasing company brand recognition, cultivating partnerships, and by hosting conferences, trade

shows, and lectures.

Lessons Learned

Given the constraints established by government policy, the ultimate impact of non-government business

and economic organizations must be observed critically:

Advocates and Skeptics: Strong partnerships have been established and markets have been tested

through public exposure to goods in trade shows (Dash interview 2015), but skeptics suggest that

unless new legislation is passed and infrastructure is developed to support border openings, trade

will never realize its potential (Kripalani interview 2015). NGOs can facilitate partnerships, but they

cannot evade the hurdles established by governments. Experts point to the role of the Pakistani

military and opposition groups to suggest that these external pressures undermine the Pakistani

government’s ability to liberalize their trade policies.

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Access: Both states have restrictive visa regimes that are over-regulated, inefficient, and hinder

collaboration between businesses and people. India retains high tariff barriers for many Pakistani

goods, and Pakistan remains unwilling to grant India Non-Discriminatory Market Access (NDMA),

(limiting the products that can be imported into Pakistan (Aurangzeb and Asif 2014). As political

economist Dr. Nisha Taneja suggests, "Talks slow, but trade doesn't" (Taneja interview 2015).

Although expanded trade hinges on policies related to access, it is nevertheless true that, today,

there are more partners actively engaged in the process. Taneja and others attribute this change to

the amplified efforts of NGOs in this sector.

Investment: Experts have suggested that trade is insufficient for long-term growth. Cross-

investment is also essential not only for enhancing economic ties but for the prospects of peace in

general (Hussain interview 2015). NGO activity should focus equally on advocating liberalized trade

as well as liberalized investment across borders.

Regional Approach: Trade has been privileged in some regions compared to others. Prime Minister

Modi’s plan to devolve more authority to states provides an opportunity for cross-Punjab efforts,

including infrastructure projects and border checkpoints, to be replicated along the borders of

Rajasthan and Gujarat (Hussain interview 2015). Political economist Trividesh Maini explains that

economic demand at the local level drives chambers of commerce to action and enables them to

overcome regulations (Maini interview 2015). The success of regional efforts have been extolled by

both governments, signifying that they may be more amiable to sub-national efforts.

Untapped Opportunities: Trade promotion between the two countries has centered on creating

partnerships between large business owners. They have tremendous clout, but due to their

participation in global markets, they are not desperate to enhance bilateral trade (Hussain

interview 2015). Women and mid-sized businesses are typically not involved in cross-border trade

efforts, yet they are uniquely positioned to profit from an increase in regional opportunities, and

their inclusion in future fora is vital (2015). Ensuring chambers of commerce and trade

organizations are more representative would increase their legitimacy and influence.

Recommendations

Convening women and mid-sized business owners: Many mid-sized business owners and women

in both India and Pakistan are interested in entering each other’s markets but lack the capacity or

expertise to do so. Redoubled efforts should build upon the work of the Atlantic Council’s India-

Pakistan Trade and Business Forum, and the SAARC Chamber Women Entrepreneurs Council. Indian

and Pakistani diaspora communities around the United States and internationally should be

galvanized to support the foundation of India-Pakistan trade and business fora that focus on

connecting women and mid-sized business owners in both countries. The expertise and resources

of diaspora leaders could be leveraged to offer training and best practices for efficient market entry

for women and mid-sized business owners.

Virtual Banking System: Businesses establishing partnerships have been stifled by the inability to

transfer funds directly between countries and the lack of banking integration (Dash 2013). This has

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led to billions of dollars in black market trade and required that trade be conducted in USD, or third

party banking, leaving businesspeople on both sides susceptible to fraud, currency exchange fees,

and the depreciation of their tender. Discussions regarding establishing cross-border banks have

been ongoing, with no results. Given technological innovation in banking methods in recent years,

options should be explored to create a virtual banking system that would allow business leaders

direct access to financial services on the other side of the border.

Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Punjab: Although there is disagreement regarding its feasibility and

utility, establishing a SEZ in Punjab is a prospect that has not be widely studied in recent years (Jain

and Bimal 2014). At the same time, the prospect has garnered considerable interest in recent

months and Punjab Chief Minister Muhammad Shahbaz Sharif has even announced that the

government intends to establish such a zone (The Nation 2015). Efforts by the Transnational

Strategy Group evaluating the economic potential and feasibility of an SEZ should be replicated by

other think tanks both within and outside India and Pakistan. Additional research should also

survey the interest of expatriate communities to test the Pak-India Business Council's hypothesis

that the creation of SEZs would lend themselves to increased investment and collaboration with

these communities (Jain and Bimal 2014).

6. WATER

Since Jawaharlal Nehru and Mohammad Ayub Khan inked the Indus Waters Treaty in 1960, the agreement

has served as a model for resource management between warring parties. However, population growth,

the building of new dams and hydroelectric projects, and changes in use of the water of the Indus River and

its tributaries, to name just a few factors, are putting tremendous pressure on the Treaty and its ability to

mitigate conflict. As scholars from Pakistan and India recently reported, “The Treaty as it is being

interpreted now is fundamentally incapable of handling 'variability' arising from uncertain weather

patterns, changing climate conditions, economic growth and the consequent pressure on demand for

water” (Observer Research Foundation 2011, 6). The fallout will have far-reaching consequences. “In

Central and South Asia,” a report for the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations warned, “the impacts

of water scarcity are fueling dangerous tensions that will have repercussions for regional stability and U.S.

foreign policy objectives” (Committee on Foreign Relations 2011).

Notable Initiatives

With such high stakes for regional security, water has been a regular topic of discussion at security-focused

Track Two dialogues and exchanges, including many of those referenced in this paper. At the same time,

non-governmental organizations and individuals have been working on water issues in their own right for

many years.

The India-based Observer Research Foundation and Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation and the

Pakistan-based Lahore University of Management Sciences and Sustainable Development Policy Institute

are among the most actively engaged in leading water-focused Track Two dialogues, task forces and

academic workshops. The Washington-based Atlantic Council and Stimson Center have also been active in

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bringing Indian and Pakistani experts and practitioners together to explore ways of managing access to and

stemming conflict around this vital natural resource.

These initiatives have brought together former diplomats, scientists and technical experts, academics,

activists, journalists and, in some cases, government officials; they have explored the sharing of

environmental data, water-usage monitoring, natural disaster preparation and relief, agriculture, climate

change, glaciology, economic development and a host of other issues. These efforts have been funded by

Indian and Pakistani foundations, as well as international donors like the Ploughshares Fund, the Skoll

Foundation and the UK Department for International Development, among others.

Lessons Learned

Like much of the commentary on security-oriented dialogues noted earlier, scholars are mixed about the

value of these activities. A number of those we interviewed pointed to the importance of maintaining

dialogue, shedding light on areas of both potential conflict and possible collaboration, and exploring new

trajectories for policy.

Divorced from the General Public: Some experts were quite dismissive of unofficial engagement

over water issues, complaining that such efforts tend to have little resonance beyond the scholarly

community, that they are typically sponsored by Western countries and institutions, and that they

bring together only an English-speaking elite that lacks a real stake in the issues.

Unintended Consequences: While the above concerns were leveled about initiatives in other

sectors, water issues have another unique dimension: the Indus Waters Treaty, itself. As one

leading water security scholar explained, the existence of the Treaty—with its formulas governing

water rights and its apolitical mechanisms for dispute management, as well as its proven track

record over several decades—actually gives policymakers an excuse to shun non-governmental

efforts that might appear to sidestep the Treaty. “You are wasting your time,” a high-ranking Indian

government official responsible for water issues reportedly told Track Two participants, “we’re

following the Treaty.”

Government-to-Government Issue: Water, much like trade and security, tends as well to be deeply

enmeshed in official policy, with less room for non-state actors to play a role. One scholar noted a

small handful of local “farmer-to-farmer” initiatives that touched on water issues (in the context of

a broader agricultural dialogue) that have worked to change narratives among participants on

either side of the Indo-Pak border, yet these efforts are few and far between, and with limited

scope and payoff.

Recommendations

Taking the above into account, water seems to be an area most ripe for official government involvement;

while ongoing efforts are admirable and important in contributing to dialogue, improving scholarly and

scientific ties, and creating a broader knowledge base about resource pressures—and they should certainly

be given the opportunity to continue—it seems water should be less of a priority for those international

17

actors looking to engage at the non-governmental level. That said, there is one area where water-oriented

initiatives could use some support:

Enabling publicity and media coverage: Water initiatives tend to reach the ears of only a handful of

elites. Similarly, the current narratives around water security in the Indian and Pakistani public tend

to focus on threats and tensions. While such concerns are very real, as demonstrated considerable

collaboration already exists. Financial support for media—through travel grants, for instance—or

the financing of water-related journalistic positions could help to cut through the picture of

animosity generally peddled in the press, exposing each country’s citizens to a more nuanced

picture of their relationship as it pertains to water and drawing attention to the efforts of Indians

and Pakistanis to find collaborative solutions to emerging challenges.

Promoting local solutions and knowledge exchange: While large-scale water projects remain the

purview of central governments, innovative water-use and conservation approaches are taking

place on the ground in both India and Pakistan. Such lessons have been shared through farmer

exchanges; these types of local efforts should be scaled up, while other forms of cross-border

engagement around agricultural issues deserves additional support. The United Nations

Development Programme and other multilateral agencies addressing water and resource issues in

both countries could be a conduit for such cross-border exchange.

7. YOUTH & EDUCATION

India and Pakistan are experiencing a significant youth bulge, with over one-third of Pakistan and India’s

populations under the age of 14 (34 percent and 30 percent respectively) (Friedman 2014). Not only does

youth bulge present great challenges to political and economic stability of a country, but Indian and

Pakistani youths know little of one another, dimming the hope for peace even further. Youth exchange

programs and fora therefore offer the opportunity for meaningful and positive change in the perceptions

that Indian and Pakistani students have of their counterparts, making the youth sector a vital component of

civil society. The hope is that the youth participants of these exchanges become advocates in their

communities to remove emotional barriers deeming neighboring peoples as the “other.” In 2014, Pakistan

High Commissioner Abdul Basit said exchanges between the youth of India and Pakistan were vital for the

future of peace and stability in the bilateral relationship.

Notable Initiatives

There are a handful of youth exchanges that began in this millennium. Despite the plethora of small-scale

Internet-based exchanges, we looked primarily at large-scale exchanges that take the form of student-to-

student correspondence exchanges, travel exchanges, and youth leadership fora, as they tend to have the

greatest impact on participants’ perceptions:

Citizens Archive of Pakistan and Routes 2 Roots (Exchange for Change): This program has linked

over 11,000 students aged 10 to 15 in India and Pakistan. The students exchange letters,

photographs and audio narratives, with a handful traveling to the other’s country. The high

commissions in both countries have endorsed Exchange for Change, and the program is funded by

business leaders and foreign governments through grants from their embassies.

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Seeds of Peace (SOP): Seeds of Peace is a US-based NGO that brings together youth from countries

that are in conflict to a summer camp in Maine, and continues engaging the alumni in

peacebuilding activities and forums after they return home. Their program successfully garners

trust amongst the young people it brings together, and its South Asia program (focusing on India,

Pakistan and Afghanistan) has been active since 2001. Seeds of Peace is funded by mostly US-based

private donors, with 10 percent of its revenue coming from the US government.

Asia Society and the Jinnah Institute (India-Pakistan Regional Young Leaders Forum): The India-

Pakistan Regional Young Leaders Forum consists of approximately 12 young leaders under the age

of 40, who “convene, connect and catalyze,” according to the forum’s leader, Sanjeev Sherchan of

the Asia Society. The group meets and spends an entire year working on a public service project

that is trans-border in nature. Launched in 2012, it is organized in conjunction with the Asia Society

and Jinnah Institute.

Indo-Pak Youth Forum for Peace: This forum came about as a result of the World Youth Peace

Summit, convened in Bangkok in 2004 by the Jordanian government. Since its inaugural gathering it

has organized exchange programs that focus on youth opportunities in business entrepreneurship,

interfaith dialogue, and government. Other youth fora, such as the Youth Forum for Kashmir, are

proactive in cross-border efforts where other initiatives have not been as successful.

Lessons Learned

Our interviews and research suggest the following to be key criteria for fruitful youth exchanges:

Sustained Engagement: Engagement following the youth exchange program is critical for a long-

lasting impact on participants’ perceptions. The Seeds of Peace model is the most sustainable of

the organizations in this arena, with alumni programming continuing past the participants’ time in

the United States. Moreover, Exchange for Change finds that its one-year program of engaging pen

pals in India and Pakistan has a profound difference on the perceptions of each other country

before and after, with 70 percent of the students reporting a “major positive increase *in

attitudes+” towards their counterparts.

Overcoming Government Suspicions: Government bureaucracy and skepticism present barriers to

implementation of youth exchange programs in government schools in India and Pakistan. The

exchange programs are therefore largely limited to private schools, with government-run schools

proving to be too bureaucratic and politicized. Second, foreign funding may fuel rumors on both

sides of a “foreign agenda,” prompting criticism and politicization of the exchange program in

question. The lack of government financial support for these programs also frustrates the longevity

of these programs, which instead must rely on yearly donations from private businesses, donors,

and foreign governments.

Collaboration: The Exchange for Change program in Pakistan has seen its schools assisting other

interested schools in the program implementation process. The potential for collaboration exists,

and the stakeholders—students, their parents and the schools on both sides of the border—have

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shown a great interest in the programs, even in the midst of bilateral tensions, such as after the

2008 Mumbai attacks.

Recommendations

In looking to improve ties between India and Pakistan, international actors might consider actions that

promote the sustainability of youth exchange programs either possess or need a strong alumni base. We

recommend the following actions therefore be taken:

Facilitate alumni participation in other exchange and collaborative efforts: Having established the

importance of keeping youth engaged in peacebuilding work, youth exchange practitioners might

consider other forms of India-Pakistan peacebuilding to find new and meaningful opportunities for

alumni to take part in. For instance, exchange alumni with an interest in pursuing a career in

foreign policy might have the opportunity to observe a Track Two dialogue, or those interested in a

career in theatre might be engaged in creating the next India-Pakistan theatrical production. Such

opportunities would serve to keep youth from both countries involved in collaborative work, give

them something tangible to create, and enable them to continue working together long after the

end of their initial exchange.

Aid in developing a robust and active alumni base: When students who have participated in Seeds

of Peace programs return to their home countries, SOP field offices continue to engage them in

community forums, volunteer activities, and mentorships. Other organizations creating youth

exchanges, as well as those funding such programs, would do well to mirror these efforts, keeping

alumni engaged and leveraging their enthusiasm to enhance future programs.

Develop multi-year youth exchange grants that allow for longevity: The recommendations listed

above require consistent resources, rather than the year-to-year uncertainty that plagues many

NGOs and initiatives. As international actors set out to support initiatives to engage youth, they

should do so with an eye toward keeping participants engaged long after the end of their formal

exchange. Foundations and governments should prioritize multi-year grants that allow for the

creative flexibility and initial investment necessary to develop new programming and sustain that

which has already yielded results.

C. PROMISING PATHWAYS FOR ENGAGEMENT

1. ENERGY

The convergence of interests between India and Pakistan on energy raises hopes that cross-border

collaboration could be possible. Both countries are starved for resources as a result of rapid economic

growth, antiquated infrastructure and years of political and technical mismanagement. While at the

government-to-government level, initiatives like a “peace pipeline” and the provision of Indian electricity to

Pakistan have been considered, little has come of such projects for a host of strategic, economic, political,

and symbolic reasons. USAID’s South Asia Regional Initiative for Energy Integration does show promise,

having begun in 2000 with the purpose of promoting trade, investment, and access to clean sources of

energy amongst countries that include India and Pakistan.

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As energy is a highly regulated and largely government-run sector in both countries, there is little room for

direct collaborative action by non-governmental actors. That being said, aligned interests do create the

potential for civil society organizations and experts to press government to act: scientists could be

convened by a multilateral institution to draw attention to joint energy concerns; economic interest groups

could be supported in their push for action on infrastructure development and modernization; and Track

Two participants might consider exploring novel ways of safeguarding energy supplies, fostering energy-

related innovation and exploring mechanisms to build confidence around potentially threatening energy-

sector developments.

2. ENVIRONMENT & CLIMATE CHANGE

The environment, particularly as it relates to the possibility of dramatic climactic change, will be one of the

most pressing domestic and security issues facing South Asia in the coming century. As a whole, the region

is considered one of the most susceptible in the world due to the potential for conflict over falling crop

yields, lack of water, and vulnerable populations and infrastructure. The Indus River system that is shared

by China, India, and Pakistan is fed by melting glaciers throughout the Himalayan ranges. Shrinking glaciers

are likely to accelerate over the next decade, creating social and economic problems for the entire region

that may eventually require a trilateral resolution mechanism between the three countries. So far,

however, even while there have been many discussions about cooperation on the environment, little or

nothing has been done at the state level to proactively resolve or mitigate these future problems. The

Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SPDI) has pursued a series of Track Two dialogues on climate

change and energy focused on spurring peacebuilding between the two countries, first in 2010 with follow-

up dialogues in 2012 and 2013. It is unclear whether these initiatives have been renewed as of 2015, but

such efforts should be continued by more organizations in the future.

3. HEALTH

A potential area of cooperation between India and Pakistan is the health sector. Polio eradication is of

concern to most countries in the region; however, there have not been significant joint efforts. With India

becoming polio-free last year, it offered Pakistan full cooperation to eradicate polio. At the SAARC summit

last year, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi offered polio vaccines to Pakistan. Although talks

concerning health initiatives have been ongoing, practical steps have not been taken.

Recognizing the need for regional cooperation in the health sector, a group of health professionals in the

region established the South Asian Public Health Forum (SAPHF) in 1999. The objective of SAPHF is “to

improve communication between public health professionals and encourage them to discuss and to share

important health issues of the region quickly and without interference from governments” (Asghar 2006).

The forum’s main activity is to collect and circulate news articles on health issues. Its main impact has been

in its growing membership of nearly 700 health professionals and in major news agencies that have utilized

information from the forum to write articles on health issues (Asghar 2006). Indian and Pakistani health

professionals may consider working together on providing emergency care following natural disasters.

India’s sizeable pharmaceutical sector could be mobilized to provide medication to those in need in

Pakistan.

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4. DISASTER MANAGEMENT

In light of the recent earthquake in Nepal, the need for cooperative disaster management has been

reawakened especially in risk-prone India and Pakistan. There are precedents for cooperation in responding

to natural disasters. Strong examples include: 1) Pakistani military’s aid to India after the 2001 Gujarat

earthquake (Ravishankar 2015); 2) India’s $25 million dollars of aid (Dhar 2010) in response to 2010 floods

in Pakistan; and 3) cooperation regarding the 2014 floods in Kashmir (Tharoor 2014). In the case of Nepal,

the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and other international NGOs, including Save

the Children, Cooperative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE), and Oxfam, had pre-developed

national and regional disaster response plans. However, government coordination on these efforts has

rarely occurred in this region despite their susceptibility to natural disasters. The need for relief and future

planning in disaster response and risk reduction will only increase due to global warming. Prime Ministers

Nawaz Sharif and Modi have called for joint response to the situation in Nepal. The regional coordinating

mechanism through SAARC's Disaster Management Centre should incorporate existing civil society disaster

relief efforts. Both countries should also consider collaborating on joint exercises and developing a

preparedness plan for preemptive disaster reduction.

22

SECTION III: COMPREHENSIVE FINDINGS & RECOMMENDATIONS

A. FINDINGS

At a time when surveys show that roughly 70 percent of Pakistanis desire peace and 60 percent of Indians

are optimistic about improved ties with Pakistan, peace efforts remain tempered by pessimism about

entrenched institutions and attitudes at the official level. Disaffection at this level, as well as political and

regional shifts that threaten to widen the geopolitical rift between the two countries, makes this moment

doubly important for dialogue and innovative recommendations to improve the bilateral relationship. In

support of these goals, our findings reflect an analysis of peace efforts in spaces where civil society has

shown both considerable promise and notable shortcomings. These common successes and fault points

inform the need for a broader, integrated strategy of visible, multi-sector collaboration with an eye toward

mass mobilization.

Civil society peacebuilding efforts are not a panacea for improved ties between India and Pakistan. Huge

obstacles stand in the way of rapprochement: a legacy of mistrust and interstate violence; continued

clashes over identity; entrenched interests of powerful groups, including the military; religious extremism

and terrorism; strategic and resource concerns; and a deep suspicion of international meddling, are but a

few of the forces standing in the way of improved India-Pakistan ties. These forces make traditional

dialogues extremely difficult. While such dialogues remain a cornerstone of peace efforts, they are tasked

largely with changing intransigent attitudes rather than mobilizing the willing, and they are susceptible to a

highly reactive bilateral relationship. With this in mind, proactive civil society initiatives that are oriented

around need-based convergence, and which are activated through savvy utilization of media and

technology, may have greater potential to succeed.

By identifying areas of convergence, and by innovating processes to meet needs and incentives, a common

platform can emerge to support a broader narrative of peace that has the potential to endure a history of

mistrust and enmity between India and Pakistan. Such a platform would not be possible, however, without

criteria for potential and success. Those organizations that have been the most consequential in enhancing

the relationship between India and Pakistan—and between Indians and Pakistanis—demonstrate a number

of related attributes. Our research has highlighted the following as key drivers of impact for individuals and

non-governmental efforts aimed at normalizing India-Pakistan ties (and, consequently, primary obstacles to

those efforts that have been less fruitful in doing so):

Sustainability: Seeding ideas, changing narratives and chipping away at decades (or longer) of

animosity take time, sustained effort, persistent engagement, and long-term funding. Those

initiatives that continue for years tend to have greater chance of creating lasting change in ways

that “one-off” efforts do not. This longevity is incredibly important, particularly for Track Two

dialogues that require consistent participation, but larger fora (such as PIPFPD and other

conferences) may confuse maintenance for sustainability, and would therefore benefit from a focus

on sustained impact that includes broader participation and public engagement .

Coordination: The exchanges, dialogues, workshops, and cross-border collaborations that have

shown promise and achieved tangible results often benefit from the convening power and

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expertise of third-party actors (e.g. think tanks in Delhi, Islamabad, or abroad). Further, those

organizations with the ability to effectively marshal disparate knowledge, resources, and access to

decision-makers, as well as an ability to adapt with the winds of political change—often with the

support of international actors—show the most promise.

Collaboration: Impactful peacebuilding work is being done by organizations in various sectors in

both countries. This expertise should be shared with smaller, less mature organizations, as well as

those in other sectors, to give them the tools they need to thrive. In addition to direct advising and

partnerships that can rejuvenate and refocus more established organizations, updating and

documenting initiatives and research in a way that is widely accessible online is one of the easiest

(but often overlooked) ways of facilitating the exchange of ideas and preserving institutional

memory.

Publicity: While some initiatives are best pursued behind closed doors—like those pertaining to

security affairs or economic negotiations—many efforts aimed at shaping public discourse lack

exposure to large swaths of the Indian and Pakistani publics. The question of how to socialize ideas

that are kept largely behind closed doors or within discreet channels is one that must be addressed

by peace initiatives. Campaigns to inform and educate broader segments of the public can help to

counter some of the misinformation that exists on both sides, fostering a momentum for peace and

an environment for reconciliation.

Access: Countless initiatives falter due to the strict visa regime in place between India and Pakistan.

Barring movement by both governments toward less rigid travel restrictions, cross-border

collaborations that can transcend this issue—by taking place in third countries, for instance, or by

utilizing digital tools—are destined to be more valuable.

B. RECOMMENDATIONS

Several common threads present themselves throughout our analysis centering on the lack of capacity,

longevity, and visibility in peace initiatives. We have set out to equip peacebuilding constituents in relevant

sectors with skills and resources needed expand the reach and scope of their efforts, find new and

innovative ways of mobilizing civil society, and reach broader segments of the Indian and Pakistani publics.

Each module below attempts to do so by discussing specific challenges addressed, presenting a

recommendation, and benchmarking that approach against existing initiatives that might serve as models:

1. STRATEGY FORUM IN MULTILATERAL CONTEXT

Problem Addressed: While there have been peace initiatives that convene people from multiple civil

society sectors, they remain highly susceptible to politicization and visa restrictions. Furthermore, despite

successes, some experts consider conventions and dialogues mere fora for airing and re-hashing old

grievances, and the placement of these conferences in India and Pakistan may fail to establish the neutral

ground necessary to avoid feelings of home turf that factors into agenda setting. Lastly, some existing,

convention oriented efforts such as PIPFPD have not grown considerably since their inception in the mid-

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1990s and do not focus on enhancing access or visibility, suggesting the need for a fresh start with

coordinated, jointly resourced campaigns and more democratic participation.

Recommendation: A strategy, "design thinking" forum that is convened around a multilateral summit such

as SAARC in a neutral location, and which is not oriented around dialogue about multiple competing issue-

areas that hinge on India-Pakistan normalization, may do much to define a larger, integrated peace

campaign. Our interviews have indicated that common ground between Indians and Pakistanis is

sometimes easier to cultivate in an environment geared toward multilateral, need-based cooperation. One

such need is strategic: the lack of a coordinated strategy to generate mass momentum for peace. In

addition to peace, the forum might have one rotating topic geared toward solving a pressing need—such as

a pressing health or environmental concern—with break-off sessions that convene NGO leaders with

experts in strategy and design thinking.

Benchmarking: Experts could be drawn from institutions such as the Stanford Design School that has

developed a model for their Innovation Masters Series that caters to business leaders who wish to have

social impact. Through their workshops they foster innovation, collaboration, and communication across

sectors in order to address social, cultural, economic, and environmental issues. Such "design thinking"

programming would encourage new approaches to the challenges NGOs face in achieving sustainability,

coordination, collaboration, publicity, and access.

2. DIGITAL CAPACITY INITIATIVE

Problem Addressed: The online presence and capacity of many civil society peace groups is severely limited

and impacts the institutional memory needed to sustain long-term engagements. Organizations do not

routinely update their websites about the status of current initiatives, and information is often sparse or

inconsistent. Other initiatives or organizations which have been noted in academic literature or by experts

may have no website or central information hub whatsoever, and even initiatives which are considered

seminal in having brokered enhanced civil society ties (such as PIPFPD) may have websites with incomplete

information that have not been updated in years, or which are non-functional despite evidence of their

continued importance as peace fora.

Recommendation: An online, user-generated information clearinghouse for all peace initiatives between

India and Pakistan would enable individual organizations to keep each other apprised of current efforts in a

user-friendly, collaborative way using a standard content management system. A closed access forum could

further facilitate interactions at the informal level, and a section for news/media information and updates

on India-Pakistan relations could present opportunities for journalists and experts in both countries to blog

regularly about the potential and process of bilateral rapprochement. A third-party actor, such as a

foundation or foreign think tank, might be needed to provide design, hosting, and management.

Benchmarking: On the more rudimentary level, initiatives such as My Citizen (www.ngo.mycitizen.net), a

catalogue of NGOs that highlights key initiatives and provides contact information, could facilitate

communication between organizations and help assess the broader scope of the work being undertaken

and the stakeholders involved. Combining this model with a platform that solicits expert and media

contributions would do well to resemble the Stimson Center's South Asian Voices initiative

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(www.southasianvoices.org), which gives greater visibility to a "rising generation" of analysts between India

and Pakistan through collaborative research projects, blog posts, and other commentary.

3. MULTI-MEDIA WORKSHOPS

Problem Addressed: The value of publicity in a modern multi-media world is under-appreciated for peace

initiatives that may require mass mobilization of people, ideas, and resources to be truly successful. Some

experts note that, for many such fora that are valuable and that draw from a variety of disciplines and

experts, they are often too academic in nature and fail to mobilize social and media consciousness around

the broader objective of peace. A lack of visibility and expertise in publicity may make such efforts more

routine than useful in advancing a broader peace project. The measure of success for those engaged in

peace processes must therefore shift from merely counting conference attendees and visas granted to

hard, web-based analytics and other measures that are less subject to routine government interference and

problems of physical mobility, such as the sharing of multimedia content and presence on social media.

Recommendation: This initiative would convene peace constituents with experts and organizations that

possess a consistent record of successful multi-media campaigns. Workshops could be part of a broader

collaborative forum facilitated by an outside organization, or as individualized consultancies with NGOs in

India and Pakistan. The initiative would bring multiple NGO leaders together with the goal of organizing a

central multi-media campaign resourced by a variety of organizations both within and outside the region.

For example, such a workshop could be organized in conjunction with the annual PIPFPD conference.

Benchmarking: BBC Media Action specializes in hosting and facilitating similar programs, offering training in

media, technology, and advocacy to grass-roots activists globally. A separate model of a successful,

innovative, and mass multi-media effort might resemble the “#NotABugSplat” Twitter campaign that was a

collaboration of NGOs and artists to bring awareness to drone strikes in Pakistan. Similarly, the

“#IndiawithPakistan” campaign and CocaCola's "Small World" campaign embody the ambition and scope

needed to persuade a young and growing generation of Indians and Pakistanis.

4. TECHNICAL EXPERTISE HUB

Problem Addressed: Efforts at collaboration often touch on highly technical issues; similarly, many smaller

NGOs with fewer resources lack capacity to engage high-level practitioners with specialized expertise in

nuclear affairs, environmental issues, and capacity building. While India and Pakistan both boast impressive

communities of scientists, researchers and scholars, engagement with qualified experts from abroad in the

context of cross-border collaboration can be lacking.

Recommendation: An online hub of technical experts from third countries, convened by a top academic

institution with a presence on the subcontinent, could provide innovative ideas, expertise, and mediation

capacity, assisting Indians and Pakistanis as they work through complex issues. Such a hub could overcome

the confines of borders and resources by convening individuals to share knowledge and best practices.

Benchmarking: The University of Wisconsin’s Experts Guide for News Media, an online database of

authorities on diverse issues, could serve as a model. Additionally, efforts such as iknowpolitics

(www.iknowpolitics.org) provides access to expert advice and tools to facilitate engagement, making

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knowledge on technical issues more accessible. Ensuring unbiased knowledge is accessible can bolster

peace initiatives and dialogues when less funding and other means of external support are available.

5. INDIA-PAKISTAN PEACE LAB

Problem Addressed: Highly qualified Indians and Pakistanis with unique professional skills outside the areas

of policy, economics, and the arts tend to lack structured spaces within which to collaborate. Resources for

bridge-building programs that bring Indians and Pakistanis together—not with an eye towards traditional

peacebuilding, but with more practical, need-based outcomes in mind—appear to be scarce.

Recommendation: An international academic or educational institution would create a "peace lab" and

select two fellows—one Indian and one Pakistani drawn from fields like engineering, medicine,

architecture, and more—to spend one year working at the institution on a joint project to enhance cross-

border collaboration. The goal would be to produce plans for something tangible that would showcase

India-Pakistan collaboration and aim to solve an ongoing problem of mutual concern to both countries.

Projects might include design for a mobile or social media application enhancing cross-border connections,

products engineered for household energy efficiency, innovative tools for disaster response in mountainous

or flood-prone areas, landscape and architectural designs for a "peace park," and so on. If run out of an

institution like Columbia University, fellows could have access to teams of students to assist with their

work. Indian and Pakistani diaspora communities could also be engaged to provide funding and expertise,

build business connections, assist with publicity, and make available other resources that could help bring

the ideas from conception to reality.

Benchmarks: Stanford University operates a Peace Entrepreneur in Residence program, which enables an

individual entrepreneur to spend a year at the institution building a new technology that can bring people

together. Myriad artistic residencies also create opportunities for artists to engage with new spaces, people

and ideas. Both of these models could serve as starting points for this peace-oriented collaborative

fellowship.

6. DIASPORA PEACE & BUSINESS FORUM

Problem Addressed: While Indian and Pakistani businessmen have struggled to meet due to visa

restrictions and banking issues, the highly educated and successful Indian-American and Pakistani-American

diaspora communities have developed strong, but largely separate networks. Many have founded

organizations that promote their culture and business interests. Such organizations have even played key

roles in expanding trade and developing policy, and given their impact and remittances, can play an

important role in facilitating transactions and business innovation between in India and Pakistan.

Recommendation: An India-Pakistan peace and business forum organized around a prominent commercial

and technology hub like Silicon Valley that convenes diaspora business leaders with business interests from

both India and Pakistan. These communities have a history of collaborating on a range of business activities

in both countries, and a new forum can embolden them to leverage their considerable resources and

commercial acumen that to facilitate cross-border exchanges. Resourced by this highly educated and high-

tech South Asian diaspora community, the forum could seek innovative means of getting around informal,

non-tariff barriers to market access, increasing foreign investment, and lobbying for improved import-

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export policy, liberalized currency transactions, and streamlined regulatory frameworks. The initiative could

also target mid-sized business owners or businesswomen that are historically underrepresented in business

fora.

Benchmarking: A similar effort, the Silicon Valley India-Pakistan Peace Coalition, was formed in 2002 by Ras

Siddiqui, a Pakistani-American business leader, and Dinesh Chandra, an Indian peace activist. However, the

initiative appears to not have been sustained, and a weightier emphasis on business to enhance peace

would give the forum a context-driven purpose and narrower scope in order to leverage the unique

expertise and interests present in Silicon Valley or other business hubs.

7. MECHANISM TO COORDINATE INDIA-PAKISTAN NORMALIZATION POLICY

Problem Addressed: Our research and interviews revealed considerable gaps in collaboration and

disparities in prioritization vis-à-vis the India-Pakistan issue among US government officials working on India

and Pakistan, specifically. While this is to be expected, it comes at the expense of pursuing a unified,

coordinated and determined effort at normalizing ties between India and Pakistan.

Recommendation: The State Department in collaboration with the National Security Council (NSC) should

initiate a working group focused squarely on India-Pakistan affairs that would include representatives from

different State Department offices. It should include amongst others: the Bureaus of Public Affairs,

Education and Cultural Affairs, and South and Central Asian Affairs. The aim of this working group would be

to consider the impact of various India- and Pakistan-specific policies on the broader relationship between

the two countries; explore areas of mutual cooperation and interest between India and Pakistan; and

coordinate government-led initiatives, such as exchanges and educational programs, to ensure that

normalization remains an element of future India and Pakistan related programming. Given the role of the

NSC as coordinator of international policy within the US government, it may play a key role in facilitating

such discussions. We appreciate the sensitivity required to establish such a mechanism without alienating

either Indians or Pakistanis. Care must be taken, and the connotations associated with establishing a

Special Representative, Special Coordinator, or Policy Coordinator should be noted and the establishment

of such posts avoided. If such coordination is undertaken discreetly, it would promote synergy between US

government initiatives, increase communication, and curtail inefficiencies. Increased coordination

regarding India-Pakistan policy would enable the US government to realize its programs more effectively

and nurture peace constituencies in both countries.

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SECTION IV: CONCLUSION

The historical impasse and the changing political dynamics in India-Pakistan relations presents a unique

opportunity to strengthen and innovate peace movements between citizens on a transnational level. Civil

society has made significant strides in a number of areas over the past two decades, yet all such efforts face

similar obstacles when evaluated for their long-term impact on perceptions, policy, and diplomacy. This

chasm between proactive citizen-based initiatives and reactive government-to-government interactions

needs to be bridged if the narrative of peace is to prevail over mistrust and obstruction on the bilateral

level.

This report has aimed to identify innovative pathways of engagement that can improve upon the successes

of civil society peace constituencies between India and Pakistan. Through a broad and sector-by-sector

analysis of peace efforts and NGO linkages, the report highlighted the consistent obstacles organizations

encounter in starting and maintaining peace processes, as well as recent initiatives and issue-areas that

show the greatest potential for building a visible peace narrative that can withstand the fluctuations of a

volatile bilateral relationship.

While each sector has its own narrow findings and recommendations, the common successes and fault

points between these sectors inform the need for a broader, integrated strategy of multi-track and multi-

sector collaboration on a more massive scale and with the aid of modern tools and technologies. By

identifying areas of convergence, and by innovating processes to meet needs and incentives, we believe a

common platform can be built among civil society organizations to support a burgeoning narrative of peace

between India and Pakistan.

29

APPENDICES

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Diplomacy/articleshow/31956725.cms

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“Qureshi quits American-funded Balusa Group.” The International News. April 6, 2008.

http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=105094&Cat=2&dt=4/6/2008

Ravishankar, Siddharth. “Cooperation Between India And Pakistan After Natural Disasters.” Stimson Center. January 9,

2015. http://www.stimson.org/spotlight/cooperation-between-india-and-pakistan-after-natural-disasters-/

Sathi, Akhilesh. “Re-Imagining the Indus: Mapping Media Reportage in India and Pakistan.” Observer Research

Foundation and Lahore University of Management Sciences. October 2011.

Sewak, Manjri. "Women's Initiatives for Peace between Pakistan and India." Pakistan Horizon 57(3): 121-126. July

2004.

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INTERVIEWS

Barve, Shushobha (Executive Director, Centre for Dialogue & Reconciliation). March 13, 2015.

Bashir, Salman (retired Pakistani diplomat). March 8, 2015.

Butalia, Urvashi (Founder, Zubaan Books; women's rights activist). March 17, 2015.

Cohen, Stephen (Senior Fellow, The India Project, Brookings Institution). February 17, 2015.

Coll, Steve (Dean & Henry R. Luce Professor of Journalism, Columbia University School of Journalism). March 6, 2015.

Dadi, Iftikhar (Associate Professor of History of Art and Visual Studies, Cornell University). March 16, 2015.

Dalton, Toby (Co-Director, Nuclear Policy Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace). February 26, 2015.

Dash, Sumaini (Director and Country Head, USA and Canada, Confederation of Indian Industry). February 25 2015.

Evans, Alexander (Coordinator of a UN Special Political Mission). February 26, 2015.

Hasan, Shahrukh (Chief of Aman ki Asha and Managing Director of Jang Group). March 5, 2015.

Hashmi, Salima (Dean of School of Visual Arts, Beaconhouse National University). March 16, 2015.

Hussain, Afaq (Director, Bureau of Research on Industry and Economic Fundamentals). March 3, 2015.

Jacob, Happymon (Assistant Professor, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University). March 26, 2015.

Jahangir, Asma (Founding Member, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan; human rights lawyer). March 12, 2015.

Jones, Peter (Associate Professor, University of Ottawa, The Ottawa Dialogue). March 10, 2015.

Kermani, Sheema (Founder, Tehrik-e-Niswan). April 2, 2015.

Krepon, Michael (Co-Founder, Stimson Center). March 6, 2015.

Kripalani, Manjeet (Executive Director, Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations). March 11, 2015.

34

Kumar, Radha (Director General, Delhi Policy Group). March 17, 2015.

Maini, Trivadesh (Fellow, the Jindal School of International Affairs, OP Jindal Global University). March 6, 2015

Nadeem, Shahid (Director, Ajoka Theatre). April 6, 2015.

Nawaz, Shuja (Distinguished Fellow, South Asia Center, Atlantic Council). March 5, 2015.

Powell, Lydia (Head, Centre for Resources Management, Observer Research Foundation). March 9, 2015.

Muhammad, Rana (Executive Director, Citizens Archive of Pakistan). March 15, 2015.

Rangoonwala, Tariq (Chair, Pakistan International Chamber of Commerce). April 10, 2015.

Schneider, Cynthia (Distinguished Professor in the Practice of Diplomacy, Georgetown University). April 1, 2015.

Taneja, Nisha (Professor, Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations). March 23, 2015.

Vachani, Tina (President, Routes to Roots). March 19, 2015.

Vaishnav, Milan (Associate, South Asia Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace). February 12, 2015.

Zaidi, Salman (Deputy Director, Jinnah Institute). March 12, 2015.

35

APPENDIX 2: ORGANIZATIONS

Sector Name Description Contact Information

Culture and Arts News Media Aman ki Asha A major joint venture for peace

initiated by two leading media corporations in India and Pakistan, the Jang Group of Pakistan and the Times of India Group.

2nd Floor, Jang building I.I. Chundrigar road, Karachi [email protected] 92-21-32637111 http://amankiasha.com/

Literature Lahore Literary Festival An annual literary festival held in Lahore featuring Indian and Pakistani writers.

http://www.lahorelitfest.com/

Literature ZEE Jaipur Literature Festival An annual literature festival held in Jaipur featuring Indian and Pakistani writers.

Mansarovar Building, Plot No 336 Min Sultanpur, New Delhi, India 91-11-26805477, 91-11-26801477 http://jaipurliteraturefestival.org/

Performing Arts Tehrik-e-Niswan A Pakistani women's organization based in Karachi that utilizes theater and dance to promote peace between India and Pakistan.

GF-3, Block 78, Sea View Apartments DHA, Phase 5, Karachi, Pakistan [email protected], [email protected] 92-21-5851790, 92-21-5851852, 92-333-2155736; http://www.tehrik-e-niswan.org.pk/default.asp

Performing Arts Ajoka Theatre A Pakistani theater group based in Lahore promoting exchanges between Indian and Pakistani performers.

24-B Sarwar Road Lahore Cantt. Pakistan 92-42-36682443 [email protected] http://ajoka.org.pk/

Fine Arts My East Is Your West An Indian-Pakistani joint exhibition at the 2015 Venice Biennale.

http://gujralfoundation.org/my-east-your-west/

Youth Youth Exchange Citizens Archive for Pakistan

(CAP) CAP is a non-profit organization dedicated to the preservation and promotion of Pakistan's culture and history. They began "Exchange for Change" between grade school students from India and Pakistan to learn about the other's culture and shared history. The exchange involves letter and internet interactions, as well as a select few traveling to each country. Began in 2010 and continues today.

Karachi, Pakistan +92 321 4513289 http://www.citizensarchive.org/; [email protected]

Youth Exchange Routes 2 Roots (R2R) R2R is the Indian counterpart to the Exchange for Change Program, and the organization works with the Citizens Archive for Pakistan to facilitate the exchanges.

New Delhi, India +91-11-41646383; http://www.routes2roots.com/about.php

Youth Forum India-Pakistan Regional Young Leaders Forum (IPRYLF)

This forum consists of young leaders under the age of 40, who “convene, connect and catalyze.” The group meets and spends an entire year working on a public service project that is trans-border in nature. It has been organized in conjunction with the Asia Society and Jinnah Institute. Began in 2012 and will end at the end of 2015 as the grant is running out.

725 Park Avenue, New York, NY; [email protected] www.asiasociety.org

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Youth Exchange Seeds of Peace (SOP) Seeds of Peace is a nonprofit organization that has programs all around the world to build peace by providing young people and educators from regions of conflict with an opportunity to meet at its International Camp in Maine. Its South Asia Program brings together citizens of Pakistan, India and Afghanistan, to find common ground for peace. The Seeds for Peace programme for South Asia was initiated in collaboration with the U.S. State Department in 2001, and 8% of SOP’s revenues currently stem from government (mainly USAID) funding.

New York, NY; South Asia Programs [email protected] 212 573 8040 seedsofpeace.org

Human Rights, Women, & Kashmir Think Tank Delhi Policy Group In addition to its Women in

Peacemaking Program, DPG has had a successful multilateral approach to women and peacebuilding that included the SAARC South Asian Charter for Peace.

Core 5-A, 1st Floor, India Habitat Centre Lodhi Road, New Delhi, 110003 Tel: +91- 11- 24649571 [email protected] www.delhipolicygroup.com

Human Rights Pakistan Human Rights Commission

HRCP is one of the leading human rights organisations in Pakistan. The HRCP also works in peacebuilding, working to resolve conflict in Baluchistan and in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, as well as reducing tensions between Pakistan and India.

Tel: +92-42-35864994 Fax: +92-42-35883582 E-mail: [email protected] URL: www.hrcp-web.org Sohra Yusuf, Chairperson

Human Rights, Peacebuilding

Pakistan India Peoples’ Forum for Peace & Democracy

PIPFPD is based in both countries with offices in Lahore and New Delhi, and its membership is open to nationals of respective countries who subscribe to the ideals of the group. The major activity of the PIPFPD is to organise a convention of 100-200 delegates from each country, alternatively in India and Pakistan. Since 1995, PIPFPD has organised eight conventions, four in each country’s major cities. The group has also facilitated the exchange of peace activists between the two countries and has organised meetings, seminars and workshops to promote peace and friendship among the people of India and Pakistan.

Kashmir, Peacebuilding

Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation

The Center for Dialogue and Reconciliation organizes workshops/meetings in J&K on peace education for Kashmiri youth affected by terrorism. Ms. Bharve also works with organizations in J&K that run orphanages and works with women who are victims.

2nd floor, 7/10, Sarvapriya Vihar New Delhi-110017 Tel. No: +91-11-46051314 Fax no: +91-11-41673258 email - [email protected]

Kashmir, Peacebuilding

Kashmir Institute of International Relations

With a particular emphasis on faith-based reconciliation in AJK, KIIR is involved in Kashmiri capacity building and conflict resolution efforts and has a consistent record of collaboration with international NGOs including the US Institute of Peace.

No. 11, 2nd Floor, Victory Tower Plaza, F-8 Markaz, Islamabad- Pakistan. Ph: 92-51-2287288-9 Fax: 92-51-2287290 Email: [email protected] , [email protected]

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Kashmir, Peacebuilding

Kashmir Foundation for Peace and Developmental Studies Institute for Reconciliation

The Kashmir Foundation for Peace and Developmental Studies provides broad support services, including for terrorist victims and their families.

Phone: 0194-248-1641, 0194-244-1374 "

Women Sangat (Jagori) A project of the Delhi-based women's rights organization Jagori, Sangat is a South Asian feminist network that is a continuation of the UN Food and Agricultural Organization's NGO South Asia Programme. Sangat is notable primarily for its month-long capacity building courses.

Jagori, B-114 Shivalik, Malviya Nagar, New Delhi - 110017 +91 11 26692166 [email protected] www.sangatsouthasia.org

Women Shirkat Gah Women's Resource Center

The Pakistan-based Shirkat Gah was the organizer of the groundbreaking Women's Action Forum in the 1980s and, since then, has demonstrated a consistent record of regional engagement and NGO collaboration.

Lahore Office:+92-42-35838815 +92-42-35886267-68+92-42-35832448 Karachi Office:+92-21-34322130-132 +92-21-34322162-163 Fax:+92-21-34322164 Peshawar office:+92-91-5703567 +92-91-5846113 Fax: +92-91-5854702 www.shirkatgah.org

Women Women in Security, Conflict Management, and Peace

WISCOMP seeks to cultivate non-traditional approaches to peace and security. Its annual Conflict Transformation Workshop focuses on training third-generation men and women between India and Pakistan in peacebuilding. Its Diplomacy Initiative also focuses on encouraging synergies between civil society and Track One diplomacy efforts among women diplomats and parliamentarians.

Core 4A, Upper Ground Floor, India Habitat Centre Lodhi Road, New Delhi – 110003 Tel: 91-11-24648450, 91-11-24651606 Fax: 91-11-24648451 Email: [email protected] www.wiscomp.org

Women AJK Women for Peace AJKWP participated in the Cross-LoC Dialogues and is one of the few homegrown women's organizations AJK that is looking to sustain the dialogue process.

http://www.ajkwfp.org/

Trade Trade Research Indian Council for Research on

International Economic Relations

Economic policy think tank that undertakes research aiming to improve India’s interface with the global economy. They have written numerous reports on India-Pakistan trade with the hopes of streingthening research and promoting multi-level dialogue for trade normalization between India and Pakistan.

indiapakistrantrade.org, [email protected]

Trade Promotion Pakistan Business Council Business policy advocacy platform that represents 46 of the larges private sector businesses. They conduct research of opportunities for expansion of trade between India and Pakistan and advocate for government policy reform.

pbc.org.pk/indo-pak-joint-forum/; 0213 563 0528; [email protected]

Trade Research Bureau of Research on Industry and Economic Fundamentals

Is a market research and consulting organization that studies the impact of policies and programs; primarily focusing on work done in theboth on the Indian and Pakistani side of the Punjab.

http://www.briefindia.com/; [email protected]

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Partnership Development

India-Pakistan Business Council

Dedicated to increasing India-Pakistan trade by assisting companies and professionals develop partnerships through introductions. It offers its members visa help, networking opportunities, workshops, sector based reports, legal consultancy and help establishing trademarks and patents.

www.inpkbc.com; [email protected]; +91-11-25891079,

Parnership Development

Pakistan-India business council Works to promote trade by building partnerships between businesses. It hosts trade shows and meetings to solidify these partnerships

[email protected]

Trade The Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry

It is the oldest and largest buisness organization in India. FICCI provides a platform for networking and consensus building within and across sectors and is the first port of call for Indian industry, policy makers and the international business community.

http://www.ficci.com/index.asp; 91-11-23738760-70; [email protected]

Trade Confederation of Indian Industries

Works to create and sustain an environment conducive to the development of India, partnering industry, Government, and civil society, through advisory and consultative processes.

http://www.cii.in/; [email protected]; 91 11 45771000

Trade Karachi Chamber of Commerce and Industry

Facilitate our members to prosper and succeed through a proactive working partnership with businessmen, traders, all levels of government and community organizations. They also partner with other chambers of commerce to develop conferences and trade fairs

www.kcci.com.pk; [email protected]; 92-21-99218001-09

Trade The Federation of Pakistan Chamber of Commerce and Industry

Promotes Pakistani trade interests globally. Specifically developed SAARC related initiatives that strive to increase collaboration within the region.

http://fpcci.org.pk/Default.aspx; [email protected]; 021-3-5873691,93-94

Trade Forum Atlantic Council's India-Pakistan Trade Business Forum

The India-Pakistan Trade and Business Forum creates an ongoing dialogue between high and mid-level business leaders in both countries. They will explore ways of creating sustainable economic ties between the neighbors.

http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/; [email protected]

Trade Forum SAARC Chamber Women Entrepreneurs Council

works towards facilitating co-operation and networking among the women entrepreneurs of the SAARC region. It focuses on development of women entrepreneurship for economic development building trade links among the women of the SAARC region. Since the inception of SCWEC a number of workshops, round table conference, seminars, training programs.

http://www.scwec.com/; 977 01 4247682 / 9841589441; [email protected]

Trade Forum Indo-Pakistan Economic Conference

This event organized by Aman Ki Asha and the Jang Group, two media conglomerates was founded to promote Indian and Pakistani compliance with SAFTA

See above

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Trade Research Gateway House India’s leading corporations and individuals in debate and scholarship on India’s foreign policy and the nation’s role in global affairs. Gateway House writes extensively about India-Pakistan trade.

http://www.gatewayhouse.in/; [email protected]

Track Two Trade Pakistan- India Joint Working Group

Holds meetings between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from Pakistan and the Ministry of External Affairs from India to discuss trading across the LoC.

Security Think Tank Australia India Institute (AII) Based at the University of

Melbourne, the Australia India Institute conducts research and analysis on India.

University of Melbourne, 147-149 Barry St Carlton, Vic, 3053, Australia; [email protected]; +61 3 90358047 http://www.aii.unimelb.edu.au/;

Track Two Diplomacy Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation (CDR)

CDR convenes a series of Track Two exchanges on issues relating to security, trade, water rights, women, Kashmir, youth and other topics.

2nd floor, 7/10, Sarvapriya Vihar New Delhi-110017, India; [email protected]; +91-11-46051314 http://www.cdr-india.org/

Track Two Diplomacy Chaophraya Dialogue A joint initiative of the Australia India Institute (AII) and the Jinnah Institute, promoting dialogue on a host of strategic issues.

[email protected]; http://chaophrayadialogue.net/

Think Tank Global Center on Cooperative Security

A research, programmatic and capacity-building organization focused on international security, the Global Center convenes the Regional Workshop for Judges, Prosecutors and Police Officers in South Asia on Effectively Countering Terrorism, in partnership with the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate.

747 Third Avenue, 4th Floor, New York, NY 10017; www.globalcenter.org

Think Tank Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS)

A New Delhi-based think tank focused primarily on security, defense and strategic affairs.

B-7/3 Lower Ground Floor, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi 110029 India; [email protected]; +91-11-4100-1900; http://www.ipcs.org/

Think Tank Jinnah Institute An independent policy research and public advocacy organization based in Pakistan, engaged in numerous Track Two exchanges.

Islamabad, Pakistan; [email protected]; http://www.jinnah-institute.org/

Think Tank Observer Research Foundation (ORF)

One of India's leading public policy research and analysis centers; staff regularly participate in Track Two dialogues and other initiatives affecting the India-Pakistan relationship.

20, Rouse Avenue Institutional Area, New Delhi - 110 002, INDIA; [email protected]; +91-11-43520020; http://orfonline.org/

Think Tank Regional Centre for Strategic Studies

An independent think tank based in Colombo, Sri Lanka, RCSS convenes annual workshops for young Indian, Pakistani and Chinese scholars.

68/1, Sarasavi Lane, Colombo 08, 00800, Sri Lanka; [email protected]; (94-11) 2690913-4; http://www.rcss.org/

Security Policy South Asian Voices Managed by the Washington-based Stimson Center, a website initiative enabling policy discourse among the next generation of strategic analysts in India and Pakistan.

http://southasianvoices.org/

Think Tank Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI)

A leading Pakistan-based research center focused on issues of social and economic development, energy, the environment, peace and security.

38, Street No : 86 Embassy Road, G-6/3 Islamabad, 44000, Pakistan; [email protected]; +92-51-2278134; http://www.sdpi.org/

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Track Two Diplomacy The Ottawa Dialogue Based at the University of Ottawa, the Ottawa Dialogue organizes Track Two engagements around issues of nuclear security, military, intelligence, water security and regional security.

120 University Social Sciences Building, Room 5058, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada; [email protected]; 613-562-5800, ext. 1876; http://socialsciences.uottawa.ca/dialogue/eng/

Think Tank The Pakistan Institute of International Affairs (PIIA)

A leading research institute in Pakistan, PIIA focuses on internaitional politics, economics and law.

Aiwan-e-Sadar Road, Karachi 74200, P. O. Box 1447, Pakistan; [email protected]; +92-21-35682891; www.piia.org.pk