context • 1

cover photo: Pruitt-Igoe during 1972 demolition (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

This project would never have happened without the invaluable research of Michael Allen, Elizabeth Birmingham, Katherine Bristol, and others who have tirelessly worked to decipher the true story of Pruitt-Igoe. Without their work, Pruitt-Igoe might have continued to be known as an icon of failure and remain an irreparable scar on the face of St. Louis.

I would like to thank the following people who have made the completion of this project possible:My advisor, Wendy Jacobson, for her encouragement, guidance, and patience. Brian Katen for his inspiration and encouragement. Mintai Kim, Terry Clements, Dean Bork, Patrick Miller, C.L. Bohannon, and Dave McGill for their help and inspiration over the years.

Thank you to my family (especially Elinor, Dad, and Grandma Evelyn) for all your support and patience. Also to my wonderful classmates and friends Laura Sokol, Luisa Cruz, Amy Strickland, Laurel Heile, Christine Ly, Brad Davis, and Dustin Smith for your invaluable advice and encouragement. Also to Jon Runge, Ben Turpin, and Paul Toler for distractions and just plain awesomeness.

acknowledgements:

table of contentsbeginnings

background

history

analysis

concept

design

conclusion

synthesis

prefaceintroduction

context

districtcity

site

city

vision

masterplandesign principlesexperiencing an urban forestdistrict concept

pruitt-igoe’s legacylist of references

objectives + strategieshybrid programming

what is city.forest?

embracing wilderness

districtsite

districtsite

12

3

46

8

18

21

25

3436

38

39

40

4346

48

49

5257

5859

preface • 1

photo: Pruitt-Igoe during demolition (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

saving an citypreface:

I love St. Louis.

I love its culture, its people, its location, its history.

I wanted to do a project in St. Louis so I could attempt to gain a better under-

standing of the city’s issues and how they could be remedied. What better site

than Pruitt-Igoe, which, in the years since its dramatic demise, has become an

international icon of failure?

Forgotten by the city whose salvation it promised, Pruitt-Igoe has been allowed

to fade into myth, casting an immense shadow on the city and on the neighbor-

hood. I believe that a real understanding of Pruitt-Igoe – its history, its effects,

its real legacy – is invaluable to the future of St. Louis. If the city is ever to move

forward, it must first confront its past.

How do you create a St. Louis solution to a St. Louis problem?

––––

“St. Louis’ best chance for a bright future depends on forging creative connections with the past.” (Hidden Assets).

2 • introduction

Figure 01: concept drawing for the future of downtown St. Louis, circa 1965. Notice the image of a Pruitt-

Igoe–like project in the top right corner. . (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Pruitt-Igoe was a multi-block urban renewal project

completed in north St. Louis n 1956 that was subse-

quently spectacularly demolished (see Figure XX) due

to rampant crime, falling occupancy rates, and decay.

With its demise it gained international notoriety and

permanently damaged the image of St. Louis.

Pruitt-Igoe was supposed to be a catalyst for St. Louis

– attacking the heart of the slums and bringing people

back to the city after white flight. Instead it had the op-

posite effect – starting a mass exodus from the city and

becoming far worse than the slums it replaced. The

failure of Pruitt-Igoe forever burdened St. Louis with

the image of danger and vacancy. While the project

has grown internationally notorious, the city has tried to

forget it – every solution has proposed wiping the site

clean. But its notoriety has had a beneficial outcome

– redeveloping the site would mean dealing with its

issues and instead the site has been allowed to regen-

erate into a rich urban forest unlike anything else in the

city. A new project, Northside Regeneration, proposes

wiping the site clean and replacing the forest with of-

fice parks and new housing (see Figure XX) – a superfi-

cial solution that does nothing to combat the realities

of isolation, negative perception, and the brokenness

of the neighborhood.

Is there another way? One that breaks the St. Louis

tradition of the ‘edifice complex’ (believing new build-

ing developments can fix the brokenness of the still-

emptying city)?

Michael Hough wrote in Cities and Natural Process that

the ignored urban spaces contribute just as much to

the city’s civic image as the formalized landscapes (in

St. Louis’ case, the Arch, for example). And when these

wild, derelict spaces are actually closer to the common

perception of the city of St. Louis, why not embrace

these spaces that contribute to the city’s current char-

acter – repurposing what others view as debris/ugly to

add value to the city and neighborhood?

How can a project that was meant to be a harbinger

of the future fulfill this role forty years after its death?

What is true urban renewal?

introduction:urban renewal + the city of the future

“Action and reaction, ebb and flow, trial and error, change –this is the

rhythm of living. Out of our over-confidence, fear; out of fear, clearer vision, fresh hope,and

out of hope, progress.”– Bruce Barton

(former US Congressman, NY)(Hidden Measures, p. xi)

context • 3

city + sitecontext

[midwest] [missouri] [metro st. louis]

Early settlers of the Midwest were attracted by its rich prairie soil and flat topography, although later most of the cities became centers for industry. Many of the major cities grew up along rivers or other waterways and became shipping and manufacturing hubs.

Missouri is a transition state: from east to west it makes the end of the eastern decidous forest and the beginning of the prairie, and from north to south it marks the limits of early glacial movements. Mis-souri’s diverse microclimates allow for both industrial agriculture and wineries. Much of the state is rural, the only main cities – St. Louis, Jefferson City/Colombia, and Kansas City – are all located along Interstate 64, which bisects the state.

St. Louis is situated at the confluence of the Missouri and Mississippi Rivers. Although the metropolitan area is comprised of 15 counties across Missouri and Illinois, the City of St. Louis and St. Louis County – the two largest segments of the city – are both located in Missouri. The City of St. Louis is bisected by Inter-state 64, dividing the city perceptually into north city and south city.

downtown

Pruitt-Igoe

Interstate 64

Missouri River

Miss

issipp

i Rive

r

city of st. louismissourieastern u.s.

illinois

4 • history

st. louis: boomtownhistory

Initially settled as a French fur-trading port, St. Louis is situated at the confluence of the Missouri and Mis-sippi Rivers. Because of its location, St. Louis quickly became a major trading city and a starting point for pioneers moving west (see Figure XX). By 1836, it was one of the fastest growing cities in the U.S. (with a 373% population boom from 1840–50). About the same time, the first riverside railroads appeared in St. Louis, and by 1841, St. Louis had the second highest river traffic in the country (next to New Orleans) and was becoming a major metropolis:

In 1876, the City of St. Louis split from St. Louis County to become its own county so that it could establish better home rule. (These boundaries, which still exist today, were established to give St. Louis ample room to grow, although they prompted some of the densification measures of urban renewal seventy years later.)

In 1880, St. Louis was the 4th largest city in the coun-try (after New York, Philadelphia, and Brooklyn) with a population of 350,522. In response, some of the prominent businessmen formed the Business Men’s League, Incorporated in 1895 to devote itself “to keep the city’s greatness constantly before the people of this and other countries” (St. Louis: Its Neighorhoods and Neighbors, p. 12). It was this group that was largely responsible for making St. Louis the site of the 1904 World’s Fair, for supporting Charles Lindbergh’s trans-atlantic flight, for bringing the City Beautiful movement to the city (and the establishment of parks,

indoor plumbing, and public baths), and for leading a state-wide good roads movement.

By the early twentieth century, St. Louis had also become a major manufacturing center; over 150 new factories were built between 1920 and 1925 alone. By the mid-1920s, St. Louis had become a true trans-portation hub: 600 miles of railroad, 26 railroad lines, 4 trans-river bridges, and 19 miles of industrial river frontage. By the 1930s and 40s, however, the industry had started to decline and move out to the county, leaving the core of the city empty and derelict. Much of the housing around the industry deteriorated and this was partially responsible for the flight of middle class residents to the suburbs. Enter urban renewal and Pruitt-Igoe.

Once the 4th largest city in the country, St. Louis is now the 58th (see Figure 04). What happened is a complicated story, but one that intimately involves Pruitt-Igoe.

Figure 02St. Louis and westward expansion. (Image credit: “Framing a Modern Mess”)

Figure 03St. Louis and major trade routes. (Image credit: “Framing a Modern Mess”)

“In little more than half a century, St. Louis has passed from a border trading post, scarcely yet Americanized, to a metropolis which is already contending for a foremost rank among American cities.” – Wayman Crow, 1875 St. Louis Chamber of Commerce(St. Louis: Its Neighborhoods and Neighbors, p. 12)

history • 5

Figure 04Charting St. Louis’ population decline over the 20th

century and how Pruitt-Igoe fits into it.

1950*

St. Louis City: 856,796St. Louis County: 406,349

St. Louis Co

unty

Though separate, St. Louis City and St. Louis County were growing at approx. the same rate

St. L

ouis CitySt. Louis City and County

Pittsburgh

Syracuse

BuffaloRochester

Cleveland

Cincinatti

Detroit

Chicago

St. Louis Rustbelt area

U.S. boundaryriver

rustbelt context

1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010Time

Po

pul

atio

n G

row

th

1960703,532people

The Promise of Pruitt-Igoe:

The Result of Pruitt-Igoe:

Today the City’s population is less than it was at the end

of the Civil War

After a few decades of rapid population increase, the County’s growth has steadied as new populations move into new developments in other counties in the metropolitan area. (Increased sprawl as the metro area covers 21 counties in Illinois and Missouri)

“If we can clear away the slums and blighted areas of this city, and replace them with modern, cheerful living accommodations, people will stop moving out of the city into the [suburban] county, and many will start moving back.”

“a great step forward, the kind of progress that would revitalize St. Louis”

national infamy

* decade marked the beginning of white flight

(St. Louis Post-Dispatch)

(Mayor Joseph M. Darst, 1949 campaign speech)

“the modern movement’s most grandiloquent failure”

(Architect’s Journal, 1972)

- 28%- 28%between 1970 & 1980 alone!

1970951,671people

1980974,180people

1990993,508people

20001,016,300

people2010

998,954people

1960750,026people

1970622,236people

1980453,085people

1990396,685people

2000348,189people 2010

319,294people

What is the rustbelt? Also called the Manufacturing Belt or the Factory Belt, the rustbelt describes the area straddling the Midwest and Northeast whose economy was historically based on manufacturing, specifically metals and automobiles. Due to changing economic conditions in the mid-20th century, much of the industry left the area and many of the urban areas now suffer from population loss, depletion of local tax rev-enues, and chronic unemployment.

the fall of a rustbelt metropolis

6 • history

attacking the slumshistory

Obsolete areas

Blighted areas

Cochran Gardens (Demolished 2008)

Darst-Webbe (Demolished 1999)

Clinton-Peabody (still exists)

Vaughan (Demolished 1995)

Pruitt-Igoe(demolished 1972-76)

Figure 06Image from 1947 Housing Assessment showing potential ideas for the

Desoto-Carr neighborhood. Future Pruitt-Igoe site outlined. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth).

Although the political boundaries set up in 1876 seemed to adequately allow for future growth at the time, they proved to be restrictive later. When the city faced mas-sive population influxes at the turn of the century, it was forced to consolidate its cemeteries in order to build more housing. When in the 1930s, the population was predicted to reach 950,000 by 1970, the city took action

again: tearing down the older low-income neighbor-hoods and consolidating them into high-rise apartment buildings like Pruitt-Igoe. When they assessed the city’s housing stock, a high percentage of it was deemed obsolete (to be torn down) or blighted (to get superficial improvements) (see Figure 05). Although not shown on the map as blighted, large areas of downtown and the riverfront were torn down, including industrial buildings and ethnic enclaves. The downtown mall, the site of Busch Stadium, and the eventual site of the National Jefferson Expansion Me-morial were cleared during this process.

As the city began to lose population in the 1950s when people began flocking to the suburbs, planners thought that attacking the worst areas of the city would be enough to stem the emigration. Planners saw the prob-lems of the slums to be superficial, which could easily be fixed through beautification efforts. Part of the 1947 Housing Assessment report reads “Neighborhoods that have become a liability to the city can become an as-set only through reconstruction along sound planning principles” (1947 Comprehensive City Plan of St. Louis, p. 15). The Desoto-Carr neighborhood was judged to be one of the most dangerous areas of the city and it received the largest housing project, Pruitt-Igoe.

When they began clearing the neighborhood, it was expected that other urban renewal projects would be added later, creating a corridor of new, clean residences that befitted the modern city. As it turned out, although some of the area was cleared, new buildings never arrived, leaving Pruitt-Igoe isolated among slums and some vacant land.

“Slums are the cancers of our cities.” – Minoru Yamasaki, architect of Pruitt-Igoe

Figure 05St. Louis’ urban renewal pub-lic housing program based on the 1947 Housing Assess-ment, which highlighted the problem areas within the city which should be addressed by urban renewal.

history • 7

far left: Figure 07Cover from Architectural Forum (1951) article, lauding St. Louis’ efforts to clean up the city. The area marked as ‘A’ would become Pruitt-Igoe. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)clockwise from top center: Figure 08Pruitt-Igoe dominated the skyline before the Arch was completed in 1965. Note how Pruitt-Igoe is like an island among a sea of slums. (courtesy of Michael Allen)Figure 09Aerial photo of downtown St. Louis circa 1965. Pruitt-Igoe is easily visible in the background. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)Figure 10Part of Architectural Forum (1951) article, commending the architects’ design to create community. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

a moderndream

8 • history

the pruitt-igoe mythhistory

photo: Pruitt-Igoe during 1972 demolition (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Originally lauded in Architectural Forum and Archi-

tectural Record for its modern innovative design, less

than 20 years later Pruitt-Igoe was a “menace” and a

“failure” (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth). Its negative perception

was secured when Charles Jencks, the architectural

theorist, blamed the project for the death of modernism

in general:

“Modern architecture died in St. Louis, Missouri on July

15, 1972...when the infamous Pruitt-Igoe scheme...

[was] given the final coup de grâce by dynamite”

(Pruitt Igoe Now, p. 3).

Since then its notoriety has only grown, making it an

international icon of failure, the quintessential example

of architecture gone wrong.

But, as some historians have pointed out, the story of

Pruitt-Igoe – why it was built and why it failed – is much

more complicated than the prevailing myth implies.

history • 9

“Modern architecture died...when the infamous

Pruitt-Igoe scheme... [was] given the final coup

de grâce by dynamite.”

*boom*

– Charles Jencks

19561940 1950 1960 1976

Figure 11 Overlaying the public perception of Pruitt-Igoe with its occupancy rate and other major events.

July 15, 1972

91%

60%

13%

occupancy rate

29%

1939:St. Louis City Planning

Commission creates a map of the obsolete and blighted

areas of St. Louis

1950:St. Louis Housing Authority commissioned the firm of Leinweber, Yamasaki, &

Hellmuth to design the project

1949:U.S. Housing Act of 1949 is passed

1954:Brown vs. Board of Education passed in Supreme Court. Plans for Pruitt-Igoe

were hurriedly desegregated

1958:After two years of good conditions,

the project begins to deteriorate and occupancy begins to drop. 1965:

First of federal grants to physically rejuvenate the project and establish

social programs

1969:Inhabitants go on a rent strike after the Housing Authority refuses to fix things.

1973:Federal Department of Housing &

Urban Development decided Pruitt-Igoe was unsaveable and decide to

demolish the rest of the projectactual life of Pruitt-Igoe

1970

(Pruitt Igoe Now, p. 3)

timeline:charting catastrophe

Height inspired by New York City skyscrapers and Robert Moses’ Stuyvesant Towers. High-rise design was also championed as a way to preserve open space.

Skip-stop elevators connecting to windowed galleries meant to promote a sense of community (also a cost-saving measure).

Lack of landscape a result of local contractors’

price-gouging.

Location in the middle of the city because wanted to attack the heart of the slum problem (hoped that getting rid of the worst neighborhoods

would help draw people back to the city).

High density from high cost of land (including slum clearance), expected influx of migrant populations, and federal cost-cutting measures.

Superblock from Modernist movement

55 dwellings per acre

Strategy was not an attempt to restrict poor blacks to inner city neighborhoods; instead of building “warehouses for the poor,” it was intended to be “a great step forward, the kind of progress that would revitalize St. Louis.” (von Hoffman p. 181)

x

10 • history

product of an erahistory

The main flaw of Pruitt-Igoe, at least to architects, was

its design. Why did a project that was first proposed as

a mixture of lower structures become a forest of mono-

lithic 11-story slabs? The answer is a combination

of cultural and architectural trends and government

mandates.

When the firm of Leinweber, Yamasaki & Hellmuth was

first hired to design Pruitt-Igoe, they were constrained

by the size and location of the site, the number of

units, and the project density (all of which had been

predetermined by the St. Louis Housing Authority).

Their first design proposal called for a mixture of high-

rise, mid-rise, and walk-up structures, which, although

approved by local authorities, exceeded the federal

maximum allowable cost per unit. A field officer of the

federal Public Housing Administration (PHA) insisted

on a scheme using 33 identical eleven-story elevator

buildings. Figure 12 breaks down the major architec-

tural and cultural influences of the project. (Bristol, p.

352-356; von Hoffman, p. 180-185).

Figure 12The major architectural and cultural influences of Pruitt-Igoe.

history • 11

20th century blight

19th century diversity

Through the 1910s, the Desoto-Carr neighborhood was a diverse middle-

and working-class neighborhood with a mix of commercial, residential, and

industrial uses (see Figures 13 + 14). As more immigrants began to move

to the area, however, the middle class population left and the neighbor-

hood began to deteriorate. By the late 1920s, the area had become a slum:

rampant crime, deteriorating homes (see Figure 17), overcrowded condi-

tions (see Figures 15 + 16), and junk yards (see Figure 18). These condi-

tions and its proximity to downtown made it a target for urban renewal. Figure 13.1875 map of the Desoto-Carr neighborhood as it was being built up. The future Pruitt-Igoe site is marked with yellow; industry with maroon; forest remnants with green; ponds and depressions with blue. (“Framing a Modern Mess”)

Figure 14.Detail area of the neighborhood in 1875. The future Pruitt-Igoe site is marked in yellow. (Missouri History Museum)

Figure 15.Children playing in one of the slum alleys circa 1940.(The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 16.Children playing in one of the slum alleys circa 1940.(The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 17.Deteriorating homes in the Desoto-Carr area circa 1945.(The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 18.One of the many junk yards that were prevalent in the neighborhood circa 1945.(The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

a ‘problem’neighborhood

12 • history

the projecthistory

above:Figure 19The landscape around the buildings. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

left:Figure 20Aerial map of Pruitt-Igoe, circa 1965. Vaughn Apart-ments are in the lower right corner. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Even though the architects were limited by FHA and

St. Louis Housing Authority standards, they did try to

make the project as livable as possible. Charles Jencks

wrote:

Despite their best efforts, the project began to crumble

within a few years of its construction, prompting plan-

ners and architects to question the guiding principles

of Modernism (which is part of the reason why Pruitt-

Igoe is considered to be the death of modern architec-

ture). They concluded, like Jencks, that even though

the project was designed with the intention of instilling

good behavior in the tenants, “it was incapable of ac-

commodating their social needs” (Bristol, p. 12)

“Pruitt-Igoe was constructed according to the most progressive ideas of CIAM [Congrés Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne, or the International Congress of Modern Architecture]...It consisted of elegant slab blocks fourteen storeys high, with rational ‘streets in the air’ (which were safe from cars, but, as it turned out, not

safe from crime); ‘sun, space, and green-ery,’ which Le Corbusier called the ‘three essential joys of urbanism’ (instead of conventional streets, gardens, and semi-private space, which he banished). It had separation of pedestrian and vehicular traffic the provision of play space, and lo-cal amenities such as laundries, créches, and gossip centers – all rational substi-tutes for traditional patterns.” (Bristol, p. 12)

history • 13

Figure 21Map of the Pruitt-Igoe project. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

mapping the site

14 • history

Hopes were high when Pruitt-Igoe first opened:

the project was lauded as a great step forward

for St. Louis, a massive improvement over the

slums. For most residents, although the fur-

nishings and construction were the cheapest

possible, the apartments were the best they’d

ever lived in, or would live in again (The Pruitt-

Igoe Myth). Despite the myth that the residents

immediately trashed the project, many were

excited about the prospect of being the first

tenants of the project, and took care of their

new homes (Bristol p. 355-57).

Figure 22Crowd at Pruitt-Igoe’s opening ceremonies, 1956.

(The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 25Residents in front of their old home in the

slums, ready to move into Pruitt-Igoe. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 23Early residents in their new home.

(The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 24Joyce Ladner and her child.

(The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 26One of few intact families in Pruitt-Igoe; many fathers

were prohibited for living in the project. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

1956:“the best place I ever lived”

history • 15

So read the headline of an Architectural Fo-

rum article from 1968 (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth),

seventeen years after the same magazine

had praised the project as precent-breaking,

a shining example of Modernism at work

(see Figure 07). By the mid-1960s, the

infrastructure and social structure of Pruitt-

Igoe were crumbling, and the project was

becoming a haven for crime. In less than 15

years, “the words ‘Pruitt-Igoe’ have become

a household term...for the worst in ghetto liv-

ing” (“The Lessons of Pruitt-Igoe” p. 116).

Figure 28Broken windows, circa 1968. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 29Walking through the rubble, circa 1973. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 31Policeman patrolling corridors at night, circa 1965. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 27Broken windows covered in icicles, circa 1968. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

Figure 30Example of vandalism common in the buildings.(The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)

1968:‘case history of a failure’

16 • history

Mullanphy

Dickson

N. 2

3rd

Cass

N. 2

4th

N. J

effe

rson

Pruitt-Igoe site

Wash

Wash

Biddle

Dayton

Dickson

Sheridan

N. 2

3rd

N. 2

3rd

N. 2

5th

N. 2

2nd

N. 2

2nd

N. 2

2nd

N. 2

1st

N. 2

1st

N. 2

0th

Carr

O’Fallon

brick building

frame building new building

historic existing building

MullanphyN. 2

5th

N. 2

3rd

Cass

Thomas

James Cool Papa Bell

Division

Division

Biddle

O’Fallon

Murphy ParkPhipps

O’Fallon

Gamble

Biddle

N 2

2nd

N 2

0th

N 2

0th

N 2

0th

N 2

2nd

N 1

9th

N 1

9th

Vins

on

Long

Bry

ant

Hog

an

N. J

effe

rson

Pruitt-Igoe site

Figure 321895 map of block density of the Desoto-Carr neighborhood, focused on the future site of Pruitt-Igoe. (compiled from Whipple Maps, courtesy of the Missouri History Museum)

Figure 332010 map of the area’s block density today. Note the superblock of Pruitt-Igoe that replaced the original street grid, how few historic buildings still remain, and the new development patterns of infill residential developments.

Intended to stabilize the neighborhood and bring the

middle classes back from the suburbs, Pruitt-Igoe had

the opposite effect: it cast a shadow on St. Louis –

contributing to the perception that the city was danger-

ous and decaying, a perception that exists to this day

– and directly caused the deterioration of the neighbor-

hood. Migrant populations, expected to fill the vacated

homes around Pruitt-Igoe, moved instead to the coun-

ty, and over time, the homes began to crumble and

were enventually demolished by the city, leaving empty

grassed lots in their place. Today, some of the lots are

being rebuilt as suburban-style apartment complexes,

but the neighborhood is still characterized by swathes

of vacant land and a perception of danger – a place to

avoid for most citizens.

changingurban fabric

history • 17

Over the years, the city has proposed various

schemes for the site, none of which have been

successful. Ideas included a penitentiary, golf

course, and the two most recent ideas: Gateway

Village and Northside Regeneration.

covering an urban scar

top row: Figures 34 + 35.Proposed in the mid-1990s, Gateway Village was an ambitious project that proposed reestablishing high-end residential along St. Louis Place Park, add-ing middle-class neighborhoods along the edge, and creating two main park-like subdivisions in the vacant areas. (The Pruitt-Igoe Myth)bottom row: Figures 36, 37, + 38.Northside Regeneration plans to demolish much of almost two square miles of north city, replacing it with four office parks (far right) and new detached single-family homes and mixed-use developments. (Northside Regeneration, LLC)Figure 34

Figure 36

Figure 35

Figure 37 Figure 38

18 • analysis

analysisthe city today

“The Gateway City is, by any measure, one of the most depopulated, deindustrialized, and deeply segregated examples of American urban decay. ‘Not a typical city,’ as one observer noted in the late 1970s, ‘but...it shows a general condition in a stark and dramatic form.” – Colin Gordon

(Mapping Decline, p. xi)

18th 35th 29th 34th 20th 3rd

2010 city stats:

(among top 50 metro areas)

(source: Hidden Assets)

largest U.S. metro area

in median household income

in college-education

inpoverty rate

in unemployment

in crime

( )2.6 million people

Once a thriving metropolis, St. Louis has fallen far: its

population continues to fall every year, it is consistently

on the FBI’s most dangerous cities list, and, for the

most part, the city’s efforts of revitalization have fallen

flat. As Colin Gordon notes,

The city’s future is not completely bleak, however;

several grassroots organizations and other groups have

started making a difference in their community. Slowly

but surely, progress is being made all over the city.

Can one site become a catalyst for the entire city? I be-

lieve that because of Pruitt-Igoe’s history in relation to

the rest of the city, its geographic location, its cultural

significance, and the unique ecological opportunities

on the site, it can be just such a catalyst.

How can the ecology of the site be harnessed? At a

city scale, many St. Louis’ neighborhood parks are

average: a few trees and grass playing fields. The few

notable exceptions are Forest Park, Tower Grove Park,

the Arch, and City Garden (see Figure 40). Of these,

only Forest Park and City Garden feature a 21st centu-

ry design (although the Arch grounds are currently be-

ing redesigned). How can the Pruitt-Igoe site become a

21st century park? (See page 43 for more information).

What implications will that have for the rest of the city?

“Billions of dollars in 1960s slum clear-

ance, urban renewal, and the model

cities program have ‘had little funda-

mental effect on the basic economy

of the city.’... Assessments of urban

decay in St. Louis have changed

little in the last century: the scope of

blight plans of 1979 or 1963 or 1947

is essentially the same as that circum-

scribed by development or enter-

prise zone programs today” (Map-

ping Decline, p. 158).

analysis • 19

Pruitt-Igoe

Forest Park

Tower GrovePark

River Des PeresGreenway

CarondeletPark

FairgroundsPark

O’FallonPark

BellefontaineCemetery

Archthegarden

city

CalgaryCemetery

prairieaverage

park forest

Pruitt-Igoe

Delmar Blvd.

(downtown)

Interstate 64 north citysouth city

empty city:vacancy patterns

shades of green: city parks

Figure 39Vacant lots within the city limits (2011 data). The city is bisected by Interstate 64, dividing it into north city and south city. North city, especially above Delmar Blvd (the Mason-Dixon line of the city), is much emptier than south city.

Figure 40The relative ecological diversity within St. Louis’ parks. Only a few of the city’s parks (Forest Park, the Arch, City Garden, and Tower Grove Park) have received any re-cent attention. The rest, especially in north city, are neglected.

20 • analysis

Fore

st P

ark

Central West End

Sou

th G

rand

Sou

lard

Gra

nd C

ente

r

(Pruitt-Igoe site)

Tower GrovePark

44

55

64

70

The

Arc

h

zoo

history museum

art museum

muny

science center

ted drew’s

washington university

BJC,Children’s

St. Louis University

The Fox

Botanical Gardens

Powell

(dividing line)Busch

Stadium

Figure 41Highlighting the main attractions in St. Louis – or all that most resi-dents find important.

To most residents of the St. Louis metropolitan area, there isn’t

much of value in the city of St. Louis: a few parks (Forest Park,

Tower Grove Park, and possibly the Arch), a few neighbor-

hoods (Central West End is the most popular), and a few muse-

ums and attractions. The rest is seen as dangerous: north city

is where the “ghettos” and vacant blocks are, while south city

is denser but badly deteriorating. (St. Louis is divided perceptu-

ally into north city and south city by Interstate 64.)

Although Pruitt-Igoe is located in north city, geographically

close to both Grand Center and downtown, perceptually it

seems very distant.

st. louis life: cultural attractions + vibrant neighborhoods

analysis • 21

Figure 42Context map of downtown and Desoto-Carr. (Image courtesy of Google Maps).

analysisdistrict: downtown + desoto-carr

downtown

Pruitt-Igoe

Desoto-Carr & St. Louis Place neighborhoods

the ArchCity Garden

Cass Ave.

Washington Ave.

Jeffe

rson

Ave

.

Interstate 64

Interstate 70

22 • analysis

1% hispanic

2% hispanic

3% hispanic3% white

96% black

100% black

91%black

97% black

99% black

41% black

38% black

22% black

93% black

35% black

96% black

3% white

1% white

55% white

58% white

69% white

6% white

61% white

2% white

2% hispanic3% white

5% asian

2% asian

4% asian

4% asian

4% asian

7% asian

1% asian

population (2010):

(-5% from 2000)

population (2010):

(-9% from 2000)

population (2010):

(-15% from 2000)population (2010):

median income:

median income:

median income:

median income:

median income:

median income:

median income:

median income:

median income:

(+40% from 2000)

population (2010):

(-11% from 2000)

population (2010):

(-32% from 2000)population (2010):

(-5% from 2000)

population (2010):

(+55% from 2000)

population (2010):

(+246% from 2000)

population (2010):

(+4% from 2000)

population (2010):

(-10% from 2000)

population (2010):

(+43% from 2000)

median income:

median income:

median income:25% white

72% black

left:Figure 43Demographic data by census tract (US Census data 2010)above:Figure 44Detailed demographic data of area immediately adjacent to Pruitt-Igoe site. (US Census data 2010).

St. Louis is a highly segregated city – racially and

economically. This divide can be clearly seen in

this district – the downtown is primarily white with

overall higher income levels than the areas to the

north. The area around the Pruitt-Igoe site (marked

in gray) is the poorest in the area, with residents

earning just under $9000 annually.

district life: demographic data

(+40% from 2000)

(+4% from 2000)

(+43% from 2000)

$

$

$

$

median home value:

(+64% from 2000)

education level:high school:

bachelors:

education level:high school:

bachelors:

no. of vacant units:

(+37.9% from 2000)

no. of vacant units:

(-12.6% from 2000)

no. of vacant units:

(-46.2% from 2000)

median home value:

(+121% from 2000)

median home value:

(-68% from 2000)

no. of vacant units:

(-57% from 2000)

median home value:

(-56% from 2000)

education level:high school:

bachelors:

education level:high school:

bachelors:

analysis • 23

Figure 45Breaking down the hierarchy of

major roads in the area.

Figure 46Looking at building density in the area, and marking potential population hubs.

During the late 19th- and early 20th-centuries, the

district was a busy industrial area, and its streets and

buildings reflected this. Although much of the area

was destroyed by urban renewal, its streets still reflect

its busy past. Many of the streets downtown still re-

ceive heavy traffic, but north of Delmar Blvd, the traffic

thins out considerably and many of the arterial roads

are simply too big (see Figure 45).

The site is located at the intersection of Jefferson and

Cass Avenues, two of the major arterial roads in the

neighborhood. Access to the site from the core of

downtown is possible via N. 14th Street and Tucker

Boulevard, which are major north-south thoroughfares

(see Figure 45).

Although many of the buildings north of Delmar have

been demolished, there are still a surprising number

of schools and churches (see Figure 46), which are

potential populations to be tapped for the project.

district life: circulation and buildings

Interstate 70

Interstate 64

Market St.

Je�e

rson

Ave

.

N. Florissant Ave.

N. 1

4th

St.

Tuck

er B

lvd.

Broa

dway

Washington Ave.

Dr. Martin Luther King Dr.

Cass Ave.

20th

St.

Gran

d Bl

vd.

St. Louis Ave.

main roads bus routes bus stops.1 .05 0 .1 miles

buildings churchesschools

Delmar Ave.

Delmar Ave.

.1 .05 0 .1 miles.1 .05 0 .1 miles

24 • analysis

Figure 47Comparing the use of unbuilt land,

especially north of Delmar Blvd.

Figure 50Many of the lots are not well-main-tained, and spontaneous vegeta-tion begins to take over any ruins.

Figure 49New housing next to a neighbor-hood park.

Figure 48View down one of the empty streets in Desoto-Carr.

Although when looking at the area north of Delmar,

there seem to be a lot of parks, the parks are often

very similar to the vacant lots nearby (see Figures 47

and 48). The high concentration of vacant lots con-

tribute to the overall negative perception of the area.

Although there is a lot of new housing in the area, it

is mostly insular and does little to connect to the sur-

rounding neighborhood. The linear forms of both St.

Louis Place Park and the downtown mall (see Figure

47) provide a potential opportunity for expansion.

district land: land use + character

.1 .05 0 .1 miles

park vacant land.1 .05 0 .1 miles

new housing community gardens

Delmar Ave.

downtown mall

St.

Loui

s P

lace

Par

k

analysis • 25

Figure 51Panorama of prairie in site interior

Although the largest rubble was cleared away from the

site after final demolition in 1976, a layer of rubble still

remained, as well as sidewalks, some trees, founda-

tions, and some roads. The site was then fenced off,

except for access to the electrical substation, which

is still in use today. Over the next twenty years, the

site was slowly vegetated by grass and other ground-

cover plants, and was mown by the St. Louis Housing

Authority, which maintained ownership.

In the early 1990s, twenty acres were developed as

a complex for Gateway Charter School. Around the

same time, the city began using the remainder of the

site as a dump for rubble from the construction of the

America’s Convention Center and Kiel Center (now

Scottrade Center) downtown. The addition of the

rubble made it impossible to mow the site, and the

St. Louis Land Clearance Authority (had taken over

ownership a few years earlier) allowed the site to grow

wild.

Over the past twenty years, the site has grown into a

diverse urban forest (see Figure 40) unlike anything

else in the city. The new growth has also had a nega-

tive impact: the site is frequently used for local dump-

ing, possibly because it looks like no one cares for the

site.

analysissite: pruitt-igoe today

26 • analysis

top:Figure 52

Section of the general vegetation suc-cession of the site.

above and right:Figure 53

Evolution of canopy cover on the site from the mid-1990s. The growth hap-pens fairly rapidly, especially between

2005 and 2007.

The vegetation on Pruitt-Igoe is unique; it has grown

without any outside assistance. Its success was de-

termined entirely by site conditions and, therefore, it is

truly indicative of the underlying conditions of the site.

It shows the past use, and indeed abuse, of the site.

Figure 52 breaks down the successional processes on

the site into stages, starting from pioneer species like

grasses and goldenrod and ending in what we as-

sume are the climax species. But the forest has only

been growing for 15 years (see Figure 53); how might

it change as it matures? The site offers an invaluable

opportunity for studying urban forests, and should be

preserved if possible to help serve the public.

growing an urban forest:spontaneous succession on site

2010

source: “Framing a Modern Mess” source: “Framing a Modern Mess” source: “Framing a Modern Mess”

source: “Framing a Modern Mess”

grasses, goldenrod goldenrod, honeysuckle honeysuckle, sumac sumac, tree of paradise cottonwood, siberian elm, catalpa, honey locust, hackberry, (honeysuckle)

analysis • 27

prairie

unde

rstory

canopy

honeysuckle

eastern red cedar

blackberry

japanese honey-suckle

tree of paradise

catalpa

honey locust

cottonwood

siberian elm

hackberry

mulberry

oak

sumac

goldenrodlegumes

(clover, lespedeza, etc)

aster

grasses

Figure 54Breakdown of vegetation types and species.

Figure 55From top to bottom: Sumacs in the prairie. A mixture of grasses growing through rubble. Honeysuckles amidst rubble.

The vegetation on the site is very diverse, ranging

from native species (oak, etc) to alien invasives (tree

of paradise, japanese honeysuckle, etc). Some of

the species may have come from neighboring prop-

erties, while some may have come from migrating

wildlife, making the site a product of a potentially

large geographic area.

The vegetation on the site can be divided into three

groups (see Figure 54): canopy (trees), understory

(shrubs and small trees), and prairie (grasses,

legumes, and perennials). Each of these spaces

offers a unique experience and, if preserved, could

offer valuable educational experiences as well as a

productive wildlife habitat.

site vegetation

[pH+++]low nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium

low nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium

compacted soil

compacted soil

[rubble]

low N,P,K

[pH+++]

alkaline leachingalkalinealkaline

alkalinity

rubble + debris dumped from around the city

rubble + debris dumped from around the city

Figure 56Study of general soil conditions on site.

Overall, the soil quality on the site is very low. Forty

years of vegetation has created a shallow layer of

top soil, but underneath that, the original Pruitt-Igoe

rubble is still there. The rubble (both the original and

that from the mid-1990s from the construction of the

convention center and Savvis Center) has created a

very alkaline climate, making it suitable only for weed

species.

The city has cited lead and asbestos contamination

as the reason for not developing the site (although no

formal soil study has ever been done); however, any

contaminants from Pruitt-Igoe would have been bro-

ken down by weathering or leached down to the bed-

rock by now. The only possible contamination would

be from recently deposited materials, which may need

to be removed.

soil conditions

28 • analysis

analysis • 29

Figure 57Sections through the main paths of the site.

Although most of the site is flat (approximately an

average 1.5% slope across the entire site), the rubble

mounds that have been dumped on the site for the

past 15 years add unexpected drama (see Figure 57).

The mounds are as shallow as a foot tall (Sections

1 and 4) which act as edges to the paths, or as high

as six or seven feet (Sections 3 and 5), creating a

tunnel-like effect.

experiencing the site

Section 1: entrance to the substation

Section 2: rubble piles south of the substation

1

2

4

5

3

Section 4: western end of Dickson Street

Section 5: eastern end of Dickson Street

Section 3: road to the east of the substation

30 • analysis

Although on the surface all traces of Pruitt-Igoe have

been completely removed from the site, one can still

find evidence that it was there. First, there are a few

physical traces: Dickson Street (Figures 59 and 60),

the electrical substation (Figure 64), and the side-

walks along the edge of the site.

The history of the site is also evident in the vegetation

that covers the site. A few trees from Pruitt-Igoe still

grow on the site (Figure 59). Additionally, the rubble

left from the demolition created very harsh conditions

(e.g: high soil pH, soil compaction, and rubble) that

only a few plants can survive (see Figure 54). Over

the next thirty years, a layer of new soil formed over

the Pruitt-Igoe rubble, only to be covered in the mid-

1990s by municipal rubble (see Figure 58).

traces of pruitt-igoe

rubble from Pruitt-Igoe

layer of new soilrecent rubblenew soil and plant debris

Figure 59Photograph of Dickson

Street today. Oak on the right is a remnant

from Pruitt-Igoe.

Figure 60Photograph of side-walk along Dickson

Street today.

Figure 58Conceptual section of the layers of rubble on the site, including one of the new rubble mounds.

analysis • 31

Figure 61.Top center:The branches of honeysuckles create a low maze. Top right:The debris has created a small clearing in an otherwise dense grove of honeysuckles. Middle left:The combination of the understory honeysuckles and the trees cre-ate a unique vaulted tunnel feeling. Middle center:The branches of honeysuckles create a tunnel-like effect. Middle right:The vegetation along Dickson St. frames the view of the city.Bottom left:The prairie on the southern edge frames the view to the downtown.Bottom center:A recent pile of rubble is softened by vegetation.

The vegetation and rubble on the site create a variety of

experiences: an urban escape, a tunnel, a frame for the city.

experiencing the site

32 • analysis

Figure 64.Electrical substation in the middle of the site (owned by Ameren UE).

Figure 62.Panorama of Dickson Street today.

Figure 63.Transition between for-

est and prairie across from Gateway Middle

School.

Immediately upon entering the site, you feel as if

you’ve left the city behind. The dense vegetation,

rubble piles, and pieces of old infrastructure combine

to create a unique urban escape.

Dickson Street, the only street left from Pruitt-Igoe,

is almost completely overgrown (see Figure 62). In

other areas, like the prairies, almost all building rem-

nants have been completely covered up (see Figure

63). The only part of the site that is maintained is the

electrical substation (which is a remnant of Pruitt-

Igoe), which is still in use. It provides the greatest

contrast between forest and urban infrastructure (see

Figure 64).

an urban escape

analysis • 33

Figure 65.Site inventory of Pruitt-Igoe site and immediate surroundings.

Although the dense vegetation makes it difficult

to make a comprehensive inventory, it is possible

to map out the major components of the site: the

general vegetation communities, the areas of old-

est growth (compiled from old satellite imagery, see

Figure 53), the location of the rubble, and the main

paths through the site. Overall, the site is fairly flat,

with an overall slope of 1.5% towards the river (east).

The only real topography on the site comes from the

rubble mounds.

site inventory

4 foot contour interval

sumac, goldenrod

residential

industrial

church

school

path rubble moundsentrance

tree of paradise, siberian elm, hackberry

cottonwood

honey locust, catalpa,honeysuckle

fence remaining tree (Pruitt-Igoe)

oldest tree growth

532

532

532

528

528

524

524

524

524

520

520

516

516

516

512

512

504

504

508

524

520

520

516

524

528

528

528

524

524

520

524

NJROTCAcademy

GatewayMiddle School

Church of the Living God

Rhema Baptist Assembly Church

Grace Baptist Church

St. Stanislaus Church

St. Louis Fire Department

Dickson St.

Cass Ave.

Jeffe

rson

Ave

.

25th

St.

23rd

St.

22nd

St.

20th

St.

N. 2

2nd

St.

Phipps St.

O’Fallon St.

Thomas St.

Bell Ave.

Division St.

Gamble St.

34 • synthesis

synthesissite scale

4 foot contour interval

site issues

vacant land and der-elict buildings detract from neighborhood perception

superblock (from Pruitt-Igoe) creates a disconnect between

site and neighbor-hood

site bounded by chain-link fence,

cut off from neighborhood

perception of crime – neighborhood is not a destination

school parking lot creates strong site

boundary – difficult to connect to surround-ings, prevents traffic from penetrating the

superblock

Jefferson and Cass are too wide for the

amount of traffic they carry

22nd Street dead-ends into site

sharp boundary between Desoto Park and forest

site has been used for local dumping

electrical sub-station (owned by Ameren UE) divides the site

steep grade changes create drainage issues

spontaneous vegeta-tion on site seems wild,

dangerous

rubble mounds around paths are from construction downtown – possible contamination

truck access road is entrance for dumpers

messy edge (fence and weedy plants) creates perception of danger, wildness

Murphy Park housing development is close to site, but is separated by

open fields and Desoto Park

retention basin makes site entry from school

grounds difficult

many of the buildings fronting Jefferson and Cass are falling apart; no street life

industrial buildings divide the neighbor-hood and contribute to negative percep-tion

new residential developments are insular, cut off from the streets and the neighborhood

Figure 66Compilation of

site issues

synthesis • 35

4 foot contour interval

site opportunities

site of Pruitt-Ig-oe: rich history,

internationally known

urban escape – seems discon-nected from the

city

size: 33 acres – big enough to

service the city, make an impact

as a forest

proximity to arterial roads

(Jefferson and Cass) –

connection to downtown, other districts

proximity of vacant land – can create new green infrastructure

proximity to new homes

mounds create drama in an otherwise flat landscape

views to downtown

variety of microclimates, experiences on site

rubble: pieces of history

urban forest: a unique ecosystem of spontaneous vegetation

Figure 67 Compilation

of site oppor-tunities

proximity to schools – make site an educational amenity

variety of entrances – open to different parts of the neighborhood

connection to Desoto Park – extend programming?

36 • synthesis

city

.1 .05 0 .1 miles

Delmar Blvd.

north

synthesisdistrict scale

Figure 68Compilation of district issues

district issues

many of grand historic homes have fallen into disrepair or been torn down

vacant land contributes to negative perception

of the area

once commercial cen-ters, main streets are

now mostly fronted by industry, vacant land,

or derelict buildings

Delmar Blvd. is a strong perceptual bar-rier that many people are wary of crossing

much of the new housing is isolated,

inward-focused, and not engaged with the

neighborhood

industrial district cuts site off from downtown, river downtown life, economy completely

separated from north city

revitalization efforts in Old North St. Louis are bounded by industry, large streets

park system is dis-connected, many of the parks are in poor condition

synthesis • 37

z

north .1 .05 0 .1 miles

district opportunitiesstrong community-based revitalization efforts (residential and commercial) in Old North St. Louis

multiple schools within close proximity (elementary, middle, and high schools)

vacant land could be a huge opportunity, for large- and small-scale interventions. could create a new green infrastructure to reorganize city

the city has begun to work on enhanc-ing its park system, specifically the Arch and City Garden

linear park systems (downtown mall and St. Louis Place Park) could be extended, connected

some pockets of historic homes still exist (may need work, but character is still intact)

corridor of vacant land could connect Pruitt-Igoe site and

St. Louis Place Park

site close to sev-eral arterial streets

– easy access to downtown, other

districts

urban forest on site is one of the only

such places in the city – can provide

connection between downtown mall and St. Louis Place Park

new housing in close proximity to vacant

land – could be used to provide amenities

close proximity to the central business

district, downtown

Washington Avenue (recent recipient of APA Great Streets Award) is very close to

site – possible extension?

Figure 69Compilation of district opportunities

38 • concept

conceptvision + catalyst

chain reaction:why could the site be catalytic for the city?

visionReinstate the site as a focus of the community and a center for a green intervention in the neighborhood by embracing and repur-posing the urban nature on the site.

- size - 33 acres: large enough to serve city and neighborhood - location - proximity to downtown and Old North St. Louis - surrounded by arterials - surrounded by vacant land- filling a hole - ecologically: creating a new 21st century park centered around urban forest - physically: reconnecting the site to the fabric of the surrounding neighborhood - socially: providing a new center for the neighborhood that can be the focus for spreading revitalization - culturally: new perspective for vacant land – repurposing to add value- legacy of Pruitt-Igoe - site was instrumental in decline of the city, which has been too traumatized by its outcome to want to deal with it - international notoriety – an intervention on the site would automatically attract attention, positively or negatively (perhaps part of the reason why the site has never been developed)

Given the site’s history, current context, and overgrown state, can it be

catalytic again? If so, how? Can its current conditions be reimagined to

be a catalyst for the neighborhood and for the city as a whole?

finding a purpose

concept • 39

conceptwhat is city.forest?

the function of the site

city forest is...

and the experience of the site

- combination of city.garden and forest park (St. Louis icons) (see Figure 50).

- provides a different kind of park experience – a forest – within an urban context

- is a different kind of forest, a distinctly urban forest with an ecological function

- part of new St. Louis character: embracing perception of neglect + dereliction by repurposing what others see as junk to create art

- part of site character: embracing history as city’s hid-den dump and city’s failure by bringing out its potential and bringing in other urban debris

- a transition from urban context to the forest (contrast between

the two) (see Figure 51).

- an urban escape

- pull out different components of urban forest and highlight them

(different expressions)

- parts of site are forest within city, others are city within forest

- make city and forest places with same plant + material palettes

- cultivating an appreciation of new urban aesthetic

Given the site’s context of vacant land, decaying hous-

ing stock, and negative perception, how can the site’s

current conditions be reimagined to have a beneficial

social function? My solution is to link the site to its

larger St. Louis context and transform it into a new

kind of park that celebrates the urban forest as an

educational opportunity and ecological treasure.

Because the current condition of the site is so wild,

some kind of transition is needed from the neighbor-

hood to the main body of the forest: this is the city

character (see Figure XX). This area draws on the site’s

history and its current context, creating garden rooms

and community gardens in the footprints of the origi-

nal homes to accommodate neighborhood activities.

Within the forest, the experience is entirely different:

paths lead you through open meadow, tree canopies,

and the dense understory. The rubble that used to

cover the site has been transformed into a beautiful

sculpture or a bench, showcasing the site’s contribu-

tion to the new St. Louis character.

conceptobjectives + strategies

4 reveal and honor the memories, impact of Pruitt-Igoe

5 repurpose vacant land to transform it from liability to amenity, add value to community (part of new St. Louis character)

6 make site a catalyst for north city

draw adjacent neighborhood activities onto site

transition from urban fabric to forest

remember history of the neighborhood

break up superblock1 reconnect site to neighborhood

establish nature center on sitedraw on proximity to local schools by providing classes, playgrounds

use educational trails and signage to help appreciate unique ecology

2 make site an educational destination

make forest easier to understand by breaking it down to component parts

preserve as much of forest as possible

cultivate an appreciation of new urban aesthetic by making elements both beautiful and useful

3 explore expressions of urban nature particular to this site

echo buildings’ iconic form in memorial, Igoe tower

integrate into larger network of green infrastructure

preserve Dickson Street’s current experience

connect to larger city context: Forest Park, City Garden, City Museum

link with ring of revitalization at the district scale (economic, residential, and green infrastructure)

create exhibit in nature center that chronicles the story of Pruitt-Igoe and highlights its social dimensions

40 • concept

concept • 41

+

educational programs

transformation of a barrier into an amenity (bridge to downtown)

restore order of ecosystems

local treasure

human-ecosystem design method(park for humans + wildlife)

draw together city, larger community

catalyst of downtown development

layout based on property lines from Sanborn map

fulfilling a “century-old dream”

play opportunities (making sculpture

interactive)

combining local iconsA name can make or break a project, and to

replace a name like Pruitt-Igoe, a strong name

is needed; one that evokes familiarity and fits

in with St. Louis. City Forest can be just that; it

draws from two of St. Louis’ local icons: For-

est Park, a 19th century park near the edge of

the city (see Figure 40) that recently received

a successful redesign, and City Garden, a new

public sculpture garden on the downtown mall.

In addition to the name, what lessons can be

drawn from these two icons? (See Figure 70).

Figure 70.city.garden + forest park

42 • concept

confronting vacant land:strategies for reuse

Economic

corporation, city government development, urban agriculture (biofuel crops), large-scale urban farming, deconstruction (waste salvage), greenways/trails (alternative transportation), tourist attractions (parks, muse-ums, etc.), street edge improvement, housing and development

market gardens, greenways/trails (alternative transportation)

community gardens/farming, parks and park networks, side yard expansion, greenways/trails, market garden

public art zones, museums and historic homes/sites, memorials

composting, watershed restoration (regional scale), stream daylighting, stormwater management (local), ecological corridors, ecosystem services (urban heat island effect attenuation, carbon sequestration, etc.)

local communities, neighborhood associations

- environmental- ecological (flora and fauna)- regional - metropolitan- local

- health: physical mental - recreation- community-building

- preservation, reconstruction of historical elements - memorial- contribute to neighborhood’s & city’s character, identity

Ecological

Social

Cultural

Purpose, driving force Benefit, Function Examples

Rather than a liability, vacant land should be thought

of as areas of opportunity to be counted among the

city’s assets. The presence of vacant land presents

“a unique opportunity to re-figure the city to meet the

needs of the 21st century.” (Terra Incognita p. 164).

With so much vacant land in the district, what is the

best possible way to use it given the context? How

can other cities’ examples be applied to St. Louis?

Part of the project is embracing those wild urban

spaces that are usually ignored. How can that be ap-

plied at a city scale? A renaissance in St. Louis means

rethinking vacant land, especially in north city, which is

fast becoming a vacant district (see Figure 26). Attack-

ing the Pruitt-Igoe site without connecting it back to

the neighborhood would create another Pruitt-Igoe: an

island within a broken neighborhood.

My concept for the site includes connecting it to the

neighborhood physically and programmatically, be-

coming the center for a new corridor of green infra-

structure that would begin to spread through the dis-

trict (see Figure 65). The chart below illustrates some

of the many options for the infrastructure; more than

simply agriculture or parks, the corridor could begin to

function economically, ecologically, socially and cultur-

ally.

concept • 43

To be what Pruitt-Igoe was meant to be, the site needs to fill the originally envisioned role of Pruitt-Igoe as a focus of community and respond to the trends of a new century.

“St. Louis has been too traumatized by its urban renewal failures to want to face that scar. A new narrative would allow the site to be seen as either a natural or development asset whose future offers a chance for urban innovation.”

– Michael Allen, Preservation Research Office

- revealing site history

- urban nature

- green infrastructure system

- an urban escape

- connection to the neighborhood

- educational program (experiential + traditional)

21st century park

- community center

- school

- playgrounds

- sitting areas

+

how can the site fill its original role?

1. Dealing with the issues on the site.

2. Reconnecting it with the neighborhood it was isolated from and whose decline it caused.

urban forest

Pruitt-Igoe

perception of danger

rubble (+ pollution)

concepthybrid programming

Pruitt-Igoe

44 • concept

city

city

city

city

forest

forest

city.forestHow can you take the name of the site and

embed it in the landscape, so that it informs

the experience of the site? In my concept, the

city along the edge is the transition from the

urban fabric to the rich urban forest, and the two

examples of city within the forest both provide

a contrast to highlight the unique aspects of

the forest and create an experience that can be

shared with the whole city: the nature center

and space-frame structure provide a new per-

spective for viewing the city and the Pruitt-Igoe

memorial provides a place for the city to come

together to honor the memories of the true

legacy of Pruitt-Igoe: the people who lived there

who created strong bonds of community despite

the horrible conditions.

Figure 71.Dividing site into

city and forest

nature center

space-frame structure

Pruitt-Igoe memorial

concept • 45

spatial conceptThe outer spaces within City Forest are directly

influenced by their surroundings: agriculture

based on the original building footprints along

Cass Avenue; community orchards, picnic areas,

and playgrounds pull from the churches and

schools on the interior of the block.

The main spaces on the site (the nature cen-

ter and the Pruitt-Igoe memorial) are located

in glades within the forest. The main vehicular

circulation on the site goes through both of

these spaces, connecting them directly to the

surrounding streets. The other glades contain

sculpture or gardens to highlight the contrast of

the urban escape.

Figure 72Major spaces and

circulation.

46 • concept

conceptembracing wilderness

utilizing found itemsAn important part of promoting a new urban

aesthetic is making people appreciate the

components of the urban forest. Although the

vegetation on the site is dominated by weed

species, some of the species can have practical

purposes (see Figure 73).

Several of the tree species on the site can be

used as street trees to help beautify the sur-

rounding neighborhoods. In addition to provid-

ing food for wildlife, there are several edible

species on the site that would be useful addi-

tions to community gardens. Finally, some of the

prairie species could become low-maintenance

additions to ornamental garden beds. (For more

complete list, see Figure 74).

goldenrodaster

honeysuckle

blackberry

catalpa oak street tree or in tree nursery

wildlife habitat

edible fruits

ornamental garden beds

siberianelm

mulberry

honeylocust

Figure 73Potential uses of some of the

species found on the site.

Figure 74Giving rubble a purpose.

How can you create an appreciation of this new wild

urban aesthetic? By giving each of the components

parts of this urban forest a dual-purpose: to be beauti-

ful and useful.

I believe this concept would be accepted in St. Louis

because it has already been tested, though not at a

landscape level. Fifteen years ago, a man named Bob

Cassilly turned an abandoned garment factory into

the City Museum: an indoor and outdoor playground

made of recycled trash (see Figures 87-90).

This project is almost wholly responsible for the rebirth

of Washington Avenue downtown (see Figure 96).

form, color can be appreciated if singled out

maze

shrubselement

stone

sculptural elements in landscape

can be used in playground area

reused as paving (barney rubble)

reused as paving (barney rubble)

fruit, color can be appreciated if singled out

exploring the tree canopy

orchard area for community use; food for wildlife

community forest, tree nursery for street plant-ings throughout neighbor-hood

tireswood trees

mounds edibles

paving pieces

beautiful

useful

rubble plants}}

concept • 47

Figure 75Exterior play structure at the City Museum.

Figure 76Exterior play structure at the City Museum.

Figure 77Exterior play structure at the City Museum.

Figure 78Interior staircase at the City Museum.

reusing and recycling: new st. louis character

48 • design

0 50 100 north Figure 79city.forest

masterplan

designmasterplan

widened sidewalks and the addition of street trees along Jefferson

and Cass create a more pedestrian scale (see

Figure 91).

community gardens are an extension of the future agriculture across the street in the vacant lots (see Figure 91). like the planting beds, the garden design is inspired by the area’s historic homes

picnic area and community orchard

pattern of planting beds and garden rooms

inspired by building footprints of the homes

that were here before Pruitt-Igoe

city.forest plaza is the main focus of the site, with the nature center

on the north side of the street and the space

frame structure on the south (see Figure 86).

one of two playgrounds on the site to give

children from nearby schools and apartments

a place to play. memorial to Pruitt-Igoe (see Figure 95).

tree nursery

design • 49

Figure 81circulation hierarchy

Figure 80reestablishing

a street-grid

Figure 82site

programming

Figure 83engaging the edge conditions

designdesign principles

vehicular traffic primary pedestrian secondary pedestrian

city domestic scale(open-ended activities)

city domestic scale(more structured neighborhood activities)

outdoor classrooms Pruitt-Igoe memorial neighborhood usenature center

edible site plants

tree nursery +edible site plants

picnic area

communityorchard

tree nursery

playground

community gardens(extension of agriculture)

original fabric from Pruitt-Igoe current service road

City Forest combines urban elements (formal grid,

agriculture, playgrounds, the original housing lay-

out) with the more organic elements of the forest

(meadows, glades, meandering paths, complex plant

palette) to create a hybrid of the two.

To help combat the perception of wildness and dan-

ger on the site, a formal grid inspired by the history

of the neighborhood maintains sight-lines through

the site (see Figure 80). Although local traffic is al-

lowed on the site to access the nature center and the

schools, the streets remain pedestrian-oriented (see

Figure 81). The edges of the site mark the urban ele-

ments: those along Jefferson and Cass are more for-

mal and, with the exception of the urban agriculture,

serve as place-holders for possible future develop-

ment (see Figures 82 and 83).

how it works

50 • design

0 30’north

designcity.forest plaza

Figure 84The main public open space on the site.

the nature center houses commu-

nity rooms, an exhibit about Pruitt-Igoe, and

exhibits about the unique ecology on the

site

elevated walkways lead off the space-frame structure and wind their way through parts of the forest (see Figure 90).

outdoor classrooms and mazeplaza design is a distinctly urban expression within a forest; paving design shows connection site to district (see Figure 85).

the space frame struc-ture allows visitors to

experience a differ-ent level of the forest

and enjoy spectacular views of the neighbor-hood (see Figure 86).

design • 51

How do you create a city experience within a forest?

The main public open space on the site is supposed

to provide a contrast, emphasizing the urban forest

around it. How do you create a city experience with

the same plant palette? A grid of trees mark the space

as distinctly urban and creates a more formal feeling

for the entrance to the nature center and the open-

frame structure.

The plaza is designed to reinforce the site’s place

within downtown (see Figure 84). The open-frame

structure (on the south side of the street – see Fig-

ure 86) provides a direct view to downtown, and the

paving pattern across the plaza is based on the street

grid: going from a prairie patch on the north side of

the street (the project site) to a series of low climbing

mounds on the south side of the street which rep-

resent the downtown mall. The paving is made from

recycled granite curbs. Although it is a small detail,

the significance of the pattern may be visible to some

people, especially in the winter when the trees in the

plaza are bare. An elevated walkway leads off an

upper level of the space-frame structure, allowing visi-

tors to immerse themselves in the experience of the

tree canopy.

The nature center and its grounds house both educa-

tional and community amenities: outdoor classrooms,

an edible plants garden, rooms for neighborhood

groups, a variety of exhibits about the flora and fauna

of the site, and a permanent exhibit on the history of

Pruitt-Igoe, highlighting the experiences of its resi-

dents.

Figure 85Contrast between urban plaza and wild prairie.

Figure 86Section through space-frame structure

city.forest plaza

52 • design

Because an urban forest is so complex, it can be

overwhelming if experienced all at once, especially

when its components are wild. I propose that transi-

tioning from urban fabric to the forest, and then high-

lighting different experiences along the journey (ex-

ploring tree canopies or marvelling at sculptures made

out of found materials) can cultivate an appreciation

of this new urban aesthetic.

Forest Walk (see Figure 90) transports the visitor from

the understory into the tree canopy, providing a new

perspective of the site and its connection to the city.

“Falling fruit” (see Figure 87) is a sculpture in the or-

chard that displays tires found on the site in a whimsi-

cal manner and can also be used as a tire swing.

Using some of the wood found on the site to cre-

ate a larger-than-life teaching model (see Figure 88),

programs could partner with the Missouri Botanical

Gardens to teach classes about botany.

Finally, transforming the rubble mounds that were on

the site into a series of low, climbable mounds (see

Figure 89) makes them more acceptable and caps any

potentially hazardous materials.

designexperience

Figure 87“falling fruit”

Figure 89Climbable mounds.

Figure 88A teaching opportunity

component parts

design • 53

Figure 90Perspective of forest walk.

54 • design

The edge condition is one of the most crucial parts of

the design because it draws people in and marks the

transition between the neighborhood and the park,

between city and forest.

To begin to pull people out of the housing enclaves

and onto the streets, the streets need to be more

pedestrian friendly: narrowing the roads, repairing

the sidewalks, planting trees and flowers (see Figure

92). The edge of the site along Jefferson and Cass

is made up of a series of garden rooms and planting

beds (both agricultural and ornamental) that are part

of the more familiar domestic pattern and scale. The

community gardens (see Figure 91) mark the start of

a new corridor of green infrastructure leading from

the site – a way for the city to use the vacant land in a

more productive manner.

Figure 91Community garden

Figure 92New street edge

the city edge

Equally important to traditional education about the

site are the experiential qualities of the site. The large

number of schools in proximity to the site (see Figure

46) offers a unique opportunity to explore potential

whimsy and wonder to be found in City Forest. A pile

of tires can become a dragon and sections of pipe

can become a tunnel (see Figure 94). The space-

frame structure provides an entirely new way to view

the site and the city (see Figure 93), as well as a way

to get closer to nature.

design • 55

Figure 94Playground.

Figure 93Stairs in space-frame structure leading to the forest walk.

a sense of wonder

56 • design

Although this project is about moving forward

from the legend of Pruitt-Igoe, it is important to

pay homage to the true legacy of Pruitt-Igoe:

the people who lived there. Despite the horrific

living conditions and constant maligning from

the press, some of the residents banded togeth-

er to form tight-knit communities in the wake of

the violence. After Pruitt-Igoe was demolished,

they were scattered throughout the city. Their

memorial is simple in design: the footprint of

one of the buildings, with either end serving as a

forecourt where the residents’ memories will be

inscribed. In the corridor, the path is surrounded

by rubble, symbolizing both the destruction

of the project and the danger in the glass cor-

ridors. The middle of the memorial is four steel

columns, where the elevator would have been,

standing erect like a tower amidst the meadow.

Figure 95Stairs in space-frame structure leading to the forest walk.

true legacy

design • 57

Figure 96conceptual

district masterplan

designdistrict concept

citygarden

thearch

citymuseumcity

museum

Washington Ave.

Old North St. Louis

.1 .05 0 .1 miles

gree

n in

fras

truc

ture

economy + revitalization

stre

etsc

ape

+ ec

onom

y

follows major streets, slowly growing towards north city

moves through neighborhoods and side streets, creating more

diverse communiites

eventually connects with Old North St. Louis (which is blocked to the south by industry)

creates a diverse corridor of new green infrastructure: agriculture,

stormwater management, public parks, etc.

conceptnext steps:building communityIn order to truly become catalytic, the project needs to

move beyond its boundaries and begin to affect posi-

tive change in the neighborhood. I wanted to coordinate

strategic growth from several points to eventually create

a ring of revitalization (see Figure 65).

The urban edge of city.forest provides a perfect transition

to potential agriculture in the swath of vacant land to the

north, which could eventually become a corridor of green

infrastructure (incorporating parks, stormwater manage-

ment, etc).

The economic and residential revitalization efforts in Old

North St. Louis have been very successful, and could

eventually start to bring back some of the economy along

the major streets of the neighborhood.

Washington Avenue, which just won an APA Great Streets

Award, is slowly growing west, and I think that it could

slowly grow northward to connect downtown to north

city.

58 • conclusion

As we move into the 21st century, Pruitt-Igoe needs a new narrative. Although historians like Michael Allen and Katherine Bristol have tried to unravel the twisted threads of its history, the site remains untouched – full of prom-ise but hindered by its current conditions and the shadow of its past.

By becoming City Forest the site can reconnect to its fractured neighborhood, reveal and honor the memories of Pruitt-Igoe, preserve its rich ecology, connect with the new character of St. Louis, and become a catalyst for the district. Instead of remaining an urban scar, the site can finally fulfill its potential.

By understanding the complex history of the site, its implications, and how it connects to the city today, you can create a St. Louis solution to a St. Louis problem.

conclusionpruitt-igoe’s legacy

conclusion • 59

Allen, Michael. Preservation Research Office, architectural historian. Personal interview, 30 December 2011. http://www.flickr.com/photos/jerkinhead/with/5815455487/Barton, Craig E. Sites of Memory: Perspectives on Architecture and Race. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2001. Print.Baybeck, Brady, and E T. Jones. St. Louis Metromorphosis: Past Trends and Future Directions. St. Louis: University of Missouri Press, 2004. Print.Birmingham, Elizabeth. “Reframing the Ruins: Pruitt-Igoe, Structural Racism, and African American Rhetoric as a Space for Cultural Critique.” International Journal of Architectural Theory. 1998. Bright, Elise M. Reviving America’s Forgotten Neighborhoods: An Investigation of Inner City Revitalization Efforts. New York: Garland Pub, 2000. Print.Bristol Katherine G, “The Pruitt-Igoe Myth”, edited by Eggener Keith L, American Architectural History: A Contemporary Reader, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2004Freidrichs, Chad, Jaime Freidrichs, Paul Fehler, Brian Woodman, Benjamin Balcom, and Jason Henry. The Pruitt-Igoe Myth. Columbia, Mo.: Unicorn Stencil, 2011 http://www.flickr.com/photos/pruitt-igoe/sets/Gallagher, John. Reimagining Detroit: Opportunities for Redefining an American City. Detroit, Mich: Wayne State University Press, 2010. Print.Gordon, Colin. Mapping Decline: St. Louis and the Fate of the American City. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008. Print. Greenstein, Rosalind, and Yesim Sungu-Eryilmaz. Recycling the City: The Use and Reuse of Urban Land. Cambridge, Mass: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, 2004. Print. Hough, Michael. City Form and Natural Process: Towards a New Urban Vernacular. London: Routledge, 1989. PrintHurley, Andrew. Beyond Preservation: Using Public History to Revitalize Inner Cities. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010. Print. Pruitt-Igoe Now: The Unmentioned Modern Landscape. Competition Brief. <http://www.pruittigoenow.org/ wp-content/uploads/2011/07/CompetitionBrief_PruittIgoeNow.pdf>Rainwater, Lee. Behind Ghetto Walls: Black Families in a Federal Slum. Chicago: Aldine Pub. Co, 1970. Print.Rainwater, Lee. “The Lessons of Pruitt-Igoe.” National Affairs. No. 8, Summer 1967. <http://www.nationalaffairs.com/doclib/20080516_196700808thelessonsofpruittigoeleerainwater.pdf>Rosenfeld, Richard. Hidden Assets: Connecting the Past to the Future of St. Louis. St. Louis: Missouri Historical Society Press, 2006. Print. Sandweiss, Eric. St. Louis: The Evolution of an American Urban Landscape. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001. Print.

list of references