Chinnamastā: The Aweful [sic] Buddhist and Hindu Tantric Goddess by Elisabeth Anne BenardReview by: Rachel Fell McDermottJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 116, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1996), pp. 357-358Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/605771 .

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Reviews of Books Reviews of Books

1000 and 313 B.c.,1 is of a piece with-if it is not the origin of-the Samkhyan theory of the three gunas, the three strands or qualities that, taken together constitute prakrti, materiality. For so long as the gunas remain in equilibrium, prakrti remains in an unmanifest state; when these same gunas are stirred, how- ever, prakrti becomes manifest. Given this striking parallel, found within a single foundational source, a certain aspect of the ambiguity of the Goddess's creativity is made clear: in a

religio-philosophical context in which "physical creation is viewed not as something to be celebrated, but rather as some-

thing that causes suffering" (p. 200), genesis is tantamount to

pathogenesis. As prakrti, the Goddess is the cause of the dis- ease that is existence. As the author indicates, this parallels the role played by the human woman as progenetrix, and by the fe- male gender as that gender tainted by the blood of menstruation and childbirth-in which context the term dosa is, once again, brought significantly into play: rtu-dosa is the term used for the menstrual period, the "seasonal fault" of women.

Pathology and pathogeny are also central to an epic myth concerning the "mothers of the world" who, as Pintchman in- dicates (p. 24), play a certain role in the Vedic myth of the birth of Agni. This is the myth of the birth of Skanda which, in its earliest form (in Mahabharata 3.207.2-221.80) makes that god out to be the son of Agni (and not Siva, as in later

myths). Involved in the birth of this divine child are a group of goddesses called the "mothers of the world" (lokasya mat-

arah) who, having no progeny of their own, threaten to de- vour the children of actual biological mothers.2 These become the female Graspers (graha), dread goddesses of childhood diseases. However, when propitiated with oblations, incense, collyrium, and other offerings, these Graspers or Kumaris be- stow virility and long life. This tradition, also found in later medical literature,3 attests yet again to the medical founda- tions of certain elements of the Great Goddess's darker side. In it we also find early textual precursors of the classical Hindu goddesses of disease (mentioned in passing, with re-

gard to Sitala, p. 199), as well as of the powerful yet danger- ous goddesses and Yoginis of tantric tradition.4

It is in fact the tantric traditions of the Great Goddess that are least represented in Professor Pintchman's study. Stating

1 Jean Filliozat, La Doctrine classique de la medecine indi- enne: Ses origines et ses paralleles grecs, 2d ed. (Paris: Ecole francaise d'Extreme orient, 1949, 1975), 154-59.

2 See especially Mahabharata 3.219.14-19. The Rg Veda (10.30.10) refers to the waters as "progenitrices of the world" (janitrir bhuvanasya).

3 Susruta Samhita, 6.27.1-37.20. 4 A short but insightful discussion is A. L. Basham, "Notes

on the Origins of Sgktism and Tantrism," in Sudhakar Chatto- padhyaya Commemoration Volume (Calcutta: Roy and Chow- dhury, 1984), 148-50.

1000 and 313 B.c.,1 is of a piece with-if it is not the origin of-the Samkhyan theory of the three gunas, the three strands or qualities that, taken together constitute prakrti, materiality. For so long as the gunas remain in equilibrium, prakrti remains in an unmanifest state; when these same gunas are stirred, how- ever, prakrti becomes manifest. Given this striking parallel, found within a single foundational source, a certain aspect of the ambiguity of the Goddess's creativity is made clear: in a

religio-philosophical context in which "physical creation is viewed not as something to be celebrated, but rather as some-

thing that causes suffering" (p. 200), genesis is tantamount to

pathogenesis. As prakrti, the Goddess is the cause of the dis- ease that is existence. As the author indicates, this parallels the role played by the human woman as progenetrix, and by the fe- male gender as that gender tainted by the blood of menstruation and childbirth-in which context the term dosa is, once again, brought significantly into play: rtu-dosa is the term used for the menstrual period, the "seasonal fault" of women.

Pathology and pathogeny are also central to an epic myth concerning the "mothers of the world" who, as Pintchman in- dicates (p. 24), play a certain role in the Vedic myth of the birth of Agni. This is the myth of the birth of Skanda which, in its earliest form (in Mahabharata 3.207.2-221.80) makes that god out to be the son of Agni (and not Siva, as in later

myths). Involved in the birth of this divine child are a group of goddesses called the "mothers of the world" (lokasya mat-

arah) who, having no progeny of their own, threaten to de- vour the children of actual biological mothers.2 These become the female Graspers (graha), dread goddesses of childhood diseases. However, when propitiated with oblations, incense, collyrium, and other offerings, these Graspers or Kumaris be- stow virility and long life. This tradition, also found in later medical literature,3 attests yet again to the medical founda- tions of certain elements of the Great Goddess's darker side. In it we also find early textual precursors of the classical Hindu goddesses of disease (mentioned in passing, with re-

gard to Sitala, p. 199), as well as of the powerful yet danger- ous goddesses and Yoginis of tantric tradition.4

It is in fact the tantric traditions of the Great Goddess that are least represented in Professor Pintchman's study. Stating

1 Jean Filliozat, La Doctrine classique de la medecine indi- enne: Ses origines et ses paralleles grecs, 2d ed. (Paris: Ecole francaise d'Extreme orient, 1949, 1975), 154-59.

2 See especially Mahabharata 3.219.14-19. The Rg Veda (10.30.10) refers to the waters as "progenitrices of the world" (janitrir bhuvanasya).

3 Susruta Samhita, 6.27.1-37.20. 4 A short but insightful discussion is A. L. Basham, "Notes

on the Origins of Sgktism and Tantrism," in Sudhakar Chatto- padhyaya Commemoration Volume (Calcutta: Roy and Chow- dhury, 1984), 148-50.

that the portrayal of sakti in Tantrism has much in common with the portrayal also found in the puranic literature (p. 108), she gives little more than a cursory treatment of Sakta Tan- trism, which is nothing less than the culmination of the God- dess's rise to autonomy and power in Hinduism. In fact, much of the terminology and many of the concepts that she elicits from certain of the Saiva puranas and especially from the Sakta

Devibhdgavata Purana, on the subject of the Goddess, are of tantric origin, and cannot fully be discussed without reference to the Kaula tantras, in particular. The principles of prakrti, maya, and sakti are revolutionized in the highly sophisticated philosophical works of these tantric schools, which also sig- nificantly alter the image and roles of women within their re-

spective traditions.5 The Great Goddess emerges as much out of Hindu Tantra as she does out of the Vedic, philosophical, and puranic traditions.

In order to have discussed the many points I have raised, Professor Pintchman would have had to have written a much

longer book. The book she has written, while it does not tell the "whole story" of the rise of the Goddess in the Hindu tradition, is a most welcome contribution to the field, one that

performs a great service to scholars by forging a bridge be- tween Vedic and Hindu mythology and Samkhyan philosophy. For this, she is to be applauded.

that the portrayal of sakti in Tantrism has much in common with the portrayal also found in the puranic literature (p. 108), she gives little more than a cursory treatment of Sakta Tan- trism, which is nothing less than the culmination of the God- dess's rise to autonomy and power in Hinduism. In fact, much of the terminology and many of the concepts that she elicits from certain of the Saiva puranas and especially from the Sakta

Devibhdgavata Purana, on the subject of the Goddess, are of tantric origin, and cannot fully be discussed without reference to the Kaula tantras, in particular. The principles of prakrti, maya, and sakti are revolutionized in the highly sophisticated philosophical works of these tantric schools, which also sig- nificantly alter the image and roles of women within their re-

spective traditions.5 The Great Goddess emerges as much out of Hindu Tantra as she does out of the Vedic, philosophical, and puranic traditions.

In order to have discussed the many points I have raised, Professor Pintchman would have had to have written a much

longer book. The book she has written, while it does not tell the "whole story" of the rise of the Goddess in the Hindu tradition, is a most welcome contribution to the field, one that

performs a great service to scholars by forging a bridge be- tween Vedic and Hindu mythology and Samkhyan philosophy. For this, she is to be applauded.

DAVID GORDON WHITE DAVID GORDON WHITE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA

5 The best synthetic discussion is Alexis Sanderson, "Purity and Power among the Brahmins of Kashmir," in The Category of the Person: Anthropology, Philosophy, History, ed. Michael Carrithers, Steven Collins, and Steven Lukes (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1985), 191-216.

Chinnamastd: The Aweful [sic] Buddhist and Hindu Tantric Goddess. By ELISABETH ANNE BENARD. Buddhist Tradition Series, vol. 22. Delhi: MOTILAL BANARSIDASS, 1994. Pp. xv + 162. $16.50.

This is a short but very interesting study of the goddess Chinnamasta as she appears in Hindu and Buddhist Tantric traditions. A revised version of Benard's Ph.D. thesis from Columbia University, Chinnamastd is the first monograph to examine the rituals, symbolisms, and iconographic conven- tions of this goddess who, in both religious traditions, holds aloft her own decapitated head, while three streams of blood from her truncated neck spurt into her own mouth and the mouths of her two flanking female attendants. This goddess, though recognized by many who study South Asian religi- osity, is for most of us nevertheless at the periphery of our

5 The best synthetic discussion is Alexis Sanderson, "Purity and Power among the Brahmins of Kashmir," in The Category of the Person: Anthropology, Philosophy, History, ed. Michael Carrithers, Steven Collins, and Steven Lukes (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1985), 191-216.

Chinnamastd: The Aweful [sic] Buddhist and Hindu Tantric Goddess. By ELISABETH ANNE BENARD. Buddhist Tradition Series, vol. 22. Delhi: MOTILAL BANARSIDASS, 1994. Pp. xv + 162. $16.50.

This is a short but very interesting study of the goddess Chinnamasta as she appears in Hindu and Buddhist Tantric traditions. A revised version of Benard's Ph.D. thesis from Columbia University, Chinnamastd is the first monograph to examine the rituals, symbolisms, and iconographic conven- tions of this goddess who, in both religious traditions, holds aloft her own decapitated head, while three streams of blood from her truncated neck spurt into her own mouth and the mouths of her two flanking female attendants. This goddess, though recognized by many who study South Asian religi- osity, is for most of us nevertheless at the periphery of our

357 357

This content downloaded from 185.44.78.143 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 16:20:36 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Journal of the American Oriental Society 116.2 (1996) Journal of the American Oriental Society 116.2 (1996)

knowledge: so Benard's work is a welcome addition to the

growing literature on Hindu and Buddhist goddesses. Methodologically, Chinnamastd is largely a textual study,

focusing on Sanskrit and Hindi texts of the Hindu Tantric tra- dition (such as the Sakta puranas, tantras and Tantric digests, and namastotras, or lists of the deity's names) and on Tibetan tantras for the Buddhist Vajrayana tradition. Many of these sources, particularly the Buddhist ones, are in manuscript form

only, and Benard spent much time in Sarnath and Kathmandu

copying and translating them. Some of these translations are included in her book: the entire Hindu "Chinnamastatantra" section of the Sakta Pramoda, as well as the Buddhist "Chin- namunda Vajravarahi Sadhana" and the "Trikayavajrayogini Stuti." In addition to her textual work, she also spent some time in the field, actively seeking sites where the goddess is

worshipped today; appendix 2 contains a brief list of temples dedicated to the Hindu Chinnamasta in northern India and the Kathmandu Valley.

For this reviewer the most fascinating aspect of Benard's book is the juxtaposition between Hindu and Buddhist percep- tions of Chinnamasta, or Chinnamunda, as she is also known in Buddhist texts. The reader is introduced to these different

interpretations from the very beginning, where, on a page called "Invocation," Benard quotes two verses of praise to the

goddess, one Hindu, in Sanskrit, and the other Buddhist, in Tibetan. The former offers homage to Chinnamasta as the

sacrifice, the sacrificer, and the sacrificed, whereas the latter

petitions Chinnamunda's blessing towards the realization that such a sacrificial triad does not ultimately exist. This initial

description of the Hindu-Buddhist tension sets the scene for a number of other distinctions made throughout the book. For

instance, in both traditions the esoteric meaning of the Chin- namasta image is to be understood through reference to kundalini yoga and the three channels of the body's subtle

physiognomy. Chinnamasta represents the central channel, the

susumna, and her two attendants the two subsidiary channels, the Ida and pingald. False perceptions of duality are caused by subtle wind which courses through the two side channels but which is unable to enter the blocked susumna, specifically at the navel, where Chinnamasta is said to stand. The iconogra- phy of the freely flowing blood, from central to side channels,

represents the liberated Tantric adept, who has learned how to untie the knots to allow the unhindered circulation of subtle

energy. However, while in both Hindu and Buddhist texts the

goddess's severed head symbolizes the destruction of error, the former interpret this error as a reliance on the individual self enmeshed in duality, as opposed to the unified realization of the atman, whereas the latter see all ideas of self-whether the individual or the atman-as deserving of destruction. In a similar vein, Chinnamasta in Hindu iconography stands on the

copulating bodies of Kama and Rati, demonstrating that crea- tion and destruction are both part of one overarching divine

cycle; Chinnamun.d, on the other hand, stands on Kali, which

knowledge: so Benard's work is a welcome addition to the

growing literature on Hindu and Buddhist goddesses. Methodologically, Chinnamastd is largely a textual study,

focusing on Sanskrit and Hindi texts of the Hindu Tantric tra- dition (such as the Sakta puranas, tantras and Tantric digests, and namastotras, or lists of the deity's names) and on Tibetan tantras for the Buddhist Vajrayana tradition. Many of these sources, particularly the Buddhist ones, are in manuscript form

only, and Benard spent much time in Sarnath and Kathmandu

copying and translating them. Some of these translations are included in her book: the entire Hindu "Chinnamastatantra" section of the Sakta Pramoda, as well as the Buddhist "Chin- namunda Vajravarahi Sadhana" and the "Trikayavajrayogini Stuti." In addition to her textual work, she also spent some time in the field, actively seeking sites where the goddess is

worshipped today; appendix 2 contains a brief list of temples dedicated to the Hindu Chinnamasta in northern India and the Kathmandu Valley.

For this reviewer the most fascinating aspect of Benard's book is the juxtaposition between Hindu and Buddhist percep- tions of Chinnamasta, or Chinnamunda, as she is also known in Buddhist texts. The reader is introduced to these different

interpretations from the very beginning, where, on a page called "Invocation," Benard quotes two verses of praise to the

goddess, one Hindu, in Sanskrit, and the other Buddhist, in Tibetan. The former offers homage to Chinnamasta as the

sacrifice, the sacrificer, and the sacrificed, whereas the latter

petitions Chinnamunda's blessing towards the realization that such a sacrificial triad does not ultimately exist. This initial

description of the Hindu-Buddhist tension sets the scene for a number of other distinctions made throughout the book. For

instance, in both traditions the esoteric meaning of the Chin- namasta image is to be understood through reference to kundalini yoga and the three channels of the body's subtle

physiognomy. Chinnamasta represents the central channel, the

susumna, and her two attendants the two subsidiary channels, the Ida and pingald. False perceptions of duality are caused by subtle wind which courses through the two side channels but which is unable to enter the blocked susumna, specifically at the navel, where Chinnamasta is said to stand. The iconogra- phy of the freely flowing blood, from central to side channels,

represents the liberated Tantric adept, who has learned how to untie the knots to allow the unhindered circulation of subtle

energy. However, while in both Hindu and Buddhist texts the

goddess's severed head symbolizes the destruction of error, the former interpret this error as a reliance on the individual self enmeshed in duality, as opposed to the unified realization of the atman, whereas the latter see all ideas of self-whether the individual or the atman-as deserving of destruction. In a similar vein, Chinnamasta in Hindu iconography stands on the

copulating bodies of Kama and Rati, demonstrating that crea- tion and destruction are both part of one overarching divine

cycle; Chinnamun.d, on the other hand, stands on Kali, which

Benard understands as the Buddhist claim for her victory over time, atman, and Hinduism itself. In other words, the same

goddess, in two traditions, conveys opposite messages: under-

lying all is either oneness, or the void. Other discussions to interest the reader include Benard's

balanced overview of the arguments concerning the goddess's Hindu or Buddhist origins (chap. 1); her word and category studies of namastotra (chap. 3) and heads and the decapitation motif (chap. 5); and her occasional comments about people's actual reactions to this goddess, on the ground. She could find no temples to the Buddhist goddess Chinnamunda, for ex-

ample, and in a locally famous Hindu Chinnamasta temple at

Cintapirni in Himachal Pradesh, the only pictures available for sale in the bazaars were of Durga! Finally, Benard presents an intriguing way of substantiating her claim that Chinnama- sta indeed exemplifies ultimate reality, described by Rudolph Otto as awe-inspiring (tremendum) and fascinating (fascin- ans).1 In order to describe the contents of two Chinnamasta

namastotras, she classifies each epithet according to the nine rasas, or moods evoked in spectators of classical Indian drama. For both lists of names, 108 and 1,000, she finds the marvel-

ous, or adbhuta, rasa to be predominant. Though one could

argue that some of the epithets placed in this category are more appropriate to the terrifying, or bhayahkara, category, she makes her point well: the goddess with the severed head evokes fear and awe, as well as curiosity.

Chinnamasta is appropriately placed in Motilal Banarsidass' Buddhist Tradition Series, as it is definitely not a book for the

non-specialist. The meanings of many Sanskrit and Tibetan words are assumed, there is no glossary at the end, and the discussions are sometimes terse and technical. It should, however, be of great interest to scholars studying Hindu and Buddhist Tantra, Hindu and Buddhist goddesses, and the transformations that occur when South Asian religious traditions influence one another.

Benard understands as the Buddhist claim for her victory over time, atman, and Hinduism itself. In other words, the same

goddess, in two traditions, conveys opposite messages: under-

lying all is either oneness, or the void. Other discussions to interest the reader include Benard's

balanced overview of the arguments concerning the goddess's Hindu or Buddhist origins (chap. 1); her word and category studies of namastotra (chap. 3) and heads and the decapitation motif (chap. 5); and her occasional comments about people's actual reactions to this goddess, on the ground. She could find no temples to the Buddhist goddess Chinnamunda, for ex-

ample, and in a locally famous Hindu Chinnamasta temple at

Cintapirni in Himachal Pradesh, the only pictures available for sale in the bazaars were of Durga! Finally, Benard presents an intriguing way of substantiating her claim that Chinnama- sta indeed exemplifies ultimate reality, described by Rudolph Otto as awe-inspiring (tremendum) and fascinating (fascin- ans).1 In order to describe the contents of two Chinnamasta

namastotras, she classifies each epithet according to the nine rasas, or moods evoked in spectators of classical Indian drama. For both lists of names, 108 and 1,000, she finds the marvel-

ous, or adbhuta, rasa to be predominant. Though one could

argue that some of the epithets placed in this category are more appropriate to the terrifying, or bhayahkara, category, she makes her point well: the goddess with the severed head evokes fear and awe, as well as curiosity.

Chinnamasta is appropriately placed in Motilal Banarsidass' Buddhist Tradition Series, as it is definitely not a book for the

non-specialist. The meanings of many Sanskrit and Tibetan words are assumed, there is no glossary at the end, and the discussions are sometimes terse and technical. It should, however, be of great interest to scholars studying Hindu and Buddhist Tantra, Hindu and Buddhist goddesses, and the transformations that occur when South Asian religious traditions influence one another.

RACHEL FELL MCDERMOTT RACHEL FELL MCDERMOTT

BARNARD COLLEGE BARNARD COLLEGE

1 Rudolph Otto, The Idea of the Holy (New York: Oxford

Univ. Press, 1958).

Dadu Lieder. Translated by MONIKA THIEL-HORSTMANN. Bei-

trage zur Siidasienforschung, Siidasieninstitut der Universtat

Heidelberg, vol. 138. Stuttgart: FRANZ STEINER VERLAG, 1991. Pp. 338. DM 78.

Monika Thiel-Horstmann (now Boehm-Tettelbach) was re-

cently appointed Professor of Modern Indian Studies at the

University of Heidelberg after an impressive career which

1 Rudolph Otto, The Idea of the Holy (New York: Oxford

Univ. Press, 1958).

Dadu Lieder. Translated by MONIKA THIEL-HORSTMANN. Bei-

trage zur Siidasienforschung, Siidasieninstitut der Universtat

Heidelberg, vol. 138. Stuttgart: FRANZ STEINER VERLAG, 1991. Pp. 338. DM 78.

Monika Thiel-Horstmann (now Boehm-Tettelbach) was re-

cently appointed Professor of Modern Indian Studies at the

University of Heidelberg after an impressive career which

358 358

This content downloaded from 185.44.78.143 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 16:20:36 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions