caste and buddhism (autosaved)

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Caste and Buddhism: India and Sri Lanka Introduction The English word caste is probably derived from the Portugese casta, race. IT is especially used by Europeans to denote the different class in which Hindus are divided. Varna, colour, jati and race are Indian names. Chaturvarnya,the country of four colour is an ancient distinguishing epithet of India. In the earlier stages of society the system prevailed extensively through out the world but in due course of time it was abandoned in all the countries except India and Ceylon (Sri Lanka). Among no other religion it was practice in such strictness as in Hindu society, from birth to the end of life, it practices in every sphere of due course of life. The caste practice in Hindu directs every moments, in every sphere of life from beginning of till end of day, at home or abroad, in waking, sleeping, eating, drinking, event in culture and rituals which determining entire life. It is often alleged that caste distinction are similar to the civil and social distinction of Europeans and the other nation, but there is an essential difference. Hindu caste is derived from birth alone. It cannot be transferred from one class to another. It cannot be gained as reward for the merit or bestowed as a 1

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Page 1: Caste and Buddhism (Autosaved)

Caste and Buddhism: India and Sri Lanka

Introduction

The English word caste is probably derived from the Portugese casta, race. IT is especially used by Europeans to denote the different class in which Hindus are divided. Varna, colour, jati and race are Indian names. Chaturvarnya,the country of four colour is an ancient distinguishing epithet of India. In the earlier stages of society the system prevailed extensively through out the world but in due course of time it was abandoned in all the countries except India and Ceylon (Sri Lanka).

Among no other religion it was practice in such strictness as in Hindu society, from birth to the end of life, it practices in every sphere of due course of life. The caste practice in Hindu directs every moments, in every sphere of life from beginning of till end of day, at home or abroad, in waking, sleeping, eating, drinking, event in culture and rituals which determining entire life.

It is often alleged that caste distinction are similar to the civil and social distinction of Europeans and the other nation, but there is an essential difference. Hindu caste is derived from birth alone. It cannot be transferred from one class to another. It cannot be gained as reward for the merit or bestowed as a honorary title by the most powerful monarch. The queen of England can raise any of her subject to peerage, but she cannot alter the caste of a Hindu. The highest nobleman in England, and sit with him at same table, it is not so in Hindu Indian.

Hindu Account Of The Origin Of The Caste

The common belief among the Hindus is that the Brahmins proceed from the mouth of Brahma, the Kshatriya from the arms, the Vaishyas from thighs and the Sudras from his feet.

It is abundantly evident that the sacred book of Hindus contain no uniform or consistent account of the origin of castes but, on the contrary present the greatest varieties of speculation on this subject. Explanation, mystical, mythical

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and rationalistic are all offered in turn and the freest scope is given by the individual write to fanciful and arbitrary conjecture.

The most common story is that the caste issued from the mouth, arms, thigh and feet of Purusha or Brahma. The oldest extant passage in which this ideas occur is found in the Purusha Sukta, but it is doubtful whether in the form in which it is there presented, this representation is anything more than allegory.

In Manu and the Puranas, the mystical import of the vedic text disappears and the figurative narration is hardened into a literal statement of fact.In other passages where a separate origin is assigned to the caste, they are variously said to have sprung from the words Bhah, Bhuvah, Svah ; from different Vedas; from different sets of prayers from the gods and asuras, from non entity, from imperishable, the perishable and other principles.

In one passage men are said to be the offspring of Vivasat; in another his son Manu is said to be heir progenitor while in a third they are said to be descended from a female of the same name. The passage which declares Manu to have been father of the human race, explicitly affirms that men of all the four caste were descended from him. In another remarkable text the Mahabarata asserts that originally there was no distinction of classes, the existing distribution having arisen out of differences of character and occupation. Similarly, the Bhagvata Purana in one place inform us that in Krita age there was but one caste. Hence there is very different opinion with regard to the origin of caste. One would think that no man in his senses would accept the account of creation in the Purusha Sukta as literally true. Instead of all these contradictory the caste system in Hinduism is one of the big reality and it is persist from very long period and practices in every sphere.

True Origin Of Caste

Caste arise from two chief causes firstly due to different of race and secondly due to differences of employment, locality is a third element of minor importance, which will be noticed under second head. The ordinary names for caste prove this. Jati mean race; varna , colour , arising from difference of race.In the Vedas

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there are only two castes, the Aryas and the Dasyas. Aryas this word meaning noble, probably comes from ar, to plough, the nation following agriculture being more civilized than wandering races. Dasyas on the other hand this name was applied by the Aryans to the aborigines of India whom they sought to disposes of their lands. The word is supposed to mean enemies so many of them were enslaved that the word dasa was applied to servants. The Dasyas were non Aryans tribes. The Aryans, coming from a cool climate, were fairer in complex than the dasyas. The Aryan pride themselves on their color and called the dasyas “the black skin”. In other passages of Vedas, the dasyas are represented as keeping no sacred fires and they were even taunted with eating raw meats. It was believed aryas proceed from Indus in a south easterly direction into a country probably covered with forest and occupied by tribes of a dark complexion, speaking a strange language. The Aryans meanwhile, as they advance, and gradually established themselves in the forests, field and villages of aborigines, would not be able to ensure their position, but would be exposed to constant reprisals on the part of their enemies who would avails themselves of every opportunity to assail them, to carry off their cattle, destroy their rites and impede their progress. The black complexion barbarous habits, rude speech and savage yells of the dasyas and the sudden attack under the cover of impenetrable forests and the darkness of night, they would make on the encampments of the aryas, might naturally lends the later to speak of them as demons. The aryas, after advancing some way , would halt to occupy, to clear and cultivate the territory they had acquired ;and the aborigines would continue in possession of the adjacent tracts, sometimes at peace and sometimes at war with their invaders. At length the further advance of aryas would either drive the dasyas into the remotest corner of the country or lead to their partial incorporation with the conquerors as the lowest grade in their country.

The first great distinction was between the white and dark races the conqueror and the conquered, the freeman and the slave ,the sudras undoubtedly were the original races of India subdued by the Aryan invader. One of the earliest tribes brought under subjection was called sudras, and this name was extended to whole race.

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The ancient division between Aryan and non Aryans race based on an original differences of blood, was preserved in later times as the primary distinction between the twice born caste and the sudras. The word arya (noble) is derived from arya which mean householder, and was originally used as the name of the third caste, or the vaisyas.

These Aryas, or vaisyas, formed the great bulk of the Brahmanic society, and it is but natural that their name, in a derivative from, should have been used as a common name of the three classes into which these Aryan became afterwards divided.

The three occupation of the Aryans in India were fighting, cultivating the soil and worshipping the gods. Those who fought the battles of the peoples would naturally acquire influences and rank, and their leader appear in the Veda as Raja or kings. Those who did not share in fighting would occupy a more humble position they were called vis, or Vaisyas. But a third occupation, that of worshipping the god , was evidently considered by the whole nation to be as important and as truly essential to the well being of the country, as fighting against enemies or cultivating the soil.

Because it is the god who conquer the enemy ,it is the god who vouch safe a rich harvest, health and wealth. Children, friends, flocks and gold are all the gifts of the gods. Hence priest got highest status and they use it for their own advantage.

Buddhism against the caste system

Buddhism disregards the caste system, which was established firstly to distinguish the Aryans from the non Aryans race and secondly to give the Brahmin predominance over the other castes. Buddhism teaches the equality of mankind; it requires man to lay aside distinction which come from the difference of birth or profession. A man is noble or ignoble through conduct, but not through birth is the idea of Buddhism with regard to the caste system. Gautama the founder of Buddhism is supposed to have lived about the sixth century B.C. He was Kshatriya and freely admitted all caste in his priest hood. In the Dhamma Pada he thus describes the true Brahmin.

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“391. Him I call indeed a Brahmin who does not offend by body, word or thought and is controlled on these three point.

“393. A man does not become a Brahmin by his platted hair, by his family , or by birth : In whom there is truth and righteousness he is blessed, he is Brahmin.

“407. Him I call indeed a Brahmin from whom anger and hatred pride and envy have dropt like mustard said from the point of a needle.

Through out the whole of the Buddhist period in India, a thousand year and upward, strong opposition was cherished, by the Buddhist against caste. Buddhism which evolve against the Hinduism and its practices .The teaching of Buddha created and hope of salvation and freedom of choice in society that was dominated by the caste system, predominance of ritual form of worship and the exclusive status of the privileged classes which the vedic religion upheld as inviolable and indisputable. DR.B.R.Ambedkar he was Born into a poor Mahar (then considered an Untouchable caste) family, Ambedkar spent his whole life fighting against social discrimination, the system of Chaturvarna — the categorization of Hindu society into four varnas — and the Hindu caste system. Due to face discrimination in his early life and at successive stage in his life, he adopted the Buddhism. But the sugar coated perspective need to broken and if we look into various communities of Buddhist society in India and Sri Lanka you will realize in fact it is just illusion, the truth is different than what we see per se. The Buddhist community in India such as Buddhist of Lahoul and Spiti(Himachal Pardesh), Buddhist of Kinnaur(H.P) and Buddhist of Ladakh (J&K) and Sinhalese Community of Sri Lanka in all these communities caste like stratification is prevailing and practicing from very long period of time and to some extent traces of it, still vigilant in today’s time also.

Caste and Buddhism: India

Buddhism though claim that there is no caste system however in many Buddhist societies theirs are lots of social stratification which are quite similar to caste system. However the caste system which is practice in all these Buddhist community is not that practice severely but it exist. If you look into Ladakh

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Buddhist community caste type stratification are found .Like the hindu society of village India the stratification is also a feature of Ladakhi Buddhist. In certain aspects the order of ranking resembles the caste system of village community of plain in India. But some of the features, typical of caste society, are missing in the village community of Ladakh. For instance the Ladakhi, gara ( iron smith), mon and Beda visit the same Gonpa (temple) and join in worship. There is no bar to their dinning in each other’s house.entry into each other’s house is again non prohibited. Feeling of pollution and untouchability do not seems do exist.like the castes all social group in Ladakhi village have specific names. Also they have occupational specialization quite in tune with caste system. Lately, however the labour and the other employment are taken up by all the neddy ones irrespective of their group affiliation. Again, like the caste the Ladakhi , gara, Mon and Beda are arranged in a social Hierarchy each occupying a definite rung of social ladder. Exactly like the caste the Ladakhi, Gara , Mon and Beda. As a matter of fact they have no clans. Quite similar to castes these groups have and usually cultivate, set norms behaviour. And the latter regulate the intra and inter-group relations in various ways of life. In the light of features like specific name (given to each group). Specific occupation, fixed position in social hierarchy and endogamy, as applicable to ladakhi, Gara, Mon and Beda it can be inferred that they pose for a caste like society. The trend to caste traits might be further solidified through the increasing contacts with member of the caste society. With the increasing possibilities of their contacts with the members of caste society the Ladakhi Buddhist’s vague knowledge of caste system may turn into caste reality, widening the social distance between Ladakhi, Gara Mon And Beda. Till now all the characteristic of caste system do not existing among the inhabitants of Ladakhi villages. Untouchability and some other prejudices are still missing. But just like Hinduism there are four major classes or castes in Ladakhi Buddhist society as: (1) rGyal Rigs, (2) Sku-Drag, (3) dMang-Rigs, and (4) Rigs-Man (sma).

(rGyal-Rigs) Aristocratic families, the royal families are titled with ‘rGyalpo’ equal to king. More formally ‘rGyalpo-po-chenpo’ equal to great king ruling accordance with the law or religion. They always married with the royal families out side Ladakh. Now a days they marry with Kalon and Lonpo families.

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The second and first grades were ranked as sku-drag. They were the hereditary local and regional governors (bLon-po), from whose ranks up to four could be selected into the highest grade or minister (bka’-bLon). One of them became the bka’-lon of Ladakh. This was the prime minister and actual leader of the daily conduct of affairs, reporting immediately under the king. The choice of the kalon was determined either by royal favour or by greater popularity and superior abilities. The title was hereditary, but the office was not automatically so. Possession however gave so firm a grasp of power that the office was actually also retained in the family for several generations. Thirdly dMang-Rigs are the local people of Ladakh they don’t rule the people , but they are people who are peasants’ and indulge in agriculture just like the Vaisyas in Hindu caste base society. Fourthly Rigs-Man (low caste) in these category many sub caste are comprises of for example Mons, mGarba and Be-da are considered low-caste families.On the occasion of any festival or ceremony they sit outside house on the ground nearest to the door. Food and drinks are served to them separately in their own cup or in a piece of cloth put on the floor or on a low piece of wood reserved for this purpose. The higher class families do not take food or drinks prepared by them. They do not sleep in their bedding, wear their cloths, or have any sexual relation with them. Breaking the taboos would amount to downfall into their ranks. They are not allowed to eat or drink from the utensils of others as they fear that they would pollute them. Normally they are deprived of becoming the head of the village (Goba) and head of the monastery (Lobon) irrespective of their proficiency due to their caste identity. Atrocities against them basically arise in the context of 'keeping them' in their place within the social hierarchy, mediated by caste and untouchability. If you look in to the origination of these lower caste people then it was consider Mons were the first settlers and missionaries of Buddhism in Ladakh. Francke puts their arrival at least as far back as before the 1st or 3rd century B.C. Mos were ‘Arian features’ and had special language. They are very definite in their opinion that these people are not from Kashmir. Therefore, they might have migrated from Kulu. Because Mon is a common Tibetan term for people of southern Himalayan slopes and foot hills. Later it was used for Hindu strangers who were arriving from south. According to the Ladakhi Chronicles, Mons had migrated from Kullu or from ‘Monhali’ (manali)

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on Mon-tsewang and settled down in ‘Mong-yul’ or Zangskar.Later during king Jamyang Namgyal’s period many musician who were also called Mons, came from Baltistan and settled down in the near by villages of Leh. However, we can not deny the fact that Mons were invited by the kings of Ladakh to come and make musicfor them. As Ferry Erdmann says: “The Mon’s function in rituals is music making. At the ‘Lhato’ ceremonies, before which they must purify themselves by ritual washing and several abstention, they also bring the arrow shaft. Other occasion for their music are transition ceremony parties, and the heralding of high visitor. On the other hand Bedas belong to both communities (i.e Buddhist and Muslim). Some people believe they do not own land. They ramble around in tents, begging and making music here and there. They are beggars who sing mostly using the tambourine. But their songs serve absolutely no purpose in cultural discourse. The payment they receive is only pure charity. However Gara (mgar-ba) (Blacksmiths) Gara have their own land, houses and livestock just as other villagers, with whom they have special relations involving definite rights and obligations. Gara manufacture plough-scissors, arrow heads, knives, scythes, axes , stoves, and repair all kinds of pots and pans.

A Gara has to perform rituals tasks at transition rites in the lives of individuals, the family, and the village as a whole. At new year (lo-gsar),he visit all his clients’ families and presents them with a needle. Sometimes, he provides them iron points for the arrows which are to be put in the Lha-tho’s at the renewal ceremony. mGar-bas are not paid cash directly for these services. Instead they are given some consumer foodstuffs. For all these services the Gara is not paid directly, when he works in a client’s house or delivers his products, he may receive some food. Villagers in general, care somehow for their mGar-ba. He in turn is proud of his profession, and until recently, accepted the low esteem and discriminating treatment quietly. At harvest time, however , he goes and collects one backload (khur) of grains from evry house. It is no wonder that here too, social status and economic position often diverge. It is said that Gara manufacture such things likes knives, weaponry for hunt or for slaughtering the animals. Therefore, Gara is responsible for providing sharp knives for killing the animals which is treated sin in Buddhist society, so he is given a lower status in the

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society. Till now all the characteristic of caste system do not exist among the inhabitants of Ladakhi villages. Untouchability and some other caste prejudices are still missing. It may simultaneously be mentioned that the changing conditions, especially the rise in economy and education, have not helped to elevate the social position of a person. His status continues to be recognized by his affiliation to a specific social group. A Gara, better placed from employment point of view, may enjoy a higher position in his office, or place of working. But in the eyes of village community he is no more than a Gara for all practical purposes. Under such a situation all norms applicable to ordinary Gara are also meant for him. Some Gara is comparatively richer than many Bhotos of the village. He owns a big and spacious house like the well-off Bhotos. Still he is treated like any other Gara of Ladakh. The traditionally defined position remains unalterable even after a person switches on to a new profession. Some of the Mons and Ladakhis do carpentry but it has not reflected on their traditional status. On the other hand Lahul-spiti, one of the frontier districts of India in Himachal Pradesh, has a very difficult terrain with ice fields, snow covered peaks and most inhospitable climate. The region is cut-off for most part of the year from the rest of the world. Caste distinction are said not to obtain in spiti; but the people are divide into three classes which some times act like caste and who do not inter marry, the landowners, the artisan menials and the minstrel beggars;

The Kinnaurs another ethnic group in Himachal Pardesh, present day the Kinnauras do not constitute a homogenous group and display significant territorial and ethnic diversity. For a better understanding of ethnic and cultural distribution, the Kinnaur District may be classified into three territorial units.

Lower Kinnaur comprise area between Chora at the boundary of the Kinnaur District with Rampur Bushahr and Kalpa including Nichar and Sangla valleys. The people of Lower Kinnaur are primarily of the Mediterranean physical type. It is difficult to distinguish them from the people residing in the adjoining Shimla District with whom they have some affinity. The people of lower Kinnaur are mostly Hindus though the ethno-historical factors have resulted in some Buddhist influence. The middle Kinnaur is the area between Kalpa and Kanam including Moorang tehsil. The people of middle Kinnaur are of mixed racial strain. Some have marked

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Mongoloid and others marked Mediterranean features. In some cases there is an admixture of the above two in varying degrees. The inhabitants are Buddhist as well as Hindus. Many people have faith in both the religions. The upper Kinnaur comprises of remaining north-eastern part of the district i.e. the area between Pooh and Hangrang valley extending upto international border with Tibet.The predominant physical type of upper Kinnaur in the Mongoloid though a few persons with Mediterrean features are also seen in the area around Pooh. Some persons show the blending of Mediterrean and Mongoloid elements in varying degrees. However the people of Hangrang valley are almost universally Mongoloids. They mostly follow Mahayana Buddhist religion.The Kinnaur society is divided into two broad occupational groups- peasants and the artisans possibly of diverse ethnic origin. These groups are represented by Kanets (Rajputs) and Scheduled Castes.

The Kanets comprise the main cultivating community of the area and use honorific surname Negi. Among the Kanets there are three grades. In the first grade Kanets there are as many as fifty sub-castes, in the second grades there are seventeen sub-castes and in the third grade who work as potter have three sub-castes. Waza Kanets belong to the third grade and are considered inferior among Kanets.

The Scheduled castes include Chamangs and Domangs. Chamangs traditionally make and wove clothes. The Domangs are primarily blacksmiths. There is a third caste called ores. The main profession of Ores is carpentry. In social status the Ores are equal to Domangs. Among the Scheduled castes blacksmiths and carpenters i.e. Domangs and Ores considered themselves superior to Kolis or Chamangs.

Caste and Buddhism: Sri Lanka

Introduction of Buddhism in Sri Lanka

Buddhism was introduced to Sri Lanka in the third century B.C. from India, where it had been established by Siddartha Gautama three centuries earlier. The powerful Indian monarch, Asoka, nurtured the new comprehensive religio-philosophical system in the third century B.C. Asoka's conversion to Buddhism marks one of the turning points in religious history because at that time, Buddhism was elevated from a minor sect to an official religion enjoying all the

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advantages of royal patronage. Asoka's empire, which extended over most of India, supported one of the most vigorous missionary enterprises in history.

The Buddhist tradition of chronicling events has aided the verification of historical figures. One of most important of these figures was King Devanampiya Tissa (250-c. 207 B.C.). According to the Mahavamsa, Asoka's son and emissary to Sri Lanka, Mahinda, introduced the monarch to Buddhism. Devanampiya Tissa became a powerful patron of Buddhism and established the monastery of Mahavihara, which became the historic center of Theravada Buddhism in Sri Lanka.

Subsequent events also contributed to Sri Lanka's prestige in the Buddhist world. It was on the island, for example, that the oral teachings of the Buddha--the Tripitaka--were committed to writing for the first time.

Devanampiya Tissa was said to have received Buddha's right collarbone and his revered alms bowl from Asoka and to have built the Thuparama Dagoba, or stupa (Buddhist shrine), to honor these highly revered relics. Another relic, Buddha's sacred tooth, had arrived in Sri Lanka in the fourth century A.D.. The possession of the Tooth Relic came to be regarded as essential for the legitimization of Sinhalese royalty and remained so until its capture and probable destruction by the Portuguese in 1560. The sacred Tooth Relic (thought by many to be a substitute) that is venerated in the Temple of the Tooth in Kandy links legendary Sri Lanka with the modern era. The annual procession of Perahera held in honor of the sacred Tooth Relic serves as a powerful unifying force for the Sinhalese in the twentieth century. Asoka's daughter, Sanghamitta, is recorded as having brought to the island a branch of the sacred bo tree under which the Buddha attained enlightenment. According to legend, the tree that grew from this branch is near the ruins of the ancient city of Anuradhapura in the north of Sri Lanka. The tree is said to be the oldest living thing in the world and is an object of great veneration.

The connection between religion, culture, language, and education and their combined influence on national identity have been an age-old pervasive force for the Sinhalese Buddhists. Devanampiya Tissa employed Asoka's strategy of merging the political state with Buddhism, supporting Buddhist institutions from the state's coffers, and locating temples close to the royal palace for greater control. With such patronage, Buddhism was positioned to evolve as the highest ethical and philosophical expression of Sinhalese culture and civilization.

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Buddhism appealed directly to the masses, leading to the growth of a collective Sinhalese cultural consciousness.

In contrast to the theological exclusivity of Hindu Brahmanism, the Ashokan missionary approach featured preaching and carried the principles of the Buddha directly to the common people. This proselytizing had even greater success in Sri Lanka than it had in India and could be said to be the island's first experiment in mass education.

Buddhism also had a great effect on the literary development of the island. The Indo-Aryan dialect spoken by the early Sinhalese was comprehensible to missionaries from India and facilitated early attempts at translating the scriptures. The Sinhalese literati studied Pali, the language of the Buddhist scriptures, thus influencing the development of Sinhala as a literary language

Caste System in Sinhalese Buddhist

Buddhism theoretically opposed to caste divisions, such divisions prevail among the Sinhalese, low country and Kandyan, Buddhists. Caste was the basis of social stratification in Sinhalese society in Sinhalese society in ancient Sri Lanka. As with regard to practically else caste was Indian transplant which developed it’s own peculiar characteristic in Sri Lanka. It is doubtful if Sinhalese society was ever actually organized on the basis of the conventional four-fold caste hierarchy of Indian society. It is doubtful if Sinhalese society was ever actually organized on the basis of the conventional four-fold caste hierarchy of Indian society. It was consider from the beginning there were castes in Sinhalese society which do note resemble Indian castes or sub-castes. The highest group in the Sinhalese caste hierarchy, goyigama .While most castes had a service occupation role as under the Indian system, the distinctive feature of the Sinhalese system, in contrast to its Indian prototype, was that there was no religious sanction for caste. Thus while there was caste endogamy and taboos of caste avoidance as well, these later did not cover the whole range of social relations and significantly there was no category of “untouchables” in Sinhalese society except the numerically insignificant rodi. The Bandaras and the Radalas comprise a sub-caste of the Goyigams who for generations have formed a recognizable aristocracy. Among many other castes lower down the social hierarchy come fishermen (Karavas),

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washermen (Hena), and toddy tappers (Durava). Further enough caste discrimination prevails within the sangha, the Buddhist order. Entry to the most prestigious nikaya (sect) of the sangha, the siyam nikaya, is restricted to the goyigama caste.

But the Sinhalese caste divisions are not as deep, nor their influence so pervasive, nor their observance so rigid, as among the Hindu Tamils. In particular, there are no Brahmin priestly caste and no "untouchables" among the Sinhalese.

The conventional "highest" caste are the Goyigama caste Sinhalese, in origin agriculturalists, and they predominate among both the low country and the Kandyans. They form about 51% of the low country Sinhalese and nearly 85% of the Kandyan Sinhalese.30 Within the low country Sinhalese, the Karava come next (about 17%), followed by the Salagama (about 8%) and the Durava (about 6%). Those who constitute the last three castes are mainly Tamils and Malayalis who came from south India between the 14th and 1 8th Centuries as fishermen, cinnamon peelers, etc. and were not socially accepted by the Goyigama, although they became Sinhalized by acculturation. The "low" or "depressed" castes among the low country Sinhalese are the Batgam, Wahumpara, Berava, Hina, Rajaka, etc.

Traditional Kandyan society was one of status based feudal relations between the land owning aristocracy, or the Radala (Kandyan Goyigama), and the landless who rendered various obligatory services to the former. The landless comprised a number of Goyigama sub castes placed lower down in the ritual hierarchy. There were also a few non Goyigama low caste groups. Professor Bryce Ryan, in his study of Sinhalese caste patterns, observed: "Where the Radala exists, caste differentiation generally is at its maximum, for around him adhere the various service castes and with him, too, traditional modes of conduct persist.''

The caste division among the Sinhalese is most evident in endogarny, cross caste marriages being rare compared to inter ethnic marriages and marriages outside one's religion. In the rural, particularly Buddhist areas, caste and class boundaries often coincide: the rich and the dominant are the Goyigama; the poor and the oppressed are of low caste.

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During the British colonial period there were considerable factional rivalries for political and economic ascendance between the elite of the low country Goyigama and the Karara; and between the low country Goyigama and the Kandyan Goyigama. The Tamil Vellala (the equivalent highest" caste to the Goyigama) elite always combined with the low country Goyigama and against the Karava, on the basis of upper caste exclusiveness and loyalties.

It must be remembered that inter dinning and inter marriage between castes was taboo. With the bourgeoisie, loyalties were based first on class, then on caste, and ethnicity at that time did not seem a likely framework for domination. Because of this, the Goyigama always treated the Karava with contempt, while it freely coalesced with the Tamil Vellala.

This was to have its repercussions later on, when, mainly in order to crack this low country Goyigama Tamil Vellala alliance, the Karava elite created the "Sinhala only" law and became its most unrelenting agitators. Nearly all the front line "Sinhalese only" zealots, and the bhikkhu campaigners of the Rarnanya sect, were Karavas.

Conclusion:Caste system though it was believed not to be in a Buddhist religion, but caste like structure and stratification exists in the Buddhist community. Though the intensity may vary from place to place. The caste like structure which is existing in such community like a Kinnaurs is mainly it is due to mixed up with Hindus. If we look at the whole region it is divided in to three region i.e lower, middle and upper kinnaurs. The lower kinnaurs are mainly Hindus and few Buddhist people are also living their and some of them have their own deities that is Devi and Devtas. Middle kinnaurs ,the people of this regions are mainly Buddhist and Hindus but mostly are Buddhist and upper kinnaur are near to Tibet border and Tibetan Buddhism they follow. The essence of caste like structure develop in these societies sis due to regular interaction between Hindus of neighboring community who follow caste system as they are getting further from this area the caste essence and intensity become weaker. The upper kinnaurs buddhist community practice of caste system is comparatively weaker than Buddhist kinnaurs of middle and lower Buddhist community. But it was believe that in Sinhalese Buddhist community caste system was already prevail before the

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advent of Buddhist religion. So in this sense Buddhist religion is casteless religion but Buddhist society is not deprived of caste system like structure.

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References:1. Gail Omvedt. (2003) Buddhism in India: Challenging Brahmanism and Caste,

New Delhi: Sage Publication India Pvt; Ltd.2. Ashok Kumar Anand (1996) Buddhism in India: From The Sixth Century B.C

to The 3rd Century A.D, New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House3. John Murdoch (1887) caste, Kessienger publishing4. Willem Adrian Veenhoven (1976) Case studies on Human Rights and

Fundamental Freedom : World survey. Page 108,5. S. C. Bajpai (2002) Lahoul-Spiti : A Forbidden Land In The Himalaya, New

Delhi: Indus Publishing Ltd6. Rann Singh Mann(2002) Ladakh Then and Now Cultural, Ecological and

political, New Delhi: Mittal Publishers

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