bulgarian folk music and its sociopolitical implications

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    Lilia BogoevaWMS

    Bulgarian Folk Music and its Socio-Political Implications

    Bulgarian folk music is a long-standing tradition that both reflects current social and

    political conditions and has at times even acted as an instrument of social and political

    change. Traditional folk music was unnotated and served primarily to promote a feeling

    of communal togetherness. With the advent of Soviet takeover, the government would

    only subsidize folk music that was Westernized and suited for concert halls, radio, or

    television, thus turning folk music into an art form and commercial commodity as

    opposed to a social event. Even with modernization and Western influences coming in

    during the mid 20 th century, Bulgarian folk music has always been focused on presenting

    a particular emotional feel as opposed to technical virtuosity.

    Bulgarias location and climate have influenced its social and economic foundations.

    The nation is located in Eastern Europe near the Balkan mountains and bordering the

    Black Sea. Its geography lush mountainous landscapes, numerous rivers, fertile soil, and

    warm spring and summer time climate make it an ideal location for agriculture. Because

    if these geographical features, Bulgaria has traditionally been an agriculturally-based

    society, with most of its inhabitants residing in rural villages, living off of subsistence

    farming, and being illiterate until about 150 years ago (Rice 25: 2001).

    Bulgarias long history has seen a lot of conflicts between the nations rulership and its

    peoples desire for freedom. It was part of the Ottoman empire for hundreds of years,

    until gaining its independence in the mid-1800s. It was after gaining its independence

    that Bulgaria began modernizing, slowly stepping away from agriculture and towards

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    Capitalism and industry as the basis of the nations economy. The move towards

    industrialization sped up substantially when Bulgaria became part of the Soviet Union in

    1944 (Rice 25: 2001). The Communist party, was obsessed with the idea of progress and

    modernization and asserted that following suit with the Partys ideals was the way to

    achieve this progress.

    Its location in Eastern Europe separated it from Western Europe and its cultural

    influences. Thus, even though Bulgaria is located in Europe, its culture, society, and

    therefore its music, developed differently from that of Western Europe. Therefore,

    Bulgarian folk music is not based on an organized system of musical theory and notation.

    Rather, folk music is passed on through oral tradition and remembered by ear and through

    the physical action of playing the music (Rice 2: 1980). This had to do with the fact that

    its inhabitants were raised in rural villages and therefore lacked formal education or

    training in music. Therefore, musical performance emphasized aesthetic delivery and

    social experience as opposed to technical precision.

    When beginning the study of Bulgarian folk music, it is important to note that what

    Bulgarian villagers considered music was different from the meanings Westerners

    apply to the term. First of all, the Bulgarian folk definition of music, called musica in

    Bulgarian, only encompasses instrumental music. Thus, a capella vocal performances

    were not included under the label musica . This means that there was a clear distinction

    between the labels singer ( pevitsa) and musician (musicant) . Thus, musician would

    actually translate into English as instrumental music, not as the overarching category of

    music (Rice 45: 1980).

    This is not to say that vocal music was any less valued. It simply demonstrates a cross-

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    cultural difference in the thought processes related to music. The fact that singing

    involved words and instrumental playing did not seemed to be a substantial enough

    difference between the two performance methods that villagers felt the need to

    distinguish between the two by using different labels. The presence or absence of lyrics

    relates to the performances purpose. Village songs had four broad purposes: (1) describe

    the activity it accompanies, such as a dance or wedding, (2) to describe an event that has

    important cultural implications, (3) to state the values of society, and (4) to entertain

    (Rice 48: 1980).

    The same distinction that exists between singer and musician, is also used to

    differentiate a song ( pesen) as being a vocal-only performance and music/tune as being

    instrumental (Rice 47: 1980). The main instruments of village folk music were the kaval,

    or flute, the tambura, a stringed instrument, the gajda, a bagpipe, and the gudulka ,

    another important stringed instrument (Rice 44: 1980). Particularly in the Shop region,

    but in other regions as well, instrumental accompaniment to voice was rare, and when did

    happen, it was usually not in the same sense that Western musicians think of

    accompaniment. In fact, in Bulgarian folk music, the instruments would hardly be

    considered accompaniment at all. Although instrumentals and vocals may occur

    simultaneously, the singer does not attempt to sing the same pitches or maintain rhythmic

    synchronicity with the instrument. They merely reinforce and inspire each other, but act

    independently of each other (Rice 49: 1980). Although this music was not notated or

    metered, it would be transcribed into Western notation using mostly odd meters, such as

    5/8, 7/8, and 11/16 (Rice 63: 1980). These meters are considered complex by Western

    classical standards, but are not complicated or atypical at all in Bulgarian folk music.

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    As is typical of folk music, various regional styles emerge. But what all regions of

    Bulgarian folk music have in common is the emphasis on melodic ornamentation. The

    Shop region in particular uses an exceptionally large amount of and the vocal effect

    tresene, which literally means shaking (Rice 58: 1980). The vocal delivery tends to be

    slightly nasal at times, yet delivered with music projection (Elitsa: 2007). This recording

    demonstrates the prominent use of ornamentation as well as the textural changes between

    homophony and polyphony. Contour is the primary focus of melody, and there is not

    preference of a specific vocal register, tone, or timbre. Virtuosity is of no concern in a

    vocal performance. Rather, what defines a great vocal performance in this tradition is the

    ability to ornament a melodic vocal line. The Bulgarian folk idea of ornamentation is the

    reverse of the Western idea of ornamentation, which uses quick notes to add interest to

    long ones. Bulgarian folk ornamentation considers long tones as ornamentation to short

    tones (Rice 60-62: 1980). The aesthetic of folk music was not geared towards virtuosity,

    but rather to presenting a vibe and telling a story. What these characteristics of folk music

    reveal about Bulgarian village society was the fact that villagers were primarily concerned

    with social experience and building a sense of community through their music. They were

    not determined to out music each other with impressive displays of technical mastery.

    Bulgarias agricultural background lead to the subject matter of folk songs being based

    on aspects of life on the farms and often were sung while performing farm work. There

    were songs for going to the farm at sunrise, songs for the afternoon rest, and songs for

    returning home once the work was done, to name but a few. Both genders performed farm

    work, although men performed the more physically demanding tasks. In addition to

    working songs, there were also songs for holidays, dances, festivals, and celebrations,

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    with wedding music holding particular importance (Rice 51: 1980). This variety of

    subject matter reveals that singing was an ingrained aspect of village society. Village

    women did not have to set aside time specifically to practice and perform songs, rather,

    they integrated them into their daily tasks.

    There is an important social aspect of folk music in relationship to gender roles:

    instrumental music (musica) is considered masculine and singing songs ( pesni ) is

    considered feminine, and both genders engage in dancing (Rice 47: 1980). This gender

    distinction was deeply engrained in village society. Female instrumentalists were given

    sarcastic and unflattering labels, such as masculine Mary. Typically, men would not

    sing in performance situations but would sing while drinking in taverns. In contrast,

    women would always sing perfectly sober and in more official situations. Singing was

    expected of women, but was induced in men under the influence of alcohol (Rice 48:

    2001). This had to do with perceptions of socially appropriate behaviors for each sex.

    The physicality of playing an instrument, especially drums, was associated with the

    physicality of farm labor such as herding animals and riding horses, and therefore was

    considered masculine (Rice 46: 2001). Such gender-specific associations are common in

    music cultures around the world and reflect deeply-rooted perceptions of ways to preserve

    traditional notions of masculinity and femininity in the context of musical practice.

    However, the fact that both genders dance together demonstrates that village society was

    not intent on keeping men and women in separate spheres. The quintessential Bulgarian

    folk dance, horo , involves several dancers holding hands in a chain, which of course

    requires physical contact and movement. Men and women engaged in social, musical

    experiences together, but still maintained their roles in society.

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    There are a handful of metaphors that ethnomusicologists use to gain an understanding

    of music. These metaphors include: music is art, music is social behavior, music is a

    symbol or text, and music is a commodity (Rice 23-24: 2001). Thinking of music in these

    terms allows one to deeply analyze the social and political implications of music on both

    a micro and a macro scale. Such analysis is useful to gain a deep understanding of

    musics role in a society. In the Bulgarian context in particular, it can be used to

    understand ways in which folk music has changed over time and how this evolution has

    been influenced by the political changes the nation has experienced the rise and fall of

    Ottoman rule, the transition into Soviet Communism, and the post-Soviet democratic era.

    Originally, Bulgarian folk musics primary objective was to facilitate a social

    experience. As mentioned previously, dances and taverns were important centers of social

    gathering in villages. Here, music and song played a primary role in facilitating

    interpersonal interactions. Wedding music has always held a particularly high status of

    importance, as a wedding marks a crucial transition point in the lives of the couple and

    their families. Traditionally, village wedding music consisted of songs wishing the couple

    good luck, prosperity, and fertility. Simultaneously, instrumental players would be

    playing tunes that inspire group horo dancing (Rice 50: 1980). The cultural significance

    of wedding music continued into the modern era, and peoples actions during wedding

    festivities are taken very seriously. During one field study in the late 1980s, a bride chose

    not to engage in the wedding songs and dances. Although this may not seem like much,

    the grooms family interpreted her inaction as a sign of disrespect for the family into

    which she had just married (Rice 26: 2001). The offense that the grooms family took to

    this demonstrates that such folk traditions are not arbitrary nor are they merely

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    musicians to earn a secure and comfortable living. Ti also lead to folk music being treated

    as a product or commodity available for commercial sale.

    That being said, Bulgarian folk orchestras, or orkestrani, did preserve a significant of

    the folk tradition. Although the music was notated, most performers still learned largely

    by ear and played from memory, using the score only as reference and rarely carrying

    them to rehearsals (Buchanan 185-187: 2006). Additionally, concert music still

    emphasized ornamentation as the hallmark of a quality performance, a center point of

    music students formal conservatory training (Buchanan 191: 2006). This is a definite

    remnant of village tradition applied to the more modern context of academic training and

    professional performance of music. Furthermore, composers developed the style

    obrabotka, meaning to cultivate or polish and refers to a cultivated, polished

    rendition of a traditional village tune or song. Obrabotkas preserved the traditional sound

    of the horo or other tune they were based on, but were sometimes disliked by concert

    goers who found them cheesy or an inaccurate representation of the tradition (Buchanan

    196: 2006). As heard in the Koutev orchestra pieces such as Yana Tzvete Brala, the

    female vocalists preserve the tradition of using heavy tresene as a centerpiece of their

    vocal style, and the instrumentation remains the same as that used in traditional folk

    music. The track Kermensko Horo demonstrates the emphasis on melodic

    ornamentation in instrumental melodies as well as the traditional, energetic feel of group

    dance music. (Koutev Bulgarian National Ensemble). Whats different about this

    recorded ensemble, however, is that the instrumentals and vocals seem to be more closely

    related to each other than they had been in village music. This gives the music a more

    Western feel by using the concept of instruments acting as accompaniment to vocals, as

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    opposed to simultaneous yet independent entities. The commercial and artistic aspects of

    modernized folk music in this era revealed the governments obsession with control,

    modernization, and a hierarchy of power. Music was used largely as propaganda for the

    government to promote a positive image of itself as an instrument of progress.

    The end of the Soviet, era saw growing public dissent towards the oppressive

    government. It was in this era that wedding music took on a new role as an agent for

    protest against government oppression. Wedding music used loudness, improvisation,

    and technical virtuosity as symbols of freedom, individuality, and hopes for a new free

    society in the future (Rice 33: 2001). This demonstrated not only public frustration with

    Communist censorship and control, but also the Partys limited ability to control musical

    meaning and creative expression. Here, music was being used as a symbol of the freedom

    Bulgarian citizens were hoping to obtain.

    The changes Bulgarian folk music has gone through have been largely related to the

    changes in government. This music has been both a reflection of society and an agent for

    social and political change. Despite all these political and social changes, however,

    Bulgaria has been more consistent about preserving folk tradition compared to other

    countries that have gone through frequent political changes.

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