Buddhist Monk, Buddhist Layman: A Study of Urban Monastic Organization in CentralThailand by Jane BunnagReview by: Charles F. KeyesJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 95, No. 3 (Jul. - Sep., 1975), pp. 532-534Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/599390 .

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 95.3 (1975) Journal of the American Oriental Society 95.3 (1975)

of social and economic development (and non-develop- ment) in a systematic fashion with what had happened in

Europe and elsewhere." This "need" is not filled by Elvin's book.

The second part is basically a description of advances in

agricultural technology, irrigation, transportation, and finance. The expansion of the market structute is also covered but systematic discussion of actual structure is

lacking. The third section is the real heart of the book. Where

the previous parts were more summary surveys due to the large temporal scope and diversity of issues covered, this section is much more imaginative. Unfortunately, Elvin's imagination is not always matched by adequate evidence, and as a consequence the book is more sug- gestive than definitive. Here Elvin indicates that China did not lack technical knowledge but suffered from a

"weakening of those economic and intellectual forces which make for invention and innovation" (p. 199). Elvin sees the fourteenth century as the "turning point," where the dynamic quality of the Chinese economy declined. This decline Elvin attributes to the end of the expanding frontier, falling importance of overseas trade and foreign contacts, lack of adequate silver supply, and a philosophical movement toward introspection (pp. 203-04).

Elvin's book is marred in a variety of ways, many related to his apparent confusion as to whether the book is a general text or a scholarly presentation of an inter-

pretation of Chinese history new in Western language. Many mechanical aspects of the book are poorly managed. There is neither a Chinese glossary for the terms used

(this would be especially usefull in relation to the terms Elvin translates as "serf") nor a bibliography of the works used in researching this book. The lack of a bibliography in turn makes the note section difficult to use due to the numerous ibid. and op. cit. notations. The footnotes themselves are spotty and many statistics have no nota- tions. This reviewer is startled by Elvin's remark "a

complete documentation of all the statements in the text would be too cumbersome tor a book such as this"

(p. 320). Similar lack of care is taken with the maps and charts. One map shows 100% population growth for

Ch'ung-ming island at the mouth of the Yangtze, an island which did not exist during the time period noted

(p. 207). The population distribution chart on page 204 has the parallel scales misaligned. The maps of Shanghai market growth fail to note either their source or whether earlier markets closed when new ones opened (pp. 271- 72).

Lack of care is also evident in some of Elvin's general statements and in the relationships of his conclusions to his evidence. One finds tautology such as "empires tend

of social and economic development (and non-develop- ment) in a systematic fashion with what had happened in

Europe and elsewhere." This "need" is not filled by Elvin's book.

The second part is basically a description of advances in

agricultural technology, irrigation, transportation, and finance. The expansion of the market structute is also covered but systematic discussion of actual structure is

lacking. The third section is the real heart of the book. Where

the previous parts were more summary surveys due to the large temporal scope and diversity of issues covered, this section is much more imaginative. Unfortunately, Elvin's imagination is not always matched by adequate evidence, and as a consequence the book is more sug- gestive than definitive. Here Elvin indicates that China did not lack technical knowledge but suffered from a

"weakening of those economic and intellectual forces which make for invention and innovation" (p. 199). Elvin sees the fourteenth century as the "turning point," where the dynamic quality of the Chinese economy declined. This decline Elvin attributes to the end of the expanding frontier, falling importance of overseas trade and foreign contacts, lack of adequate silver supply, and a philosophical movement toward introspection (pp. 203-04).

Elvin's book is marred in a variety of ways, many related to his apparent confusion as to whether the book is a general text or a scholarly presentation of an inter-

pretation of Chinese history new in Western language. Many mechanical aspects of the book are poorly managed. There is neither a Chinese glossary for the terms used

(this would be especially usefull in relation to the terms Elvin translates as "serf") nor a bibliography of the works used in researching this book. The lack of a bibliography in turn makes the note section difficult to use due to the numerous ibid. and op. cit. notations. The footnotes themselves are spotty and many statistics have no nota- tions. This reviewer is startled by Elvin's remark "a

complete documentation of all the statements in the text would be too cumbersome tor a book such as this"

(p. 320). Similar lack of care is taken with the maps and charts. One map shows 100% population growth for

Ch'ung-ming island at the mouth of the Yangtze, an island which did not exist during the time period noted

(p. 207). The population distribution chart on page 204 has the parallel scales misaligned. The maps of Shanghai market growth fail to note either their source or whether earlier markets closed when new ones opened (pp. 271- 72).

Lack of care is also evident in some of Elvin's general statements and in the relationships of his conclusions to his evidence. One finds tautology such as "empires tend

to expand to an equilibrium point at which they can just maintain their full extent" (p. 19). There are also curious translations such as "salty land impregnated with mud"

(p. 168). Elvin uses the term "serf-like tenancy" but does not define what he means by it and often blurs it with the term "serf" so one is unsure of the true status of the group being referred to. This reviewer also finds it difficult to follow Elvin's reasoning behind such conclusions as "the

appearance about now of the proverbial saying 'Go by boat in the south, in the north take a horse' suggests that river traffic was also on the increase" (p. 136). This could just be common sense. When Elvin talks of the enforceability of commercial contract his actual

example is really a large loan and the case is never taken to court (p. 295). When Elvin talks of occasional "large businesses" being formed on kinship lines lie doesn't state what the business is in his example and shows a total formation capital of only 3,000 strings of cash (p. 295). The arguments on the negative effect of in-

trospective metaphysics on science are weakened by the limited base upon which they are built.

Professor Elvin's attempt to turn our attention to economic and social interactions in Chinese society offers us a retreshing new look at China's histoiy but can be no more than suggestive. The book should be read with caution and Elvin's assertions checked against the evi- dence he assembles.

Ross ISAAC UNIVERSITY OF WASIINGTON

to expand to an equilibrium point at which they can just maintain their full extent" (p. 19). There are also curious translations such as "salty land impregnated with mud"

(p. 168). Elvin uses the term "serf-like tenancy" but does not define what he means by it and often blurs it with the term "serf" so one is unsure of the true status of the group being referred to. This reviewer also finds it difficult to follow Elvin's reasoning behind such conclusions as "the

appearance about now of the proverbial saying 'Go by boat in the south, in the north take a horse' suggests that river traffic was also on the increase" (p. 136). This could just be common sense. When Elvin talks of the enforceability of commercial contract his actual

example is really a large loan and the case is never taken to court (p. 295). When Elvin talks of occasional "large businesses" being formed on kinship lines lie doesn't state what the business is in his example and shows a total formation capital of only 3,000 strings of cash (p. 295). The arguments on the negative effect of in-

trospective metaphysics on science are weakened by the limited base upon which they are built.

Professor Elvin's attempt to turn our attention to economic and social interactions in Chinese society offers us a retreshing new look at China's histoiy but can be no more than suggestive. The book should be read with caution and Elvin's assertions checked against the evi- dence he assembles.

Ross ISAAC UNIVERSITY OF WASIINGTON

Buddhist Monk, Buddhist Layman: A Study of Urban

llonastic Organization in Central Thailand. By JANE BUNNAG. (Cambridge Studies in Social An-

thropology 6) Pp. x + 219. Cambridge: CAMBRIDGE ITNIVERSITY PREss. 1973. $16.50.

In this study, Dr. Bunnag examines the roles of mem- bers of the Buddhist Sangha and roles of the members of the Buddhist laity as they are performed in the i,ats, or 'temple-monasteries,' of the town of Ayutthaya in

Central Thailand. Dr. Bunnag, who carried out research in Ayutthaya in 1966-1967, has concerned herself with the social functions of Thai Buddhism as it is adhered to

by the Thai. She begins by arguing that the central

religious concept for Thai Buddhist is 'merit' (bun) which they believe is engendered by moral action and

which results in a reduction in suffering either in this existence or in the next. Actions structured with reference to the belief in merit function to promote social ends since "the actions regarded as meritorious are those which the anthropologist sees as tending to maintain social

solidarity" (p. 2). Dr. Bunnag finds support for this

Buddhist Monk, Buddhist Layman: A Study of Urban

llonastic Organization in Central Thailand. By JANE BUNNAG. (Cambridge Studies in Social An-

thropology 6) Pp. x + 219. Cambridge: CAMBRIDGE ITNIVERSITY PREss. 1973. $16.50.

In this study, Dr. Bunnag examines the roles of mem- bers of the Buddhist Sangha and roles of the members of the Buddhist laity as they are performed in the i,ats, or 'temple-monasteries,' of the town of Ayutthaya in

Central Thailand. Dr. Bunnag, who carried out research in Ayutthaya in 1966-1967, has concerned herself with the social functions of Thai Buddhism as it is adhered to

by the Thai. She begins by arguing that the central

religious concept for Thai Buddhist is 'merit' (bun) which they believe is engendered by moral action and

which results in a reduction in suffering either in this existence or in the next. Actions structured with reference to the belief in merit function to promote social ends since "the actions regarded as meritorious are those which the anthropologist sees as tending to maintain social

solidarity" (p. 2). Dr. Bunnag finds support for this

532 532

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Reviews of Books

thesis even though in Ayutthaya, as in other parts of Thai society, "role playing individuals rarely form corporate groups of any degree of permanency" (p. 183). Given the function of merit-making activities, Dr. Bun- nag challenges the thesis, proposed by some other students of Thai society, that Buddhist values held by Thai canl be identified as the 'cause' for the fact that Thai society lias few permanent corporate groups. On the contrary, Dr. Bunnag argues, "it might thus be claimed that The- revada Buddhism, in practice, serves to promote social

co-operation between individual actors" (p. 185). Dr. Bunnag has made a definite contribution to our

understanding of the social functions of religious action in a Buddhist society. She has made a particular contri- b)ution to the study of Thai society in that she pursued her study in an urban context rather than in a village context where most previous researches on the relationship between Buddhism and society in Thailand have tended to concentrate. However, her argument ultimately fails lecause she has adopted too narrow a view of what constitutes significant religious action in Thai society and because sihe has misconceived the nature of the relation- ship between religion and social action.

l)r. Bunnag focuses her attention on thal category of religious actions wherein the laity make merit by giving support to the members of the Sangha and the Sangha serves as a 'field of merit' for the laity. She furthei narrows her attention to those "merit-making ceremonies held at the critical turning points in the life-cycle of every individual" (p. 62), the sponsorship of which being "tile most significant merit-making activity for the average layman to undertake" (p. 145). Of this category of merit-making ceremonies, the ordination of a man into the monkhood andl the ceremony of cremation were 'generally felt" to be "the mIost crucial and hence the most meritorious" (p. 62; also cf. )P. 165-179).

From her close examination of these types of religious action, I)r. Bunnag found that such merit-making cere-

lonies

provi(le people with the opportunity to reaffirm and strengthen the social ties which exist between them. An individual makes merit by fulfilling his social obligations, which is to say that the actions which an anthropologist sees as tending to maintain social solidarity are regarded as meritorious. (p. 178)

I would not dispute the finding that merit-making which involves off ring support to the Sangha on the occasion of a life-crisis is highly important for people in the town of Ayutthaya. Indeed, the emphasis placed on this category of merit-making may be one of the most im- portant differences between religious action as found in a town such as Ayutthaya and religiour action as found in villages. For villages in northeastern Thailand, at least,

S. J. Tambiah (Buddhism and Spirit Cults in North- East Thailand [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970]), as well this reviewer, found greater emphasis on collective merit-making on the occasions of fixed festivals. Yet no matter how important egocentric-focussed merit- making may be in Ayutthaya, it is not the only significant form of religious action as Dr. Bunnag's own data reveal.

Dr. Bunnag asserts that religious action performed by members of the Sangha for their own ends, as distinct from serving as a 'field of merit' for the laity, is also directed towards the acquisition of merit (p. 20). Whether considered to be structured primarily with reference to

merit-making or not, the religious activities of monks are certainly important to an understanding of the

relationship between Buddhism and society. While a man may become a monk for any number of socially valuable reasons, if he remains a monk and achieves

recognition foi religiosity, he ceases to have many 'social

obligations' as Dr. Bunnag herself demonstrates. " [T]he more eminent and 'committed' the monk, the less

dependent he is on previous relationships with a number of householders..." (p. 76). Dr. Bunnag appears to have forgotten this finding when she concluded that

the quest for merit does not mean that one

ielinquishes all social ties and consequent volitional actions, but rather that one tries if

possible to perform meritorious actions which often merely means fulfilling one's social obligations. (p. 179) For the laity, Dr. Bunnag understresses the significance

of 'observing the precepts' (thu sin). The ordinaiy lay Buddhist is supposed to adhere to the 'five precepts'; that is, he is supposed (1) to abstain from the taking of life of living beings, (2) to abstain froni taking that which is not given, (3) to abstain from sexual misconduct, (4) to abstain from false speech, and (5) to abstain from

intoxicating drinks which cause heedlessness. Dr. Buin- nag concludes "that one should attempt to observe [the five precepts] as closely as practically possible in order to avoid acquiring demerit or bap, although a positive inicrement of merit (bun) is achieved by other means" (p. 144). Given that the moral code which it is incumbent for those in Thailand who are Buddhists to observe "as

closely as practically possible" contrasts so markedly in its brevity and degree of generality from such other codes as Talmudic Law, Confucian ethics, or Koranic Law, it would appear to be highly relevant for a study on the relationship of Buddhism and society to consider the social implications of 'observing the precepts.' If Dr. Bunnag had done so, she might not have been so unwilling to find religious ethics relevant to her finding that Thai social roles "are relatively simple and unspecial- ized in content, relatively undemanding in terms of the qualifications required by individual actors" (p. 181).

533

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 95.3 (1975) Journal of the American Oriental Society 95.3 (1975)

Both the role of the 'committed'monk, which is highly esteemed even by those who do not follow it, and the basic role of the Buddhist layman, as defined in terms of the 'five precepts,' can scarcely be claimed to promote social solidarity in Thai society. On the contrary, the values which are manifest in performance of these roles are singularly appropriate to a society which appears to be characterized, albeit in some sectors more than others, by "the absence of permanent groups and the relative ease with which interpersonal links are broken" (p. 186). In pointing to implications of significant Buddhist values in Thai society which appear to be totally contradictory to Dr. Bunnag's conclusion that "the Buddhist value of merit can thus be regarded as a conservative and stabiliz- ing force rather than the reverse" (p. 179), I do not mean to suggest that Dr. Bunnag's findings are invalid. I do believe, however, that Dr. Bunnag's argument has been informed by a misconception regarding the relationship between religion and society. Rather than attempting to assign causal primacy either to religious ideology (which I)r Bunnag rejects--ee p. 186n) or to "economic and political considerations" (which Dr. Bunnag accepts -see p. 186), religious formulations and social actioa should more properly be seen as being mutually influenc- ing and mutually reinforcing. Religious formulations, as Clifford Geertz has argued ("Religion as a Cultural System" in Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, ed. by Michael Banton [London: Tavistock, 1966], pp. 1-46), serve both as 'models of' and 'models for' social action. For Thai society, Buddhist values function not only to promote social solidarity but also to lrovide a religious grounding for the minimal importance of ascriptive social status.

CIARLES F. KEYES SNIVER,SITY OF \WASHINGTON

Both the role of the 'committed'monk, which is highly esteemed even by those who do not follow it, and the basic role of the Buddhist layman, as defined in terms of the 'five precepts,' can scarcely be claimed to promote social solidarity in Thai society. On the contrary, the values which are manifest in performance of these roles are singularly appropriate to a society which appears to be characterized, albeit in some sectors more than others, by "the absence of permanent groups and the relative ease with which interpersonal links are broken" (p. 186). In pointing to implications of significant Buddhist values in Thai society which appear to be totally contradictory to Dr. Bunnag's conclusion that "the Buddhist value of merit can thus be regarded as a conservative and stabiliz- ing force rather than the reverse" (p. 179), I do not mean to suggest that Dr. Bunnag's findings are invalid. I do believe, however, that Dr. Bunnag's argument has been informed by a misconception regarding the relationship between religion and society. Rather than attempting to assign causal primacy either to religious ideology (which I)r Bunnag rejects--ee p. 186n) or to "economic and political considerations" (which Dr. Bunnag accepts -see p. 186), religious formulations and social actioa should more properly be seen as being mutually influenc- ing and mutually reinforcing. Religious formulations, as Clifford Geertz has argued ("Religion as a Cultural System" in Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, ed. by Michael Banton [London: Tavistock, 1966], pp. 1-46), serve both as 'models of' and 'models for' social action. For Thai society, Buddhist values function not only to promote social solidarity but also to lrovide a religious grounding for the minimal importance of ascriptive social status.

CIARLES F. KEYES SNIVER,SITY OF \WASHINGTON

The Diamond Sutra. lThree Mongolian V'ersions of fhe Vajrcchledika Prajhidparamitl. Texts, Translations, Notes, and Glossaries. By NICHOLAS POPPE. Asiati- sche Forschungen, Bd. 35. Pp. 239, 3 plates. Wies- badcen: OTTO iHARRASSOWITZ. 1971.

In his article "Beitrage zur altmongolische Schrift- sprache" (Asia Major I [1924], 668-75) Prof. Poppe gave the first sketch on the peculiarities of the early Mong. literary language written in Uighur script. Most of the Middle Mong. epigraphical monuments being then un- edited, it was the bulk of the 14th-l 7th century Buddhist translations which presented sufficient material for the "Beitrage." Four works of early translators were chosen for the sketch: the Lalitanistara or the Twelve Deeds of Buddha, the Srbhdsitaratnanidhi, Sa-skya Pandita's

The Diamond Sutra. lThree Mongolian V'ersions of fhe Vajrcchledika Prajhidparamitl. Texts, Translations, Notes, and Glossaries. By NICHOLAS POPPE. Asiati- sche Forschungen, Bd. 35. Pp. 239, 3 plates. Wies- badcen: OTTO iHARRASSOWITZ. 1971.

In his article "Beitrage zur altmongolische Schrift- sprache" (Asia Major I [1924], 668-75) Prof. Poppe gave the first sketch on the peculiarities of the early Mong. literary language written in Uighur script. Most of the Middle Mong. epigraphical monuments being then un- edited, it was the bulk of the 14th-l 7th century Buddhist translations which presented sufficient material for the "Beitrage." Four works of early translators were chosen for the sketch: the Lalitanistara or the Twelve Deeds of Buddha, the Srbhdsitaratnanidhi, Sa-skya Pandita's

almost seculiar guide to wisdom on behavior, the Paica- raksd, a five-fold book of magic, and the story of Alaud- galyayana, but, by a fortunate mistake (cf. Ligeti: Acta Orient. Hung. XXIII, 282 sq), a fifth text, a preclassical translation of the Thar-pa Mhen-po, a book on Buddhist salvation was also included into the quoted monuments. Now all these and some others are available in recent publications, e.g., the Leningrad ms of Lalitavistara is accessible in two editions: Prof. Ligeti published the first transcription of the text, while Prof. Poppe gave the first translation and commentary with the Mong. text in transcription and in facsimile. The first monograph consecrated to written Middle Mong. and based on a large material is Dr. Weiers' work, Asiatische Forschun- gern, vol. 28.

The present volume belongs to the same sphere of philological research into Mong. Buddhist translations as linguistic monuments and contains the critical edition of three Mong. translations of the Vajracchedika, one of the most sophisticated and best known treatises of Ma- hayana canonical literature. From the Preface we learn about the author's world-wide search for Mong. Vajrac- chedikd texts in Western (and Southern) libraries; here we find some technical notes and the explanation of the three fine plates reproducing some parts of the nice and rare blockprint edition (Sydney; one copy is kept in Leningrad, IVAN, K 17) of the second version published in this book. In the rather short introduction the author deals with the Mong. variants of the title, and, by a partly technical, partly philological comparison of the blockprint editions, he points out some important textual divergencies to be found in seemingly identical copies; further he discusses the date of the three versions, and the problems of the English translation of the Mong. translations: their difference in grammar, style, and terminology.

The three versions (the Anonymous Translation, block- print of 1629; Siregetti Giisi's Translation, end of the 16th or beginning of the 17th century; Zaya Pandita's Translation, between 1650 and 1662; the latter two have a colophon or postface in verse, literary monuments of the "transitional" period) are examined here indepen- dently and according to the following pattern: technical data of the numerous ms and blockprint copies, text in transcription, notes to the text, translation, notes to tha translation.

These three independent parts of the book meet only sporadically in the notes, nevertheless the two excellent glossaries, Mong.-Tib.-SSkr. and esp. Skr.-Mong., enable us to gather all kind of terminological (livergencies of the three translations: the two pre-classical texts often use terms of Uighur origin (in many cases the Uighlur forms are indicated in the notes to the translation;

almost seculiar guide to wisdom on behavior, the Paica- raksd, a five-fold book of magic, and the story of Alaud- galyayana, but, by a fortunate mistake (cf. Ligeti: Acta Orient. Hung. XXIII, 282 sq), a fifth text, a preclassical translation of the Thar-pa Mhen-po, a book on Buddhist salvation was also included into the quoted monuments. Now all these and some others are available in recent publications, e.g., the Leningrad ms of Lalitavistara is accessible in two editions: Prof. Ligeti published the first transcription of the text, while Prof. Poppe gave the first translation and commentary with the Mong. text in transcription and in facsimile. The first monograph consecrated to written Middle Mong. and based on a large material is Dr. Weiers' work, Asiatische Forschun- gern, vol. 28.

The present volume belongs to the same sphere of philological research into Mong. Buddhist translations as linguistic monuments and contains the critical edition of three Mong. translations of the Vajracchedika, one of the most sophisticated and best known treatises of Ma- hayana canonical literature. From the Preface we learn about the author's world-wide search for Mong. Vajrac- chedikd texts in Western (and Southern) libraries; here we find some technical notes and the explanation of the three fine plates reproducing some parts of the nice and rare blockprint edition (Sydney; one copy is kept in Leningrad, IVAN, K 17) of the second version published in this book. In the rather short introduction the author deals with the Mong. variants of the title, and, by a partly technical, partly philological comparison of the blockprint editions, he points out some important textual divergencies to be found in seemingly identical copies; further he discusses the date of the three versions, and the problems of the English translation of the Mong. translations: their difference in grammar, style, and terminology.

The three versions (the Anonymous Translation, block- print of 1629; Siregetti Giisi's Translation, end of the 16th or beginning of the 17th century; Zaya Pandita's Translation, between 1650 and 1662; the latter two have a colophon or postface in verse, literary monuments of the "transitional" period) are examined here indepen- dently and according to the following pattern: technical data of the numerous ms and blockprint copies, text in transcription, notes to the text, translation, notes to tha translation.

These three independent parts of the book meet only sporadically in the notes, nevertheless the two excellent glossaries, Mong.-Tib.-SSkr. and esp. Skr.-Mong., enable us to gather all kind of terminological (livergencies of the three translations: the two pre-classical texts often use terms of Uighur origin (in many cases the Uighlur forms are indicated in the notes to the translation;

534 534

This content downloaded from 188.72.127.133 on Tue, 10 Jun 2014 01:20:37 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions