1

BOUND FOR GLORY

John Wilkes Booth and the Richmond Grays

The Journey to Charlestown 1859 By Angela Smythe May 10, 2012

“The Feast of St. Crispin Speech”

“We few, we happy few, we band of brothers.

For he today that sheds his blood with me

Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile,

This day shall gentle his condition.”

Henry V by William Shakespeare

The use of the term “brothers” to describe the unity felt amongst men of war did not

start with Shakespeare’s words, yet almost 500 years later, his maxim of “A Band

of Brothers” remains its embodiment.

The men who comprised this journey’s particular “Band of Brothers,” were citizen

soldiers from antebellum Richmond, members of the 1st Regiment of Virginia

Volunteers. In 1859, although many of these men were not familiar with “The

Feast of Saint Crispin” speech or the phrase “Band of Brothers”, they certainly were

familiar as volunteer militiamen with the feelings of unity it represented. On that

autumn night in Richmond on November 19th, the clarion call to arms sending

them to the anticipated “seat of war” in Charlestown was not merely the sound of

the alarm bell pealing in Capitol Square, it was their sense of brotherhood. In just a

few years, all would be familiar with the phrase “We are a Band of Brothers” when

chosen as the opening declaration in the Confederacy’s heralded marching song

“Bonnie Blue Flag.”

Despite the familiarity of that phrase and the frequency of its use, there is no more

fitting definition for these men who on Saturday night, November 19, 1859,

gathered and departed on their journey from Richmond “Bound for Glory.”

That night, “be he ne’er so vile”, they were all “A Band of Brothers.”

This work is dedicated to them

2

This article is the third in the continuing series on John Wilkes Booth and the

Richmond Grays. The earlier companion pieces, Has He Been Hiding in Plain

Sight - John Wilkes Booth and the Richmond Grays (May 2010) and Out of Hiding

- John Wilkes Booth and the Richmond Grays (May 2011) , both examined period

militia images, searching for the group militia picture that Asia Booth Clarke saw

which contained her brother:

“He (John Wilkes Booth) left Richmond and unsought enrolled

himself as one of the party going to search for and capture John

Brown…and I have been shown a picture of himself and others in

their scout and sentinel dresses” (Clarke, Asia Booth, The

Unlocked Book; A Memoir of John Wilkes Booth by his Sister,

New York, G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1938, pg. 111-112.)

“Bound For Glory” is a different search for yet another picture, the true picture of

just how Asia’s brother “unsought enrolled himself” on the evening of November

19, 1859. Among the many men who sought to volunteer that night, John Wilkes

Booth alone was allowed to join his adopted “Band of Brothers,” the Richmond

Grays, when they accompanied Governor Henry A. Wise on a special military train,

deployed to the anticipated seat of war at Charlestown.

Bound for Glory:

Reconstructs that night’s events using period sources

Presents additional information on John Wilkes Booth’s association with the

Richmond Grays

Examines the overlooked recollection by Richmond Gray John O. Taylor,

which

Correctly chronicles how John Wilkes Booth boarded the military train

that evening

Clarifies previously known facts about that event found in other, more

frequently cited, recollections, and

Provides a complete and comprehensive picture of the November 19, 1859

journey to Charlestown.

“All aboard…”

3

Table of Contents

I. Saturday Evening, November 19, 1859 -

Reconstructing the Scene that Night

Pages 4

II. Richmond’s Militia Experience -

What did it mean to be amongst a “Band of Brothers”?

Page 9

III. The Richmond Grays -

John Wilkes Booths Adopted “Band of Brothers”

Pages 20

IV. Traveling in “The Cars” in 1859 -

The Railroad Experience

Page 60

V. “Bound for Glory with Henry Wise” -

Chronicling the Trip to Charlestown, November 19-20, 1859

Page 84

VI. Epilogue

Page 116

Credits/Acknowledgments – Page 122

References – Page 123

Sources – Pages 124-125

4

SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 19, 1859

RECONSTRUCTING THE SCENE THAT NIGHT

“The several companies of the regiment responded quickly, and

the wildest enthusiasm prevailed. They were then only young and

inexperienced soldiers, who had many a bitter lesson to learn

afterwards. But for the moment they were heroes in the eyes of

the assembled mothers, wives and sweethearts, heroes who were

about to risk their lives in the then much talked about

“irrepressible conflict. There were however, in the great

multitude which gathered at the point of departure those who

scanned with anxious eyes the future, of which this was but the

rising of the curtain” (“John Brown”, The New York Sun,

Fireman’s Magazine, Vol. IX, No. 1, January 1885.)

THE CURTAIN RISES

The night was a pleasant one, comfortably warm for November. The remarkable

events of Saturday, November 19, 1859, started off at 6 o’clock sometime before

dinner at the Executive Mansion when Governor Henry Wise received an alarming

telegram sent by Colonel J. Lucius Davis, the officer in command at Charlestown,

tasked with guarding the tried and condemned John Brown while Brown awaited

execution. Davis’ telegram urged Wise to send 500 men immediately, “[a] large

force, armed with pikes and revolvers, is marching from Wheeling!”

Spitting out both tobacco and invective, Governor Wise reacted to the news and

soon runners were seen darting between the magnetic telegraph office along Main

Street and the Executive Mansion. Messengers were dispatched to summon the

Secretary of the Commonwealth, the Colonel, and Adjutant of Richmond’s 1st

Regiment of Volunteers. News traveled like wildfire and soon an immense crowd

assembled near the telegraph office wanting additional information. Realization

that something momentous was happening spread throughout Richmond and in just

a few minutes the entire city would be in pandemonium.

The signal for Richmond’s militia to gather was given. The call’s distinctive

repeating ringing could be heard coming from the nearby Bell Tower in Capitol

Square, the volunteers’ clarion call to arms. While the alarm bell pealed,

Richmond’s citizen soldiers from all walks of life were seen running to their militia

armories and rendezvous points to receive instructions from their captains, then

5

darting home to arm and outfit themselves, scrambling to assemble at the

northbound railroad depot for an imminent departure. Excitement mounted with

each peal of the alarm bell. An emergency was at hand.

Families poured out of their homes. Soon volunteers in uniform, muskets in hand,

were seen rushing from every quarter of the city towards the Richmond

Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad Depot near the Marshall Theater on Broad

Street from where the evening mail train had just pulled out. The excitement

intensified, hundreds of citizens converged on the Executive Mansion, crowding the

grounds at Capitol Square. What had happened? What was the emergency for

which Governor Wise had called out the militia?

Davis’ initial telegram by this time had been updated. “[t]he Old Dominion had

been invaded by 800 armed men who had crossed from Pennsylvania and Ohio.”

It was believed this invading force was on its way to Charlestown to rescue John

Brown, subverting and preventing the lawful justice of the Commonwealth of

Virginia from being carried out. “Osawatomie” Brown, fresh from bloodshed in

Kansas, had committed murder and mayhem against peaceful citizens in Virginia;

and “Old Brown” had been lawfully tried and convicted. Now, with the aid of

Northern sympathizers would he escape his rightful punishment? Richmond was

fully engulfed in an ever-widening circle of excitement, awash with patriotic

indignation and surging with State pride.

While his 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers readied to depart, Governor Wise

ordered Edwin Robinson, President of the Richmond Fredericksburg and Potomac

Railroad, to provide a special train for the military’s immediate departure. A

telegram was sent to the railroad’s terminus at Fredericksburg ordering the

connecting steamer carrying the mail to Washington be detained to wait for the

arrival of the special troop train, so that Wise and his men could be forwarded

promptly on their continued journey to Charlestown.

By 7:30 a locomotive and nine cars had assembled on the tracks at the depot, which

ran down the center of Broad Street. “The train took up several blocks opposite the

Marshall Theater.” While waiting for the regiment to form, the sound of the

locomotive out gassing steam created a loud “Hisssss” that interfered with the

scheduled performance at the theater. Manager Kunkel would have a disappointing

house that night. On this evening, his audience would find the greater show to be

the one seen outside on the streets, rather than watching The Filibuster and The

Toodles on stage.

6

The 12 acres of Richmond’s Capitol Square containing the Governor’s Mansion

were massed by excited men, women and children. There were thousands more on

the intervening three blocks between Capitol Square and the area of the depot. “By

8:30 reports of up to 10,000 people, comprising almost a third of Richmond’s entire

population, were packed into this small area.” Coming from the depot, the music of

the city militia’s faithful companion, Smith’s Armory Band, could be heard.

By 9 o’clock, the individual companies of the 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers

had assembled at the depot, fully armed and equipped. The men knew this would

be “no holiday parade but a summons to actual service,” and their families and

friends knew this as well.

While Smith’s Armory band played “The Girl I Left Behind Me,” the women of

Richmond were both crying and cheering as their husbands, sons, brothers and

lovers assembled in ranks, the roll being taken by their company commanders.

“The feelings were intense. The parting of the volunteers from their families had all

the semblance and in fact the reality, of departing for war.” Children clung to their

fathers and friends wished friends, for such these citizen soldiers were, farewell,

perhaps their last farewell.

Shouts went up from the enormous crowd. The resounding roars echoed through

“to the remotest parts of the city” as each company marched up and formed into

line.

The Richmond Grays

The Richmond Light Infantry Blues

Company F

The Montgomery Guards

The Young Guard

The Howitzer Corp

The Virginia Rifles

Civilians were seized with a military enthusiasm “which would do honor to a

Zouave.”

While the company rolls were taken, large numbers of “independent volunteers”

appeared at the depot, armed and ready to go. “Their services were refused and the

thousands not belonging to any military organization compelled to remain behind

would have gladly exchanged places with those who had gone on, in their zeal to be

permitted to share the glory of those who have left.”

7

By this time, Governor Wise had somehow been able to press through the chaotic

scene at Capitol Square and the thousands lining the streets to arrive at the depot.

Somewhere nearby, Wise established a temporary headquarters. In October, Henry

Wise and his 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers had reached Harper’s Ferry too

late to intervene during the initial conflict due to the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad’s

delay in forwarding a connecting train. He and his troops had missed the fight, but

saw its carnage upon their arrival, greeted by the battle’s dead laying on the streets.

Robert E. Lee and the United States Marines had already done their work, and By

God, he, and Virginia would not be late this time. Wise had his armor “buckled on

ready for the fray,” and would now personally lead Virginia and its gallant citizen

soldiers to the anticipated seat of war. “Already known at home as gentlemen” and

with his indomitable “eye upon them,” Wise fully expected these men of the 1st

Virginia to “now earn the character of soldiers.” They knew better than to

disappoint. “All expected a fight and were fired up for one.”

While awaiting last minute updates, Wise telegraphed Washington to ensure that

additional ammunition was available at the Federal arsenal. As he had done in the

October deployment, Wise sent telegrams to President James Buchanan and the

Governor Hicks of Maryland for authorization to pass through their jurisdictions

with armed troops.

Satisfied that all had now been done and accompanied by some of Richmond’s

leading citizens, Wise approached the cars. Smith’s Armory Band saluted the

Governor’s arrival and played “Hail to the Chief.” As he neared the car’s loading

platform, Governor Wise was swamped “by the enormous crowd which pressed

upon him, each man strove to take his hand as he endeavored to advance towards

the waiting train.” Amidst the scene’s wild enthusiasm and deafening shouts of

approval, the high-strung Wise, “the game cock of the Accomac,” was

uncharacteristically calm and collected. On that night, the excitable Henry Wise

was for once the eye of the hurricane.

After all had boarded and the Governor and his staff were settled in the last car of

the train, likely RF&P Railroad President Robinson’s Directors’ car, loaned for the

trip, the signal to pull out was given and the train’s warning whistle began to blow.

While the surging crowd was urged back from the tracks, Smith’s Band played

“Hail Columbia” and the iron horse with valves open and festooned with flags of

the then still “United” States started to move. As the nine cars lurched forward, “the

air was rent with cheer after cheer which seemed to shake the very heavens.”

8

In Broad Street’s dim gas lighting, the men who had left their homes and loved

ones, possibly forever, strained for one last look from coach windows, searching for

familiar faces from amongst the thousands. Moving slowly up Broad Street, the

train gathered steam, the crowd’s roars and huzzahs eclipsed the sounds of the

engine and the rattling of the coaches. Smith’s band played “The Old Folks at

Home” while “a sea of white handkerchiefs waved them goodbye in the night”.

Following the last coach, hundreds of men ran behind the train, waving their hats

and shouting encouragements. The non-enrolled members left behind bemoaned

their fate as they followed the cars, carrying the lucky ones, their friends and fellow

citizens, on their way to defend Virginia’s “sacred soil” against the aiders and

abettors of “Old Brown.” As the tracks disappeared into darkness, the train and the

approximate 400 men that it carried pulled out of Richmond into the night to meet

an uncertain future on their journey to Charlestown, “Bound for Glory.”

It was an unforgettable scene. Sometime during those few hours, the “unsought”

John Wilkes Booth had managed to enroll himself as a member of the Richmond

Grays and board that train. “From his connection with the militia on this occasion

he was wont to trace his fealty to Virginia.” He would proudly recall that night and

his next 18 days of uniformed service to Virginia for the rest of his life, and

remember it during his few remaining hours before his death.

That evening, amongst all of those “non-enrolled” men who so desperately wanted

to go and were turned away, how did John Wilkes Booth alone succeed? Out of the

entire 1st Regiment, why did the Richmond Grays adopt Booth as a member of their

“Band of Brothers”?

9

RICHMOND’S MILITIA EXPERIENCE

WHAT DID IT MEAN TO BE AMONGST

A “BAND OF BROTHERS”?

In 1851, Richmond’s volunteer companies which formed the core of the 1st

Regiment of Virginia Volunteers were the Richmond Grays, Company F, the

Richmond Light Infantry Blues, the Young Guard, the Montgomery Guards, and

the Virginia Rifles. In 1859, a new company, the Richmond Howitzers provided a

total regimental complement of approximately 412 men and officers.

The militia provided a place for men to share fraternal feelings, a fellowship, which

for the most part cut across social classes and religious affiliations. The officers

and men that comprised these “citizen soldiers” did not follow the rigid ranking of

line military organizations. A private might be, and often was, the social superior of

his 1st Lieutenant. Governor Wise’s November 1859 call up of volunteers included

privates Judge Wheat and Charles W. Russell, Esq., General Counsel for the

Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, who both served in a volunteer company from

Wheeling, Virginia. “There are not a few persons carrying muskets in its ranks

worth from one hundred thousand to near half a million of dollars.” (Volunteers in

Virginia, Nov. 30, 1859, Baltimore Sun)

Between January and October, the militia, marching in full dress parades, honored

certain major holidays. Those regimental events consisted of dates set aside to

commemorate the Battle of New Orleans (January 8th

), Washington's Birthday

(February 22nd

), Independence Day (July 4th

) and ended with the largest civic-

military event of the year, the commemoration of the British surrender at York

Town. (October 19th.)

THE SOCIAL ASPECTS

The militia’s primary function was to serve as a ready fighting force in response to

either an external or an internal threat. However, by the 1850’s the threat of Indian

raids had disappeared and the militia had been become more a social organization

than a military one. Membership in the militia provided the opportunity for male

bonding accompanied by a plentiful supply of alcohol and burdened with a

minimum amount of obligatory drilling. Grateful citizens were always in

attendance to approve and applaud Richmond’s volunteer force who paraded under

their eyes, accompanied all the while by the melodious strains from Smith’s

Armory Band. “Young men will put themselves in handsome uniforms and attend a

10

few drills, just to enable them to turn out on public occasions to be gazed at.” (“The

Proposed Military Encampment”, August 27, 1860, Richmond Whig)

Each militia identified days of the month to muster in uniform. A uniform and a

brass band still lent a military aspect to the required musters, but pre 1861, a little

marching went hand in hand with the pronounced social aspects of militia life,

particularly the excursions.

EXCURSIONS: DRILLING, DRINKING AND DANCING

The militia social excursion season ran yearly from May to October. Organized

excursions included drinking, balls, barbecues and grand parades, conducted under

the approving, and hopefully adoring, eyes of “the ladies,” which included sisters,

mothers, and wives, and sweethearts. These were public occasions, tickets were

sold and the proceeds used to benefit the company hosting the event.

For example, the October 19, 1854 The Richmond Enquirer announced Richmond’s

Young Guard militia’s last retreat of the season at Slash Cottage. The article

referred to a separate notice for participants in their advertising column. The notice

ran under “Amusements” in the same issue of the Enquirer. It stated that the

Young Guard would be making their fourth and last excursion of the season on

Thursday. This advertised events of this decidedly “unmilitary” excursion

consisted of:

George Kunkel’s Nightingale Opera Troupe

Balloon ascension by Professor Elliott (The Aeronaut)

Ball for the Young Guard

Cotillion music from Smith’s Armory Band

“All at the cottage at the same evening”

Similarly in 1858, the Richmond Light Infantry Blues announced one of their

“Military Fairs” at Richmond’s Corinthian Hall which would commence on

Monday, July 5, 1858 and run for one week.

“The Hall will be brilliantly illuminated, and handsomely

decorated. The tables will be supplied with every delicacy of the

season and will be superintended by ladies who have kindly

consented to attend them. The Armory Band will be in attendance

each evening. Admission was payable either by the day or for the

week.” (Advertisement, June 29, 1858, Richmond Whig.)

11

SLASH COTTAGE (ASHLAND), A FAVORITE EXCURSION VENUE

In 1851 Richmond Frederick & Potomac President Edwin Robinson began building

Slash Cottage, a long, low building with a large room suitable for balls, picnics and

other gatherings. It was called Slash Cottage because it was built in an area known

as “The Slashes,” located approximately 16 miles from Richmond along the

railroad’s line to Aquia Creek. Within just a few years, the initial building was

enlarged and improved and additional ancillary buildings were erected for

entertainment purposes and the accommodation of guests. The improvements

included a large three-peaked roof ballroom, a bowling alley, a billiard hall, a

shooting gallery and a spacious bar. The grounds were also enlarged and improved,

gravel walkways laid, shade trees and foliage planted and a gashouse installed to

provide lighting for the grounds and buildings at night. In April 1855, the two-story

hotel with its intricate gingerbread façade was officially opened during that year’s

annual dinner celebrating the birth of local native son Henry Clay. (Alexandria

Gazette April 16, 1855) In 1858, the area known as “The Slashes” became the City

of Ashland.

Whether termed, outings, excursions or retreats, Slash Cottage provided an ideal

locale for the Richmond militia’s highly social and very public events. Many of the

companies held events on its grounds, including the Richmond Grays. Slash

Cottage not only provided attractive amenities, ballroom, billiard hall, ten pens area,

banquet area, beautiful grounds, shooting gallery, bar and even a racecourse, but

was located on property owned by the popular Edwin Robinson, who was himself

associated with the 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers. Robinson had served as

Quartermaster during at least one 1st Virginia sponsored event, and was the

purveyor of many a civic feast for the companies’ public ceremonies in Richmond.

His generosity and public spirit marked him as “a prince among good fellows.” His

railroad’s conveniently scheduled accommodation (commuter) trains made for a

pleasant day trip to Ashland and Slash Cottage. Travelers could leave Richmond

and return within a few hours.

12

Slash Cottage and surrounding grounds

Courtesy Ashland Museum

Hotel at Slash Cottage circa 1868

Image Courtesy the Ashland Museum

The hotel’s general architectural features and structure would have remained

constant from antebellum years

13

1ST

VIRGINIA REGIMENT RETREAT AT ASHLAND

MAY 25 – 28, 1858 “CAMP ROBINSON”

Military Encampment at “Camp Robinson” at Slash Cottage depicts

the 1st Virginia Regimental Retreat held May 25 – 28, 1858.

In Virginia Volunteers 1861-65, the lithograph is from A Richmond Album, by Earl

Lutz, published by Garrett & Massie in 1937.

Print depicts the 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers May 25-28, 1858 retreat

including Richmond Grays

Image Courtesy the Ashland Museum

Named in honor of the Richmond Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad President

Edwin Robinson, “Camp Robinson” was the name of the grounds at Ashland used

by the 1st Virginia Regiment for their last prewar retreat held May 25 – 28, 1858.

The companies participating included the Richmond Grays, the Richmond Light

Infantry Blues, the Virginia Rifles and the Young Guard. The grounds were located

in an area then referred to as Peter Tinsley’s Field in the area now known as

Woodland Cemetery.

The Alexandria Gazette of May 18, 1858 provided Camp Robinson’s day-by-day

schedule. Out of the three days, other than pitching and breaking up of the tents,

there was one lone military activity on Tuesday, sandwiched in between a barbecue

14

lunch and a grand ball that evening. Their return to Richmond was timed to ensure

another opportunity “to be gazed at” by their fellow citizens.

The Schedule

“Saturday, May 25th: The men arrive and pitch tents

Sunday: May 26th

Rev. J.L. Burrows officiating as chaplain will

preach a sermon

Monday: May 27th: In the afternoon, the young ladies of the

principal schools of Richmond will pay a visit

Tuesday: May 28th

The regiment will be drilled in the presence of

Gov. Henry Wise, members of the City Council and will be

reviewed by the Governor. Prior to the drill, the guests of the

regiment will be invited to partake of an old-fashioned Virginia

barbecue. That night the grand ball will take place.

Wednesday, May 29th: The camp breaks up in time to return to

Richmond in time to march through the streets to receive the

admiring glances of their masculine fellow citizens and the

approving smiles of the ladies.”

This social aspect of militia life, particularly the drinking, was not confined to the

1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers or Virginia.

During this period in Richmond, whenever parading, drilling or marching was done,

it was always accompanied by plentiful food and drink, especially drink.

A veteran of these excursions, Richmonder Johann Gottfried Lange recalled of one

particular occasion when a Baltimore militia participated.

15

"Through irregular meals and a lot of drinking during these days I

didn't feel so good and was glad to sit in a corner of the train and

take a little nap. But hardly had I fallen asleep when a group of

the Baltimore Law Greys came into our compartment with glasses

and champagne bottles in their hands. No one dared to think of

sleeping. Soldiers were running back and forth and it seemed as if

an extra wagon full of liqueur and wine had been hung onto the

locomotive.” (Kimball, Gregg D., American City, Southern Place,

University of Georgia Press, page 192. Typescript translation of

Lange's manuscript held by the Virginia Historical Society)

Since Mr. Lange himself the proprietor of a lager beer establishment in Richmond,

the amount of drinking which occasioned his remarks must have indeed reached

epic proportions.

The overindulgence in liquor at these excursions no doubt compelled this exchange

published in the Richmond Dispatch on April 17, 1854 between a gentleman in

Richmond and his friend in Petersburg regarding an invitation to attend a militia

ball at Slash Cottage.

“Come over this evening and go with me to the ball at Slash

Cottage”. The response was “I’ll see you d____d first. I’ve

joined the church and don’t go to such places!” The Dispatch

dryly added: “Comment is unnecessary.”

16

Target Excursion on Broadway, Circa 1850

New York Public Library Picture Collection Online

Although this militia scene is depicted in New York, the depiction

Was universal, it could have been anywhere.

(Whitman’s Brooklyn, a virtual visit circa 1850)

17

THE OLD FIRST’S CONSTANT COMPANION

SMITH’S ARMORY BAND

Arms and Equipment of the Confederacy

(Echoes of Glory)Time Life Books

Gettysburg National Military Park Museum

Courtesy collection of Mark A. Eldrod

(Photograph taken on assignment for Echoes of Glory by

Larry Sherer, assisted by Andrew Patilla.

To date, this is the only known group image of members of Smith’s Armory Band,

undated with no identifications

18

A constant companion of Richmond’s militia was Smith’s Armory Band, their

musical renditions were a staple for the 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers. The

band, led by British born and profesionally trained musician James Bolton Smith

played at all of the formal receptions, parades and militia events held in and around

Richmond. Smith and his Armory Band were in high demand to provide stirring

accompaniment at yearly holiday celebrations, special events, the public concerts

held in Capitol Square as well as cotillions, balls and gala dinners. Advertisements

announcing “music by the band” were guaranteed to draw a good crowd and sell a

lot of tickets. The band’s musical promenades through the meandering pathways of

Capitol Square, either on foot or conveyed upon a flower garlanded wagon, were

greatly appreciated by the belles and beaux of the City.

By 1856, Smith and his Armory Band had become the musical pride of Richmond.

“While they do not make so great a noise as bands composed of 25 men, they

produce that which is much more pleasing to the ear of a musician – perfect

harmony.”(Richmond Daily Dispatch, Nov. 11, 1856)

In August of 1859, the band accompanied the Richmond Grays on a fraternal visit

to New York’s 7th Regiment. Historic newspaper accounts of the period indicate

the band during that visit was composed of 13 members.

James. B. Smith (Leader)

James M. Melton, first coronet

Andrew Muller

Edward Lehman

Fred Fox

Michael Cardona

Joseph Ritterouse

William Tremmer, second coronet

John Boucher, first tuba

John Illig

Thomas Pulling

Alexander Hefferman

Joseph Hirschburg

The above list of men most likely comprised the band for the balance of that year,

including both the October and November John Brown militia deployments orderd

by Governor Henry Wise.

19

On the November night when the 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers left

Richmond for Charlestown, the band sent them off in style.

“The point of rendez-vous was in Broad Street, near Ninth where

stood a special train ready to take the troops to the scene of action.

Just before the moment of starting Henry A. Wise, the Governor of

Virginia, arrived, and when it was announced that that he had left the

cares of state to engage in the supposed carnage of the coming battle

the cheers for “the game-cock of the Accomac” were long and

vociferous. As he entered the cars, the band, led by James Smith, a

noted coronet player in those days, played “Hail to the Chief”, and as

the train moved slowly up Broad Street, followed by thousands on a

half-run along the sidewalks, the air was changed to “The Girl I Left

Behind Me:, and “The Old Folks at Home”(“John Brown”, The New

York Sun, Fireman’s Magazine, Vol. IX, No. 1, January 1885.)

Apparently, 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers could not be separated from its

band, for within a few days after the militia deployment, Smith and his Armory

Band were in Charlestown, dispatched by Governor Wise.

“A military band from Richmond arrived here this afternoon. This

evening they are merrily serenading Gen. Talliaferro and other

persons of distinction. The air is filled withtheir brilliant strains. The

terror of the populace is forgotten now (“Revelry” - From

Charlestown- , 12/02/1859, New York Herald-Tribune.)

Songs specifically mentioned by newspaper accounts during the 1859 1st Viriginia

Regiment deployments included the following rousing selections.

Star Spangled Banner

Hail Columbia

The Girl I left behind me

The Marseillaise

The Old Folks at Home

In addition to this list, the band undoubtedly played other current favorites,

including “Carry Me Back to Old Virginia” (played during the return of southern

medical students to Virginia later in Dec. 59) and the “Irish Jaunting Car,” a melody

which in 2 years would be used for the Confederacy’s marching standard “The

Bonnie Blue Flag.”

20

THE RICHMOND GRAYS

JOHN WILKES BOOTH’S ADOPTED “BAND OF BROTHERS”

The approximate 80 enrolled members of the Richmond Grays that boarded the

November 19, 1859 train came from diverse backgrounds and economic levels. The

First Families of Virginia and those of recent German and Polish immigrants both

contributed to its ranks. One member claimed the most highly prized lineage in all

of Virginia, descent from Pocahontas. Among the occupations represented were

lawyers and editors, laborers and merchants, at least one scholar, clerks of all types,

printers, tailors, painters, upholsterers, house builders, saloonkeepers, jewelers,

watchmakers, pharmacists and a dentist. The lone non-enrolled member that night

was an actor visiting from Maryland, John Wilkes Booth.

The New York 7th Regiment, or National Guard, was held in special reverence in

Richmond. In fact, the Richmond Grays, when organized in 1844 adopted the

color of the New York 7th’s uniform from which the Gray’s derived their name.

By 1858 the Grays were viewed as Richmond’s standard of drilling excellence with

proud comparisons heralding them as the equal of the much-vaunted New York 7th.

“We have, at least, one company in Richmond, which will compare, in some

respects, with any corps in the Seventh Regiment of New York” (City Matters,

Nov. 30, 1858, Richmond Whig.) Governor Henry Wise would himself later toast

to the Grays and state that they were “the best drilled company of Virginia whilst I

was Governor of the State…” (New York Daily Reformer, June 20, 1866.)

On the other hand, some of Richmond’s militia companies fell short. In April 1859

the Richmond Whig contrasted a newly formed volunteer company’s less than

spectacular execution of “flat foots” with the previous day’s fine marching display

put on by the Grays. The article derided the newcomers as a “burlesque” as they

marched through the streets with a martial step “resembling the intrepid progress of

an equine quadruped (sic) towards a peck of oats.” The article went on to decry the

mercifully unidentified company’s failures, including that the… “sojers” appeared

to have great difficulty distinguishing left from right with half of the company

marching while ludicrously smoking cigars”(City Items – The Militia, Richmond

Whig,, April 29, 1859.)

21

WHY WAS BOOTH ACCEPTED?

From all accounts, John Wilkes Booth had all of the major qualifications necessary

for acceptance. He was a fellow Southerner, a social favorite, possessed the

demeanor of a “Virginia Gentleman”, shared the Quixotic notions of a “Southern

Knight”, was “One of the Boys,” and he was no “flat foot.” In addition to all of

this, Wilkes Booth was a remarkably handsome, engaging, and very entertaining

young man. He was the total package.

A FELLOW SOUTHERNER

Born and raised in Virginia’s sister state of Maryland, "John

Wilkes Booth was always an intense Southerner in all his feelings

and thoughts… and often heard him give expression to theses

southern sympathies" [Alfriend, Edward M., “Recollections of

John Wilkes Booth by Edwin M. Alfriend”, The Era, October,

(1901), emphasis added.]

“When the John Brown raid occurred, Booth left the Richmond

Theater for the scene of strife in a picked company with which he

had affiliated for some time. From his connection with the militia

on this occasion he was wont to trace his fealty to Virginia”

[Townsend, George Alfred, New York, Dick & Fitzgerald, The

Life, Crime and Capture of John Wilkes Booth, (1865), Page 22,

emphasis added.]

John "[j]oined a Virginia regiment at Richmond on the occasion

of John Brown's attack and proclaimed himself a champion of the

South" [John T. Ford's Recollections', Baltimore American, June

8, 1893, emphasis added.]

A SOCIAL FAVORITE

“During the 1858-59 seasons, Wilkes Booth had entered heartily

into the social life of Richmond…handsome, romantic and

dashing“(A History of Richmond, 1607-1861, Wirt Armistead

Cate, 1943 – Unpublished manuscript, Valentine Richmond

History Center, emphasis added.)

22

“He was a man of high character and sociable disposition, liked

by everyone with whom he associated…was considered very

handsome…” (Crutchfield, George. Personal Letter to E.V.

Valentine dated July 5, 1904, V.M.T.C. emphasis added.)

“Entertaining chap he was.” (George W. Libby recalls incidents

of the War between the States”, Richmond Times Dispatch, July

7, 1929)

“In Richmond, while connected with the theater, he was a great

social favorite, knowing all of the best men and many of the finest

women. This faculty of social success was heredity…With men,

John Wilkes was most dignified in demeanor, bearing himself

with insouciant care and grace, and was a brilliant talker. With

women he was a man of irresistible fascination by reason of his

superbly handsome face, conversational brilliancy and a peculiar

halo of romance with which he invested himself, and which the

ardent imagination of women amplified” (Alfriend, Edward M.,

“Recollections of John Wilkes Booth by Edwin M. Alfriend”, The

Era, October, 1901, emphasis added. )

“He acted with a brilliant dash and sweep that was irresistible.

To women in such parts he was an imperious fascination.”

“Recollections of John Wilkes Booth by Edwin M. Alfriend”, The

Era, October, 1901, emphasis added.)

“He was a most charming fellow off the stage as well as on, a man

of flashing wit and magnetic manner. He was one of the best

raconteurs to whom I ever listened…He could hold a group

spellbound by the hour at the force and fire and beauty of

him…He was the idol of women. They would rave of him, his

voice, his hair, his eyes. Small wonder, for he was

fascinating”(Wilson, Francis, John Wilkes Booth, Fact and

Fiction of Lincoln’s Assassination, Houghton Mifflin Company,

1929, pg. 17, quoting Sir Charles, emphasis added. )

23

A VIRGINIA GENTLEMAN

“I remember encountering on in one of my afternoon walks

uptown a handsome young gentleman, who was dressed a la

mode, and carried himself like a Virginia gentleman to the

manner born. I had seen him on the boards of the Marshall

Theater in a subordinate role, and recognized (him) by face and

figure. It is said commonly that one may know an actor off stage

by the formal strut, the affected manner he uses. If so, Mr. Booth

was an exception to the rule” (Recollection of Charles M.

Wallace, Sr. “Richmond in By Gone Days”, Richmond Times

Dispatch, June 24, 1906, emphasis added.)

The concepts of “manliness” and “brotherhood,” which were integral parts of

antebellum militia camaraderie, were adorned with storybook overtones of chivalry,

gallantry and knighthood. Allusions to knightly behavior, combat in the lists,

facing the fabled black knight, ring tournaments and gallantry, these were cherished

southern romantic associations held by “The Chivalry.” Booth, a fellow southern

boy from Maryland, culturally identified with these traditions, shared the same

romantic allegories, and defined himself within this same idealized image of

manhood.

Henry Wise’s famous remark upon defeating “Know Nothingism” in his 1856

Gubernatorial campaign proudly used the same romantic association of knightly

combat in the lists.

“I have met the Black Knight with his visor down and his shield

and lance are broken!” Henry A. Wise’s speech in Washington,

Baltimore Sun May 26, 1856, Brown Hotel)

The southerner not only read of knights competing “in the lists,” but in their fields,

they recreated that world, or at least the 19th century’s interpretation of it in their

cherished Ring Tournaments. In his article, “The Knights of the Lance in the

24

South,” author Hanson Hiss stated, “The tourney (tournament), its inception to the

present day (1897) has been a sport entirely Southern, and peculiarly fitted to the

temperament and environment of the South. The only material difference between

the ancient and modern tourney lies in the fact that instead of tilting at approaching

knights, the rider of to-day dashes down a straight course and with his lance

captures rings suspended from a cross bar. “ (Outing, an Illustrated Magazine of

Sport, Travel and Recreation, Oct. 1897-March 1898, Vol. XXX1, pages 338-341)

National Jousting Association

Civil War Scholars.com

25

National Jousting Association

National Jousting Association

26

National Jousting Association

JOHN WILKES BOOTH AND THE RING TOURNAMENT

Observance of these fanciful events was most deeply rooted amongst “The

Chivalry” in Virginia and neighboring Maryland. A picturesque area known as Deer

Creek Rocks was near the Booth family farm of Tudor Hall in Bel Air, Maryland.

“The Rocks” was known both as a popular picnic destination and home for the

region’s yearly Ring Tournaments.

Booth’s sister Asia speaks of his highly trained and “beautiful black colt without a

white hair or spot – Cola di Rienzi,” whose mane and tail she plaited in small

braids. (Clarke, The Unlocked Book, Pg. 76.) In 1857, 19 year old John and Cola

(whom Asia noted to have “an Ivanhoe forehead”) were noted to be preparing for

the annual “Knights in Armor Tournament” held at deer Creek Rocks. “John

spent the years from 1855 to 1857 in study with only amateur participation in the

theater or in pageants such as was held at Deer Creek Rocks at annual festivals.

Horses and skill in riding was his love at this point.” (Samples, Gordon, Lust for

Fame, The Stage Career of John Wilkes Booth, McFarland and Company, 1982,

page 17-18) “John liked to take part in local horse tournaments with lances where

27

one competed at spearing rings hanging from a tree” (Smith, Gene, American

Gothic, Simon & Schuster, 1992, pg. 61.)

QUIXOTIC NOTIONS

“How absurd, how utterly Quixotic (emphasis added), such a

course seems to us today! Yet in that time, not only was it deemed

no absurdity, but a great number of the community, in fact a

majority, regarded it as natural and manly, evincing chivalry of

the very highest order” (Wise, John Sergeant, End of an Era,

Houghton Mifflin, 1899, pg. 66.)

In 1881, John Wilkes’ brother Edwin recalled him too as filled with what he

deemed “Quixotic “notions. “ While at the farm in Maryland, he would charge on

horseback though the woods spouting heroic speeches with a lance in his hand, a

relic of the Mexican war, given to father by some soldier who had served under

(President) Tyler.” (Letter from Edwin Booth to Nathum Capen, Windsor Hotel,

London July 28, 1881).

Edwin’s comments indicate that while a fellow Marylander born and raised in the

same family and in the same household, Edwin failed to comprehend its cultural

significance. To him these actions were indeed inexplicable “Quixotic Notions.”

However, to his younger brother, a southern boy from Maryland, they were the

actions of a “Knight” rehearsing for a Ring Tournament.

Stanley Kimmel stated that Old Belair (sic) newspapers of the time gave a

description of these tournaments that appear to have been the source of Edwin’s

description of John’s “Quixotic” notions.” Kimmel believed that the behavior that

Edwin described was an imitation of knights’ actions that John had observed

previously at these tournaments. Kimmel also says, “[i]f one follows John Wilkes’

boyhood days in Belair (sic) and on the farm this will not seem to indicate any

“freakish” conduct on his part (Kimmel, Stanley, The Mad Booths of Maryland,

Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1940, pg. 341-342.)

Nonetheless, portraying John Wilkes Booth’s participation in these tournaments as

indicating his having a “freakish” character persisted.

“At least his actions were peculiar. He was the one among

Junius’ ten offspring who rode the 200 acre farm near Bel Aire

(sic), Maryland on spirited mounts with desperate avidity”

28

(Tucker, Glenn, “John Wilkes Booth at the John Brown Hanging”

, Lincoln Herald Spring, 1976 Vol. 78, No. 1 ,pg 4 emphasis

added.)

To this day, the “freakish” or “peculiar” activity, known as the Ring Tournament,

remains Maryland’s official State game.

The image of a 19th century “Sir Ivanhoe on the Rappahannock,” seemed

incongruous even to some in the South.

“ He who would go about the world today with a metal pot upon

his head, his family tree painted on his plate-covered breast and,

with a pointed pole in his hand, “To ride abroad redressing human

wrong,” would be regarded as worse than a mild lunatic. Yet men

and women still flush over the sentiment that made Lancelot and

the Lion’s Heart immortal.” (De Leon, T.C., Belles, Beaux and

Brains of the Sixties, 1907)

And it certainly seemed incongruous to many in the north, where a southern man’s

“Code of Chivalry” was perceived as enigmatic “Quixotic Notions,” or worse. To

quote Mark Twain, “[t]hey all suffered from the Walter Scott Disease.” Twain

believed that “Sir Walter” had “set the world in love with dreams and phantoms.”

Twain’s distain towards the “Walter Scott Disease,” as he called it, was aimed not

so much at Scott, but more towards Scott’s avid readers whom Twain blamed for

creating a warped reality out of a fairy tale. Claiming this illusion had created a

Southern mindset and behavior, which he felt was responsible for the war, Twain

believed that Scott’s impact on the southern psyche of the time, “did measureless

harm; more real and lasting harm, perhaps, than any other individual that ever

wrote”. (Clemens, S.L. (Mark Twain), Life on the Mississippi, Harper & Brothers

Publishers, 1874, pg. 328.)

“ONE OF THE BOYS”

“Wilkes Booth was one of the first to don his uniform. He had

always been “one of the boys” in Richmond, ready for a fire or a

fray” (Notes and Correspondence of Mary Bella Beale in the

David Rankin Barbee Papers, Georgetown University Library,

Special Collections Research Center, Box 5, folder 280 emphasis

added.)

29

Booth was highly skilled in the physical arts of southern manhood, which included

riding and shooting. He was a superb all around athlete. Even in the earlier part of

his career in Richmond, he was proficient with swords and weapons.

HE WAS “NO FLATFOOT”

According to Booth’s sister, Asia, he was drawn to a career in the military, or at the

least to be a volunteer citizen soldier during his time in Richmond.

“John is crazy or enthusiastic about going for a soldier. I think he

will get off. It has been his dearest ambition, perhaps it is his true

vocation.” (Kincaid, Deirdre Lindsay. “Rough Magic: The

Theatrical Life of John Wilkes Booth”, PhD thesis, Univ. of Hull.

2000, pg. 77 [quotes: ML 518, Peale Museum. Written after

Asia’s marriage and before Edwin’s, the date is between May

1859 and June 1860.]; Barber, Deirdre. “A Man of Promise: John

Wilkes Booth at Richmond” Theatre Symposium: Theatre in the

Antebellum South Vol. 2, Tuscaloosa, Al: Univ. Alabama Press,

1994, pp. 113-129]

As a teenager, Booth had three years of military training attending St. Timothy’s

Hall, in Maryland, a military academy of high repute. St. Timothy’s was

principally supported by scholars south of the Mason and Dixon’s line (Clarke, Asia

Booth, The Unlocked Book; A Memoir of John Wilkes Booth by his Sister, New

York, G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1938, pg. 157.) [There remains a persistent rumor that

one of the members of the Richmond Grays was a fellow student at St. Timothy’s

who knew Booth from their schoolboy days. The school had students from

Virginia, but alas, no facts have been found to date identifying this individual.]

With his first hand knowledge of drills coupled with witnessing the Regiment on

parade, Booth was not an embarrassing “flat foot,” but someone who could readily

fit in and keep up in parade formation, as he subsequently proved while in

Charlestown where the Grays were lauded for their marching excellence and

precision drilling.

30

A “REMARKABLY HANDSOME MAN”

“When John Wilkes Booth was in the Richmond Stock Company

he was very young. In his early twenties…was a little taller than

his brother Edwin, possessed his marvelous intellectual and

beautiful eyes, with great symmetry of features, an especially fine

forehead and curly black hair. He was as handsome as a Greek

god. It is saying a great deal but he was a much handsomer man

than his brother Edwin.” (Alfriend, Edward M., “Recollections of

John Wilkes Booth by Edwin M. Alfriend”, The Era, October,

1901, emphasis added.)

With women he was a man of irresistible fascination by reason of

his superbly handsome face, conversational brilliancy and a

peculiar halo of romance with which he invested himself, and

which the ardent imagination of women amplified” (Alfriend,

Edward M., “Recollections of John Wilkes Booth by Edwin M.

Alfriend”, The Era, October, 1901 emphasis added.)

“George Libby found Booth ‘a remarkably handsome man, with a

winning personality” and remembered that he “would regale us

around the campfire with recitations from Shakespeare” (Kincaid,

Deirdre Lindsay. “Rough Magic: The Theatrical Life of John Wilkes

Booth”, PhD thesis, Univ. of Hull. (2000), pg. 101 emphasis

added.)

“He was a handsome man.” [Quote from Dr. Joseph Southall,

“The John Wilkes Booth Story”, Richmond Dispatch, Feb. 2,

1902 , emphasis added.

“Edwin…admired Wilkes, and thought that he had never beheld a

being so perfectly handsome,” (Clarke, Asia Booth, The

Unlocked Book; A Memoir of John Wilkes Booth by his Sister,

New York, G.P. Putnam’s Sons (1938), Pg. 120, emphasis added.)

“Picture to yourself Adonis, with high forehead, ascetic face

corrected by rather full lips, sweeping black hair, a figure of

perfect youthful proportions and the most wonderful black eyes in

the world. Such was John Wilkes Booth” (Wilson, Francis, John

Wilkes Booth, Fact and Fiction of Lincoln’s Assassination,

31

Houghton Mifflin Company (1929), pg. 15, quote of Sir Charles

Wyndham.)

“They would rave of him, his voice, his hair, his eyes. Small

wonder, for he was fascinating”(Wilson, Francis, John Wilkes

Booth, Fact and Fiction of Lincoln’s Assassination, Houghton

Mifflin Company (1929), pg. 17, quoting Sir Charles Wyndham,

emphasis added. )

“…he (John Wilkes Booth) is improving fast, and looks beautiful

upon the platform” (Wilson, Francis, John Wilkes Booth, Fact and

Fiction of Lincoln’s Assassination, Houghton Mifflin

Company(1929), pg. 17, quoting Edwin Booth, emphasis added)

“THE TOTAL PACKAGE”

When not on the “platform,” Booth’s remarkable good looks and deportment “as to

the manner born” made him instantly recognizable on the streets of Richmond. He

was “a great social favorite”. An “intense southerner” in outlook and feeling, Booth

identified with, and shared in, the southern culture, particularly in its cherished

“chivalric” overtones. He combined both the manners of a “Virginia gentleman”

with a sense of manly camaraderie to fit in as “one of the boys” who made up the

ranks of Richmond’s militia. With his three years of military training, Booth

probably had as much if not more formal training than many of the enrolled

members.

To the cross section of Richmond’s men who comprised the ranks of its volunteer

soldiers, Booth was a perfect fit. To these men, Booth thought as they did, defined

himself as they did, and responded as they did. It would be natural to be included

as one of them because he was one of them. Added to all of this was the additional

appeal of his lineage. Richmonders loved their theater and and John Wilkes’ late

father, the legendary tragedian Junius Brutus Booth, remained a favored star. While

in Richmond John used the last name of Wilkes as his stage name while he learned

his craft as an actor, but it was no secret whose son the “remarkably handsome” and

engaging young man was.

Booth was known and well liked by his “adopted band of brothers.” Upon the

Regiment’s return to Richmond from Charlestown, they come to Booth’s aid after

the manager at the Richmond Theater terminated him for his absence.

32

"It is certain that when Wilkes Booth reached Richmond again,

he was immediately discharged by Kunkel for having

unceremoniously walked off from a performance at the theater,

and was only reinstated upon the insistent demand of a number of

his influential friends, among them members of the regiment he

had accompanied"(A History of Richmond, 1607-1861, Wirt

Armistead Cate, 1943 – Unpublished manuscript, Valentine

Richmond History Center, emphasis added.)

“The managers, Ford and Kunkel, discharged him for going to

Charlestown, and upon this becoming known a large contingent of

the First Virginia Regiment marched to the Theater and demanded

that he be reinstated. And he was.” (“Wilkes Booth a Favorite

Here”, Richmond Times Dispatch, January 22, 1933)

THE SHARED OUTINGS

Was John Wilkes Booth at the Richmond Gray’s “excursions and outings”? The

answer to that is yes. Booth’s participation was documented. As stated previously,

the “outings” and “excursions” were public events traditionally advertised with the

expectation that the proud denizens of Richmond would participate as a show of

support for their citizen soldiers. The public was invited to attend, in fact any civic-

minded Richmonder would be expected to “join in the festivities” (which included

music, picnics, barbecues, balls, cotillions, even balloon launches) as a show of

support, often paying for tickets as a fundraiser for the militia company hosting the

event to defray the cost.

“When the John Brown raid occurred, Booth left the Richmond

Theater for the scene of strife in a picked company with which he

had affiliated for some time. From his connection with the militia

on this occasion he was wont to trace his fealty to Virginia.”

(Townsend, George Alfred, New York, Dick & Fitzgerald, The

Life, Crime and Capture of John Wilkes Booth, 1865, Page 22 -

emphasis added. )

“Wilkes Booth, who was not a member of one of the companies,

though he frequently attended the “outings” and parades of the

Grays ---“ (A History of Richmond, 1607-1861, Wirt Armistead

Cate, 1943 – Unpublished manuscript; Valentine Richmond

History Center emphasis added.)

33

In 1937, an earlier newspaper article by Richmond’s celebrated newspaperman

Herbert T. Ezekiel said that Booth belonged to the Grays, one of Richmond’s

“crack” militia companies, and frequented Shad’s Garden (a lager beer garden)

located in a grove of trees to the south of Richmond’s College, when it was located

on West Broad Street”[(Richmond News Leader, Feb. 12, 1937 emphasis added.)

“Schad’s Garden—where the shooting at targets and bowling was

indulged in.” (Quoted from Walthall’s “Hidden Things Brought to

Light”, May 6, 1933, Richmond Times Dispatch.)]

“John Wilkes was not a member of the Grays, but he had gone on

several outings with that organization. When it was ordered to

Harper’s Ferry, Booth somehow managed to enlist and go along.”

(Dabney, Virginius, Doubleday & Company, 1976, Richmond,

The Story of a City, pg. 157, emphasis added.)

There was nothing to preclude John Wilkes Booth from participating not only in

events organized for the Richmond Grays, but in any event organized for any of the

Richmond companies. Booth would have been drawn to attend these functions and

likely did so on a regular basis from 1858 – 1860 whenever they coincided with the

theatrical season of each year that he lived in Richmond.

OUT OF ALL RICHMOND’S MILITIA COMPANIES,

WHY DID BOOTH CHOOSE THE GRAYS?

Booth could have associated with any of Richmond’s militia companies, but he

chose the Richmond Grays. What prompted Booth’s association with the

Richmond Grays and not Company F or the Richmond Light Infantry Blues or any

of the other militia companies that comprised the 1st Regiment of Virginia

Volunteers?

The nexus was most likely the Marshall Theater and its connection with two

particular Richmond Grays, theater devotee Edward M. Alfriend and box keeper

Miles T. Philips. Of the two, Alfriend is by far the likelier to have spent his free

time with Booth, and hence served as the means of introduction to other Richmond

Grays. In 1858 Alfriend and Booth were both single 20-year-old men. Edward M.

Alfriend was drawn to follow a career in the dramatic or literary arts.

Unfortunately, as the eldest son, Alfriend was expected to follow in his father’s

34

lucrative insurance business. Alfriend escaped from his daily drudge of examining

actuary tables and insurance underwriting by spending his available free time at the

theater, drinking in the creative juices and befriending the actors. From his

association with the Marshall Theater, Alfriend became familiar with John Wilkes

and “knew him [Booth] well” (Alfriend, Edward M., “Recollections of John Wilkes

Booth by Edwin M. Alfriend”, The Era, October, 1901.)

On the other hand, fellow Richmond Gray Miles T. Philips at 35 was 14 years

older, a married man with five daughters to support from his occupation of

wallpaper hanger and upholsterer. Philips’ connection with the theater was strictly

a monetary one, not one drawn from theatrical inspiration. Philips worked at the

theater as a carpenter and as the theater’s box keeper. He was not a young

unmarried man with a flair for the dramatic, rebelling against his prescribed future

by spending his free time at the theater dreaming of following the dramatic or

literary arts.

CLARIFICATION OF THE OCTOBER 17TH

DEPLOYMENT

The travel route from Richmond to Harper’s Ferry required taking the Richmond

Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad to Aquia Creek. Travel by Potomac steamship

to Washington D.C. Taking the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad through Maryland to

enter again into Virginia and arrive at Harper’s Ferry.

In responding to John Brown’s initial attack at Harpers Ferry in October, Governor

Wise and Company F left Richmond on the evening of October 17th. The balance

of the 1st Regiment including the Richmond Grays departed the following morning.

Only Wise and Company F were forwarded from Washington to Harper’s Ferry.

By the time the second group, which included the Richmond Grays, arrived in

Washington on the following day, the engine house had already been stormed by

the US marines under the command of Colonel Robert E. Lee, and Brown and his

supporters captured. Bodies were still lying in the streets of Harpers Ferry, but the

fighting itself was over; all of this happened before Wise and Company F had

arrived. Wise sent a telegram to Colonel August in Washington thanking the

balance of the 1st Virginia Regiment for their services, and instructed them to

return to Richmond. (“Speech of Governor Wise at Richmond”, New York Herald,

October 26, 1859, Wallace, Lee A., Jr., 1st Virginia Infantry, 3rd

Edition, H.E.

Howard, Inc., Lynchburg, Va., 1985, pg. 6, The Insurrection at Harper’s Ferry”,

Alexandria Gazette, October 19, 1859, “City Items”, Richmond Whig, October 21,

1859.)

35

In many recollections when recalled decades later by men who were involved in

both deployments, some details of both were run together. However, in October,

the Grays never got beyond the nation’s capitol.

Notably, Col. Lee’s departure from Washington during the October deployment has

been cited as the first time that railroads were used to transport soldiers into action.

“First run of railroads to transport soldiers into action. Col. Robert

E. Lee takes soldiers by train to end John Brown’s raid at

Harper’s Ferry.” North American Railroad Chronological Table

Appendix A, page 223: 1859 - (Daniels, Rudolph, Trains across

the Continent, North American Railroad History, Second Edition,

1997/2000 Indiana University Press.)

THE GRAY’S “DRESS REHEARSAL”

WHY DIDN’T JOHN WILKES BOOTH GO WITH THE GRAYS IN

OCTOBER?

In 1940, Stanley Kimmel stated “[y]et he [Booth] did not join the militia when it

was ordered to entrain for Harper’s Ferry to quell Brown’s rebellion. With actual

danger confronting him, Wilkes explained his decision not to go by professing

regard for his mother’s request that he continue in the theater” (Kimmel, Stanley,

The Mad Booths of Maryland, 1940, The Bobs Merrill Company, Pg. 155 emphasis

added.)

Kimmel did not cite the source of this information. Whatever its source, it was

incorrect. John Wilkes Booth could not offer his volunteer services when the

fighting was going on at Harper’s Ferry because he was not in Richmond when the

Grays were deployed. On October 17, 1859, Wilkes Booth was in Lynchburg and

would not return until after both Company F and the balance of the 1st Regiment

returned to Richmond (October 19th – 20.)

“In the week of October 17-21, part of the Richmond Company was in

Lynchburg, where the annual exhibition of the Agricultural and

Mechanical Society was drawing visitors, while the Richmond

Theatre featured visiting star Maggie Mitchell. The Lynchburg Daily

Virginian (Oct. 17) said that 'Messrs. Wilkes, Phillips, Johnson, and

other favorites' were to play during the week. So when news began to

break of Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry, Booth had no chance of

joining the soldiers: he was preparing for performances of three short

36

comedies at Dudley Hall in Lynchburg.” (Sock, Buskin & Musket:

John Wilkes Booth and the John Brown Hanging, a talk given by

Deirdre Barber Kincaid to the Civil War Round Table. Dates

confirmed by Arthur F. Loux in “John Wilkes Booth Day By Day.”

Booth’s absence from Richmond effectively counters Kimmel’s claim that Booth

withheld his services during the earlier fighting at Harper’s Ferry in an effort to

escape any real combat. It also counters claims that Booth went on the second

deployment out of envy, having witnessed the attention shown to men leaving

during the October deployment.

BOOTH’S INTEREST IN MILITARY SERVICE WAS GENUINE

Booth’s interest in military service was genuine, his desire to join the November

deployment, and his success in doing so, were the subjects of family concern

discussed at the time.

“John is crazy or enthusiastic about going for a soldier. I think he

will get off. It has been his dearest ambition, perhaps it is his true

vocation” (Kincaid, Deirdre Lindsay. “Rough Magic: The

Theatrical Life of John Wilkes Booth”, PhD thesis, Univ. of Hull.

2000, pg. 77 [quotes: ML 518, Peale Museum. Written after

Asia’s marriage and before Edwin’s, the date is between May

1859 and June 1860.], Barber, Deirdre. “A Man of Promise: John

Wilkes Booth at Richmond” Theatre Symposium: Theatre in the

Antebellum South Vol. 2, Tuscaloosa, Al: Univ. Alabama Press,

1994, pp. 113-129.]

“Your news regarding the mad step, John has taken -- I confess

did not surprise me -- if you remember, I told you I thought he

would seize the opportunity. Tis a great pity he has not more

sense -- but time will teach him -- although I fear the discipline is

hardly severe enough to sicken him immediately with a "soldier's

life." I hope nothing serious will occur there, for that would

frighten your mother so -- and you being absent too” (The letters

and notebooks of Mary Devlin Booth, Edited by L. Terry Oggel,

Page 22, letter from Mary Devlin to Edwin Booth, (NYPL - TC)

Nov. 28, 1859 emphasis added.)

37

On November 19, 1859, when presented with the chance to volunteer, John Wilkes

Booth did so. Notably, out of all those non-enrolled men who offered to go (as

evidenced in historic newspaper reports at the time), only he was accepted. (“Local

Matters – Exciting News from Charlestown – Departure of the Richmond Militia”,

Richmond Daily Dispatch, November 21, 1859.) [His participation was confirmed

by numerous firsthand accounts and militia pay audit records for the period of

November 19 – December 6, 1859 (Record Group 46, Department of Military

Affairs, John Brown’s Raid Muster Rolls, 1859-1860. Accession 27684, Library of

Virginia.)]

HOW DID BOOTH, “UNSOUGHT ENROLL HIMSELF,”AND BOARD

THE TRAIN ON NOVEMBER 19TH

WHEN OTHERS COULD NOT?

First and foremost, unlike the earlier October deployment, Booth was in Richmond

“to seize the opportunity.”

Second, Booth socialized with these men before the John Brown deployment. That

in itself was not exceptional; the men who comprised Richmond’s volunteer

companies were fellow citizens who spent only a portion of their time serving in the

militia and any of these men could have attended the outings and excursions as

well. However, no other non-enrolled man in Richmond boarded that special train

on the evening of November 19th, 1859, and no company other than the Grays

accepted a non-enrolled man.

The overlooked recollection from Richmond Gray John O. Taylor directly

addresses how Booth came to board the train that night.

WHO WAS JOHN O. TAYLOR

A year younger than John Wilkes Booth, John O. Taylor would turn twenty on

November 21 while in Charlestown in 1859. Taylor was the Virginian born son of

the very successful and transplanted New York commercial grocery merchant,

William O. Taylor. After the war, Taylor enjoyed a successful career as a

Richmond businessman. His brother Dr. William H. Taylor served as the coroner

for the City of Richmond for forty-seven years, was Virginia’s State Chemist, and a

Professor at the Medical College of Virginia. Taylor’s other brothers were CSA

Captain Charles F. Taylor and Richard M. Taylor, a Mayor of the City of

Richmond. (“Recalls Event 74 Years Ago, John O. Taylor celebrates his 83rd

Birthday Anniversary in Richmond”, Richmond Times Dispatch, November 22,

1922)

38

BEST KNOWN RECOLLECTIONS AND PERCEPTIONS OF

JOHN WILKES BOOTH’S “UNSOUGHT ENROLLMENT”

IN THE RICHMOND GRAYS

The most frequently cited and best-known eyewitness recollections of John Wilkes

Booth departing Richmond for Charlestown are those of Richmond Grays Edward

M. Alfriend, Philip Whitlock, and George W. Libby (Alfriend, Edward M.,

“Recollections of John Wilkes Booth.” New Era Magazine 1901; Philip Whitlock,

“The Life of Philip Whitlock, Written by Himself”, unpublished manuscript,

donated to VHS in 1973; Libby, George W. “, John Brown and John Wilkes

Booth”, The Confederate Veteran, Issue 37, April 1930, pg. 138-139 [ See also

Libby, “George W. Libby Recalls Incidents of the War Between the States”,

Richmond Times Dispatch, July 7, 1929.]

However, the common perception of Booth’s “enrollment” in the Grays stems from

an article written by Glenn Tucker 117 years after the event. Tucker’s article,

which has become a widely cited source, paints the events as the clandestine acts of

the young Libby and Bossieux who pulled Booth into the baggage car of the

nonstop train to Charlestown ( Tucker, Glenn, “John Wilkes Booth at the John

Brown Hanging” , Lincoln Herald Spring, 1976 Vol. 78, No. 1, pgs. 3-11. “He

(Libby) was the leading factor in covertly bringing John Wilkes Booth to

Charlestown.”(page 6), “They pulled him into the baggage car and the train rattled

away toward Charles Town (page 9.)”

However, when all the first hand recollections are examined, including the

overlooked recollection of John O. Taylor, a very different picture emerges.

39

THE JOURNEY FROM RICHMOND TO CHARLESTOWN

ACCORDING TO RICHMOND GRAY JOHN O. TAYLOR

Taylor’s recollections may be found in the newspaper article, “John Brown

Hanging; Recollections of a Member of the Richmond Grays”, [Richmond Times

Dispatch, May 1, 1904 (“Newspaper Article”)], and in the undated “John Taylor

manuscript,” a two page typescript (“Manuscript”), donated by Taylor’s daughter,

Mrs. Blanch (Taylor) King (1864-1938) to the Virginia Historical Society (File 36-

10-22-T.)

According to Taylor:

“The bells on the Old Market, and the Bell House near Ninth and

Franklin were tolled and the city was in a high state of

excitement. The First Virginia Regiment composed of the

Richmond Grays, Montgomery Guards, Company F, German

Rifles and Second Howitzers, marched up Main Street up to Eight

and Broad, where a long train of cars stood ready for the troops

to embark.” (Newspaper Article)

The Train did not leave on time, but had to wait for Governor Wise; and

Booth arrived just as they were ready to leave:

“We did not get off promptly as we had to wait for Gov. Wise who

accompanied us. Just as we were about to start, Jno. Wilkes

Booth (who killed Lincoln) --- (illeg) and boarded the train. “

(Manuscript)

After all were aboard, Taylor saw John Wilkes Booth, an overcoat over his

arm, come out of the Marshall Theater that evening in the company of Grays

Edward M. Alfriend and board the coach the Grays were in:

“After all of us got on aboard, I saw John Wilkes Booth with an overcoat

over his arm come out of the Marshall Theatre and in the company of Ed. M.

Alfriend, board the coach the Grays were in.” (Newspaper Article)

Grays Captain Wyatt Mosely Elliott granted Booth permission to go with the

Grays to Charlestown:

“Capt. Elliot granted him permission to go with us” (Manuscript)

40

The troops traveled from Richmond to Aquia Creek, where they boarded a

steamer bound for Washington, arriving at daybreak:

“When we arrived at Aquia Creek we boarded a steamer for

Washington, arriving about daybreak.” (Newspaper Article)

The troops marched down Pennsylvania Avenue, led by Governor Wise with

John Wilkes Booth walking behind him, again Booth with the overcoat over

his arm:

“On marching down Pennsylvania Avenue, Gov. Wise with his

high beaver hat, and his head up in the air, with a pair of silver

specks over his nose, cut a big figure. John Wilkes Booth walked

behind him with his overcoat on his arm.” (Newspaper Article)

In Washington, they boarded a B&O train to Relay House:

“We took a train on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and

arrived promptly at Relay House.” (Newspaper Article)

EDWARD M. ALFRIEND, YET AGAIN

Alfriend has already been the subject of an investigation regarding the individual

tentatively identified in the three Richmond Grays images previously examined in

Has He Been Hiding in Plain Sight - John Wilkes Booth and the Richmond Grays

(May 2010) and Out of Hiding - John Wilkes Booth and the Richmond Grays (May

2011.) In two of the images examined in those articles, one individual is seen

exchanging dramatic restraining and attacking motions sharing the same knife with

an individual identified as John Wilkes Booth. The poses indicate that these two

men shared a sense of the dramatic and a familiar relationship. Taylor’s

recollection confirms that on November 19, 1859 Booth and Alfriend shared such a

relationship, evidenced by their leaving the Marshall Theater and boarding the

Grays’ coach together.

THE ACTUAL JOURNEY

The 1859 Charlestown journey was segmented, with roll call undoubtedly taken

periodically. The trip took almost 24 hours, including travel and delays. It crossed

two states and the District of Columbia via three different railroads, one steamship,

41

and a 2-mile march in ranks down Pennsylvania Avenue with John Wilkes Booth

marching behind Governor Henry A. Wise. Booth’s arrival at Charlestown could

not have been a surprise, nor was the journey a nonstop express as Tucker’s earlier

cited article implies and other have accepted (See Swanson, James L., Manhunt, the

12 Day Hunt for Lincoln’s Killer Swanson, William Morrow, 2007, pg. 332. “In

1859, he (Booth) caught the train to Charlestown to witness the execution of

abolitionist John Brown…” emphasis added.)

NO SURPRISE

Booth did not “covertly” stow away in the baggage car, confined and undetected, as

“the train rattled away towards Charlestown.” Factually, the train from Richmond

did not continue past Fredericksburg / Aquia Creek. Nonetheless, Tucker’s

influence has led many to interpret Philip Whitlock’s remark of “surprise at seeing

Booth” as surprise upon arriving at Charlestown. Factually, Whitlock “surprise” of

seeing Booth occurred at the Richmond Depot before departure. Whitlock’s entire

remark reads:

“ The 1st Regiment assembled on Broad St. near the depot, which

was then on the corner of 8th where the old Bijou now stands--

that was one Saturday night about the 1st of December, in the year

1859. Many of us were surprised to see John Wilkes Booth, who

was then acting in the Marshall Theatre, in a Richmond Gray

uniform. We afterwards were informed that he joined the

Company in order to go along with us. He is the same John

Wilkes Booth who shot Abe Lincoln just after the war. We got to

Charlestown and there we met a great many soldiers from the

whole State of Virginia.” (Whitlock, Philip. “The Life of Philip

Whitlock, Written by Himself”, Richmond: Beth Ahabah Museum

and Archives Trust, (used with permission).

(Note: Written decades after the events, Whitlock’s dating of the

event as being “about the 1st of December “was incorrect)

ALL FACTS CONSIDERED

NO ONE RODE IN THE BAGGAGE CAR

Contrary to popular belief, Booth did not actually travel in the baggage car with

Libby and Bossieux. First, Libby does not expressly make that claim. Libby’s

claims are somewhat ambiguous, especially in light of the Taylor recollection. In

one article Libby claims “he [Booth]went along.”

42

“He hadn’t a uniform and as it was a soldier’s train, I lent him my

coat and my friend Bossieux let him his cap and accoutrements

and he went along.” (Libby, George W., George Libby Recalls

Incidents of the War Between the States , July 7, 1929, Richmond

Times Dispatch emphasis added.)

And in another article Libby claims that he and Bossieux “took him in the car, and

carried him with us.”

“Louis F. Bossieux and I were placed as a detail from the Grays in

the baggage car of the train in charge of the company’s baggage.

Booth appeared at the door of the car and asked if he could go

with us to Harper’s Ferry. We informed him that no one was

allowed on that train but men in uniform. He expressed a desire

to buy a uniform, since he was very anxious to go. So, after some

consultation with him, Bossieux and I each gave him a portion of

our uniforms, took him in the car, and carried him with us.” (Libby,

George. W., John Brown and John Wilkes Booth, The

Confederate Veteran 37, April 1930, 138-139 emphasis added)

For safety reasons, the railroads during this period specifically did not allow

passengers to travel in boxcars or baggage cars. (The American and English

Encyclopedia of Law, Second Edition Volume 5, 1897 Edited by David S. Garland

and Lucius P. McGehee, Re: Carrier of Passengers, page 677) , “Accident;

Potomac; Winchester; Baggage; Passengers,” Alexandria Gazette, April 30, 1859,”

“Keep your Seats in the Cars”, Alexandria Gazette, November 17, 1859, Alvarez,

Eugene, Travel on Southern Antebellum Railroads 1828-1860, University of

Alabama Press, 1974, pg. 121 )

True, Libby and Bossieux as junior members of the Grays were initially assigned to

the baggage car to take on baggage and guard it prior to the train pulling out of the

depot, but once secured they most likely joined the rest of the Grays in a passenger

coach. Thus, when Libby states, “took him in the car, and carried him with us,”

Libby is referring to one of the Grays passenger coaches. Any claim that a special

guard detail was needed to guard the baggage car during the trip, and therefore the

ordinary railroad ban on traveling in the baggage car did not apply, is not

persuasive, because the train was a dedicated military transport, with no additional

passengers or baggage taken on after departure.

43

Additionally, there was the location of the the baggage car that night in relationship

to where Taylor sat on the train. In the standard configuration of the day, of the 9

cars, the baggage car would have been located immediately after the locomotive’s

tender and before the 8 passenger cars (White, John H. Jr., The American Railroad

Passenger Car, Parts I and II, Johns Hopkins Studies in the History of Technology,

(1978) 453, Chapter Six: Head-End Cars.) The entire train stretched for blocks

down Broad Street. Taylor, sitting on the Gray’s coach had an immediate sightline

to the Marshal Theater when he saw Booth and Alfriend exit the theater and board.

Taylor had to have been in one of the last cars, and thus out of position to see the

baggage car, which was at the opposite end of the long line of cars next to the

locomotive. Taylor clearly relates seeing both Booth and Alfriend boarding the

coach the Grays were already in.

Booth riding in the Grays’ coach is also confirmed by the recollection of Dr. Joseph

Southall.

“[o]n his way to the depot about 8 o’clock in the evening,

I noticed Wilkes Booth was walking just ahead of me on

his way to the theater, where he was going to play that

night. The play had been drawing great crowds. Just

before we got as far as the theater I saw Booth, who had

been walking at a brisk pace, stop suddenly as if he had

forgotten something. Just as our group reached the spot

where he had stopped, Booth deliberately turned back.”

Southall then continued to the depot and “ [t]hey (the

group he was with) had not been there ten minutes before

Booth reappeared wearing his uniform and with musket in

hand, and immediately boarded the train where the rest of

the troops were” [Quotes from Dr. Joseph Southall, “The

John Wilkes Booth Story”, Richmond Dispatch, Feb. 2,

1902 (emphasis added).]

Wherever Booth may have gone after Southall first sees him stop and turn is

unclear, but Southall’s recollection again confirms that Booth boarded the cars in

uniform where the rest of the troops were and not the baggage car.

WHAT ABOUT BOOTH’S MUSKET THAT NIGHT?

Notably, Southall also said that he saw him (Booth) with a musket. According to

Southall, “[o]n his way to the depot about 8 o’clock in the evening, I noticed Wilkes

44

Booth was walking just ahead of me on his way to the theater, where he was going

to play that night. The play had been drawing great crowds. Just before we got as

far as the theater I saw Booth, who had been walking at a brisk pace, stop suddenly

as if he had forgotten something. Just as our group reached the spot where he had

stopped, Booth deliberately turned back.” Southall then continued to the depot and

“ [t]hey (the group he was with) had not been there ten minutes before Booth

reappeared wearing his uniform and with musket in hand, and immediately boarded

the train where the rest of the troops were” [Quotes from Dr. Joseph Southall, “The

John Wilkes Booth Story”, Richmond Dispatch, Feb. 2, 1902 (emphasis added).]

Edward M. Alfriend in his recollection also stated that Booth “…procured a

uniform and a musket…” (Alfriend, Edward M., “Recollections of John Wilkes

Booth by Edwin M. Alfriend”, The Era, October, 1901 emphasis added)

THE GRAY’S MINIÉ MUSKETS

On May 24, 1859 the Richmond Grays were on parade to receive the "Minnie"

(Minié) muskets, tendered to them by Governor Henry Wise. The ceremonial

presentation took place in Capitol Square that evening (City Items, Richmond

Whig, April 26, 1859.) The Minié rifle was developed in 1849 and was designed to

allow rapid muzzle loading, an innovation that brought about the widespread use of

the rifle as a mass battlefield weapon. These valuable weapons were owned by the

Commonwealth of Virginia, issued to each enrolled militia member, who was

responsible for the rifle’s maintenance and safekeeping. Each of the men who

boarded the train that night would have their issued weapon with them. This fact

might explain the remark made by Isabella Pallen Beale as recalled by her daughter,

Mary Bella Beale.

“1859 when the drums beat to summon the Jefferson Guards to

start to Aquia Creek --- Wilkes Booth was one of the first to don

his uniform. He had always been “one of the boys” in Richmond,

ready for a fire or a fray. My mother (Isabella Pallen Beale) who

was one of Virginia’s most devoted admirers, and one of the most

rebellious of rebels, gave Wilkes Booth her blessing and even

offered him an ancient carbine that was rusty, not having been

used since the war of 1812”(Notes and Correspondence of Mary

Bella Beale in the David Rankin Barbee Papers, Georgetown

University Library, Special Collections Research Center, Box 5,

folder 280.)

45

Isabella Pallen Beale was the wife of noted Richmond physician and theater patron

Dr. James Beale. Dr. Beale was Booth’s physician. The Beale home on 9th Street

was in close proximity to the Marshall Theater, the RF&PRR Depot, Capitol

Square, and Booth’s hotel the Powhatan House. As a non-enrolled member

frantically trying to volunteer that night, Booth's lack of a musket might have been

the reason he visited the Beale home that evening, as recollected by Mrs. Beale's

daughter. Booth thought well of both Dr. and Mrs. Beale.

“I called on Dr. Beale soon after I arrived here. He and his

Lady seem a very nice couple. I like them very much” (John

Rhodenhamel and Louise Taper, editors, Right or Wrong,

God Judge Me, the Writings of John Wilkes Booth,

University of Illinois Press, Urbana and Chicago, 2001, Pg.

45.)

The Beales were also fond of Booth, and he was a frequent visitor in their home.

WHERE DID BOOTH GET HIS MUSKET?

However, the ancient musket “offered” by Mrs. Beale was probably not the same

one that Booth was subsequently seen with when he was observed boarding the

train. The Gray’s state-issued arm, the Minié Rifle, was an innovation standard,

which fired and required the unique and greatly improved projectile, the Minié

bullet. Militia rifles were stored in the armory located in Capitol Square’s Bell

Tower. (Dowdey, Clifford, 1992, A History of the Confederacy: 1832-1865, Barnes

& Noble Books, pg. 63) In order to be issued one of these weapons a bond was

required by law. In 1860, an additional condition would be added requiring an

order from the Adjunct General. (“Virginia News”, Alexandria Gazette, December

25, 1860) Whatever its source, from the sequence noted in Southall’s recollection,

the gun was apparently acquired in a very short period of time.

BOOTH’S DISTINCTIVE OVERCOAT THAT NIGHT

On the subject of Booth’s overcoat ,which Taylor noted him carrying that night and

in Washington D.C., Richmonder George Crutchifeld, who claimed to have known

Booth “quite well,” remarked that in Richmond “he frequently wore, when on the

streets, a fur trimmed over-coat”. (Crutchfield, George. Personal Letter to E.V.

Valentine dated July 5, 1904, V.M.T.C.) Could this be the same coat?

46

John Wilkes Booth,

Carte de Visite taken by Charles D. Fredricks New York (1863)

Library of Congress.

A coat matching the one that Crutchfield described appears in

several later photographs of John Wilkes Booth. The stylish coat

had a unique Inverness style attached cape and Astrakhan (curly

lamb) fur collar. Its design would make it memorable and Booth

evidently was fond of it. There are numerous instances of Booth

being described wearing this coat. It stood out even during his

1864 career as an oilman in Pennsylvania [ “…impressively

handsome in an overcoat with astrakhan collar and flowing over-

cape” (Dolson, The Great Oildorado, pg. 148).] Even his sister

Asia remarked about this distinctive garment: “[h]e was known

everywhere by his large loose-hanging light overcoat, with its

deep sleeves and cape… His was not a face or figure to go

unremarked. He was easily recognizable” (Clarke, Asia Booth,

The Unlocked Book; A Memoir of John Wilkes Booth by his

Sister, New York, G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1938, pg. 118 – emphasis

added)

So was his overcoat.

47

GOVERNOR HENRY ALEXANDER WISE

Henry Alexander Alexander Wise

Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia

(Shown with his “high beaver hat” Taylor described but alas, no spectacles)

1856-1860

(Library of Congress)

Amongst the first hand Grays recollections found to date, Taylor’s alone states that

Governor Henry Wise accompanied these men, and unexpectedly, that John Wilkes

Booth marched behind him down Pennsylvania Avenue. Thanks to the Governor’s

flamboyant personality and the national press coverage it always drew, Wise’s

presence on this journey ensured that the deployment’s progress was chronicled in

leading newspapers. From reading the articles documenting Wise’s journey, a

48

complete and remarkable picture of Booth’s journey with the Grays emerges. Wise

indeed “cut a big figure” while leading his regiment down Pennsylvania Avenue, in

fact his march was a national sensation, as was the man himself.

WHO WAS “THE FANTASTICAL” HENRY ALEXANDER WISE?

In 1859, the 53-year-old Wise was in the last year of his 4-year term as Governor of

the Commonwealth of Virginia. Previously, Wise had served as a four time U.S.

Congressman (representing the Accomac (Accomack) region of Virginia’s Eastern

Shore) and American Minister to the Court of Brazil. Wise’ legal and political

career was colorful from the very start, distinguished by a dazzling intellect,

impassioned eloquence and a volatile temperament. When electrified during a

soaring flight of oratory, the tall but small boned Wise resembled an animated

tobacco spewing corpse, a fascinating sight, impossible to forget and in some cases,

depending on Wise’s rhetoric, impossible to forgive. Henry Wise’s contemporaries

either hated or loved him, sometimes holding both emotions concurrently. Deemed

patriot or lunatic, “Knight of the Old Dominion” or “Disgrace to the

Commonwealth”, everyone had their opinion, Henry Wise left no one without one.

In an 1858 editorial, Richmond Whig editor Robert Ridgway had been inspired by

Wise’s rhetoric to refer to him as some form of “ass” no fewer than 11 times. (“The

Kansas Question”, Richmond Whig, January 12, 1858. ) A year later, playing upon

John Brown’s nickname of “Osawatomie” Brown yet another one was added for the

governor, “What-an-ass-am-I” Wise. (“Governor Wise”, Alexandria Gazette,

December 22, 1859)

Henry Wise knew best on all subjects and at all times and would do any talking that

needed to be done and on any and all sides of the issue at hand. The last word was

always his, regardless of how many words or pages of newsprint it took for Wise to

get the last word. In 1851 at Virginia’s Constitutional Convention, it took five

days. When Wise finally got the last word, he had outdrawn John’s father the great

Junius Brutus Booth who was appearing at the Marshal Theater. And no wonder:

“The speech of Henry A. Wise is one of the most remarkable harangues

ever delivered to a deliberative body. Whether considered in respect of

its magnitude or the manner of its delivery, or the doctrine it

promulgates, it is a phenomenon – an intellectual monster. No man

who has not seen and heard him in his present performance can have

the least conception of the matter or the manner. The attitudes and

gesticulations of the man are in themselves a marvel. Now he stands

erect, with uplifted hand, imploring the favor, or imprecating the wrath

49

of heaven; again he sinks almost to the floor in the agony of some

extreme passion. Now he whispers forth the accents of persuasion,

anon he hisses out some withering anathema. At one time his voice

rings like the blast of a sufferent call; again it sinks to the solemn sound

of a Sunday sermon. At one moment his face beams with gentleness,

presently it flames with all the passions of a fury. He strides up and

down the floor, he tosses and wings his arms, he shakes his fist and

points his finger – he stamps, and raves and scowls. Every topic is

discussed by the orator, no matter what its irrelevancy. Now he is

speculating about the origin of society, in a moment he launches into an

invective against race-horses. Now he is complimenting Jesus Christ

and now abusing John Randolph; at one moment he quotes

Shakespeare, at another the Bible, Magna Carta and King John, the

Declaration of Independence and Thomas Jefferson, the Medes and the

Persians, the Greeks and the Romans, the French and the English, the

whites and the blacks – all figure in this comprehensive medley. In

power, in interest, in effect, no man in the Convention can compare

with him. Crowds flock to hear him, just as they go to the playhouse, to

be amused and excited by comic passages, and by brilliant declamation.

Booth was playing Hamlet at the theater, and Wise Harlequin at the

Capitol, and the latter drew the crowd” (Southside Democrat;

Petersburg, Va., Henry A. Wise, May 12, 1851, Daily Alabama

Journal.)

Whether playing aristocrat as a common man, or a common man among aristocrats,

Wise scripted and changed his role as necessary. Standing between political

parties, Wise’s constituents were governed by Wise and not Wise by his

constituents. From the time he entered political life until the day of his death,

Henry Alexander Wise was at all times the head of the dragon and never its tale.

Whether viewed as Democrat or Demagogue, Henry Wise knew himself to be an

exceptional man who openly gloried in his genius and reveled in his eccentricities.

Wise’s many colorful antics included the following.

Acting within the definition of gentlemanly conduct as prescribed in the

South’s “Code Duello Wise had engaged at age 27 in a duel and wounded the

man, Richard Coke, whom he had narrowly defeated for his first term in

congress. A few years later, Wise incurred life-long notoriety as a duelist

resulting from his role as a second in the deadly, Cilley-Graves duel.

50

Outside the scope of gentlemanly conduct, Wise initiated several truly

remarkable brawls while in the House of Representatives, at least one of

which engulfed the entire House floor in a scene of mayhem. He was

infamous for having threatened to shoot a Congressional witness during the

man’s testimony in the House chambers. His intense hatred of House

Speaker (and future president) James K. Polk was legendary. Wise’s verbal

and physical abuse of Speaker Polk actually culminated in his storied pulling

of Speaker Polk’s nose.

During a dispute with the Royal Court of Brazil over a a new-born princess’s

baptism, American Minister Henry A. Wise threatened to have the American

warships anchored in the harbor at Rio open fire on the town.

In 1856, as the newly elected Governor of Virginia, Wise vowed to march his

state’s entire militia to Washington and take over the Capitol if John C.

Fremont had won the 1856 Presidential election.

During his time as governor of Virginia, Wise had engaged in a widely

publicized physical altercation in his office within the Capitol building,

during which he contributed a deft punch in the nose and a strong kick in the

seat of the pants to vanquish his opponent.

In 1858, Henry Wise had set his sights on the 1860 Democratic presidential

nomination. In August, Wise corresponded with New York Democrat party

committee chairman and professed admirer, Bernard Donnelly. In an exchange of

personal correspondence regarding the upcoming convention, Wise, in a fatal

indiscretion, discussed with Donnelly the possibility to suborn the New York

delegation as a means to secure Wise the nomination. Wise’s letter was

subsequently published in the New York papers, seized upon, and widely

distributed. It caused a tremendous negative reaction that effectively derailed

Wise’s prospects for the nomination. However, in 1859 the aging dragon had lost

none of his fire or his presidential aspirations. In his last few months as Governor,

Wise was hoping to somehow still pursue the nomination when John Brown’s raid

at Harper’s Ferry hit Virginia and Henry Wise like a lightning bolt. In October,

Wise had been denied the opportunity, and the glory, to defend Virginia’s “sacred

soil,” arriving too late at Harper’s Ferry to take part in the battle. However, when

lightning struck a second unexpected time in November, it seemed fate had handed

Henry Wise another chance to both redeem Virginia’s honor and salvage his

presidential prospects.

51

BOOTH’S MOVEMENTS NOVEMBER 19, 1859

A LIKELY RECONSTRUCTION

Booth’s first stop before boarding the train was likely the baggage car where he

obtained a cap and a jacket from Libby and Bossieux. After obtaining the cap and

jacket, Booth then obtained a musket. After obtaining the musket, Booth returned

to the theater and he exited with Alfriend carrying his distinctive coat over his arm,

musket in hand. In the last few moments before the train pulled out, Booth and

Alfriend board one of the coaches that held the Grays.

BOOTH’S PERMISSION TO BOARD

LIBBY AND BOSSIEUX WERE BOYS WITH NO AUTHORITY

Contrary to the impression that Tucker’s article conveyed, neither Libby nor

Bossieux, two junior members of the Grays, delegated to guard the company’s

baggage, had the authority to grant Booth’s permission to accompany the Gray’s to

Charlestown. Further, Taylor’s recollection claims “Capt. Elliott granted him

permission to go.”

CAPTAIN WYATT MOSELY ELLIOTT

A MAN WITH AUTHORITY

Captain Wyatt Mosely Elliott (1823-1897)

Image Courtesy VMI

52

According to Taylor’s manuscript, the individual who authorized Booth getting on

the train that night was Richmond Grays Captain Wyatt Mosely Elliott. That night

Elliott, who was 36, would also be functioning as 1st Regimental Commander due

to the illness of Colonel Thomas P. August. Col. August would travel and join the

Regiment separately a few days later.

ELLIOT GRANTED PERMISSION

BUT WAS IT SOLELY ON HIS OWN AUTHORITY,

OR WAS IT AT THE DIRECTION OF SOMEONE ELSE?

Elliott, a graduate of the Virginia Military Institution, “VMI,” known as the West

Point of the South, would have followed accepted military protocol that night and

observed the understood mandate that only enrolled members be allowed to board

the train. Why would Elliott deviate from protocol and authorize Booth to go along?

There was no known connection between the two men. Elliott never provided any

recollections of knowing Booth. Even if Elliott, as acting regimental commander,

granted Booth permission to go, it is unlikely that Elliott would have done so on

solely his own authority when the ultimate authority, the tempestuous Governor

Henry A. Wise, a political adversary, would be on that same train.

Richmond Grays Captain Wyatt Mosely Elliott was the proprietor of the Richmond

Whig, a Wise opposition paper. That evening Elliott was in a very delicate

position. His editor, Robert Ridgway, was amongst Wise’s most fervent political

enemies. In less than two years the Governor’s son, O. Jennings Wise had been

involved in eight duels defending his father’s honor and had beaten Ridgway in a

very public canning over repeatedly calling his father an “ass” in an editorial which

had appeared in Elliott’s own paper. Wise and his son and champion, O. Jennings

Wise, a Private in Company F, would both be on this same train.

As acting Regimental Commander that night, would Elliott have further strained his

relationship with the Governor or his son by authorizing an unproven volunteer to

accompany the Regiment without first obtaining either Wise’s consent? Without

that consent, Elliott would be held responsible for any subsequent embarrassment

caused by the man’s actions. Even worse, his inclusion in the first place could be

construed by the combustible Governor to have been an intentional act by Elliott to

politically sabotage Wise’s hopes to salvage his 1860 presidential aspirations.

(“Shall the Charleston Convention Nominate Henry A. Wise”, National Era,

November 7, 1859). Could the authority behind Elliott’s permission have been the

Governor’s son, “Private” O. Jennings Wise?

53

“PRIVATE” O. JENNINGS WISE

A MAN WITH MORE AUTHORITY

“Private” O. Jennings Wise was in a unique position to add authority, if sought, to

Elliott’s permission. O. Jennings Wise, Obie, the eldest son of Governor Henry

Wise and Editor of the Richmond Enquirer, was Virginia’s most unusual and

powerful private.

Under the laws of the State of Virginia, any man who participated in a duel, either

as a principal or second, was barred (disenfranchised) from holding commissioned

rank or elected office. Virginia granted periodic amnesties, but any known dueling

activity that stemmed subsequent to the last declared amnesty period resulted in

disenfranchisement until the next amnesty was adopted. This law led to some very

unusual privates during the 1859 militia deployments, the most famous being

Obadiah (O.) Jennings Wise himself.

“Obie’” held the singular distinction of having engaged in a record eight duels in

less than two years while defending his father’s honor, in one even borrowing a flint

rifle from the State Armory (“To the Public”, Richmond Whig, November 26,

1858.) Despite being the Governor’s son, under the laws of Virginia, until the next

amnesty was adopted, Obie’s very public dueling record held him, officially at

least, to the rank of a private in Richmond’s Company F.

During the November 1859 deployment of the 1st Virginia Regiment to

Charlestown Col. J. Lucius Davis, then commanding on site, (the same man whose

alarmed telegram to Governor Wise on November 19th set the special train in

motion) proudly recounted to the northern newspapermen present that he had served

as Obie’s second in a recent “affair of honor.” (John Brown’s Invasion, November

19, 1859, New York Herald Tribune) The public knowledge of this detail, was

seized upon with Northern glee and spread beyond Virginia. Once widely known,

Gov. Wise was compelled to appoint, in a delicately worded order of substitution,

General William B. Taliaferro in Lucas’ stead (“Morsenographic for the Public

Ledger from Charlestown, Va” Public Ledger November 24, 1859, and “Military

Orders”, Alexandria Gazette, November 28, 1859.)

54

Members of Governor Wise’s staff at Charlestown

Quarter Plate (Ambrotype taken by Lewis Dinkle at Charlestown 1859 Museum of

the Confederacy)

Left to Right (Standing) - James Lyons Esq., Major Alexander G. Taliaferro,

Private O. Jennings Wise. Seated: General William B. Taliaferro, Military Secretary

Samuel Bassett French.

[James Lyons was the brother of Governor Henry Wise’s third wife, Mary (Lyons)

Wise, who was Obie’s Stepmother. In the above ambrotpe, Lyons is seen facing

and saluting in the direction of a whimsically smiling “Private” O. Jennings Wise.]

55

JENNINGS WISE AND WILKES BOOTH

O. Jennings Wise, Cropped from Charles Dinkle Group Ambrotype

Charlestown, 1859

While in Charlestown, Elliott performed double duty as both Captain of the

Richmond Grays and reporter for his newspaper the Richmond Whig. Obie, Editor

of the Richmond Enquirer, did likewise, serving both as a private in Company F

and as reporter for his own newspaper (Boyd Stutler database; NY Semi-Weekly

Tribune article dated November 25, 1859.) Both papers represented opposing

political views. The Enquirer, partially owned by Henry Wise, and edited by his

son, was known as “Wise’s Organ.” Elliott’s paper, the Richmond Whig and its

editor Robert Ridgway, were political opponents.

The often quoted “sock and buskin” reference to John Wilkes Booth at Charlestown

(see below), commonly associated with the December 1, 1859 New York Herald,

was actually a stringer from earlier articles that appeared on November 29, 1859 in

both Elliott’s and Wise’s newspapers, the Richmond Whig and the Richmond

Enquirer. As such, the original article must have been written and telegraphed by

one of the only two reporters who could have filed the story from Charlestown,

Wyatt M. Elliott or O. Jennings Wise.

56

“The Richmond Grays and Company F, which seem to vie with

each other in the handsome appearance they present reminded one

of uncaged birds, so wild and gleesome they appear. Amongst

them I notice Mr. J. Wilkes Booth, a son of Junius Booth, who,

though not a member, as soon as he heard the tap of the drum,

threw down the sock and buskin and shouldered his musket and

marched with the Grays to the reported scene of deadly conflict”

(“The Harpers Ferry Trouble”, New York Herald, December 1,

1859, reprinted from: “ Charlestown Intelligence”, Richmond

Whig, November 29, 1859, and “Charlestown Intelligence”,

Richmond Enquirer, November 29, 1859 emphasis added.)

Of additional interest is that the article addressed both respective companies, O.

Jennings Wise’s Company F and John Wilkes Booth’s Richmond Grays.

Notably, another period article that comments on Obie’s dueling disqualification,

astonishingly links both Obie’s and John Wilkes Booth’s presence at Charlestown

in the same sentence.

“In the ranks of Company F from Richmond are O. Jennings

Wise, the Governor’s son and a younger brother of Edwin Booth,

the tragedian. The later left the theater immediately after a

performance and hastened to join his corps. Mr. Wise who would

occupy a higher post were he not a duelist, and thus disqualified

from holding office, shares the privations of his associates – a fact

which the citizens point to with astonished pride. He takes his

turn at the picket guard and the cook shop manfully with the rest”

(“The Harper’s Ferry Troubles”, Commercial Advertiser,

December 1, 1859.)

The source of the article is attributed to the New York paper, Commercial

Advertiser, but like the “Charlestown Intelligence” article, it might too have been a

stringer from an earlier Richmond newspaper. If so, then along with the “sock and

buskin” article referencing Booth at Charlestown, there could only have been two

sources, reporters Wyatt Mosely Elliott (The Richmond Whig) or O. Jennings Wise

(The Richmond Enquirer).

57

AN ADDITIONAL CONNECTION BETWEEN

O. JENNINGS WISE AND JOHN WILKES BOOTH

In a letter from noted researcher James O. Hall to Dr. Constance Head, dated March

17, 1982, Hall wrote that in the “Booth effects listed in M599 is the signature, O.

Jennings Wise on the back of a little card of some sort” (M599; Investigation and

Trial Papers relating to the Assassination of President Lincoln, NARA, National

Archives, Washington D.C., Catalog ID: 595601.) The card had no bearing on the

events of 1865. Thus, the card was not cataloged and is buried in over at thousand

feet of microfilm, making it a challenge to locate.

Until that card is located, there can only be theories as to what it might be and what

light it can shed on the relationship that existed in 1858-1860 between Jennings

Wise and Wilkes Booth. It is known that John Wilkes Booth left Richmond by the

end of May 1860. The card bearing O. Jennings Wise’s signature had to predate

that departure. Perhaps the card pertained to some event held in Richmond,

possibly at the Governor’s Mansion. It is also possible that the card played a role in

the events of November 19th. Perhaps Booth in the last few minutes at the depot

presented the card to Captain Elliott: It authorizing Booth to board the train.

Perhaps the card was used to obtain a State issued gun [Militia rifles were stored in

the Bell Tower in Capital Square (Dowdey, Clifford, 1992, A History of the

Confederacy: 1832-1865, Barnes & Noble Books, pg. 63)] However, the existence

of the card establishes that a relationship of some sort existed between the two men.

Whatever its meaning, the card was important enough to Booth for him to keep for

the remainder of his life, winding up in the cataloged “Booth effects” in 1865.

Perhaps it even served as a reminder of when his sister Asia said John had

“unsought, enrolled himself” on that remarkable night.

WHO WAS O. JENNINGS WISE?

In antebellum Richmond, the gallant O. Jennings Wise, eldest son of Governor

Henry Wise, was the personification of all things Southern and Chivalrous.

Richmond Gray Edward M. Alfriend’s brother, noted author Frank Alfriend, would

leave a recollection of Obie.

“he [Obie] had become, at the time of his death (1862), a sort of idol

to worship and model to imitate. He was the highest type of their

class, the purest reflection of their time-honored code of chivalry, the

champion of their state pride and the fitting exponent of their

58

unrivalled traditions.” (Alfriend, Frank, “Recollections of O. Jennings

Wise”, Crescent Monthly, Vol. 1, April 1866.)

Others would comment on Obie’s embodiment of the concepts of gentility and

chivalry, velvet and steel.

”…it would be difficult to imagine a human being more modest,

kindly and simple…yet with these softer traits …his nerve had in

it something antique and splendid, as of the elder days of chivalry,

when neither monster nor magician, giant nor winged dragon,

could make the heart of the good knight quail, or move him from

his steadfast purpose. Indeed you would have said that the Creator

had breathed into this clay the loveliest traits of humanity, and

raised up in the prosaic nineteenth century a “good knight” of old

days, to show the loveliness of honour.” (Cooke, John Esten, The

Wearing of the Gray, 1867)

“Gentle as was that brother – tender and loving as he was to

everyone, devoted as a slave to his father, deferential to his

mother as if she had been a queen, courteous and considerate

towards the humblest servant who ministered to his wants,

honored and beloved by everybody with whom he was thrown he

was nevertheless as fearless and uncompromising in certain things

as the fiercest knight who ever entered the lists. He was, more

emphatically than any man I ever knew, the type of the class to

which he belonged.” (Wise, John Sergeant, End of an Era,

Houghton Mifflin, 1899, pg. 65 – emphasis added)

In 1859, Obie, the 19th century’s “good knight,” was the “idol to worship and

model to imitate.” He was Richmond’s “Prince of the City.”

59

WHY WOULD O. JENNINGS WISE

AUTHORIZE BOOTH TO GO ALONG THAT NIGHT?

According to John Sergeant Wise, Obie’s youngest brother,

“[o]ne night we attended the play of “East Lynne” at the old Richmond

Theatre. The performance was poor enough, to be sure, to a young man

fresh from Paris, but I thought it was great. On our way home, he [Obie]

remarked that the only performer of merit in the cast was the young

fellow, John Wilkes Booth. In him, he said, there was the making of a

good actor. The criticism made an impression upon me, who remembered

the man and the name. Little did I imagine then that in seven years[1865]

my beloved companion would be one of the victims of our great national

tragedy or that, at its close, the callow stripling who played before us that

night would shock the civilized world with the awful assassination of the

President” (Wise, John Sergeant, End of an Era, Houghton, Mifflin and

Company, 1899, pg. 65.)

Given the social aspects of antebellum Richmond and the signed card found in the

Booth’s 1865 effects, it is more than likely that O. Jennings Wise and John Wilkes

Booth were acquainted. John Sergeant Wise’s recollection of a single observation

of one performance some 40 years later might have been a loving brother’s

protective post-assassination distancing. We know from John Sergeant Wise that

Obie enjoyed the theater, they went often, and Alfriend stated that Booth in

Richmond “was a great social favorite, knowing all of the best men and many of the

finest women.” Certainly O. Jennings Wise more than qualified as one of those

“best men” in Richmond.

Dr. Beale’s daughter would recall that their home was an almost nightly site for

after-theater parties with John Wilkes Booth often present.

“Many a night he (Booth) would return home with my father after the

play was over. There was always a warm supper and a warm welcome

for my father’s guests after the theater doors were closed…Almost

every night my father would drop in the Richmond Theater, where he

had a box, and it was seldom that he came home alone.” (Notes and

Correspondence of Mary Bella Beale in the David Rankin Barbee

Papers, Georgetown University Library, Special Collections Research

Center, Box 5, folder 280)

60

Dr. James Beale was a prominent Richmond physician. John Wilkes Booth was a

frequent guest at his house…and here the young actor met the cream of Richmond

Society (John Rhodenhamel and Louise Taper, editors, Right or Wrong, God Judge

Me, the Writings of John Wilkes Booth, University of Illinois Press, Urbana and

Chicago, 2001, Pg. 46.)

The “best men” were very social beings, and “sociability” was one of the marks of

being a gentleman. Obie’s home at the Governor’s Mansion in Capitol Square, the

Marshall Theater, the Beale residence, and Booth’s hotel room at the Powhatan

House, were all within a few blocks of each other, providing the opportunity for

Obie and Booth to socialize, and they would have.

To the class of men who represented “the Chivalry” of Richmond, which O.

Jennings Wise personified, the young Wilkes Booth, the southern boy from the

Maryland countryside with his “Quixotic notions” would have already been

accepted as one of them. On the night of November 19th

, determined to board the

train, Wilkes Booth would likely have sought out and appealed to the acknowledged

leader of that class of men, Jennings Wise, for permission to prove his fealty to

Virginia.

“When the John Brown raid occurred, Booth left the Richmond

Theater for the scene of strife in a picked company with which he

had affiliated for some time. From his connection with the militia

on this occasion he was wont to trace his fealty to Virginia.”

(Townsend, George Alfred, New York, Dick & Fitzgerald, The

Life, Crime and Capture of John Wilkes Booth, 1865, Page 22

emphasis added)

GOVERNOR HENRY A. WISE

THE ULTIMATE AUTHORITY

The final decision on who could allow Booth to board the train that evening would

have rested with the ultimate authority, both on that train and within the

Commonwealth of Virginia, its indomitable Governor Henry Alexander Wise.

Henry Wise was a flamboyant individual with a volatile temper. That night, the

stakes could not have been any higher for Henry Wise who was risking both his

personal and State’s honor as well as his own political future on the conduct of his

1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers.

61

Henry Wise had “his eye upon these men” and when he cautioned them “he relied

upon them for his honor” they were well aware of the responsibility those words

carried and the consequences of failure. All of Virginia and certainly these very

same men knew of his rage at missing the earlier October opportunity to defend its

sacred soil. Upon his arrival and dismay at finding the combat ended, Wise was

likened to “a man who in a violent passion had kicked at a door, only to find it

open” (David Hunter Strother’s Lecture on John Brown, Cleveland, 1868.)

After arriving too late in October, Wise was determined that on his second

unexpected chance to defend Virginia, he and his men would arrive in time and that

they would face up to any challenge encountered. As with the earlier deployment,

Wise fully expected these men to again be able to “preserve their order, composure,

dignity and discipline in the midst of highest excitement and confusion.” It would

be “no holiday parade, but a summons into actual service; “there must be no child’s

play; and you must, and I am sure you will, observe strictly the orders and

requirements of the service in which you are engaged” (“The Harper’s Ferry

Outbreak; Speech of Governor Wise at Richmond”, New York Herald, October 26,

1859 and “Governor Wise’s Speech at Richmond on the Subject of the Harper’s

Ferry Rebellion”, Alexandria Gazette, October 27, 1858.) And of course, there

was that coming presidential election as well.

Under the circumstances, it is highly unlike that someone below Wise in the chain

of authority that night would countermand the sole military aspect of that evening’s

special train and risk embarrassing or incurring the wrath of the Governor of

Virginia, especially that governor with so much riding on this deployment’s

success.

For very different reasons, neither Richmond Grays Captain Wyatt Mosely Elliott

(the Acting Regimental commander that evening) or his son, O. Jennings Wise,

would have put the governor in a position to risk everything on an unknown and

untrained participant without first clearing it with him. The time to bring to Henry

Wise’s attention the existence of a volunteer non-enrolled member requesting

permission to accompany the 1st Regiment would have been prior to the train

pulling out, and certainly not later.

In spite of all of the odds against him going, the fact that John Wilkes Booth

actually went that evening and was observed by Taylor marching behind Governor

Henry Wise in Washington likely proves that Wise himself, the ultimate authority

that night, at a minimum ratified the decision allowing Booth to board.

62

TRAVELING IN “THE CARS” IN 1859

THE RAILROAD EXPERIENCE

THE DISJOINTED RAILROADS OF VIRGINIA

In 1859 Virginia, the concept of railroad consolidation remained a distant one.

Virginia’s railroads had not been designed to create a comprehensive transportation

network connecting the major cities in the state. Railroads had been independently

chartered and financed. Initially, the focus was on transporting goods (farm

products), and most track ran east and west. Gradually the transportation of goods

included passenger traffic.

Once its specific track was laid and its own needs met, little, if any, thought was

given to any “next” logical extension. Adding to the segmented aspect of Southern

railroads was the non-standardized track gauges. In the same city, railroads built

terminals/depots, in separate locations requiring ground transportation between

depots, even if the two points were merely blocks away from each other, as was the

case in Richmond with both the Richmond Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad and

the Richmond Petersburg Railroad depots along 8th Street.

The route of the Richmond Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad was unique in that

rather than running east and west across Virginia, it ran north and south, carrying

passengers and freight between Richmond and Fredericksburg. From there,

passengers and freight were transferred to steamboats sailing from Aquia Landing

up the Potomac River to reach Washington D.C. From Washington D.C. the

Baltimore & Ohio Railroad offered transit to Baltimore and up through its

connecting network fanned out east and west.

63

THE RICHMOND FREDERICKSBURGE & POTOMAC DEPOT,

8TH

& BROAD

Sources for Map are from the 1859 Richmond Directory:

Map of the City of Richmond, Va.

From a survey by I.H. Adams, Assist. U.S. Coast Survey, 1858

With Additions from Smith’s Map of Henrico County, 1853

Prepared at the U.S. Coast Survey Office,

A.D.Bache, Supt.

1864

64

RF&PRR Depot at 8th & Broad Streets (circa 1866)

Library of Congress

RF&PRR Depot at 8

th & Broad Streets (circa 1866/65)

National Archives

65

The Richmond Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad’s (RF&PRR) first station in

Richmond was a combined freight and passenger depot and was located on the

north side of H Street (later renamed Broad, perhaps in recognition of its 120 foot

width) between 7th and 8th. It was not an impressive structure. John Sergeant

Wise would describe it as “dingy” (Wise, John Sergeant, End of an Era, Houghton,

Mifflin and Company, 1899, pg. 84.) Trains loaded and unloaded passengers and

freight in the middle of Broad Street, which was unpaved, and the tracks then

continued up the middle of the street on an embankment to what was later called

Harrison Street. The RF&PRR track’s terminus along Broad Street did not end at

the depot, but continued, most likely via a wye, to the RF&PPRR yards, warehouses

and workshops located along the two blocks paralleling Broad, along Marshall and

Clay Streets.

The Marshall Theater was located immediately adjacent to the RF&PRR depot on

the Southeast corner of 7th and Broad Streets. This close proximity meant that any

train noises (whistles, bells, steam) could easily be heard by theatergoers and

disrupt performances. Thus, no trains were scheduled to arrive or depart between 7

o’clock and Midnight (The Stranger’s Guide and Official Directory for the City of

Richmond Virginia”, Geo. P. Evans & Co., Printers.)

THEATRICAL CONSEQUENCES OF A “SPECIAL TRAIN”

An extra or special train was an unscheduled train, one not found in the railroad’s

normal timetable (“Train Rules ad Kindred Subjects”, from The Railroad

Trainmen’s Journal, January, 1906.) In 1859, there were two special trains that left

Richmond during theater hours, both in response to the “affairs at Harper’s Ferry,”

and, both disrupted the performances at the Marshall Theater. On October 17,

1859,

“The notable comedian Ben Rogers was playing in “Tom and Jerry”

when he was unexpectedly greeted by a loud hiss”…Don’t get mad

Philips (Stage Manager Israel B. Phillips) – its only the “keers” (cars)

letting off steam!” That was the truth. The depot being directly

opposite the theater, the hissing came from the locomotive which had

just arrived and was steaming”(“A Theatrical Joke”, New Hampshire

Patriot, November 23, 1859 based on “Hissing an Actor by Steam”,

October 19, 1859 in the Alexandria Gazette, reprinted from the

Richmond Whig)

66

The timing of the special train on Saturday evening, November 19th, would again

interfere with that night’s scheduled performance of “The Filibuster” and “The

Toodles.” From the time the alarm bell started ringing on Saturday, November

19th, it is doubtful that Manager Kunkel at the Marshall Theater had any hope of

salvaging his box office that evening when “most of the audience poured out of the

theater to witness the proceedings, leaving the performers to play to vacant seats”

(Exciting Reports from Charlestown – Departure of the Richmond Military”,

Richmond Daily Dispatch, November 21, 1859.)

THE AMERICAN RAILROAD TRAVEL EXPERIENCE

SHAKE, RATTLE AND ROLL…

“There is a great deal of jolting, a great deal of noise, a great deal

of wall, not much window, a locomotive engine, a shriek, and a

bell. The cars are like shabby omnibuses, but larger; holding

thirty, forty, fifty people. The seats, instead of stretching from

end to end, are placed crosswise. Each seat holds two persons.

There is a long row of them on each side of the caravan, a narrow

passage up the middle, and a door at both ends. In the center of

the carriage there is usually a stove, fed with charcoal or

anthracite coal, which is for the most part red-hot. It is

insufferably close; and you see the hot air fluttering between

yourself and any other object you may happen to look at, like the

ghost of smoke---Tears the mad dragon of an engine with its train

of cars; scattering in all directions a shower of burning sparks

from its wood fire; screeching, hissing, yelling, panting, until at

last the thirsty monster stops beneath a covered way to drink, the

people cluster round, and you have time to breathe again.”

(Dickens, Charles, “American Notes for General Circulation”,

1842)

67

THE IRON HORSE

“Harness me down with your iron bands,

And be sure of your curb and rein:

For I scorn the strength of your puny hands,

As the tempest scorns the rain!”

“Rambles in the Path of the Steam-Horse”

An Off-Hand Olla Podrida”

Ele(Eli) Bowen

1855

Typical 4-4-0 Engine with boxcar and passenger car

Steam locomotive styles were commonly described by their progressive series of

wheel arrangements. In 1859 the American Design locomotive industry standard

would have had (4) driving wheels and a swiveling (4) wheel truck and no (0)

trailing wheels; designated by a 4-4-0 configuration.

68

The inventory of the RF&PRR taken March 31, 1861 showed the following

locomotive engines; all referenced to be in good order. Any of these could have

been the engine, which pulled the special train on the November 19th 1st Virginia

Militia Deployment:

Number

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

Name of Locomotive

John A. Lancaster 1856

Thomas Sharp 1849

James Bosher 1851

Eclipse 1846

Nicholas Mills 1847

Tecumseh 1845

Henry Clay 1844

George W. Munford 1853

North Star 1852

G.A. Myers 1855

GPR James 1858

Type

4-4-0

4-4-0

4-4-0

4-4-0

4-4-0

4-4-0

4-4-0

4-4-0

4-4-0

4-4-0

4-4-0

(David L. Bright,

69

The American Railroad Locomotive with “cow catcher” and all the other “Fixins”

Complete showing 4-4-0 engine

The New World in 1859: Being the United States and Canada

The “iron horse” consumed large quantities of coal or wood for fuel and water.

The heat generated by the fuel turned the water into steam and the steam drove the

engine that pulled the iron horse’s cart, the cars. Attached to the engine was the

iron horse’s feedbag, its “tender”. The tender had a compartment for fuel (wood or

coal) and one for the water. Both water and fuel need to be replenished about

every 50 miles. In 1859, trains travelled at approximately 20-25 miles per hour

during the day. Running at night, which was less frequent, the train’s speed would

have averaged between 12-18 mph. (David L. Bright,

70

Taking on Water

Library of Congress

THE CARS (ROLLING STOCK)

THE BAGGAGE CAR

The Head End Cars, the freight, baggage and mail cars, were commonly placed at

the front of the train immediately after the locomotive and tender to separate the

passengers from the large amount of smoke and cinders that the locomotive emitted.

This placement of cars was also done for passenger safety in the event of a

derailment, because the first few cars following the locomotive were typically

derailed along with it. Railroads enforced strict rules of “no passengers” on freight

or baggage cars.

71

THE PASSENGER CAR

Circa 1856 - Baltimore & Ohio RailRoad Passenger car,

arched roof, eight wheel car

Capacity 50 passengers, weight, 22,000 lbs.

The American Railroad Passenger Car

Side View, End Elevation, Interior layout with Stove and WC

(The Passenger car, (Part One) (White, John H. Jr., The American Railroad

Passenger Car, Parts I and II, Johns Hopkins Studies in the History of Technology,

1978)

“Bound for Glory” has utilized the contemporary (1856) Baltimore & Ohio

Railroad specifics as provided in White, John H. Jr., The American Railroad

Passenger Car, Parts I and II, Johns Hopkins Studies in the History of Technology,

(1978.) It is unknown if the RF&PRR cars reflected these exact specifications.

“The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad passenger car specifics for 1856

stated that its ceiling had been raised to 7 feet, deep cushions, high

padded backs and footrests added to the seating. A water closet,

72

dressing room and water cooler were provided. Lighting inside

the car was very primitive, dimly light by candles or kerosene

lamps. “

“The windows opened but on some cars, tiny ventilators were

placed high between the windows so that air could be admitted

near the ceiling without opening the windows (to avoid ash and

cinders flying into the car. The overall length was 45 feet, 6

inches, the width of the body overall was 8 feet 9 inches; height

10 feet 7 inches; truck centers, 26 feet; truck wheelbase 4 feet 3

inches. On average each car could accommodate 40-50 passengers

with minimal carryon baggage.”

73

In the universal American-style “open” passenger car, double passenger seats were

placed along a center aisle, which greatly contrasted with the European styled car,

which was comprised of a series of private compartments. Travel in the

compartment was characterized by immobility, whereas the American car provided

a great deal of mobility throughout the trip, both within the car itself and the

connecting ones.

Within passenger cars, the plainer cars were deemed “Accommodation Cars” with

the “Best Cars” being just that, offering the best accommodations and amenities.

Often a railroad’s most elaborate car was reserved for use by its president and board

of directors and was loaned out for VIP needs. The Richmond Fredericksburg &

Potomac Railroad had just such a car and its President Edwin Robinson most likely

loaned it for Governor Wise’s use during the October and November special trains.

74

SLEEPING ACCOMMODATIONS

On November 19th the sleeping accommodations would be the seats.

White, John H. Jr., The American Railroad Passenger Car, Parts I and II, Johns

Hopkins Studies in the History of Technology, (1978.)

“Sleeping Cars” on southern railroads remained years in the future. During this

period of time, a unique sleeping configuration was that of men reclining on the

seats with their feet up on either the seat in front of them or out the window. It was

not uncommon for a train to go by with rows of feet seen sticking out of both sides

of the trains’ windows (Alvarez, Eugene, Travel on Southern Antebellum Railroads

1828-1860, University of Alabama Press, 1974, pg. 57. ) Perhaps Governor Wise

and his staff had better accommodations in the RF&P Directors’ car, but the men.

Any of the men able to drift off to sleep amidst the excitement and apprehension

would likely have assumed the standard sleeping position.

75

The Railroad Passenger Car, An Illustrated History of the First

Hundred Years with Accounts by Contemporary Passengers

76

THE STOVE

The iron stove, both blessing and curse, was usually located in the middle of the

passenger car. Despite railroad signs advising that “Gentlemen are Requested Not

To Spit on the Stove,” the stove, fired by firewood or anthracite coal, provided a

tempting target for tobacco chewing men. The monotony of a long journey was

often interrupted by the sizzle of success, the sound of a direct hit coming off the

stove’s hot iron. (Alvarez, Eugene, Travel on Southern Antebellum Railroads

1828-1860, University of Alabama Press, 1974, pg. 62 )

Despite its popularity as a target, the stove’s primary purpose was to provide heat,

and this it did poorly. In addition, the passenger cars were poorly insulated. The

end result was that people near the stove were too warm and everyone else too cold.

The stove’s haze of smoke added to the general passenger discomfort, and in the

case of a heavy jolt or hard braking, or worse an actual derailment, everyone in the

coach, particularly those sitting nearest it, faced a potential life-threatening hazard

from the stove (See “Railroad Accident”, Alexandria Gazette, February 9, 1859.

LIGHTING THE WAY

When railroads first started running trains at night, they kept a bonfire lit on a flat

car pushed by the engine. By the late 1830’s, a kerosene lamp was mounted on the

locomotive’s front aided by a reflector in back of the flame. By the 1840’s the

familiar box shaped light with enhanced reflector was in common use. The light

was strong enough for the engineer and fireman to see clearly down the track at

night. During this same time period a bell was added to warn people of an

oncoming train.

In the passenger cars, illumination would be by candles, placed at the ends of each

car or arrayed in fixtures that ran down the center of the coach above the aisle.

Gentlemen wearing high stovepipe hats needed to be cautious that they did not

catch on fire.

77

THE “NECESSARY”

“The necessary” on the end of each train car was given esoteric labels such as

salon, lavatory, dressing room, washroom, water closet and retiring room, even the

term “loafing room” was employed. In reality during this time frame they were

airless, cramped closets barely 3 feet square which contained the toilet and in some

instances, a wash basin. The toilet itself was nothing more than a wooden box with

a circular hole (sometimes two) cut out on the top for a seat and the refuse dropped

directly onto the tracks. Sometimes two compartments were provided to separately

accommodate ladies. However primitive the arrangement, at least passengers on

long rides were no longer expected to solely “tend to their needs” before the start of

a journey or wait until the next station. (White, John H. Jr., The American Railroad

Passenger Car, Parts I and II, Johns Hopkins Studies in the History of Technology,

1978)

REFRESHMENTS

Other than any liquor flasks carried on board, the only refreshments in each car

consisted of a water barrel and communal tin cup attached with a chain. Normally a

20-minute rest stop to allow for a quick meal would coincide with the train taking

on water and fuel. But things that night for this special train were not normal and to

our knowledge there were no delays for meals along the route. Even with a stop

along the way, with its unusual 9:30 p.m. departure time from Richmond, the train

would have left after the usual supper period and departed from Fredericksburg on

the Potomac Steamers prior to the breakfast period. Lastly, a train with 9 cars

would have far exceeded the usual number of travelers normally anticipated.

Without sufficient advance warning, 400 men would have swamped any way

station’s service capacity, most certainly within a 20-minute period. That night in

Richmond, other than a hastily grabbed biscuit eaten on the run between a man’s

dash home and his sprint to the depot, there would be nothing but a hoped for meal

somewhere along the way later on. Even Governor Wise left without his dinner

that evening. (“The Harper's Ferry Invasion; Terrible Excitement in Richmond -

Our Richmond Correspondence – Richmond, Va. November. 20, 1859” New York

Herald, November 23, 1859)

78

THE FOOD THEY WOULD HAVE EATEN

IF THEY’D STOPPED

In addition to hosting Richmond’s militia companies’ retreats and excursions

Ashland’s “The Cottage Hotel” or more simply “The Cottage”, operated by its

genial proprietor, Mr. J. L. Thompson, served as the breakfast house for the

Richmond Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad’s train going north from

Richmond, the mid-day dining house for the train on its way south to Richmond,

and as the supper house for the evening train. Speeding by, the men on board this

night’s special train would have been familiar with the stop and the food but would

see neither on that evening’s journey.

The following meal selections were provided from “Railroads in America” in The

New World in 1859: Being the United States and Canada, Illustrated and Described

in 1859 and likely reflect standard fare.

Breakfast Station – Early a.m. “The breakfast station, with its plenty of good

cheer, in hot coffee, tea, toast, potatoes, ham and eggs, beef steaks, mutton

chops, bread and butter, eggs (boiled, poached and fried) with a tumbler of

iced-water.”

Dinner Station – 12:30 – 1:00: “Normally at the country way station; Most of

the dishes are cut up, all ready, and between soup, delicious trout from the

mountain streams at hand, farm-yard poultry, mutton, beef, pork, vegetables

and pies and tarts innumerable, with for desert –in summer season – water

melons, musk melons, huckleberries, and several fruits”

Tea or Supper Station - Generally about 5 o’clock: “The fare presented is

similar to breakfast, with the addition of pies, tarts, etc. with all kinds of

preserves.”

79

THE DANGERS OF THE RAIL

Whenever possible, “[w]hen a trail derailed, which was not uncommon, everyone,

including the passengers, had to help place it back on the rails.” (Daniels, Rudolph,

Trains across the Continent, North American Railroad History, Second Edition,

1997/2000 Indiana University Press)

Original track of the RF&P RR consisted of cross ties about 12 inches square and 7

feet long laid 5 feet apart. The rail, a straight flat strip of iron ½ inch thick and 2

inches wide, was laid by nailing it down to wooden stringers that were wedged into

the cross ties. Shown contrasted with a “modern” rail circa 1980. The rail weighed

only 16 pounds to the yard and was often the cause of serious accidents.

80

Snapped rail was also responsible for derailments including the Baltimore & Ohio

Railroad passenger car derailment depicted below in Western Virginia. This is the

same area and terrain where the November special train would be traveling.

Depiction of historic derailment of B&ORR –Two passenger cars tumbled

100 feet down at steep cliff at Cheat River in West Virginia Mountains 1853. Cars

were derailed by a loose rail. Train Wrecks a Pictorial History of Accidents on the

Main Line

81

SNAKEHEADS

Another danger was from “Snakeheads.” If a nail became loose, the thin strap

would bend up in what was known as a “snake’s head” which occasionally was

known to thrust itself through the wood floor of coaches, injuring, maiming or

killing passengers. Sledgehammers were kept handy to pound the offending

snakehead back onto the wooden stringer. (Griffin, William E., Jr. , One Hundred

Fifty Years of History: Along the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad.

Richmond: Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad Co., 1984.)

Snakehead” circa 1861

Train Wrecks a Pictorial History of Accidents on the Main Line

THE “DANGERS OF TOBACCO”

THE NOXIOUS WEED – TRAIN ETIQUETTE

The southern man’s love of his “noxious weed” in all of its forms was legendary.

Smoked, chewed or sniffed, it would be embraced by many, if not all of the men of

Richmond, including those who comprised its 1st Regiment of Volunteers. That

night on the train many of these 400 men, most certainly including Governor Wise,

engaged in all of these pursuits; whether smoking against the rules on the train’s

platforms or spitting on the stove – tobacco was in the air one way or another, and a

prodigious amount of it too.

Sometimes the presence of ladies (certainly not present on this night’s special

military train) would shame a man’s smoking or chewing on “the cars” into a

82

temporary submission; or force men to smoke or spit concealed in the water closets.

The absence of ladies that night meant that a man could light up at will in his seat,

or on the car platforms to get a breath of fresh air, or spit as he pleased on the hot

stove in each car without censure.

THE “SEGAR”

Cigars or “Segars” were prominently and incongruously on display when an

unidentified volunteer company chose to smoke them while on parade (City Items –

“The Militia”, Richmond Whig, April 29, 1859.) The inundation of segars in

Virginia was decried in the article “Inveterate Smoking”, which complained about

the invasion of segars everywhere one looked. (Alexandria Gazette, August 3,

1848)

THE DANGERS OF SMOKING

While disapproving ladies were absent that night on the train, a gentleman’s need for

his segar coupled with the dangers of smoking on a moving train remained. Sudden

train movements were common and an unprepared gentleman enjoying his segar on

the car’s platform could find himself and his segar deposited along the tracks or

crushed between the cars. While no accidents was reported that night, incidents like

these were common. The railroad prohibitions against standing on the platforms to

smoke or secreting oneself in the baggage car to do so were routinely ignored in the

love affair between a gentleman and his segar.

“THE JUICE”

“Although the offensive cigar in “everybody’s mouth” caused smarting

of the eyes within the coaches, the tobacco-chewer was believed to

have had no manners at all ….[t]he most disgusting passenger was the tobacco chewer.” (Alvarez, Eugene, Travel on Southern

Antebellum Railroads 1828-1860, University of Alabama Press, 1974,

pgs. 130 &131)

One could always extinguish a cigar, but remedying a mouth full of saliva required

a receptacle, an open space, a handkerchief, or a nonchalant attitude as to where it

was deposited. On the railroad cars of the day, the heating stove positioned in the

middle of each car made for a handy target. This practice of whiling away the time

spent on a journey by spitting at the car’s stove was not held in universal high

83

regard but with inveterate chewer Governor Wise on board setting the example, and

the absence of any ladies, likely the tobacco juice was flying that evening.

“The Richmond Compiler very properly exposes the offensive and

disgusting practice of many passengers upon the Rail Road Cars,

in spitting great streams of tobacco juice on the heated stoves,

thereby rendering the confined atmosphere not only offensive, but

sickening to those who have no taste for the “vile weed.” But this

is not all. Every corner and space under the seats is also filled by

the filthy saliva, so that, if by accident you drop your

handkerchief, gloves or cloak, they are rendered unfit for decent

hands ever after.” (“Hit them Again”, Alexandria Gazette, January

12, 1846)

“In railroad cars-it was not uncommon to see the floor covered with the filthy scum.” (Alvarez, Eugene, Travel on

Southern Antebellum Railroads 1828-1860, University of

Alabama Press, 1974, pg. 130)

84

“BOUND FOR GLORY” WITH HENRY WISE:

CHRONICLING THE JOURNEY TO CHARLESTOWN

NOVEMBER 19-20, 1859

Governor Henry A. Wise Library of Congress

The Route to Charlestown

Richmond, Virginia - Saturday, November 19, 1859

Richmond, Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad Depot: 8th & Broad Streets

6:00 PM - Capitol Square Bell Tower alarm rings calling for assembly of troops to

be sent to Charlestown.

85

Capitol Square circa 1850

From Urban Scale Richmond

“Total area, fourteen (14) acres and three (3) quarters; two acres of which is taken

up by the grounds of the Executive Mansion, leaving twelve (12) acres and there

(3) quarters as the area of the Square proper. “ Capitol Square, June 21, 1872

(Richmond Whig)

86

6:00 PM to 9:00 PM - 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers gather at the Richmond,

Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad (RF&PRR) Depot at 8th

and Broad Streets

under the command of Richmond Grays Captain Wyatt Mosely Elliott, Acting

Colonel Commanding. (Colonel Thomas P. August was ill and would follow

separately)

Richmond Grays 80

Richmond Light Infantry Blues 78

Company F 75

Montgomery Guard 50

Young Guard 40

Howitzer Corps 46

Virginia Rifles 35

1st Regiment 404

“The number given above – a little over 400 men – is as nearly correct

as we could ascertain it in the confusion of the moment” (Local Matters

-Exciting Reports from Charlestown – Departure of the Richmond

Military, Richmond Daily Dispatch, November 21, 1859.)

The company breakdown provided in the article did not include Governor Wise and

his staff who left that evening as well. Average passenger coach capacity would be

approximately 50. Some of the companies occupied multiple cars.

9:30 - 10 PM – Special (unscheduled) dedicated military train departed from the

Broad Street Depot consisting of one class 4-4-0 engine pulling 9 cars (8 passenger

cars, 1 baggage car) and transporting approximately 400+ men including Governor

Wise and staff. Governor Wise and Staff most likely riding in RF&PRR President

Edwin Robinson’s coach car. Destination terminus at Fredericksburg/Aquia Creek.

The train followed the same route as the Great Southern Mail, The RF&PRR from

Richmond to Fredericksburg with a transfer via the Potomac Steamships at Aquia

Creek for the remainder of the trip to reach Washington. D.C.(Advertisement,

Alexandria Gazette, January 13, 1855, Daily National Intelligencer, February 12,

1855)

11 PM – Ashland. The first stop along the RF&PRR line from Richmond to the

railroad’s terminus at Fredericksburg would normally have been at Ashland, 16

87

miles from Richmond. Ashland’s familiar grounds and its hotel, “Slash Cottage,”

was the site of many a gala social event held under the guise of a militia excursion.

On the night of November 19th however, the special train carrying these men would

not be stopping and the journey on which they were embarking would be no

excursion.

Milford, Virginia - Sunday, November 20, 1859

1 AM – A “Special Train” (an unscheduled train taking a direct route) would not

have stopped until the mandatory 50 mile interval to take on wood and water. This

stop would most likely have been at the Milford Depot. There was an approximate

delay of 1 hour at Milford.

Fredericksburg/Aquia Creek, Virginia - Sunday, November 20, 1859

From/To: Richmond to Aquia Creek, Virginia

Distance Traveled: 76 miles

Arrival Time: 4:00 am (approximate)

Travel Time: 5 hours

Travel Speed: 12 mph (average reduced night running speed)

4:00 AM – The train arrived at RF&PRR terminus at Fredericksburg located near

the wharf at Aquia Creek where the Potomac steamship already loaded with the

Great Southern Mail, had been kept waiting. The troops disembarked and baggage

transferred from the train to the steamship for the next travel segment to

Washington D.C. “There was no delay in forwarding either the men or the mail”.

(“The Harper’s Ferry Invasion” , New York Herald, November 24, 1859.)

Travel Notes

In 1859, Aquia Landing was located at the confluence of Aquia Creek and the

Potomac River in Stafford County, Virginia. Aquia Landing had served as a

steamship wharf as early as 1815. In 1842 the Richmond, Fredericksburg &

Potomac Railroad was extended north to Aquia Landing, completing its line from

Richmond to the Potomac River. Aquia Landing was the only direct rail to

steamboat transfer point on the Potomac River between Richmond and Washington

D.C. The connection between Richmond and Washington normally took nine hours

by rail and steam. This 9-hour travel time included additional stops for meals,

which the special train did not make.

88

Northern Terminus RF&PRR at

Aquia Creek

One Hundred Fifty Years of History

Along the Richmond, Fredericksburg

and Potomac Railroad (Circa 1861)

Aquia Creek Landing where the

RF&PRR transferred its passengers

To steamships for the run up to

Washington D.C. The line of track can

be seen curving to the right in the

middle of the picture (Circa 1862)

David L. Bright,

89

Aquia Creek Battlefield Shoreline Erosion Map

Showing location of original RF&PRR railway, siding & wye (1862)

Stafford County, Virginia

90

The Potomac River - Sunday, November 20, 1859

From/To: Aquia Creek, Virginia to Washington City, District of Columbia

Distance Traveled: 55 miles

Arrival Time: 7:00 am

Travel Time: 3 1/2 hours

Travel Speed: 12 mph

4:30 AM - The journey continued by steamboat on the Potomac River to

Washington City, District of Columbia, passing in view of Mount Vernon.

Travel Notes

“In the distance, the just risen moon was throwing its beams

across the rippling waters of the Potomac and at the wharf lay the

noble steamer careening as company after company marched with

heavy tramp to her spacious decks. The loud tones of command

of the busy officers and the hurried rush of the baggage porters

were the only sounds that disturbed the stillness of the night.”

(Richmond Dispatch, Nov. 21, 1859)

The above recollection provided to the Richmond Dispatch by a member of the

Richmond Howitzers who went on the train indicates that a single steamship was

used. The ship could have been the Mount Vernon, the Powhatan or perhaps the

larger steamship the Baltimore (“Local Items”, Alexandria Gazette, December 23,

1859.)

During the initial October deployment, Governor Wise made a speech on the

steamship to the only company with him during that trip, Company F. His words

below were most likely repeated in some fashion during this second trip to his

entire Regiment. The most dramatic point of course for Wise to have made the

comments would have been when passing Mount Vernon, invoking the memory of

George Washington.

“I thank you for your prompt response to the call made upon you

at an hour’s notice. You are already known as gentlemen at home

and you are now, for the first time, to prove yourselves soldiers.

Called to restore order, you will be careful to preserve order in

your own ranks. On no holiday parade, but summoned into actual

service, there must be no child’s play; and you must, and I am

91

sure you will, observe strictly the orders and requirements of the

service in which you are engaged. It may be my duty to proclaim

martial law; it will be yours to enforce it with the sternest

discipline, and strictest regard to military rule. I shall be jealous

of your honor, as I am confident you will be of mine. I rely upon

you. “ (The Harper’s Ferry Outbreak; Speech of Governor Wise at

Richmond”, New York Herald, October 26, 1859.)

Potomac Steam Ship (circa 1860)

One Hundred and Fifty and Fifty

Years of History along the Richmond,

Fredericksburg and Potomac RailRoad

92

Broadside for

Richmond Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad Steamships circa 1856

Library of Congress

93

Washington City, District of Columbia, Sunday, Nov. 20, 1859

Sixth Street Wharf, Washington DC (circa 1865)

Library of Congress

7 AM – 10 AM The steamship docked at the 6th

Street Wharf landing at

Washington at the foot of 6th

Street and the Washington Channel. The men

disembark, form ranks, and follow Governor Wise on a two-mile march through the

city, to the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad (B&ORR) depot at New Jersey Avenue and

C Street, arriving there at 10AM. (Richmond Dispatch, Nov. 21, 1859)

Travel Notes

There would be an approximate 3-hour layover in Washington City, more than

enough time for Henry Wise to shake things up in the Nation’s capitol. In 1851,

Wise’s flamboyant “5 day speech” made in Richmond at the Constitutional

Convention was noted in contemporary newspaper accounts as having outdrawn

John’s father, the great Junius Brutus Booth who was then performing at the

Marshall Theater (Southside Democrat; Petersburg, Va., “Henry A. Wise,” May 12,

1851, as reprinted in Daily Alabama Journal.) Both performances would pale in

comparison to the show that Henry Wise put on that morning in Washington.

94

“Sunday was a day of great excitement in Washington, and our

old woman, together with some of the democratic politicians are

not entirely over it. Troops were continually marching through

the city (on the Sunday mentioned; this would be Sunday, Nov.

20th) and the wildest rumors were flying over the town. Some had

it that John Brown had escaped, others that a terrible battle was

going on near Charlestown – that five hundred men all armed to

the teeth, had come down from the Western Reserve

(Pennsylvania) to the rescue of Brown.” (“Washington; Gov.

Wise”, St. Albans Messenger, December 1, 1859)

“Governor Wise is a thousand times more dangerous at large and

clothed with a little brief authority, than Osawatomie Brown. He

is going to hang the brave old man for treason against Virginia,

and with his hand upon the throat of his victim he threatens to

“break up the Union!” A late Washington letter, in noticing the

tramp through the National Capitol of Governor Wise and his

Virginia militia says: Since I commenced this letter, the gallant

Governor has passed through Washington on his way to

Charlestown and John Brown. He was accompanied by five

hundred troops and several pieces of cannon. (“Henry Wise -

Breaking up the Union”, Cleveland Leader, November 29, 1859

emphasis added,)

“Governor Wise passed through this city with five hundred men,

armed for war…certainly enlivened an early morning Sunday in

Washington…”(“Mr. Lovejoy’s Address”, Constitution, Nov. 26,

1859.)

“Arrival here yesterday (Sunday, Nov. 20, 1859) morning of

Governor Wise of Virginia, with a regiment of Virginia

Volunteers from Richmond, four hundred and four strong in rank

and file. They left Washington by railroad for Harper’s Ferry and

Charlestown at 10 o’clock a.m., Governor Wise accompanying

them. “ (“Local Matters”, Washington Daily National

Intelligencer, Nov. 21, 1859,)

“Gov. Wise of Virginia, accompanied by nearly 400 troops,

arrived here by special conveyance (special train) and at twenty

minutes past ten a.m. today left by express train (Baltimore &

95

Ohio Railroad) of cars en route for Charlestown, Va.

(“Movements of Governor Wise and the Military”, Washington

Daily National Intelligencer, Nov. 20, 1859 and Correspondence

of the Baltimore Sun, Nov. 21, 1859)

The sight of Henry Wise “cutting a big figure” while parading through Washington

at the head of his 400 armed and uniformed 1st Regiment of Virginia was a matter

of grave concern and got the entire city’s attention. The concern stemmed, in part,

from Wise’s threat to invade Washington D.C. three years earlier with the entire

state’s militia.

Henry Wise’s Threatened March on Washington – 1856

In 1856, the then newly elected Governor Wise had threatened that if Republican

John C. Fremont were elected President he would march at the head of twenty

thousand men on Washington to take possession of the Capitol and prevent his

inauguration, thereby saving the “Confederation of States” (the United States,) from

the disunion which would ensue from Fremont’s abolitionist platform.

“Gentlemen: Are you aware of the fact that this madcap, Wise –

for I declare upon my honor I would say he was a crazy man – are

you aware that Wise has issued his proclamation for offering all

the militia of the state and to hold themselves in readiness for his

call?” (“Botts Vs. Wise”, National Era, October. 9, 1856,

emphasis added)

“The scheme of Gov. Wise to take forcible possession of the

public offices at Washington and turn out Col. Fremont, in case he

should be elected….”(“Gov. Wise”, Milwaukee Sentinel,

February 16, 1860 quoting from the Knoxville Whig)

Wise received more than criticism. There were calls for his arrest, even within

Virginia from a former United States Congressman:

“I address you this note to request that you will, at the earliest

practicable moment, publish in your paper the speech of his

Excellency, Henry A. Wise, Governor of the Commonwealth of

Virginia – Let them see what this madman of their own selection

is prepared for them. I have often listened to the insane ravings of

a lunatic in the asylum but never, never in the whole course of my

96

life have I heard, read or witnessed the workings of a disordered

brain more strongly stamped with madness than in this instance –

this man is either a natural born fool, a lunatic, or conspirator in

fact, and a traitor in his heart… Is he a natural born fool? I do not

think he is. Is he a lunatic? I believe before God he is partially

deranged, and I have believed so for the last six years – of his

daily conversations as reported in the public streets, of his

intention in the event of Fremont’s election, to take possession of

Old Point Comfort (Washington) – and then tell whether he is

lunatic or conspirator, and whether it has not become the duty of

the proper authorities to have him immediately arrested. Where is

Judge Taney? Where is Judge Halliburton? Where is the District

Attorney? Where is the Grand Jury of this Eastern District of

Virginia – Finally, where is the President of the United States?”

Letters John M. Botts – Botts Declares Gov. Wise a Madman”,

October 7, 1856, New York Herald.)

Henry Wise’s March on Washington - 1859

Driving the intense public interest over the early Sunday morning’s fine display of

military was Wise’s well-remembered 1856 threat to “march on Washington.”

“We all remember that Governor Wise, in 1856, threatened in the

event of Freemont’s election, to march a southern army upon

Washington to seize the treasury and archives of the federal

government, and to march off with them, and set up an

independent Southern Confederacy.“(Reprinted in New York

Herald, Dec. 26, 1859)

The flamboyant Henry Wise was “good for it” and every politician and

newspaperman in Washington, including the man who had won the 1856 election,

President James Buchanan, certainly knew. It was also common knowledge that the

eccentric and ambitious Henry Wise made no secret of his desire to sit in the chair

Buchanan then occupied.

Unlike his threatened march in 1856, Wise during the October 1859 militia

deployment followed proper protocol and requested authorization to pass through

the District of Columbia and the State of Maryland with his armed Virginia

regiment. It was likely that Wise followed the same advance notification for the

November deployment.

97

“Telegrams were also sent to the Governor of Maryland and

President Buchanan for authority to pass through the District of

Columbia and Maryland with armed troops that route being the

quickest to Harper’s Ferry” (Wise, John Sergeant, End of an Era,

Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1899, pg. 84.)

Having sent proper notice of his and the Regiment’s arrival, Henry Wise fully

expected President James Buchanan to formally receive him and his Regiment at a

public welcome at the White House. Wise did not take a direct route from the 6th

Street Wharf to the next departure point, the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Depot at

New Jersey Avenue and C Street. Instead, after arriving at the wharf, Henry Wise

conspicuously, and with as much fanfare as possible, marched his staff, officers and

troops of the 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers, which by some accounts now

included the addition of several cannon (perhaps acquired at Fredericksburg or

borrowed from somewhere in Washington) down Pennsylvania Avenue towards the

White House. All of Washington took note of the “fine military display” that Wise

put on except for President Buchanan who, apparently with blinds drawn, remained

oblivious and unavailable inside the White House.

Incredulous, Wise marched at the head of his parade of approximately 400 men as

they circled the White House and its slumbering president at least once and by some

accounts as many as three times, still with no reception or greeting extended.

Embarrassed and enraged, Wise finally gave up and led his regiment towards the

Baltimore & Ohio Depot no doubt spewing both tobacco and invective as he

marched along. Henry Wise considered the act an insult to the Commonwealth of

Virginia, the men of the First Regiment of Virginia Volunteers and, of course, to

Henry Alexander Wise himself, both personally and as Governor.

“Leaving Richmond soon after dark, the soldiers arrived in

Washington before daylight the following morning. Hoping to be

recognized by President Buchanan, the regiment marched past the

White House, but the heavy tramp of a thousand men (Note: here

the article greatly exaggerated the total) failed to disturb the

slumbers of the Chief Magistrate, or at least he did not show

himself which caused Wise to indignantly declare, “Were I

President of the United States, no body of armed men should

march through the capitol of the Union without my knowing it!”

And he never forgave Buchanan for what he termed a studied

slight.” (“John Brown, New York Sun”, Brotherhood of

Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen’s Magazine, Vol. 9, Jan.

98

1885)

A month after the march itself and the subsequent events at Charlestown had

concluded, Wise was still fuming over the insult. If he could not actually pull

Buchanan’s nose as he had done James Polk’s, then he at least wanted to “poke his

fist under it.” On December 22, 1859, the return of 200 southern medical students

and the press covering their welcome at the Governor’s Mansion in the last few

days of Wise’s term provided just such an opportunity. “Gov. Wise in his recent

fantastical speech…,”New York Herald Tribune, December 31, 1859,)

“The recent speech of Gov. Wise to the returning medical students

at Richmond is the subject of much comment in the Northern

papers – and some of the comments are ill-natured enough. Our

Governor is an impulsive man – and may write and talk too much

but his patriotism and state pride none can doubt” (Gov. Wise;

Richmond, December 30, 1859, Alexandria Gazette emphasis

added)

“I (if elected President) won’t let a Virginia regiment pass three

times back and forth by the White House without poking my head

out of the window and asking “Brothers! - what’s the matter!?”

(The Vital Questions of the Day, Great Union Speech of Gov.

Wise, December 26, 1859, New York Herald)

“His allusion to a Virginia Regiment passing three times by the

White House, without inducing the President to poke his head out

of the window, was in bad taste and betrayed, we fear, a little

sourness of temper still existing which the Governor should have

kept to himself. “ (The Vital Questions of the Day – Great Union

Speech of Gov. Wise, Dec. 26, 1859, New York Herald)

Henry Wise never learned to keep anything to himself, especially an insult.

99

White House, taken in June 1859

Library of Congress

Whether circled, once, twice or three times,

The view of the White House as seen that morning.

John Wilkes Booth Walks Behind Governor Wise Down Pennsylvania Avenue

Amidst all of this drama, or comedy, John Wilkes Booth walked behind Governor

Henry A. Wise down Pennsylvania Avenue. That morning, in a reversal of roles,

Booth the actor was in the audience with the best seat in the house.

“On marching down Pennsylvania Avenue, Gov. Wise with his

high beaver hat, and his head up in the air, with a large pair of

silver specks over his nose, cut a big figure. John Wilkes Booth

walked behind him with his overcoat on his arm.” (John O.

Taylor’s article entitled “John Brown Hanging, the Recollections

of a Member of the Richmond Grays”, Richmond Times

Dispatch, May 1, 1904,)

100

Henry Wise Continues the Show at the B&O Depot

Profanely ill disposed after enduring the snub by President Buchanan, Governor

Wise arrived at the Baltimore & Ohio Depot only to find that the special train,

which should have been waiting to convey them without delay to Relay was not

ready.

Wise was now particularly incensed because it was a repeat of the same thing which

in October had prevented him from arriving at Harper’s Ferry prior to Robert E. Lee

and the U.S. Marines during the initial outbreak. A subject he continued to

complain about even after the November deployment.

“Had I reached Harper’s Ferry before these men were captured

and I would have reached there in time, had I been forwarded as I

ought to have been from Washington and the Relay House!”….

Henry A. Wise letter to Fernando Wood, December 4, 1859)

Wise felt that the same President Buchanan who had just snubbed him had been

responsible for the October delay, which had denied Virginia, and Henry Wise the

opportunity and glory to deal with Brown’s insurgency on the State level. Already

furious over the morning’s insult, Wise probably now assumed that Buchanan had

interfered with his plans yet again.

While waiting for the train to arrive that morning, Governor Wise did what he was

famous for – he talked.

“Gov. Wise made a speech to his soldiers at our railroad depot, in

which he displayed his well known qualities. A friend who heard

the speech declared him to be insane; but he is mistaken. Gov.

Wise is playing what he supposes to be a deep game in this

matter. He is trying to force himself upon the South as a

presidential candidate. It is his policy to keep the south in a

continual panic till after the Charleston Convention (pertaining to

the 1860 Democratic Presidential Nomination) has met.”

(“Washington; Gov. Wise,” St. Albans Messenger, December 1,

1859 emphasis added)

“He made a speech at the Railroad depot, in which he proved

himself a madman. He told his soldiers that they would drive off

the d—d Yankees and hang John Brown before they returned;

101

and, added the valiant Governor, “We will put an end to this state

of things on the border, or break up the Union!” (“Henry Wise -

Breaking up the Union”, Cleveland Leader, November 29, 1859

emphasis added)

Despite the criticism that Wise was drawing, it seems that the Northern press was

more than happy to join in on taking a swipe at the beleaguered and unpopular

President Buchanan because the article then continued:

“How came Gov. Wise to make a speech in Washington of a

Sunday morning, to his troops? Why didn’t he make it on

Virginia soil! Simply that he might defy the Government and

poke his fist under Mr. Buchanan’s nose. I really believe that if

Gov. Wise were to demand the public buildings in Washington,

Mr. Buchanan, the cowardly old doughface who shakes in the

Presidential chair would give it to him. The panic in Washington

is great, while I write, and many of our citizens predict that the

present is the last Congress that will meet here.” (“Henry Wise -

Breaking up the Union,” Cleveland Leader, November 29, 1859)

Between seething, “speechifying” and sending yet more telegrams during the delay

at the Depot, Wise spent his spare time fielding interviews from the press while his

men, or at least some of them, ate a quick morning meal of some description,

perhaps biscuits and coffee.

“After being detained in Washington just long enough to get

breakfast…” (Article signed by Rambler, “Letter from Harper’s

Ferry,” Richmond Whig, Nov. 22, 1859,)

Waiting at the depot for the train’s arrival, the troops would have had the

opportunity to view the citywide commotion that their presence and their Governor

had caused while reporters vied with each other to cover the event.

In typical Henry Wise form, the Governor took advantage of one reporter’s question

to get off a memorable retort, a phrase that would be often repeated during the days

prior to Brown’s execution whenever the likelihood of a rescue attempt was

mentioned in conjunction with an overabundance of troops at Charlestown:

“Governor Wise and staff, with about four hundred men left the

Washington Depot on Sunday morning. While the troops were

102

embarking on the cars at Washington (B&ORR Depot at New

Jersey Avenue and C Street) someone approached Governor Wise

and said that the people were laughing at such a great military

display, when there was no actual necessity for it. “Well, said the

Governor, “I would much rather meet General Ridicule than

General Disgrace. This answer silenced the laughing.” (Local

Items, Alexandria Gazette, November 22, 1859)

Link to Rumsey’s Washington D.C. History Circa 1861 Map Overlay

(Click on hyperlink to open)

Street Map Showing B&O Railroad Depot

103

Unfinished Washington Monument circa 1859

Library of Congress

View of Washington looking down Pennsylvania Avenue

Towards the unfinished Capitol

National Hotel, Washington DC

Library of Congress

104

View of the Capitol

Appletons’ Railroad and Steamboat Companion 1859

View of unfinished capitol dome circa 1858

Government Printing Office

S. DOC. 106-29 –

History of the United States Capitol: A Chronicle of Design, Construction, and

Politics

105

Baltimore & Ohio RR Depot, Washington New Jersey Avenue & C Street

B&ORR Depot in Washington, New Jersey Avenue & C Street

Washington Historical Society

The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Depot opened in this location in 1851. The

Italianate styled building, with its distinctive 100 foot clock tower, was located just

north of the U.S. Capitol at the corner of New Jersey Avenue and C Street and was

one of the busiest locations in Washington for a very good reason; only one railroad

connected Washington to the outside world; The Baltimore & Ohio Railroad. From

this depot the line ran northeast into Maryland and forked at the Relay House

Junction, as known as the Washington Branch Junction approximately 9 miles

outside of Baltimore. This was the next route on the journey to Charlestown. A

short branch from there continued into Baltimore where travelers could then make a

connection taking them to the middle Atlantic and New England states. The other

branch turned west, towards Harper’s Ferry and “the seat of war” to which the men

were going.

This depot where the men were delayed waiting for the next train on their

continuing journey could not be more different from the one from which they had

departed in Richmond.

“The B&O Depot was 106 feet wide and 68 feet deep, Once

inside, passengers entered a beautiful hall to board their trains. A

106

ticket office, freight office and ladies and gentlemen’s salons were

also located within the depot. The main carhouse, which was 60

feet wide and 330 feet in length, ran diagonally through the

square, the iron roof supported by granite pillars. One downside

to this elegance; it made the depot a prime location for

pickpockets to operate. “(Washington National Republican, Dec.

12, 1861)

10:20 -10:30 AM - The train arrived at the depot and Governor Wise and his men

departed to Harper’s Ferry via Relay, Maryland. Henry Wise had put on quite a

show that morning in “Washington’s City”.

Washington District of Columbia to Harper’s Ferry, Virginia - Sunday,

November 20, 1859

From/To: Washington City, District of Columbia to Relay, Maryland

Distance from Washington City: 40 Miles

From/To: Relay Maryland to Harper’s Ferry, Virginia

Distance from Relay to Harper’s Ferry: 73 Miles

Total Miles: 107 (approximate)

Arrival Time Harper’s Ferry: 4 PM

Travel Time: 5. 5 hours

Travel Speed: 20 mph

From Washington, the B&ORR line ran northeast 40 miles into Maryland and

forked at the Relay House Junction, as known as the Washington Branch Junction

approximately 9 miles outside of Baltimore. This was the next route on the journey

to Charlestown. The continuing “Special” (unscheduled train) would have required

a stop for fuel and water every 50 miles – stop/s unidentified. Potentially at Relay

and Monocacy/Frederick Junction

107

Travel Notes

Baltimore & Ohio Railroad

The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad (B&ORR) was one of the oldest railroads in the

United States and the first common carrier railroad. At first this railroad was located

entirely in the state of Maryland with an original line from the port of Baltimore

west to Sandy Hook. At this point to continue westward, it had to cross into

Virginia (now West Virginia) over the Potomac River, adjacent to the confluence of

the Potomac and Shenandoah rivers. From there it passed through Virginia from

Harpers Ferry to a point just west of the junction of Patterson Creek and the North

Branch Potomac River.

Relay House, Maryland

The B&O Railroad started its westward course 9 miles south of Baltimore at Relay

House or “Relay”, Maryland. From here it moved westward, initially following the

course of the Patapsco River where the river divided into the west and south

branches, continuing on its western route following the west branch of the river. It

continued to Monocacy Junction, also known as Frederick Junction. There the

main line of the B&O turned south going across the Monocacy River on an iron

railroad bridge onto Point of Rocks, before resuming its westward route to Harper’s

Ferry following the banks of the Potomac River. At Harper’s Ferry the B&ORR

left the relative comfort of the river valley and proceeded through the hilly terrain

of northern West Virginia to Martinsburg. Monocacy Junction provided a two story

brick building containing the railroad and telegraph offices, a water tank and a

block house for housing a military detachment. (Collins, Joseph V., Battle of West

Frederick, 2011)

108

Approaching Harper’s Ferry

Harper’s Ferry by Moonlight

Library of Congress

The scenery the men would have seen on this leg of the journey was breathtakingly

beautiful, almost otherworldly.

“The scenery around Harper’s Ferry is beautiful description”

(“Letter from Harper’s Ferry”, Richmond Whig, Nov. 25, 1859)

“The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad crosses the Potomac at the

place on a magnificent bridge, and the Winchester and Potomac

Railroad has its northern terminus in the town…The Maryland

Heights rise in successive plateaus to an altitude of thirteen

hundred feet above the surrounding country and two thousand feet

above the level of the sea.” Between the Maryland Heights and

the Loudoun Heights ran a “gorge of savage grandeur” No person

with the least poetry in his soul will consider his (Jefferson’s)

assertion extravagant. It is truly, a sublime spectacle.” (Barry,

Joseph, The Annals of Harper’s Ferry, 1872)

109

“Harper’s Ferry is situated in Jefferson County, Va., at the

confluence of the Shenandoah and Potomac Rivers, at the passage

of these streams through the Blue Ridge, here upwards of 1,200

feet in height. The scenery here is all of the wildest and most

majestic description. “Jefferson’s Rock” is a pile of huge

detached rocks, leaning over the steep cliffs of the Shenandoah,

and looking into the mountain gorge of the Potomac. It is a wild

“eagle’s nest” which, as Jefferson truly declares, is worth the trip

across the ocean to behold. It is not, however, equal to the

enchanting scene presented to the view from the opposite

mountain, about a mile and a half up, on the Maryland side. From

this height the beholder surveys with admiration a large extent of

country, fields, woodlands, and plantations; while the beautiful

Shenandoah, as it breaks upon this magic picture, appears like a

series of beautiful lakes.” (Appleton’s Railroad and Steamboat

Companion, 1858)

To enter this beautiful scene, a bridge 750 feet long crossed from the Potomac River

from the Maryland side.

The New World in 1859: Being the United States and Canada

110

1859 View of Lower Town Harper’s Ferry and the covered

Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Viaduct

Historic Photo Collection, Harper’s Ferry National Park

Sunday, November 20th

, Harper’s Ferry, Virginia

4:00 PM Governor Wise and the 1st Regiment of Virginia Volunteers arrive at

Harper’s Ferry.

4:30 – 5:00 PM transfer via Winchester & Potomac Railroad (W&PRR) for

Governor Wise and his staff along with The Richmond Grays, Company F, Virginia

Riflemen and Young Guard. The balance of the regiment was forwarded the

following day: “The companies which came to Charlestown were the Richmond

Grays 76; Company F 65; Virginia Riflemen 41; and Young Guard 55; - 250

.”(“From Charlestown”, Alexandria Gazette, Nov. 23, 1859)

111

Travel Notes

Travelers from Baltimore and Washington took the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad to

Harper’s Ferry where the B&ORR had its terminus. The B&O crossed the Potomac

River through the Harpers Ferry River gap over a covered railroad bridge and went

west along the bank of the Potomac River a distance of several hundred yards

before going across land. This was necessitated because the land adjacent to the

river was owned by the federal government and was the site of the U S Musket

Factory at Harpers Ferry.

To travel the remaining 10 miles to reach Charlestown, a transfer to yet another

railroad, the Winchester and Potomac Railroad (W&PRR) was required. The

exhausted men who had left Richmond almost 24 hours earlier would have to now

do this as well.

“The Winchester and Potomac came into Harpers Ferry along the

Shenandoah River and ended at "The Point." While, the B&O and

W&P lines were within yards of each other, passengers and

freight were offloaded or onloaded from each. The juncture of the

Shenandoah River and Potomac River occurred at "The Point" at

Harpers Ferry.” (P. Douglas Perks, Director Charles Town

Library)

The Winchester & Potomac Railroad

The Winchester and Potomac Railroad (W&PRR) was incorporated in 1832 to

connect the town of Winchester with the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad and the

Chesapeake and Ohio Canal at Harper’s Ferry.

At the start of the Civil War in 1861, W&PRR owned six locomotives: Ancient,

Pocahontas, Farmer, President, Virginia and Potomac, all of which were the most

modern engines (4-4-0) with the exception of the Farmer (4-2-0). The B&O train

carrying the First Regiment of Virginia Volunteers and Governor Wise and his staff

would have been pulled by one of these locomotives.

The W&PRR’s rolling stock (cars) consisted of only 4 passenger cars, one

mail/baggage car, 48 freight cars and 8 repair cars. The limited number of available

rolling stock (passenger cars) mandated why some of the companies of the 1st

Regiment of Volunteers were left at Harper’s Ferry and not forwarded until the

following day.

112

“The companies which came directly to Charlestown were the

Richmond Grays 76; Company F 65; Virginia Riflemen 41; and

Young Guard 55.” (“From Charlestown”, Alexandria Gazette,

Nov. 23, 1859,)

This unexpected circumstance also added to the train’s delay leaving Harper’s Ferry

as noticed by the welcoming party awaiting the Governor’s arrival at Charlestown.

Sunday, November 20th

, Charlestown, Virginia

From/To: Harper’s Ferry to Charlestown, Va.

Distance from Harper’s Ferry: 10 miles

Arrival Time: 6:00 p.m.

Travel Time: 1 hour

Travel Speed: 12-15 MPH

6:00 PM Charlestown, Virginia

Finally, the long journey ends…at least for some

“At four o’clock on Sunday afternoon almost the entire population

turned out and made their way to the depot. It was soon

announced that a dispatch had been received and the cars would

not be in until five o’clock…About six o’clock the shrill whistle

of the iron horse was heard, and citizens flocked to the courthouse

and vicinity, where the solders would have to pass. The line was

formed under the command of Colonel Gibson…The appearance

of the troops as they marched down the main street was fine, and

all were impressed with the soldierly tread of the visitors.

Gov. Wise was met by Hon. Andrew Hunter, and he and his staff

conveyed to that gentleman’s residence. It was with great difficulty

that sufficient accommodations could be obtained for them, coming as

they did after night, and not having had anything to eat for twenty-

four hours. The companies which came to Charlestown were the

Richmond Grays 76; Company F 65; Virginia Riflemen 41; and

Young Guard 55; - 250 (sic). The companies remaining at Harpers

Ferry for the night were Richmond Blues 68; Montgomery Guard 46;

and Howitzer Company 51. The latter companies will be brought up

to-day.”(“From Charlestown”, Alexandria Gazette, Nov. 23, 1859

emphasis added)

113

For John Wilkes Booth and The Richmond Grays, the journey which had started at

9:30 pm on Saturday, November 19th in Richmond had passed from Virginia, up

the Potomac Creek, across the nation’s capitol, through the state of Maryland,

returned into Virginia and had finally brought them to the anticipated “seat of war,”

Charlestown, on Sunday evening, November 20th at 6:00 pm. The route required

travel over three different railroads and one steamship and during its continuous 20

travel hour period, the men covered over 200 miles. For those companies that

remained at Harper’s Ferry awaiting the arrival of the required passenger cars, their

journey ended the following day.

THE LAST WORDS, AS ALWAYS,

BELONGED TO HENRY WISE

“I KEPT MY EYE UPON YOU…”

Henry Wise delivered the following speech upon the return of the troops from the

initial October militia deployment to Harper’s Ferry, but the sentiments and thanks

he expressed then could also easily pertain to the November one.

“If you and I never had a fellow feeling before, we have it now.

Rumors of insurrection, invasion, robbery and murder by ruffians on

our border, called you to the field, to exert the authority of your state

to protect the safety of her people. You, fellow citizens, and citizen-

soldiers were ready to start, and did start on the path of duty at a

moment’s warning --- I thank you – I thank all who joined you and

were ready to join you, with my whole heart, for this whole people,

not only for your being ready, for the manner in which your duty was

performed. It is due to you and your fellow citizens that I should say,

and that they should know, that you were ready to do, and if

necessary, to die in their defense. I kept my eye upon you, and I

proudly attest that you were men. – On the way, on board the steamer

at the Potomac, I reminded you that you were already known at home

in the character as gentlemen, and that then you were called upon to

win the character as soldiers. That character you have won.

Although not commanded to charge a bayonet or pull a trigger, you

preserved order, composure, dignity and discipline in the midst of the

highest excitement and confusion I have ever witnessed.”(“Governor

Wise’s Speech at Richmond on the subject of the Harper’s Ferry

Rebellion”, Alexandria Gazette, October 27, 1858,)

114

From what we know of the Governor, Henry A. Wise “keeping his eye upon”

anyone, friend or foe, was a daunting experience. The already heavy burden, and

expectations, on the men who made the journey to Charlestown were only

heightened by Wise’s lingering resentment over the October deployment. In

addition to missing the fight, Wise was enraged and embarrassed that the local

Jefferson County militiamen who had surrounded Brown’s insurgents had refused

to storm the engine house, preferring to await the arrival of the U.S. Marines.

“The fiery furnace of his wrath which had been kindled to

consume the Abolition invaders now blazed out against the

unlucky volunteers and militia officers. They were not allowed a

hearing for explanation or justification. They were overwhelmed

with contempt and opprobrium.” (David Hunter Strother’s

Lecture on John Brown, Cleveland, 1868 emphasis added)

Adding fuel to Wise’s fury, the town’s hostages while unarmed had outnumbered

their captors, but had not attempted to overpower them.

“The Governor expressed his mortification at the disgrace which

had been brought upon the state. He would rather have lost both

legs and both arms from his shoulders and hips than such a

disgrace should have been cast upon it.” A hostage’s justification

that “…there were ten of them (prisoners) and nine insurgents but

that the latter were each armed with three Sharpe’s rifles and two

colt revolvers” explaining to the enraged governor that “We were

huddled in like a flock of sheep” prompted a sneering reply;

“Yes, said the disgusted Governor, “you were in a corner, and you

were very much like sheep – They certainly cornered all the sheep

at Harper’s Ferry!” (The Harper’s Ferry Outbreak”, New York

Herald, October 21, 1859,)

During his last few waning days in office, the November militia deployment to

Charlestown provided Governor Wise through his 1st Regiment of Virginia

Volunteers a second chance to redeem the state’s honor, and his.

Wise’s citizen soldiers again readily responded to the likelihood of armed conflict,

and his men, all of them, including one non-enrolled actor, did not disappoint.

115

Governor Henry A. Wise’s official comments that he entered into the Virginia

public record pertaining to the November deployment were these:

“Information from all quarters---came of organized conspiracies

and combinations to obstruct our laws, to rescue and seize

hostages, to commit rapine and burning along our borders on

Maryland, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, proceeding from these

states and from New York, Massachusetts and other states and

Canada. These multiplied in every form for weeks; and at last, on

the 19th of November, a call was very properly and timely made

by Col. Davis for an additional force of 500 men. These reports

and rumors, from so many sources of every character and form, so

simultaneously, from places so far apart, at the same time, from

persons so unlike in evidences of education, could be from no

conspiracy to hoax; but I relied not so much upon them as upon

the earnest continued general appeal of sympathizers with the

crimes. It was impossible for so much of such sympathy to exist

without exciting bad men to action of rescue or revenge. On this I

acted”

“I ask for special favor to the gallant militia corps who have

volunteered so spiritedly for public defense. They have rivaled

each other in a patriotic and martial spirit – I cannot distinguish

among the corps, except in training and drill. The 1st Regiment of

Volunteers is now worthy of being the pride of the state. Foster it,

and never let it be less in numbers or lower in discipline.”(Journal

of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia,

1859-1860 Session, Governor’s Message Number 2. emphasis

added)

116

EPILOGUE

Henry Alexander Wise leading his 400 men of the 1st Regiment of Virginia

Volunteers down Pennsylvania Avenue was as momentous a sight as their send off

from Richmond. That event would be particularly fateful in the lives of both of the

men so remarkably and unexpectedly linked together in John O. Taylor’s

recollection, Governor Henry Alexander Wise and John Wilkes Booth.

HENRY WISE

Henry Wise’s triumphant morning march through Washington on Sunday,

November 20th 1859 proved to be his high water mark. Leading “his boys” of the

1st Virginia Regiment down Pennsylvania Avenue, his beloved son and champion

at his side and the White House looming before him, Wise’s future looked as bright

as that morning’s sun. Wise never got any closer to the White House but his role in

history was far from over. While the “union of states” strained to their breaking

point, Wise would first try to fight for Virginia “In the Union” before being

instrumental in leading Virginia out of the Union in 1861.

A year later at the disaster of Roanoke Island, the gallant O. Jennings Wise would

be a blood sacrifice when CSA Brigadier General Henry Wise, trapped between a

hopeless defense of the strategic island and abandoning his new nation’s honor, was

forced to order his son and his regiment into a lost battle. From a lifetime of

eloquent words and lengthy superlatives, Wise’s own anguished few while holding

his son’s body; “He died for me! He died for me! He died for his father!” were his

most profound. Weighed down by loss, the proud old dragon would still somehow

soldier on to the bitter end. At the surrender of Appomattox, Union General Joshua

Lawrence Chamberlain’s ill-timed offer of national forgiveness would be met with

a venomous response spit back at him by the ragged-looking profane scarecrow of a

general; “You may want to forgive us but we won’t be forgiven. We HATE you

sir!”

After the war, Henry Wise, by then the self-described “Ex everything”, Ex-

Congressman, Ex-Governor, Ex-General, would have one thing left to define him.

The “Confederate Prisoner on Parole” Henry Wise lived “Unforgiven and

Unforgotten” until his death in 1876, the nation’s centennial year.

117

JOHN WILKES BOOTH

“We are all the unconscious actors and spectators in the world’s

theater. The parts we play, and the scenes we applaud, are the

double substance of the current attraction.” (Anecdotes of Public

Men, John W. Forney, 1873)

In May 1860, John Wilkes Booth would finish his two year internship at the

Marshall Theater and embark upon what the actress Clara Morris would later recall

poignantly as his “three little years” as a star. Over his few remaining years, one

can wonder if Booth ever really left the Richmond of 1859 and the events from

which “he traced his fealty to Virginia.” How could he forget the unforgettable -

memories of John Brown, of this journey to Charlestown, of his brothers in arms, of

the “Fantastical” Henry A. Wise, Governor of Virginia, and Wise’s son, the Gallant

O. Jennings Wise, the South’s “Sir Galahad in Gray”. In 1862 while in Boston, did

Booth hear the minstrels’ popular song set to Yankee Doodle, which mocked Obie’s

death at Roanoke?

“There’s the Burnside Expedition,

It is the nation’s pride,

For it has lately struck a blow, which cannot be denied;

For by surprise took Jennings Wise—

Nothing could be finer,

How are you North Carolina?

Alone among the laughing audience, did he silently grieve the loss of the man who

had signed “that little card of some sort” later found in his effects?

Did the card serve as a treasured reminder of that train ride “to glory,” the parade

down Pennsylvania Avenue when with his adopted band of brothers; Wilkes Booth

had proudly marched next to Obie’s father, Governor Henry Wise, on his

unforgettable parade around the White House on their way to defend Virginia. Did

he remember when he too was once included as “worthy of being the pride of the

state”? Along with his other mementos of that time, his uniformed picture and John

Brown pike, did that little card also serve as both balm and accuser, tangible proof

of when he had “traced his fealty” to the South but silent accuser for his inactivity

in the following years when “Every Marylander worth his salt was fighting for her.”

Booth risked a fine while singing “Bonnie Blue Flag” while men that he had known

risked, and lost, their lives fighting for it.

118

By 1864, the tide of the war had turned against “the Cause”. With Booth’s “only

friends in the South now beneath the sod” the star still strode the boards, took his

bows and was well paid for playing at fighting so convincingly and looking so

handsome while doing it. Did that little card and its memories serve as silent

sentinel, a constant reminder of the wrong road taken in 61 when “the hidden lie

amongst his country’s foes” had promised his frantic mother to stay clear of the

war?

Was it these memories, which drove him forward when his justifications for not

doing so previously could at last no longer suffice?

“I have only an arm to give; my brains are worth twenty men, my

money worth a hundred. I have free pass everywhere, my

profession, my name is my passport, my knowledge of drugs is

valuable, my beloved precious money – oh never beloved till

now! – is the means, one of the means, by which I serve the

South!”

In the last days of the war, Booth stood on a street in Washington, perhaps upon

that very same street where once he marched, faced Richmond and cried repeatedly,

‘Virginia – Virginia.” Shedding tears for a lost cause, and perhaps for the lost

opportunities to have caught up with that band of brothers he had left behind in

1860.

By April 1865, Wilkes Booth “having come to despise his existence” would beg to

rejoin them and Virginia, “to triumph or die, even if only in that last ditch.”

In his life’s concluding scene at the Garrett’s barn, a lone cripple would desperately

cling to the shreds of honor in his soaring challenges to fight his pursuers’ entire

command. Booth’s epitaph “I died for my country” exists only in his dying words

gasped for his mother. His shroud was not the flag of Virginia or the Stars and

Bars, but a horse blanket stamped U.S. Army. He has no tombstone and remains

unclaimed by any “Country.”

119

1883 - THOSE WHO REMAINED

Smith’s beloved Armory Band had remained a constant companion to the “Old

First” and its men throughout their lives’ changing seasons. Their music played at

their militia musters, parades, balls and cotillions, and during Richmond’s balmy

evenings, serenaded all who strolled throughout the grounds of Capitol Square. In

1859 at Richmond’s depot, as that special train pulled out on the night of November

19th amidst the “shouts of the crowd rising to the heavens,” Smith’s music was there

to inspire and salute the men as they departed and hearten the loved ones they had

left behind.

Smith’s band was such an important a part of the “Old First” themselves that

Governor Wise sent a special train to take the band to Charlestown to provide “his

boys” with a welcomed reminder of home. They were at the Charlestown depot on

December 3rd

. playing “Goodbye” as the Richmond Grays (and one volunteer)

departed from Charlestown for the return to Richmond. Once back home, Smith’s

Armory Band played a welcome for the returning companies at the Richmond

Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad Depot, as each man came home to embrace

“The Girl He’d Left Behind Him.” Smith’s band was on hand to welcome the

hundreds of Southern medical students who had returned to Richmond in the last

few days of an undivided nation. The band played “Carry Me Back to Old

Virginia” and escorted them to the Executive Mansion where during his last speech

as Governor they heard Henry Wise fire off his final salvo at President Buchanan

over an insult neither forgiven nor forgotten.

Smith’s Armory Band played at the birth and death of the Confederacy.

In the heady days during Richmond’s secession fervor, Smith and his band lent

soul-stirring accompaniment to torch-lit processions. They serenaded the gallant O.

Jennings Wise from his balcony at the offices of the Richmond Enquirer when he

accepted the captaincy for “the storied command” that of the Richmond Light

Infantry Blues. They serenaded his father’s successor, Governor John Letcher

when Virginia seceded and they played at Jefferson Davis’s inauguration at the

birth of a new country.

The faithful band provided the patriotic tunes played as background music for mass

enlistments calling for men to defend that country. It was Smith’s band, who

proudly accompanied the gallant volunteers at Richmond’s depots when “all of the

boys marched off to war.” For an endless march of “Bands of Brothers” the

120

lighthearted, “The Irish Jaunting Car,’ had become the Confederate Marsellaise,

“The Bonnie Blue Flag.”

A year later, Smith’s band met another “special train” this one returning Jennings

Wise’s body home for burial. With all of Richmond draped in mourning, Smith’s

band accompanied its lost prince during his state funeral. Enfolded in the Flag of

Virginia and the Stars and Bars, the “Good Knight’s” epitaph at Hollywood’s

hallowed ground would simply and truthfully state, “Died for his Country”. The

sadness would not end with Obie’s death, nor would Richmond’s parade of

funerals…

Over the next 3 years, men continued to fight and “Die for their Country”. During

innumerable sad processions to Hollywood, Smith’s rendition of Saul’s Death

March conveyed an army of men, including the honored dead of the “Old First”

among them, men who had earlier gone on this story’s journey to Charlestown, on

their sad final homecoming. At the end, in the aftermath of Richmond’s evacuation

fire, the strains of the band’s familiar music in Capitol Square provided scarce

consolation amidst the ruins of a city and a people caught in the death throes of

their county.

The 1st Virginia Infantry by Lee A. Wallace, Jr. contains a poignant 1883

recollection from The Daily Dispatch of an aged James B. Smith, the venerable

leader of Richmond's beloved Armory Band, playing at a reunion for the “Old

First” at Richmond’s B[l]enner’s (sic)Park at the head of Marshall Street.

(Wallace, Lee A, 1985, 1st Virginia Infantry, H.E. Howard, Inc., pg. 61)

Wallace does not provide the names of the tunes played, merely telling readers that

the “old musicians entertained with tunes reminiscent of the war.” The program

most likely included sentimental favorites like Dixie, Bonnie Blue Flag and

Maryland, My Maryland. At the conclusion of the band’s selections, its leader, now

a frail old man of 68, slowly mounted the bandstand to play before the few

surviving veterans of the “Old First” a concluding ballad guaranteed to moisten all

eyes present - "The Last Rose of Summer."

Eighteen years after that war’s conclusion, James Bolton Smith and his Armory

Band still served as a faithful reminder to those remaining few of all who had gone,

and their world that had passed. In that touching vignette at Blenner Park, Smith,

now an old man bent with age and afflicted with arthritis, softly, lowly, and perhaps

quavering, played his last fitting tribute to all that remained of the “Old First” in his

haunting rendition of “The Last Rose of Summer.”

121

Those few remaining men, and their constant companion, Richmond’s beloved

Armory Band, were indeed the last rose of that world’s summer. Their companions

all gone, they only awaited the gardener’s hand or a gentle breeze to join those who

waited for them. James Bolton Smith himself would do so three years later.

**********************************************************

“They say that in the end, all you have is memories…”

“We few, we happy few, we band of brothers.

For he today that sheds his blood with me

Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile,

This day shall gentle his condition.”

“Have you ever seen Booth Mr. Boyd? Is he an elderly man?”

“I saw him once in Richmond, about the time of the John Brown

raid, and I thought he was rather a young man.” John Wilkes

Booth, spoken as “Mr. Boyd” to Richard Garrett on the evening of

April 25, 1865, less than 12 hours before his death at the Garret

Farm (“Richard H. Garret; An Authentic History of the Capture of

J. Wilkes Booth at the Garrett Farm”, Alexandria Gazette, April

29, 1868)

To Post Comments on Awesome talks

122

CREDITS/ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First and always – to my husband David, Editor, Webmaster and Sounding Board,

without whose love, support and patience none of this would have been possible.

Professor Terry Alford (My special thanks for bringing to my attention the

existence of the undated “John Taylor manuscript,” donated by Taylor’s daughter,

Mrs. Blanch (Taylor) King to the Virginia Historical Society )

David L. Bright

Mark Greenough

William E.Griffin

John Hennessy

Noel Harrison

Bruce and Nancy Haynes

Nancy Kackley

Arthur F. Loux (My special thanks for informing me of the letter from James O.

Hall to Dr. Constance Head, dated March 17, 1982, which disclosed the existence in

“the Booth effects listed in M599” of the (yet to be examined) card signed on the

reverse by O. Jennings Wise.)

Alice & Brandon Martin

Fred O’Callaghan

Betty Ownsbey

P. Douglas Perks

Roseanne Shalf

Errol Sommay (My special thanks for providing me with the article; “Exciting

Reports from Charlestown – Departure of the Richmond Military”, Richmond Daily

Dispatch, November 21, 1859

123

REFERENCES

Bright, David L.

www.csa-railroads.com

Daniel, Rudolph, Trains Across the Continent

North American Railroad History, Second Edition

Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1997/2000

Griffin, William E. Jr.

One Hundred and Fifty Years along the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac

Railroad, Whittet & Shepperson, Richmond, Va., 1984

Martin, Alice & Brandon

Old Dominion Chapter, NRHS

Mencken, August, The Railroad Passenger Car, an Illustrated History of the First

Hundred Years with Accounts by Contemporary Passengers, The Johns Hopkins

University Press, Baltimore & London, 1957

Mordecai, John B.

A Brief History of the Richmond Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad, Old

Dominion Press, Richmond, Va., 1940

White, John H. Jr.

The American Railroad Passenger Car

Part I and Part II; Studies in the History of Technology The Johns Hopkins

University Press, Baltimore & London, 1978

124

SOURCES

Reconstructing the Scene that Night

Wise, John Sergeant, End of an Era, Houghton Mifflin, 1899

Alfriend, Edward M., “Recollections of John Wilkes Booth.” New Era Magazine

1901

Whitlock, Philip, “The Life of Philip Whitlock, Written by Himself”, unpublished

manuscript, donated to VHS in 1973

Libby, George W. “, John Brown and John Wilkes Booth”, The Confederate

Veteran, Issue 37, April 1930, pg. 138-139

Libby, “George W. Libby Recalls Incidents of the War Between the States”,

Richmond Times Dispatch, July 7, 1929

“John Brown Hanging; Recollections of a Member of the Richmond Grays”,

[Richmond Times Dispatch, May 1, 1904

“John Taylor unpublished manuscript,” Virginia Historical Society (File 36-10-22-

T.)

“Dr. Joseph Southall, The John Wilkes Booth Story”, Richmond Dispatch, Feb. 2,

1902

Notes and Correspondence of Mary Bella Beale in the David Rankin Barbee Papers,

Georgetown University Library, Special Collections Research Center, Box 5, folder

280

“A Theatrical Joke”, New Hampshire Patriot, November 23, 1959

“John Brown”, The New York Sun, Fireman’s Magazine , Vol. IX, No. 1, January,

1885

“The Insurrection at Harper’s Ferry”, Alexandria Gazette, October 19, 1859

“Exciting Reports from Charlestown – Departure of the Richmond Military”,

Richmond Daily Dispatch, November 21, 1859

“The Harper’s Ferry Invasion; Terrible Excitement in Richmond – Our Richmond

Correspondence – Richmond, Va., November 20, 1859”, New York Herald,

November 23, 1859

“John Brown”, Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen’s Magazine,

Vol. 9, Jan. 1885

“The Alarm of Saturday Night”, Charleston Mercury, November 23, 1859

“Promptness of the Richmond Military”, Providence Evening News Press,

November 26, 1859

“The Capture and Execution of John Brown by an Eye Witness”, Lippincott’s

Monthly Magazine, Vol. XLIII, January - June 1889

“Late Excitement at Richmond”, National Intelligencer, November 22, 1859

125

“Recent Affair at Harper’s Ferry”, New York Clipper, December 3, 1859

“The Harper’s Ferry Outbreak”, New York Herald, October 26, 1859