borders addendum

CIVIL MILITARY RELATIONS DA

Borders Addendum

CDI 2007

NEGATIVE

2Link Sub Saharan Africa

3Link Humanitarian Issues

4Link Cultural Governance

5Link Poor Countries

6Link Development Focus

7Link Third World

8Link Western Objectivism

9Link Western Objectivism

10Link Benign Governance

11Link Knowledge Production

12Link Social Science

13Link Method

14Link Ignore Culture

15Internal Link Colonialism

16Impact Single Focus

17Impact Masking

18Impact Conflict

20ImpactSystemic Violence

21Impact Universal politics

22Biopower Module

23Impact Biopower

25Impact Securitization

26Distopia Impact Module

27Alternative Solvency

28Alternative Solvency

34A New Alternative

36A2: Perm

39A2: Borders Stop Wars

AFFIRAMTIVE

40Infinite Crises

42Link U.S. is a tool

43Link Alt is Complacent

44Implications Extensions

46Borders Good

49Perm Solvency

Link Sub Saharan AfricaSub Saharan Africa is an Arbitrary Boundary

G.N Uzoigwe, 00 [Uzoigwe, G.N. The Imperial Experience of Sub Saharan Africa. JSTOR (2000)]

Link Humanitarian Issues

Humanitarian issues are about administering life and to exclude those not worthy from politics. The political border is drawn, resulting in violence.

Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.

Link Cultural Governance

Cultural governance is aimed at taking control through defining of borders and territories.


Link Poor Countries

Richer versus poorer country dichotomies allow the line to be drawn between us and them.

Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Link Development FocusFocusing on issues of development reproduce mapping structures and hierarchies.


Link Third World

Third World models allow for justifies political and economical intervention into states, This intervention groups populations based on economic or political indicators, further drawing the border


Link Western ObjectivismThe current modern American state political system allows for continued control over the nation state building system, influencing the way we cartographize the world, ultimately allowing politics to look like the professional that doesnt make mistakes and the course of action is justified no matter what.

Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Link Western Objectivism

Western authors advocating the plan is formed on the basis of free thinking individuals, that they can see the issues and solve them. This autonomy is key to excluding African societies from the west drawing the line between us and them.


Link Benign Governance

Link discourse of good governance and comparative politics reproduces white dominance and racism further drawing the line between us and them.


Link Knowledge Production

Western views and interpretations of other nations are used to benefit us in order to justify political action.


Link Social ScienceSocial science specifically American politics practice of comparative politics, legitimizes the violence and cognition of inequality towards indigenous populations.


Link MethodEngaging in comparative politics changes how we relate to knowledge and representation of the Third World

Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. Xi xii.

Link Ignore Culture

Borders ignore ethno-cultural groups in Africa

Jeffery Herbst, International Organization, 1989. [Herbst, Jeffery. International Organization (MIT Press), Vol. 43, No.4, 1989. The Creation and Maintenance of National Boundaries in Africa The African frontiers "have been decided upon in complete disregard

of local needs and circumstance." Equally important for many writers is the fact that the borders ignored any well-defined criteria and did not take into account what Adu Boahen calls the "ethno cultural, geographical, and ecological realities of Africa": Because of the artificiality of these boundaries, each independent African state is made up of a whole host of different ethno cultural groups and nations having different historical traditions and cultures and speaking different languages. One can imagine, then, how stupendous the problem of developing the independent states of Africa into true nation states is.

Borders in Africa are not specific to any pre-existing social or political groups

Jeffery Herbst, International Organization, 1989. [Herbst, Jeffery. International Organization (MIT Press), Vol. 43, No.4, 1989. The Creation and Maintenance of National Boundaries in Africa The arbitrary division of the continent by the European powers, with little or no respect for preexisting social and political groupings or even, sometimes. for "natural" geographical features, has immensely complicated the tasks of nation and state building faced by African governments."' The Organization of African Unity (OAU) has also long recognized the arbitrariness of African borders. For instance, in its 1964 resolution on border disputes, the organization noted that the current borders "constitute a grave and permanent factor of dissension."Internal Link Colonialism

Current Borders Perpetuate Colonialism

Boaz Atzili, 2006 "Border Fixity: When Good Fences Make Bad Neighbors," Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. ]Africa's borders are particularly intriguing. Despite the arbitrariness with which many state borders in Africa were drawn, they have remained largely fixed.25 From its inception in 1963, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) has endorsed the norm in accordance with the principle of preserving the colonial territorial status quo.26 In practice, as Jeffery Herbst notes, "the vast majority of [African borders] have remained virtually untouched since the late 1800s, when they were first demarcated." The OAU's determination to uphold the norm was demonstrated, for instance, in the 196770 civil war in Nigeria, when the organization sought to prevent Biafra's attempts to secede.27

Borders are Colonialistic

Jeffery Herbst, International Organization, 1989. [Herbst, Jeffery. International Organization (MIT Press), Vol. 43, No.4, 1989. The Creation and Maintenance of National Boundaries in Africa A paradox is central to the nature of political boundaries in Africa: there is widespread agreement that the boundaries are arbitrary, yet the vast majority of them have remained virtually untouched since the late 1800s, when they were first demarcated. The stability of boundaries in the world's most partitioned continent,' where few other political institutions have survived for

very long. is often seen as particularly surprising because the borders were initially drawn without respect for social and linguistic groupings and because the colonial and postcolonial political authorities charged with maintaining the borders have been weak or absent.

Impact Single FocusFocusing on state or Eurocentric models of politics eliminates knowledge production because a lack of multiple perspectives at different level of thought. This straight turns your aff.


Impact Masking

Social science allows for economic, political, and social control of people, all while masking the true intent.

Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Impact Conflict

BORDERS ARE IMPERICALLY PROVEN TO CAUSE WARS

Boaz Atzili, 2006 "Border Fixity: When Good Fences Make Bad Neighbors," Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. ]Since the end of World War II, the norm of fixed bordersthe proscription against foreign conquest and annexation of homeland territoryhas gained prevalence in world politics. But have fixed borders made international conflict less frequent? Observers might assume they have, given that territorial issues have historically been a major cause of war.1 However, among sociopolitically weak states (i.e., states that lack legitimate and effective governmental institutions), fixed borders can actually increase instability and conflict. Good fences can make bad neighbors.

FIXED BORDERS LEADS TO INTERNATIONAL COLFLICTS

Boaz Atzili, 2006 "Border Fixity: When Good Fences Make Bad Neighbors," Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. ]Until the late 1980s, the scholarly literature had devoted little attention to theories regarding the role of territory and borders in international relations.2 Since then, however, a growing body of work on this subject has emerged.3 One promising line of inquiry has focused on international norms concerning changes in borders. Mark Zacher and Tanisha Fazal, for example, have found that postWorld War II cases of foreign conquest and annexation are a rarity and that the norm of fixed borders has grown stronger over the years.4 The effects of this norm on interstate relations, however, have yet to be analyzedan omission this article aims to address. The article posits that, in many regions of the world, adherence to the norm of fixed borders has led to international conflicts and growing instability by perpetuating and exacerbating state weakness. Three factors account for these negative effects. First, an international system of states with fixed borders deprives states of what were historically their greatest incentives to develop strong institutions: external threats to their territorial integrity and opportunities for territorial expansion. Second, without such territorial threats, a coherent in-group identity and loyalty to the state are difficult to establish. Third, without a mechanism through which weak states can be overtaken by stronger ones, the former may persist and perhaps become even weaker.

Impact - ConflictBorders Precipitate International Wars

Boaz Atzili, 2006 "Border Fixity: When Good Fences Make Bad Neighbors," Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. ]Scholars widely agree that state weakness can lead to internal strife and civil conflicts. What is less often acknowledged is that such weakness, especially when borders are unchangeable, can also precipitate international wars. This article explored two paths leading from state weakness to international conflict. In the first, weak states create conditions that are rife for internal conflict by giving way to emerging anarchy and by allowing leaders to exploit ethnic divisions to compensate for their own lack of legitimacy. Civil conflicts in weak states under the norm of fixed borders, in turn, are more likely to spill over and involve neighboring states than are other kinds of civil conflicts because of both the inability of the state to prevent insurgencies and the existence of the kin-country syndrome. In the second path, the weakness of the state creates opportunities for its neighbors to engage in political or economic (though not territorial) predation.

Boundaries create place-based identities which lead to conflicts

Rajaram and Soguk 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar and Soguk, Nevzat. Introduction: Geography Reconceptualization of Politics. Academic Search Premier. 2006] The boundarying of a piece of space and its internal ordering rest on acts of exclusion, differentiation, and identification. The occupation of a piece of space initiates a concept of the political as place-based. It thus initiates a political vocabulary of break, rupture and disjunction where internally ordered and boundaried places of the political are distinguished from other ordered and boundaried places. These places of politics become the starting point, Gupta and Ferguson continue, from which to theorize contact, conflict and contradiction between cultures and societies.3 The transformative process by which unhinged and fluid spatiality comes to be pockmarked by stable political places gives us a political vocabulary or a structure of recognition through which identities and encounters, and the conflicts and contradictions that emanate from them, are rendered intelligible.

ImpactSystemic ViolenceDominant politics driven by economics or political agendas causes forced dependence, justifying assimilation, reconstructing the boundary and ignoring the systematic violence.


Impact Universal politics

Universal view of politics allows the harm to be reproduced turning the case.


Biopower Module

Boundary making is an aesthetic creation of a state of exception

Rajaram 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar. Dystopic Geographies of Empire. Academic Search Premier. 2006]The economy of colonial power relayed on bodies of colonized Iraqis shows a form of power that is characterized by a process of boundary making through spectacular aesthetic representations of the colonized as a form of subhuman threat. This instantiates a visceral form of power relation. The visceral power relation, an attempt at boundarying by clearing the space, by a placing beyond of the object of that power, may be understood as a demonstration of the contorted political space of contemporary empire. Torture demonstrates the folding in of the dystopic geography of colonialism on itself. The casting of those in a state of exception outside the law is not and cannot be a general disposal of thousands of bare lives.The impact is the move to eradicate the threat cast into the state of exception

Rajaram 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar. Dystopic Geographies of Empire. Academic Search Premier. 2006]If the fundamental feature of the colonial present is, then, an operative process of boundary making, I find it feasible to put on the same analytical plane torture and maltreatment of migrant workers in Malaysia and of suspected terrorists at Abu Ghraib. Both point to the way in which a desirable polity is distinguished and operatively created by a dystopic imagination of threat. In Malaysia this desirable polity underpinned by Malay hegemony and allowing for an orderly, but not necessarily just, network of economic, political, and

social relations between groups is recognized as belonging, in a graduated sense, to the polity. In the United States, an affective community of belonging is the fulcrum around which a war on terrorism is conducted and vindicated. Both these communities undergo ongoing processes of boundarying against a declared threat.

Impact Biopower

Bordering is used to control populations while being presented as an emancipatory act

Rajaram and Soguk 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar and Soguk, Nevzat. Introduction: Geography Reconceptualization of Politics. Academic Search Premier. 2006] Herein lies the moment of opportunity for taking seriously geography not as an extension of the natural world, inescapably dominating human conditions, but as an expression of political movements and struggles that human agents condition in accordance with their desires and dreams. Geography is about, among other things, boundarying; that is, place making. However, seldom is place making seen as anything but place taking and place controlling defined by notions of territoriality and the political and economic relations that flow from such controls of place and space. Taking hold of and controlling place this way frequently cultivates, and is indeed cultivated in, spaces of exception that capture and control large swaths of humanity while presenting the task through liberatory discourses of the state, nation, community, welfare, and security. In the process, interrelating geographies of peoples and places take on content that is relentlessly unequal and form that is deceptively emancipatory.Borders help define populations as savages justifying their eradication in the name of defense.


Impact BiopowerBiopolitics controls the populations through systematic killing.

Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Impact Securitization

Conceptualization of borders allow us to label such scenarios as terrorism as a threat to security, justifying not only the sovereign violence to them but to the domestic populations.


Distopia Impact Module

Drawing borders is a dystopic imagination of colonization

Rajaram 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar. Dystopic Geographies of Empire. Academic Search Premier. 2006]Dystopic imaginations are fundamentally aesthetic forms of knowing. The aesthetic process of knowing, following the Frankfurt school and particularly Theodor Adorno, is imbued with affect: with a volatile and perhaps sensuous investment of the self with and against its other.8 A dystopic imagination of the colony, where the native and his space is understood in terms of lack, imagines a relation of power centered on extremes. Colonization may be read as a process that reduces the colonized to a subhumanity, thus setting up a teleology or vision of progress and change through a civilizing mission. It is important to read and trace the contours of colonial power from those disciplinary processes that create the colonial state down to the intimacies of human bodies.9 If the process of colonization as disciplinary procedure may be understood as a gradual process of creating a governable space, and if that process hinges on a dystopic imagination of the space as lack and its inhabitants as occupying a lower niche on an evolutionary scale of humanity, then the point at which the brutality underpinning representations of a civil order of colonialism becomes evident is in bodies.

Dystopic imaginations of colonialism lead to violence

Rajaram 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar. Dystopic Geographies of Empire. Academic Search Premier. 2006]The dystopic geography of colonialism imagines putrid spaces. Such imaginations or representation allow for the vindication of processes of order and discipline that transform the space into governable and exploitable place. Imaginations of dystopia contribute to theorizations of the incidents of brutalization and violence. It does not however account adequately for incidents of violence that appear to serve no clearly identifiable disciplinary purpose. Cocky Hahns kick is directed not at one who is simply marginalized but one, in Derek Gregorys Agambenian terminology, placed beyond the margins. 22 Indeed the kick is operative; it is an act of placing beyond.Alternative SolvencyState centric social science like politics focus on intelligibility, oppressing and controlling the populations, yet a historical analysis of politics can create counter information and counter cognitive imperialism as defined through spatial borders, and allowing for alternative modes of thought to influence the realm of politics.


Alternative Solvency

Examining the intricacies of a culture allows us to deconstruct borders and domination has no foothold.


Alternative Solvency The alternative is effective: modernity resistant cultures exist to challenge the universal discourse and historical view of culture and states.



The multiplicities of African modernity allow a transversal of power relations to a balance between the global and the local.



Alternative view specifically in the instance of language can produce substantial change to our current system of comparative politics.

Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Alternative Solvency

Different view points exist; there are multiple scenarios for resistance

Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Alternative SolvencyRethinking geography with a different mindset is good

Rajaram and Soguk 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar and Soguk, Nevzat. Introduction: Geography Reconceptualization of Politics. Academic Search Premier. 2006] The normative intent of this new form of politics energizing Another Geography is clearit shines a new light on the contours of the landscape of the political, revealing sites of social struggles obscured in dominant stories. In this case, specifically, it highlights the indigenous popular social and economic struggles that are at work, generating new spatial relations and contesting old ones in established interscalar orders of the state and global capitalism.18 A discrepant geography of indigenous words and worlds grow increasingly visible within dominant geographies, acquiring political force and legitimacy. While not superior to other words and worlds, indigenous expressions and experiences are uniquely enabling because they have seldom been heard and registered before in the dance of the words and the worlds. Their dance is enabled by and is further cultivating of geography with radical ontopolitical knowledge about the world. We use the word radical because, in Glissants words, this knowledge is not just a specific knowledge, appetite, suffering and delight of one particular people . . . but knowledge of the Whole, greater from having been at the abyss [erasure] and freeing knowledge of Relation within the Whole.19 The knowledge reveals the political from dramatically different places, thus to energize geographies of life hitherto held in thrall.20 What follows is an exhilaration born in the inexorable openness of what is called destiny. In the knowledge of the Relation within the Whole, we know ourselves as part and as crowd, in an unknown that does not terrify. It is a new geography.A New Alternative

AlternativeEmbrace Sub Saharan Africa as a Heterotopia. Fahy- Bryceson and Bank in 2k1 (Deborah& Leslie, End of an Era: Africas Development Policy Parallax Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 19,1, 2001, accessed 7/20/2007, )Post-modern liberalism is so far about vague calls for poverty alleviation and the continuation of the neo-liberal momentum that is now well entrenched in African economies. Clear policies and planning are largely precluded. It could be said that the age of heterotopia has gripped sub-Saharan Africa. Foucault (1980:xviii) defines heterotopia as the converse of utopia since they dissolve our myths and sterilise the lyricism of our sentences. And this has profound meaning for sub-Saharan Africa in a grotesquely uneven world economy: the plurality of difference is here to stay. Gone are the days of catching up, and the innocence of questing for the utopia of material improvement and modernisation. In short, post-modern liberalism marks the end of the promise of African development.

The Alt Solves hetrotopias embrace the inherent multiplicity of relationships preserves the groundwork for future imagination

Foucault in 86 (Michele, [Jay Miskowiec, trans.] Of Other Spaces Diacritics, Vol. 16, No. 1. (Spring), pp. 22-27, )

A2: Perm

The Perm is co-opted by the political system, only by separating world views can we reveal the violence that borders and the state have done.

Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. A2 Perm

Global level thinking that permeates into policy formation prevents solvency of harms. The state will reproduce because the text is still present. The text is final in the realm of global thinking.


A2 Perm

Perm doesnt solve Language is important, it allows for convergence of real impacts and rejects cognitive imperialism, still having a state center focus in terms of the current rhetoric prevents changing the way the debate is framed now, impacts still occur as populations are marginalized.


A2: Borders Stop WarsSome ev on the subject

Boaz Atzili, 2006 "Border Fixity: When Good Fences Make Bad Neighbors," Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. ]The argument that a norm that seeks to make the world a more peaceful place may instead cause it to become more conflict prone is both counterintuitive and theoretically new. In addition, given that the phenomenon of weak and failed states is widespread, the argument potentially has important empirical implications. In 2006 the Failed States Index listed twenty-eight countries as being in a state of "alert" and seventy-eight more as in a state of "warning" with regard to their prospects for becoming failed states. These include countries in Africa, the Middle East, Asia, the former Soviet Union, Latin America, and the Balkans.6 This article employs a single case studythe war in Congo, a country that was known as Zaire from 1971 to 1997 and since then as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)as a plausibility probe to determine the theory's validity and applicability.7 The conflict produced tremendous carnage: as many as 3.8 million dead and many more injured or displaced. Both phases ofthe war (199697 and 19982002) involved domestic militias, a massive foreign invasion, and shifting allianceswith Angola, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zimbabwe playing major roles. Even though the war has officially ended, peace remains elusive.

Infinite Crises

Or, the Disad to the AltA. The alternatives leftist agenda ultimately is unable to stand up to transnational capitalcorporations will run roughshod over areas with weak or no borders.

Laxer Prof of Poli Sci @ University of Alberta, in 2k1 (Gordon, The Movement That Dare Not Speak Its Name: The Return of Left Nationalism/Internationalis, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 03043754, Jan/Mar2001, Vol. 26, Issue 1 )

Neither left globalism nor left localism can mount effective resistance on its own or in combination. Citizen-based democracy requires the long-term mobilization of tens of millions, and this is unlikely at the level of six billion people. Most mass mobilizations remain national, subnational, or local. Even if we achieved Held's model of global governance through a strengthened United Nations and an international democratic assembly rather than through US domination, it would be by representatives even farther removed from the people than national governments. For more democratic global governance, David Held and Kevin Danaher advocate the use of global referenda, a formula the moneyed would surely use to manipulate the divided and unorganized.[sup26] Left globalists have yet to convincingly articulate how global citizens democracy would work.

On the other hand, local governments and local economies are too small to stand up to the massive blackmail power of the transnational and speculators. As Hobsbawm notes, "the most convenient world for multinational giants is one populated by dwarf states or no states at all."[sup27] It may be possible to achieve a partial move away from consumer culture, but it is farfetched to hope that in isolation from other strategies a myriad of local secessions will be so complete and widespread that they will break down world capitalism.[sup28] It is a pipe dream that ignores state capacity for repression or transformation.

B. The current crisis of capitalism has lead to violent reactions by those who hold it most dearthe Bush Administrations move to permanent war proves.

Robinson Department of Sociology @ University of California, in 2k5 ( William, Global Capitalism: The New Transnationalism and the Folly of Conventional Thinking, SCIENCE & SOCIETY Science & Society, Vol. 69, No. 3, July 2005, 316328, ) But there were others from within and outside of the bloc that called for more radical responses. Faced with the increasingly dim prospects of constructing a viable transnational hegemony, in the Gramscian sense of a stable system of consensual domination, the transnational bourgeoisie has not collapsed back into the nation state. Global elites have, instead, mustered up fragmented and at times incoherent responses involving heightened military coercion, the search for a postWashington Consensus, and acrimonious internal disputes. In the post-9/11 period the military dimension appears to exercise an overdetermining influence in the reconfiguration of global politics. The Bush regime militarized social and economic contradictions, launching a permanent war mobilization to try to stabilize the system through direct coercion. Is this evidence for a new U. S. bid for empire? We need to move beyond a conjunctural focus on the Bush regime to grasp the current moment and the U. S. role in it. The U. S. state is the point of condensation for pressures from dominant groups around the world to resolve problems of global capitalism and to secure the legitimacy of the system overall. In this sense,

interventionism and militarized globalization are less a campaign for U. S. hegemony than a contradictory political response to the crisis of global capitalism to economic stagnation, legitimationC. The current state of global capital is at a crossroadsour next actions determine the future. The counter alternative is to embrace a global anti-capitalist struggle.

Robinson Department of Sociology @ University of California, in 2k5 ( William, Global Capitalism: The New Transnationalism and the Folly of Conventional Thinking, SCIENCE & SOCIETY Science & Society, Vol. 69, No. 3, July 2005, 316328, ) It is clear we are living through a moment of chaos. The contradictions of global capitalism are indeed explosive. What solutions might there be to the crisis of the system and the perils that it represents for humanity, from never-ending wars, to mass immiseration and ecological holocaust? In broad strokes, I can think of three alternative futures: 1) a global reformism based on a global Keynesianism; 2) a global fascism based on a new war order; 3) a global anti-capitalist alternative, some sort of a democratic socialist project. The current global crisis signals the end of Act I and the opening scenes of Act II in the restructuring crisis of world capitalism that began in the early 1970s. This Act II may end in a reassertion of productive over financial capital in the global economy and a global redistributive project. Perhaps the more reformist (as opposed to radical) wing of the World Social Forum will ally with the more reformist (as opposed to conservative) wing of the World Economic Forum to push such a project. Or we could see the rise of a global fascism founded on military spending and wars to contain the downtrodden and unrepentant. Will there be a predatory degeneration of civilization if neither forces from above nor those from below are able to bring about a resolution of crises and conflicts? Are we already seeing this? The future is not predetermined and we are all its collective agents. As frightening as the current course of things may seem, we should also recall that the crisis opens up tremendous new possibilities for progressive change. It is at times of crisis rather than stability and equilibrium in a system that the power of collective agencies to influence history is enhanced. Link U.S. is a toolThe crises of capitalism has hindered the U.S. promotion of transnational capital, but not stopped it Robinson Department of Sociology @ University of California, in 2k5 ( William, Global Capitalism: The New Transnationalism and the Folly of Conventional Thinking, SCIENCE & SOCIETY Science & Society, Vol. 69, No. 3, July 2005, 316328, ) There is little disagreement among global elites, regardless of t heir formal nationality, that U. S. power should be rigorously applied (e.g., to impose IMF programs, to bomb the former Yugoslavia, for peacekeeping and humanitarian interventions, etc.) in order to sustain and defend global capitalism. Military intervention has become a major instrument for forcibly opening up new regions to global capital and sustaining a process of creative destruction. It is in the objective interests of the transnational corporations that drive the global economy. In this regard, U. S. imperialism refers to the use by transnational elites of the U. S. state apparatus to continue to attempt to expand, defend and stabilize the global capitalist system. The question is, in what ways, under what particular conditions, arrangements, and strategies, should U. S. state power be wielded? We are witness less to a U. S. imperialism per se than to a global capitalist imperialism. We face an empire of global capital headquartered, for evident historical reasons, in Washington. The U. S. state has attempted to play a leadership role on behalf of transnational capitalist interests. That it is increasingly unable to do so points not to heightened national rivalry but to the impossibility of the task at hand, given the crisis of global capitalism. The opposition of France, Germany and other countries to the Iraq invasion indicated sharp tactical and strategic differences over how to respond to crisis, shore up the system, and keep it expanding. That this is not about nationstate rivalry should be obvious from the fact that a good portion of the U. S. elite came out against the war not just Democrats but such Republican national security doyens as Brent Scowcroft and Lawrence Eagleberger.3Link Alt is Complacent

The alternative furthers the goals of transnational capital Laxer Prof of Poli Sci @ University of Alberta, in 2k1 (Gordon, The Movement That Dare Not Speak Its Name: The Return of Left Nationalism/Internationalis, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 03043754, Jan/Mar2001, Vol. 26, Issue 1 )

Corporate leaders and bankers were alarmed at the wave of activities that were deglobalizing the transnationals. They counterattacked, founding many New Right organizations, such as the Trilateral Commission, set up in 1973 by David Rockefeller, Zbigniew Brezinski, and other "eminent private citizens" drawn from transnationals, banking, government, academia, media, and conservative labor, to create ruling-class partnerships in North America, Western Europe, and Japan.[sup37] Trilateralists decried an "excess of democracy" in which "the democratic spirit is egalitarian, individualistic, populist and impatient with the distinctions of class and rank."[sup38] Nationalism was the other target. Rockefeller called for "a massive public relations campaign" to explain the necessity for the "withering of the nation-state" exactly the phrase used by David Held two decades later.[sup39] Peter Drucker wanted to "defang the nationalist monster." George Ball, former US undersecretary of state, declared the multinational corporation "ahead of, and in conflict with existing political organizations represented by the nation states."[sup40] Recent talk about the "borderless world," the "end of nations and nationalisms," and the "inevitability of globalization" shows the effects of these campaigns, even on the Left. Nor have attacks on national sovereignty subsided. In 1996, Lawrence Summers, US secretary of the treasury, disparaged all critics of Washington's "globalist economic policy" as "separatists.Implications Extensions

There are 3 crises within the current nature of capital

Robinson Department of Sociology @ University of California, in 2k5 ( William, Global Capitalism: The New Transnationalism and the Folly of Conventional Thinking, SCIENCE & SOCIETY Science & Society, Vol. 69, No. 3, July 2005, 316328, ) This crisis involves three interrelated dimensions. First is a crisis of social polarization. The system cannot meet the needs of a majority of humanity, or even assure minimal social reproduction. Second is a structural crisis of overaccumulation. The system cannot expand because the marginalization of a significant portion of humanity from direct productive participation, the downward pressure on wages and popular consumption worldwide, and the polarization of income have reduced the ability of the world market to absorb world output. This is the structural underpinning to the series of crises that began in Mexico in 1995 and then intensified with the Asian financial meltdown of 199798, and the world recession that began in 2001. The problem of surplus absorption makes state-driven military spending and the growth of militaryindustrial complexes an outlet for surplus and gives the current global order a frightening built-in war drive (more on this below). Third is a crisis of legitimacy and authority. The legitimacy of the system has increasingly been called into question by millions, perhaps even billions, of people around the world, and is facing an expanded counter-hegemonic challenge. At a certain point in the late 1990s popular resistance forces worldwide formed a critical mass, coalescing around an agenda for global social justice. A global peace and justice movement emerged from the womb of a rapidly expanding transnational civil society, representing, as The New York Times acknowledged, the worlds other superpower. In opening up the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, in early 2003, on the eve of the U. S. invasion of Iraq, Klaus Schwab sounded the alarm for the transnational elite. Never before in the 33 years of the Forum, he said, has the situation in the world been as fragile, as complex, and as dangerous as this year.Implication Extensions U.S. intervention is fuels transnational capitalism which in turn fuels militarism

Robinson Department of Sociology @ University of California, in 2k5 ( William, Global Capitalism: The New Transnationalism and the Folly of Conventional Thinking, SCIENCE & SOCIETY Science & Society, Vol. 69, No. 3, July 2005, 316328, ) More generally, the structural changes that have led to the transnationalization of national capitals, finances, and markets, and the actual outcomes of recent U. S.led political and military campaigns, suggest new forms of global capitalist domination, whereby intervention creates conditions favorable to the penetration of transnational capital and the renewed integration of the intervened region into the global system. U. S. intervention facilitates a shift in power from locally and regionally oriented elites to new groups more favorable to the transnational project. The result of U. S. military conquest is not the creation of exclusive zones for U. S. exploitation, as was the result of the Spanish conquest of Latin America, the British of South Africa and India, the Dutch of Indonesia, and so forth, in earlier moments of the world capitalist system. We see not a reenactment of this old imperialism but the colonization and recolonization of the vanquished for the new global capitalism and its agents. The underlying class relation between the TCC and the U. S. national state needs to be understood in these terms. For evident historical reasons, the U. S. military apparatus is the ministry of war in the cabinet of an organically integrated yet politically divided global ruling bloc. This is a ministry with a lot of autonomous powers. Militaries typically acquire tremendous autonomous powers in times of escalating wars and conflict, especially in undemocratic systems such as the global capitalist system.Borders Good Borders help to constrain, so that areas of legal, conflict, and trade can be accessed.

Starr, 2006 [Harvey Starr .Harvey Starr is the Dag Hammarskjold Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of Political Science at the University of South Carolina International Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care. SAIS Review vol. XXVI no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2006) Pg online Project Muse. Borders matter. Even in todays post-Cold War world of growing democracy, interdependence, and globalization, borders still serve a wide variety of functions across the areas of security, economics, politics, and social interactions. Despite contemporary challenges to sovereignty, borders still delineate areas of legal competence. Borders encompass the territoriality necessary to the concept of the state. They provide a key element in the structure of the global systemmapping the number and arrangement of the territorial units upon which all humans live. Thus, borders are central to a spatial approach to international politics, by setting out the location and arrangement of states, and their distances from one another. Borders both facilitate and constrain human interaction in conflict and trade, in war and in peace.

Borders help to remain control of what political you have control to and ward off external influence such as Western intervention. NO impact to Western imperialism

Starr, 2006 [Harvey Starr .Harvey Starr is the Dag Hammarskjold Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of Political Science at the University of South Carolina International Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care. SAIS Review vol. XXVI no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2006) Pg online Project Muse. International law and legal matters have never been key concerns of realism. However, territoriality is a central component of state security and is fundamental to the (more or less deterministic) geopolitical setting that also affects the security of states. The establishment of legal boundaries provided the nation-states that emerged in the Westphalian system the territoriality dimension that had been lacking in the previous system of feudal organization. The Treaty of Westphalia, signed in 1648, gave the ultimate political authority to the prince of a given territorial unit, rather than to the Pope or the Holy Roman Emperor. This legal condition of sovereignty gave the princes government complete control over the territory and people on that territory, and established that no external authority had the legal right to dictate the behavior of the state or its peoples. The states boundaries determined the crucial legal distinction between what was internal (or domestic) and external (or the realm of foreign relations). One primary function of borders, therefore, was to define and delineate the boundaries of statesto describe the areas of legal jurisdiction and to indicate where states had rights and responsibilities.

Borders Good Borders allow concrete defenses again security. Real impacts happen without the conceptualization that the K cant answer.

Starr, 2006 [Harvey Starr .Harvey Starr is the Dag Hammarskjold Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of Political Science at the University of South Carolina International Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care. SAIS Review vol. XXVI no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2006) Pg online Project Muse.

Liberal and pluralist challenges to realist theory have developed various models over the past 50 yearsmodels of integration, international interaction, and economic interdependence. Paired with the current attention to globalization, these models question the existence or utility of sovereignty, territoriality, and significant borders in this highly interdependent, globalized world. Yet, as noted, borders continue to play an important legal role in world politics. Given the democratic peace theory, which observes that pairs of democracies have not fought wars against each other, borders have far less to do with conflict or militarized conflict than legal issues. Indeed, for neighboring democracies, debates about borders revolve around issues of legal jurisdiction regarding commerce, the movement of people or ideas, and other ideas. That said, borders are intimately related to the security of states, which is the primary concern of realism. John Herz,3 for example, argued that humans choose their form of self-organization based on how well it will protect them. The sovereign territorial state provided a hard shell against would-be aggressors, thus making the state the dominant form of organization. The chief thesis of Herzs 1957 article was that for centuries the characteristics of the basic political unit, the nation-state, had been its territoriality, that is, its being identified with an area which, surrounded by a wall of defensibility, was relatively impermeable to outside penetration and thus capable of satisfying one fundamental urge of humansprotection.

Real boundaries help to combat conflict, the idea of critical geography comes after the real world threat of war.


We must also keep in mind Bouldings concept of a critical boundary, which captures the defensive aspects of a border, but at the same time moves away from the legal character of a border:

The legal boundary of a nation, however, is not always its most significant boundary. We need to develop a concept of a critical boundary, which may be the same as the legal boundary but which may lie either inside it or outside it... The penetration of an alien organization inside this critical boundary will produce grave disorganization... War, therefore is only useful as a defense of the national organism if it is carried on outside the critical boundary (emphasis in original)

Borders Good Borders help to manage conflict.

Starr, 2006 [Harvey Starr .Harvey Starr is the Dag Hammarskjold Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of Political Science at the University of South Carolina International Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care. SAIS Review vol. XXVI no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2006) Pg online Project Muse. Students of international relations have been concerned with distance for two broad reasons, the concepts of opportunity and willingness.12 States (or any other social units) that are close to each other are better able to interacthave the possibility or opportunity of interacting with one another. This is the interaction opportunity argument or approach, deriving directly from the work of the Sprouts on environmental possibilism.

One key aspect of borders is that they affect the interaction opportunities of states, constraining or expanding the possibilities of interaction that are available to them. States that share borders will tend to have a greater ease of interaction with one another, and thus will tend to have greater numbers of interactions. The number of other countries with which any single state has interaction opportunities might measure such opportunity. The degree to which such opportunity exists between any particular pair of states is another measurement option. For example, James Wesley argues that the length of a common border between two countries is a better measure of geographic opportunity than simply the number of borders.13

In addition, states that are close to each other are perceived as important or salient to each other, for a variety of reasons. Greater perceptions of threat, gain, and interdependence are ways in which proximity can generate salience. These perceptions affect the willingness to interact and to manage subsequent conflicts. Any combination of the opportunity and willingness generated by proximity makes states that are close to one another relevant to one another. Students of international relations have structured research designs to include only relevant dyadspairs of states that are able to interact with one another, are highly likely to interact with one another, and/or perceive important stakes involved in that interaction.Borders allow for a better examination of cultures and social groups.

Mantovani, 00,[Guiseppe Mantovani, Exploring Borders: Understanding culture and psychology, Routledge London and Philedelphia, 2001, pg.78, CDI 07, MS.]

Perm Solvency

Perm solves at the very least we must include scenarios predicated on time, real scenarios of war must be considered with the K


As I have argued in earlier work, analysts of international politics cannot ignore the spatial dimension of human relations. For analysts, and policymakers, the temporal dimensiontimedominates analytic frameworks. But focusing on time only tells half of the story. All human phenomena exist simultaneously at some point in space and time. The spatial dimension must be included, and we must find better ways to integrate the temporal and the spatial. While not the only element of spatiality, borders continue to be a significant factor in the spatial analysis of human relations. It is hoped that this article, and this issue of the SAIS Review will encourage scholarly and policy interest in borders and promote continued research in this important area.Djibouti City: Bringing Sexy Backhttp://summerdebate.cord.edu

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