Sites of ruined structures and abandoned buildings can be places of curiosity and fascination. On first view, intriguing are the visual transformation of these places from inhabited buildings dominating the landscape to being empty of regular human presence, and the shift of power with landscape resuming control of the space. The changing nature of these ruined and abandoned spaces is of interest to me. I am inquisitive about the physical transformation of the sites and also the narratives and interpretations of stories that run through them. I am particularly interested in the notion of how nostalgia is viewed in ruined landscapes. This is the question I will be contemplating in the following paper by investigating two sites in Langanes peninsula in the north east of Iceland (see figure 1). This analysis of nostalgic narratives in relation to abandoned sites forms part of a larger Fine Arts Masters course. The theoretical knowledge gained from my investigation will combine with previous architectural experience and studies in art to form a basis to my thesis.

Figure 1: Langanes peninsula in north east Iceland (Image: Google Maps)

My earlier interest in this topic and related matters from architectural studies was reestablished when I visited the remote peninsula in Iceland in July and August 2009. The area included: remains of a previous settlement called Sklar, evidence of British and American occupation of the area in World War II and an abandoned NATO-built, American occupied radar station on Mount Heiarfjall. The Icelanders seem to have varying views on how the sites form a part of the cultural landscape. One view seems oriented to the nostalgic interpretation of the two places. This relationship intrigued me and now forms the basis of this paper: how does a nostalgic narrative exist in these previously occupied and now ruined sites? I begin my analysis by examining the theoretical considerations to the conceptual framework of nostalgia in regards to: place and embodiment, memory, use and appreciation of sites and empathetic interpretations of landscape. I then provide some contextual information on the history, people and area of the island, and continue the investigation by returning to the idea of nostalgia in the landscape by reading the two sites on Langanes peninsula: Sklar and the Cold War radar station. Application of the themes explored in the conceptual framework will be related back to sites. Consideration is also given to how the sites are viewed and to the implied relationships that exist between the area and people. I am aware of my position in relation to reading and understanding Sklar and the radar station. My embodiment in the places is framed around the gaze of a traveller, a tourist an outsider. This investigation will be analysed in regards to my external position, as well as that of the insiders perception among the Icelandic. Through examining these cultural marks found on the topographical surface of the sites, I aim to consider how spatial arrangements, colours, forms and textures weave narratives and create a sense of nostalgia.

The word nostalgia is derived from the following, articulated by Watson (2006, p. 49)Originally coined by the Swiss physician Johannes Hofer to describe the symptoms of homesickness experienced by Swiss mercenaries fighting far away from home, comes from the Greek nostos, to return home, and algia meaning painful condition hence the idea of painful yearning to return home.

This original idea of nostalgia in which the main sentiment is a longing for home, parallels the term home-sickness. According to Steinwand (1997), this relationship between a person, place and homely memory, forms from the need to feel wholeness and belonging ... the homeward pain of nostalgia presupposes that ones present place is somehow not

home enough (Watson 2006, p. 49). Another development of the meaning of nostalgia is described be Meerloo as memory with the pain removed (Watson 2006, p. 49). This notion is perhaps closer to the meaning of the word on which I base my investigation of nostalgic narratives in the landscape. Another point to consider is the relationship between nostalgia and place. This process can be formed by a connection with a place through personal embodiment, creating memories of that experience that may form the basis of nostalgia. Tamanoi (2009, p. 160) contemplates:In Remembering, Edward Casey (1987) states that while memory is of the past, it involves something more than the purely temporal in its own make up. This something more according to Casey, is a bodily basis of memory, in which a person who remembers does not have just a point of view but also a place in which he or she was situated. Casey asks, How can place, plain old place, be so powerful in matters of memory? In what does the power of place for memory consist?

The answers to Caseys questions are speculative and perhaps subjective, although the power of place in framing memories, connections and identities is a topic that seems to be widely analysed. In Crangs analysis of the theorist Michel de Certeau, he describes memory and nostalgia coming from embodiment of place. De Certeau relates to the process of walking through sites and the creation of the haunted geographies. He describes the way a place is formed and read as being determined by the attached subjective narrative: Spatial transformation is mediated via memory (Crang & Thrift 2000, p. 150). Gren states that people view their bodies situated in relation to their own specific and particular embodied positions in timespace (Thrift & May 2001, p. 204). Bachelard (Bachelard & Jolas 1994) and Malpas, also muse over these ideas of place defined by space, bodily connection and memory. Malpas (1999, pp. 179-80) also adds another layer with the concept of time:The way in which the having the of a sense of the past, and the narratives that go with it, are tied to a sense of place, and to identifiable localities...and so narrativity and memory, with embodied, spatialised activity, it is hard to see how matters could be otherwise.

This sense of the past Malpas refers to, relates to the recognition of places, which in turn can form a nostalgic feeling for a location. Parkes and Thrift (1980, p. 390) argue that reflections on the past are created when an active distinction between use and appreciation can be made. This transition comes from distance and time. Parkes and

Thrift (1980, p. 390) again: Before this time people are too busy surviving to have a surplus of free time and other resources to devote for preservation... they do not perceive the built environment as necessarily having properties which are worth preserving, expect insofar as they relate to use. This change from a place of use to one which is decidedly worth recognising can come about through peoples attitudes. The transition of structures changing from use into appreciation can be recognised in two ways. The modes of preserving and recognition what is worth remembering (Parkes and Thrift 1980, p. 390) are key factors to the basis of forming nostalgic narratives in the landscape. How these factors are applied and whether or not there is any intrinsic value in a site is based on subjective cultural and political decisions. How the sites at Langanes peninsula are seen in terms of their use and appreciation is a point which will be returned to. Use and appreciation combine with embodiment, place and memories in the creation of a nostalgic narrative in a landscape. Another consideration in0 the interpretation of nostalgia is feelings developed through self participation in a space and moment of time, compared with emotions made through second-hand information of that experience. Can one really have a nostalgic attachment to a site when they have no embodied connection to that moment? This engagement could be seen as an empathetic reaction based on a constructed idea of a moment from photographs, stories, objects, etcetera. This analysis of the way in which nostalgia is viewed in sites of Sklar and the radar station are understood through bodily experiences of nostalgic narratives and those based on an empathetic approach.

My interested in the ruined structures on Langanes peninsula and the way in which nostalgia can be interpreted, comes largely from the historical and political context of the area. The peninsula is a rocky and isolated goose head-shaped, piece of land that is bounded by the North Atlantic Ocean (see figure 2). Transportation and communication to the area has often been difficult due to the lack of infrastructure (Great Britain. Naval Intelligence Division. & Hawkes 1942, p.83). More recently technological advancements have improved communication to the area, but roads are still poorly constructed and routed, local transportation is scarce and facilities and larger population centres are some distance away. These conditions may add to the lack of population in the area at present. Sklar, one of the sites analysed in this paper, was the only village in the area, which was established on the coast in the 1600s and grew to a population of 117 people in the 1900s (Travel Guide - Langanes, accessed 16th May 2010 at 16.25).

Figure 2: The location of the two sites analysed: Sklar and the radar station at Mount Heiarfjall

My interest in attempting to establish nostalgic narratives in the area have developed from the changes to the landscape as a result of World War II and the Cold War. At the beginning of World War II, Denmark then governing Iceland, was under occupation by the German military. This occupation resulted in British soldiers being stationed in Iceland, something that Icelandic people were reluctant about (Karlsson 2000, p. 313). The adverse feelings of the Icelanders grew as Americans soldiers, whom had not official entered into the war at that stage, replaced the British military (Nordal & Kristinsson 1967, p. 53). In 1944, Iceland gained independence from Denmark and in 1949 was invited to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), an invitation the national government at first declined. Pressure was then applied by other Scandinavian countries for Iceland to join to ensure security and stability in the region. Iceland agreed to join on the basis that there would be no occupation of the country in peacetime. This condition was agreed to and then broken (Cornwallis & Swaney 2001, p. 53). The dominance of America in the region continued through the 1950s and 1960s with the occupation of bases in Iceland (Karlsson 2000, pp. 336-339). Karlsson (2000, p. 336) comments on this situation: the Americans ... found extreme difficulty in understanding what objections the Icelanders could have about their presence. And in a report from the Great Britain Navel Intelligence Division on Iceland (1942, p. 210), the reaction of the Icelanders to the

soldiers was described as not being welcomed by them. It was also noted that the people of Iceland do however accept the situation and offer little resentment and show goodwill towards the soldiers (Great Britain. Naval Intelligence Division. & Hawkes 1942, p. 210) The area of Langanes peninsula was used as a base to monitor other countries in moments of conflict and in turn endangering the lives of the people in the area. The peninsula was occupied by briefly by British soldiers whom lived in tents in Sklar. In 1942 American troops cemented their presence with the construction of a base, Camp Greely, to house forty-six soldiers (Johannesdottir 2009, pp. 17-19). Langanes peninsula was of strategic significances in monitoring military attacks across the North Atlantic Ocean from German occupied Norway and later, in the Cold War, Russia (Krause 2010). The presence of the soldiers were firstly welcomed in the peninsula, which saw a rise of a more vibrant social and community life in this isolated place (Johannesdottir 2009, p. 17). Over time the presence of the base placed strain on the community through the dangers of their weaponry and impact on the land. This played a factor in the village becoming abandoned in the 1950s (Johannesdottir 2009, p. 4). The other site analysed in this paper is Mount Heiarfjall, south-west of Sklar, in which a radar station was built to monitor Russian activity. The station was run by NATO and occupied by American soldiers from 1954 to 1968 (Travel Guide - Langanes, accessed 16th May at 16.25).

The remains of village of Sklar are situated on windblown and wave-thrashed piece of the coast. The approaching gravel road flows down towards the sea and ends on the perimeter of the coast to where the row of houses and other buildings once stood (see figure 3). Behind the row there is a slight hill and pond area, where the World War II American base, Camp Greely, (see figures 4 and 5) was constructed. The landscape of the site is affected by the climatic conditions of the area. The terrain is treeless, rocky and patched with marshy grass forming a harsh, but grounding surface. The spread of the ocean is at the forefront of the villages outline. Water is a dominating presence that once brought the livelihood of fish for the residences and later fear, through the sea mines unexpectedly returning to shore.

Figure 3: The built environment of Sklar around 1940 (Image: The National Museum Collection of Photographs and Prints)

Figure 4: The American base Camp Greely around 1943 (The National Archives and Records Administration, NARA)

Figure 5: Inside Camp Greely (The National Archives and Records Administration, NARA)

There are only traces of mostly low-lying brick outlines of the buildings and the American base; suggestions of the constructed landscape of the site (see figure 6, 7 and 8). The solid concrete presence of the pier is relatively intact and is a focal point in the landscape (see figure 8). To the side of the pier is the remainder of the freezing plant stone walls, a few timber beams and scatterings of turf roof are still standing. There are a few more ruined buildings beyond the freezing plant that consists of the core structure of the walls and clear outlines for the window and door openings and a patch of turf roof (see figures 10 and 11). Other than these handfuls of structures, the rest of the village and the remains of the World War II base are mere suggestions of what were once there. I was surprised by the small amount of remains of the buildings, since the area had only been abandon for 50 years. The American base on the perimeter on the village was a mere sketched footprint in the earth (most likely due the temporary and transient nature of use). The buildings of Sklar, which were solidly constructed and fully finished structures, have been reduced to mostly stony outlines. It seems a relatively small amount of time in which the breakdown of the built environment and the reclaiming of the natural surroundings have occurred. Climatic conditions in the peninsula are cold and stormy; this may have quickened the breaking-down period; and perhaps some of the building materials have been removed and reuse elsewhere. Either way, what is now left of Sklar is minimal in comparison to the expanse of the landscape or the time period passed. Perhaps the quick disappearance of the buildings somewhat emphasises the quiet, unamusing and isolated story of village.

Figure 6: Part of the built remains of Sklar

Figure 7: Outline of one of the ruined buildings of Sklar

Figure 8: Ruined step detail in Sklar

Figure 9: The concrete pier on the edge of Sklar

Figure 10: Remains of buildings at Sklar

Figure 11: Interior of a building remains with detail of window and turf roof

Twelve kilometres away on the top of Mount Heiarfjall, some remains of the second site, the radar station, are more physically intact. A rough road to the site was laid down with the construction of the station and is still the main vehicle access to the area. The top of the mountain only reaches 226 metres above sea level but still provides clear views on either side of the peninsula. The site: grassy tussocks, windblown, wet and again treeless, is dominated by a large steel framed and cladded building (see figure 12), cluttered with varying materials (see figure 13), but still solid in form. Surrounding this centrepiece are many concrete and steel block and other forms that seem to be structural devices in securing the radar dishes (see figures 14 and 15). The bits of steel are rusting away, while concrete cancer1 slowly grows in the blocks (see figure 16). The moist air and salty winds are slowly eating away at the surface of the built forms and objects (see figures 17 and 18). The structural bases may be the only remains of the radar dishes, for again the equipment is expensive and was most likely removed from the site when the soldiers left. This may have also been the case with the building materials of the soldiers accommodation. Prefabricated designs may have been used for easier transportation and construction methods (see figure 19). This structural method adds to the temporal nature of the visitors and their relationship to the area.

Figure 12: Prominent building remains on Mount Heiarfjall

1

A time-based reaction from water getting into the concrete and rusting with the steel formwork.

Figure 13: The interior of the steel building remains on Mount Heiarfjall

Figure 14: The radar dishes at Mount Heiarfjall in 1961 (Image from Langanesingasaga, by Fridrick G Olgeirsson)

Figure 15: Possibly steel fixing point of the radar dishs base

Figure 16: Possibly steel and concrete fixing point for a radar dish

Figure 17: The deterioration of objects on amongst the mist of Mount Heiarfjall

Figure 18: The deterioration of a timber structure on Mount Heiarfjall

Figure 19: The radar station at Mount Heiarfjall in 1958 showing the possible prefabricated buildings (Image from Langanesingasaga, by Fridrick G Olgeirsson)

The barrenness of the landscape and dramatic climatic conditions seemingly adds to the feelings of isolation and vulnerability of the sites. My own sense of curiosity was heightened from experiencing the physical presence of the environment, the built remains and political history of the area. My impressions of the sites were added to when looking at photographs of the area from the 1880s through to the 1960s. One image in particular connected with me. That of a group of women perhaps in their twenties and thirties styled in the fashions of the time, giggling with an atmosphere of secrets and stories (see figure 20). I had a sense of relating to the group of women in the photography, formed through an understanding to being in a moment like that, combined with the embodiment of myself in the sites. My connection and personal creation of stories of the area could be interpreted as feelings of empathy towards the landscape and people, rather than nostalgia. My emotions were formed through second-hand information and objects of that experience. Stewart (1984, p. xii) refers to this type of constructed relationship as, objectification of nostalgia,2 with the connection to the photographs being shaped through the transformation of time and distance in relation to the self. Therefore, the proximity from the real, through the image and to the person becomes closer, more personal and more emotional.Stewart (1984, p. 138) states that photographs are reductions in space and scale, resulting in the images themselves becoming objects of nostalgia.2

Figure 20: A group of women in the peninsula in 1955 (Image from Langanesingasaga, by Fridrick G Olgeirsson)

I had not directly experienced the war, or had resided in the village; my ideas of the sites were constructed memories, rather than a real embodied relationship. The missing ingredient for me to feel nostalgic, rather than empathetic, towards the area, is the factors of time and space. Crang (Thrift & May 2001, p. 204) ponders this connection of memory (and emotions) shaped through time and space. His argument is based on an idea by Bergson of circuits of memory that intertwine, distorting and extending the memory and indeed the form of place that it represents. In this case the memory flows from imagination, more than bodily experience. This relationship is also noted by Bachelard (Bachelard & Jolas 1994, p. 5): ...memory and imagination remain associated, each one working for their mutual deepening. As well as again referencing Tamanois previously mentioned point on Caseys ideas of memory and power of place. A nostalgic narrative needs to be created through (the previously discussed ideas of Malpas) oneself relationship to embodiment, place and time. If my own (and perhaps others) reaction to the sites are based around empathetic responses, it returns to the question of how a true sense of nostalgia is experience in the peninsula sites. The way in which a nostalgic narrative is expressed from those people directly connected to the area through experiences in those periods of time, seems to differ in each of the sites. Sklar appears to be at the transitional point where the

memories change from use to appreciation. The change may have come about through the trend of Icelanders moving away from the farming and rural areas to urban area, for lack of money and the hardships of the land. There could be feelings of admiration and recognition for the community of Sklar for the way in which they lived in the isolated area and the troubles they were faced with under occupation. These views of the old days are often a romantic notion, but can form the base of nostalgia. The indication that the site of the village has entered the realm of appreciation comes from the recent interest Icelandic people have had in promoting the historic significants of the area. In 2009 a small publication on the village was produce to coincide with interpretation panel to be placed on the site, both which is in English and Icelandic, for local people and tourists. This brings me to speculation on the use to appreciation concept, in which a further layer the return to the use of places could be added. The previously mentioned notion of a community attitude towards a place going from: using an area, to no longer requiring a need for the place and the consequence recognition of a site. This transformation of a site through distance and time can have a third transition. The new found appreciation can spur on activities and financial gaining exercises, which bring a use back to a place. The changes of a place can go from use to appreciation to use for appreciation. Sklar seems to be at the cusp of this further layer with tourism opportunities. The newly made publication and panels (see figures 21 and 22) match the new washroom facilities (see figure 23) and emergency hut (see figure 24), which have been built at the ruined village to provide a rest and safety stop for the advertised walks and outdoor activities. Accommodation in the area a youth hostel of the farm Ytra Ln is extending the facilities and already offers trips by car and horse to the area, as well as housing historical information and artworks on Sklar for the guests (Blekkenhorst 2009). The nostalgic narrative for this site is growing from appreciation to use for financial gain through recognition.

Figure 21: One of the new historic interpretation panels at Sklar

Figure 22: A numbered panel as part of the historic interpretation self walk of Sklar

Figure 23: The emergency hut at Sklar

Figure 24: The new and designed washroom facilities Sklar

In the case of the radar station, the stage of use has passed, but the recognition of the site does not seem to have happened. This may be framed by analysing the two emotional terms toward landscape. This first being topophilia, coined by Auden to describe, pleasurable landscape experiences (Gold 1980, p. 118). The second is the description of a persons feelings of pain, fear, and distress towards a landscape noted as topophobic (Gold 1980, p. 118). Icelanders may still feel a sense of topophobia towards the site, because of the reminder of the unwanted occupation. Perhaps there is a forced sense of not wanting to remember or appreciate the site for these reasons. In the short film Misty Mountain, the director and writer Axelsson (2006) portrays a timetravel drama, in which an American soldier who worked on the radar station at Mount Heiarfjall (coined Misty Mountain by the Americans soldiers, for the mist from the North Atlantic Ocean that continuously hovers around the area), travels through time to the station some 40 or so years later. The film shows the protagonist returning by car to Langanes peninsula, socialising with local people of the area, trying to find out what happened to the women he was in love with during his stay there in the 1960s. The people residing in the area are reserved, and sometimes dismissive, about sharing information and acknowledging the ruined radar station site. Their relationship towards the area seems to be one of not wanting to confront past memories, so applying tactics of ignoring. However, the American soldiers attitude towards the site is one of nostalgia for youth, love and adventures. This film is a fictional tale but may be based on the real experiences and emotions of the Icelandic people towards the occupational use of their land. Axelsson may be making a suggestive remark about the feelings and approach of the Icelandic people to events of World War II and the Cold War. An example of this may be the portrayal of the unresponsive attitude from the local people towards the returning solider and his desire for information about the site. Some other examples of the Icelanders expressions of these feeling are recounted in novels. In the book Endurkoma (Return), by Svava Jakobsdotttir the protagonist has an American step-father, in which her mother met when he was deployed to Iceland in World War II. After living in America, she returns to Iceland where memories of school days and torments of having an American step-father haunt her 3 (Dagsdttir 2009). Halldr Laxness (1961) also bases his book Atmstin (Atom Station) on the feelings of Icelandic people under the American occupation. The story is set in the 1950s and revolves around a girl from the country working as a nanny and maid in Reykjavk. Her tale recounts the negative emotions of the people in Reykjavk towards

A similar scenario to the children born to Japanese women whom had partnered deployed soldiers in World War II in Japan and were coined Japanese war brides.3

the government, who are planning to sell parts of Iceland to America and make Iceland into an Atom Station. This book is published in 1948 and directly expressed Laxness distain for the happenings in his country at the time. There can be an understanding on why Icelandic people may feel this way towards sites of previous occupation. In an article by Richard Wolfel (2008, p. 74) he discusses the manner in which buildings in Munich that have references to Nazi activity are ignore as a way of dealing with the memories attached to the sites. Wolfel (2008, p. 74) explains the Munich example of geopolitics of nostalgia with, the discourse on German nationalism seeks to disavow the Nazi era by rebuilding the city to look as it did prior to the Nazi era and therefore not acknowledging the memories associated with certain sites. This approach is similar to one that the Icelandic people may take towards the radar station. The Icelanders are not yet trying to remove all traces of the station in a physical sense, but perhaps have done through the removal of their memories attached to the site. The Icelandic peoples pessimistic feelings and the added danger placed on them through the occupation of their country can be rightly justified. Although one could also examine some of the advantages that happened in Iceland because of the American deployment. Some gains include, a rise in employment due to the construction of military facilities and other related jobs (Karlsson 2000, p. 338), as well as a general improvement in the standard of living (Nordal & Kristinsson 1967p. 53). Icelands political position in the world through the joining of international organisations such as the United Nations and NATO could be seen as security and investment (Nordal & Kristinsson 1967, p. 55). Cultural and social opportunities for the Icelanders also seemingly improved. The increased standards of living encouraged under the American occupation in the 1940s had (after some initial problems in the 1950s) grown in strength (Karlsson 2000, p. 334). Until the recent effects of the 2008 global financial crises in Iceland, I recall reading, that living standard of Icelandic people were the ranked fifth highest in the world in the late 1990s. Taking this into consideration, the Icelanders attitudes towards sites of occupation maybe seen in a different light and realising some of the positives brought to the country. Perhaps this is why the change from use to appreciation is beginning with the production of the pamphlets and panels on Sklar. There could also be a sense of nostalgia towards the sites for the times when there were more people living in the area and there was an enhanced vibrant atmosphere. The time of occupation did increase the numbers of people and the social occasions on the peninsula (Blekkenhorst 2009). And, as can be seen in the Misty Mountain film, these interactions were personal and subjective and can quite easily create a nostalgic narrative towards the sites.

I would like to finish with discussion around the following quote from Allon (2000, p. 284) whom describes the idea of nostalgia as an important step of revaluating, learning and progression:Nostalgia is not, therefore, simply a regressive looking backwards; it is rather a vector of movement, a way of moving forward, into the future-past. Revival of the past through expression of lost and yearning are perhaps, then, not merely instances of a conservative nostalgia intent on recuperating an imaginary, illusory past. They also enable critique of the very forces which have produced the conditions of loss in the first palace. Nostalgia has the potential to be reclaimed as a positive site of un-forgetting, and of negotiating the future ahead.

The sentiment of Allons makes for interesting comparison to a phrase mentioned by Matthew Johnson (2007, p. 172) and Amos Oz (Zur Glozman 2010) whom argue, that the past cannot ever be returned, which perhaps devalues the point of nostalgic viewing. The past cannot be physically returned to, but ones subjective connection the place which they have created through memories and embodiment, can seemingly override the factor of time. Indirectly the past can be return to and perhaps at times should be encouraged to do so in order for the understanding and growth as described by Allon. This described need for nostalgic reflection is an approach that the Icelanders seem to be taking with their attitude towards the ruins of Sklar and the new found appreciation and use for the site. The nostalgic narrative in that landscape is perhaps one of pride, identity and focus for the future, through positive memories and re-learning from past times. The site of the radar station does not seem to be in a stage of reflection for the Icelanders at present. The lack of any formal acknowledgments or personal involvement in the site can be seen as putting aside, rather than longing. There may not be a direct form of recognition of the station, but perhaps the once level of anger towards the area has diminished and changes of use and appreciation may happen. The nostalgic narrative in the landscape of Mount Heiarfjall at present seems to come more from people outside of Iceland, whom perhaps have constructed happier memories of that time, or have taken on an empathetic position of nostalgia towards the area.

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